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FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : TRANSFORMATION OF THE SOVIET COUNTRYSIDE : THE END OF A PEASANT SOCIETY AUTHOR : Cynthia S . Kaplan University of Chicag o CONTRACTOR : University of Chicag o PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Cynthia Kapla n COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 88-1 6 DATE : May 198 8 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided b y the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th e analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o f the author .

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Page 1: Transformation of the Soviet Countryside: The End of … of the Soviet countryside means not only the end of ... were unlikely to develop ... the more the desire for cultural opportunities

FINAL REPORT TONATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H

TITLE : TRANSFORMATION OF THE SOVIET COUNTRYSIDE :THE END OF A PEASANT SOCIETY

AUTHOR : Cynthia S . KaplanUniversity of Chicago

CONTRACTOR : University of Chicago

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Cynthia Kaplan

COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 88-1 6

DATE : May 1988

The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided bythe National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th eanalysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o fthe author .

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Executive Summary

The Transformation of the Soviet Countrysid eThe End of a Peasant Society

Cynthia S . Kaplan

The pervasive influence of rural society in the Soviet Unio n

has created an anomaly--an industrial state whose citizens '

attitudes reflect a more traditional agrarian era . Th e

predominance of such social values is now declining as a result o f

Soviet economic and social policies of the last twenty years . The

transformation of the Soviet countryside means not only the end o f

a peasant society in rural areas, but also heralds the end of tha t

society as it was transplanted to the city by rural migrants wh o

comprise the majority of urban residents .

As Soviet society develops, the attitudes and desires of it s

citizens are changing as well as their ability to articulate them .

Soviet citizens are discovering a new, broader frame of referenc e

by which to assess their social and economic needs . The end of a

peasant society means the emergence of Soviet citizens as mor e

active participants and claimants on the political system .

Political leaders who seek increased labor productivity throug h

material incentives can ill afford to ignore or simply repres s

such rising expectations .

In the past, rural discontent was not publicly articulated .

This apathy was associated with conditions of poverty . For thos e

rural residents who were discontented or ambitious, particularl y

the young, migration to cities served as the major means of upwar d

mobility in a countryside lacking in opportunity . This pattern is

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a common feature of peasant societies . As a result of migration ,

those least contented and perhaps most able to voic e

d issatisfaction became city dwellers . Such migrants, influence d

by the rural poverty which they had left, were unlikely to develo p

3ising expectations in their new urban environment . Thei r

presence in cities was likely to suppress increasing demand s

frequently associated with an urban, industrial work force .

Recent social change in the countryside and cities has begu n

to alter this scenario . The effects of economic and socia l

development in the countryside, the changing demographic structur e

of the Soviet population, and the decreasing opportunities fo r

upward mobility in urban areas contribute to a new set o f

attitudes among Soviet-citizens . These attitudinal changes shap e

the options which Soviet leaders confront as they seek to affec t

citizen behavior . Soviet citizens can no longer be acted upon b y

the party and state with impunity . The Soviet Union i s

approaching a point at which its citizens must either b e

incorporated or coopted by the political system .

This study analyzes the consequences of post-1965 economi c

and social policies by examining the Soviet population's well -

being or sense of satisfaction in an attempt to connect objectiv e

indicators with social attitudes . How residents evaluat e

objective changes that affect their lives provides both a n

important reflection of changing attitudes and, indirectly, a n

indication of levels of satisfaction .

Due to development of sociolog ical surveys in the USSR

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Western scholars are now able to at least partially assess change s

in the attitudes found among Soviet citizens . While relativel y

rudimentary work appeared at the beginning of the 1960s, by th e

1970s the sociological centers in Novosibirsk, Moscow, and Talli n

were regularly surveying the attitudes of Soviet youth, potentia l

and actual rural migrants, and expanding upon the tradition o f

time budget studies by seeking to understand people's desires fo r

different types of leisure activities .

By the 1980s, th e

accumulated body of survey work allows for longitudinal and cross -

sectional analysis . This extraordinarily rich and varied sourc e

of information contained in published monographs, often under th e

imprint of individual institutes under the Academy of Science s

printed in limited numbers, and dissertations can now be utilize d

allowing Western social scientists to explore the subjective worl d

of Soviet citizens for the first time .

The linkage between economic change, social status, an d

attitudes provides a key to understanding the politica l

consequences of development in the Soviet Union . The mos t

important factors found to account for a general sense of well -

being in US research were housing, jobs, family life ,

neighborhoods, spare-time activities, and national government .

Among youth, the evaluation of jobs was most highly correlate d

with their degree of satisfaction . The single most importan t

condition associated with well-being is the nature of the socia l

structure .

These relationships are all explored in the Sovie t

context .

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The job and social structure of the Soviet countryside ha s

changed since the introduction of the post-1965 policies .

According to national data, educational levels, skills, income ,

and the standard of living have all improved . These changes ar e

correlated with emerging attitudes . With increased jo b

opportunities in the countryside, a higher proportion of rura l

residents are remaining in rural areas than in the past . These

better educated rural residents are increasingly aware of th e

outside world .

Thus, in spite of improved material conditions ,

they are sensitive to the relative deprivation which affects thei r

lives .

Their realization of this is a consequence of breakin g

down the isolation of rural society due to increased geographica l

mobility and the spread of television . Material changes i n

themselves do not determine the social and political consequence s

of development . How material changes are perceived and th e

attitudes which emerge shape political consequences . Attitude s

provide a critical link between social status and behavior ,

including autonomous political participation . The mos t

influential intervening factor affecting the impact of socia l

structure on attitudes is education . This is because respondents '

overall degree of satisfaction and the nature of what gives the m

satisfaction varies by their level of education . Variance in

attitudes is also correlated with the nature of a respondents '

work and age . Changes in the rural job structure and the increas e

in education among rural residents is closely tied to the changin g

distribution of social groups within the total working populatio n

iv

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of the USSR . Our hypothesis is that rising expectations ar e

developing among new social groups which are better educated tha n

in the past, thereby leading to an increased degree of efficac y

promoting political participation .

Three indicators were selected as illustrative of attitudina l

change : reasons cited for desiring to migrate from th e

countryside to the city ; the professional orientation of youth a s

a reflection of their changing values ; and respondents' assessmen t

of leisure time activities . These dependent variables provide a n

indication of satisfaction with present conditions and reflec t

changing expectations . The major independent variables examine d

include respondents' evaluations of their jobs, educationa l

opportunities, and standard of living (including housing an d

income) .

Social origin and educational levels of respondent s

serve as intervening variables . The content of the selecte d

variables differs widely in the Soviet Union and within the rura l

sector itself due to regional diversity and the multi-ethni c

nature of the state .

Migratio n

During the 1960s the most frequently cited reason fo r

desiring to migrate was low salaries . By the end of the 1970s ,

the nature of employment, working conditions, and the standard o f

living were the dominant factors motivating migration among 23 t o

30 year olds .

The detailed study of the countryside by T .I .

Zaslayskaia and her colleagues in Novosibirsk argues for th e

v

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critical impact of the level of development of the socio-economi c

infrastructure . As expected, the reasons for migration tend t o

cluster fairly consistently by the population's age, level o f

education, and occupation . However, the degree of dissatisfactio n

associated with these reasons varies according to the level o f

development of the infrastructure . This is not merely a functio n

of socio-economic policies . Demographic structure and the natur e

of the economy strongly influence the development of regiona l

infrastructure .

Nonetheless, what we find is a relationship o f

potential significance : the rural population, which wil l

increasingly have some post-secondary vocational education an d

occupy middle and lower level jobs, will, as it reaches its middl e

and late twenties, evaluate its surroundings based on its standar d

of living .

It is true, of course, that youth (19-23 year olds )

tend to focus most on the nature of their employment and that thi s

has improved, particularly for males . This combined with a

changing demographic structure has led to a decline in migration .

The ultimate result of these changes will be a somewhat mor e

stable rural population which places increasing importance on it s

quality of life . Given intra-rural migration and step migratio n

(in which rural residents tend to move sequentially to settlement s

of larger sizes), a slow homogenization of values throughou t

Soviet society will occur . This is also a result of increase d

mobility and the impact of the mass media, especially television ,

on the countryside .

The decline in migration and the retention of more peopl e

vi

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with higher levels of education point to an increase in the poo l

of rural residents with a strong potential for risin g

expectations . Given the relative improvement in rural condition s

and the potential increasing demands, the rate at which economi c

and social policies succeed is the key to individual satisfaction .

The rural sector of the population will no longer fin d

satisfaction by changing its status through migration to cities .

Indeed, even those who move find themselves critical of the urba n

lifestyle and the quality of life in overcrowded cities wit h

declining opportunities for upward mobility .

Professional Orientation of Youth and Prestige Hierarchie s

Research on the professional orientation of youth an d

prestige hierarchies allows us to examine changing attitudes i n

the context of generational differences . Based on surveys from

Novosibirsk we know that the importance of education to a

profession's prestige has increased in rural areas . Job

preferences associated with the respondent's sex has somewha t

abated and the high prestige attributed to industrial jobs b y

rural youth has declined, while that given to rural jobs ha s

improved .

These findings reflect the impact of new rura l

occupations and a backlash towards urban society as contact ha s

increased . Differences evident in longitudinal studies o f

secondary school graduates show the impact of education an d

economic development .

vii

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Leisure Tim e

How people use time provides an indicator of the structure o f

society and social preferences . It is a complex indicator o f

these factors mediated by a number of intervening factors whic h

influence and/or structure the choices made by the population .

Our inability to differentiate clearly between structural an d

normative components makes it difficult to demonstrate valu e

change, but this does not invalidate time budgets and, mor e

specifically, the use of leisure time from serving as a majo r

means by which to examine social change . Perhaps, the use o f

leisure time should be viewed as a reflection of structural chang e

as well as personal economic and cultural choices . Time budget s

provide an important, albeit imperfect, indicator of social chang e

and, as such, a mechanism by which to assess rural change in th e

Soviet Union .

Both the use of free time and the degree of satisfactio n

derived from leisure time activities are closely related to th e

educational attainment of rural residents . The higher the leve l

of education, the more the desire for cultural opportunities . Fo r

most of the rural population, however, the spread of secondar y

education with lower migration rates has led to a more critica l

attitude toward one's standard of living . Overall, there exists a

strong desire for more free time .

Education is clearly related to rural residents' degree o f

satisfaction with their leisure time activities . During the 1970 s

in the non-Black Earth Zone, a less prosperous area of the Soviet

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Union, dissatisfaction with how leisure time had been spent in th e

three to five preceding years was directly related to levels o f

education . Not only did 92 percent of the respondents with highe r

education feel that their use of leisure time had deteriorate d

during this period, but most importantly, those with specialize d

technical training were also dissatisfied (32 .7 to 50 .8 percent) .

What types of preliminary conclusions can be drawn about socia l

change from our indicators?

- Increased secondary education and a more highl y

differentiated occupational structure in the countryside ar e

leading to the disappearance of an uneducated and unskille d

peasantry which was associated with passivity . Rural mas s

society, especially the young, now possesses the skills t o

participate .

- Demands for an improved quality of life are associated wit h

those who hold skilled jobs, especially in regions where th e

economic infrastructure has improved . Those totally dissatisfie d

with their jobs migrate, but those who remain in the countrysid e

now evidence increased demands .

- Increased demands are associated with regions which hav e

enjoyed at least an "average" level of economic development . Thi s

means that we may be approaching a situation of risin g

expectations--due both to improved conditions and a new standar d

of comparison resulting from the end of rural isolation .

ix

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Changes in the Soviet countryside also have importan t

implications for the urban sector .

- Migration has stabilized . No longer is it necessary for rura l

residents with secondary and post-secondary education to migrat e

in order to find employment .

- Previous migrants were satisfied with changing their statu s

through moving to the city, since upward mobility in th e

countryside was impossible . Today these migrants will be mor e

demanding at a time when urban social mobility is declining .

This will contribute to increased urban demands .

New attitudes and increased demands throughout Soviet societ y

are associated with-new, incipient social groups based o n

education and occupation .

What Does Social Change Mean for Political Life ?

New social groups espousing economic demands now posses s

skills necessary for political leadership .

These are th e

potential leaders of voluntary associations . This is a broade r

stratum than the intelligentsia . What is even more important i s

that these new groups may be able to organize a more highl y

educated mass public which no longer exhibits the passivit y

associated with a peasant culture . The link between these two

groups would be extraordinarily important, since th e

intelligentsia in the USSR has been isolated from the masses .

x

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Such new groups may focus on local issues such as the economi c

difficulties of daily life as opposed to the intelligentsia' s

concern for more intangible political liberties .

New groups focusing on low level politics, making demands t o

effect policies, would confront the Soviet political elite with a

dilemma . The economic tasks facing the Soviet Union requir e

increased initiative from middle level management and increase d

worker productivity, i .e ., active participation . This no w

requires material incentives . If the political elite ignores ne w

demands, it risks the withdrawal or opposition of new groups .

This would result in high economic costs during the transitio n

from industrial to post-industrial society . Economic complexit y

can no longer tolerate a highly centralized system with low level s

of participation and initiative .

If new social groups are not to be ignored, the Soviet Unio n

confronts the dilemma of how either to incorporate groups an d

allow them influence or to coopt them . It is not at all clea r

what the political/economic preferences of these groups will be .

Nor is it clear how or whether the Soviet system will permi t

groups to participate .

It is, however, evident that this is o n

the current political agenda .

The issue of political change is not simply a matter o f

political rights, often associated with glasnost', but mor e

fundamentally, how a society which is rapidly changing an d

beginning to make new demands can be incorporated into a

heretofore centralized political system . Social change has give n

xi

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rise to new groups which are beginning to make demands on th e

state . The emergence of new social groups and the possibility o f

voluntary associations and spontaneous group formation is a

crucial event in the evolution of the Soviet political system .

xii

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The Transformation of the Soviet Countrysid eThe End of a Peasant Societ y

The pervasive influence of rural society in the Soviet Unio n

has created an anomaly--an industrial state whose citizens '

attitudes reflect a more traditional agrarian era . The

predominance of such social values is now declining as a result o f

Soviet economic and social policies of the last twenty years . Th e

transformation of the Soviet countryside not only means the end o f

a peasant society in rural areas, but also heralds the end of tha t

society as it was transplanted to the city by rural migrants wh o

comprise the majority of urban residents .

The relationship between economic, social, and political .

factors in the Soviet Union constitutes an anomaly of development .

Western social science theory focuses on the impact of economi c

development on society and how economic and social chang e

influence the nature of the political system.1 The critical issu e

from this perspective is which class or social group dominates th e

political system when the mass public is incorporated into th e

polity or, alternatively, is denied meaningful politica l

participation . Typically, entrepreneurial classes, workers_, and

peasants have participated through intermediary structures such a s

parties, trade unions, and professional associations . The timin g

of their incorporation into the political system is viewed a s

critical to their future political roles and, ultimately, th e

structure of the political system .

Theories of development have ignored the post-revolutionary

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2

Soviet era . The Soviet political system is viewed as though i t

were unique . Such a conclusion is unwarranted . Yet, centrall y

directed economic development with its preference for industr y

over agriculture and the consumer sector has created an industria l

and military giant in which until recently a majority of citizen s

lived in the countryside and worked in agriculture . In thi s

society, rural residents were de facto and, at times, de jut e

second class citizens . Economic equality for the mass public

existed at the lowest common denominator . Soviet economic and

social policies thwarted societal development .

The absence of complex social differentiation in the USSR

does not deny the progress which the Soviet regime has achieve d

since World War II in providing the necessities of life for it s

citizens, a fact which has made the Soviet system appealing fo r

many developing nations . Yet, Soviet leaders cannot be sanguin e

about this relative success as they confront the tasks of enterin g

a post-industrial age with a population whose standard of livin g

reflects an early period of industrialization .

Most importantly ,

Soviet citizens are developing a new frame of reference by whic h

to assess their social and economic needs . As Soviet societ y

becomes more complex the attitudes and desires of its citizens ar e

changing as well as their ability to articulate them .

The end o f

a peasant society means the emergence of Soviet citizens as activ e

participants in and claimants on the political system . Politica l

leaders who seek increased labor: productivity through materia l

incentives can ii] afford to ignore or simply repress such rising

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3

expectations .

The Importance of Social Chang e

The 1965 March Plenum of the Central Committee of th e

Communist Party of the Soviet Union marked the reversal of th e

Soviet Union's traditional preference for industry ove r

agriculture and the consumer sector . Consequently, the regim e

sought to devote economic resources to raising the standard o f

living for urban and rural residents . The traditionally isolated

countryside was now to share in the fruits of Soviet society .

Social change is associated with increasing material demands .

This does not mean that rural residents were previously satisfied .

Nonetheless, if rural discontent existed, it was not publicl y

articulated . Such apathy tends to be associated with condition s

of poverty . We may also infer that for many Soviet citizens ,

particularly rural residents who had lived throug h

collectivization and World War II, the relative improvement i n

conditions along with the absence of an external frame o f

comparison (urban life), contributed to a sense if not o f

satisfaction, than at least of complacency . For those rura l

residents who were more ambitious, particularly the young ,

migration to cities served as the major means of upward mobilit y

in a countryside lacking in opportunity . This pattern is a commo n

feature of peasant societies . 2 As a result of migration, thos e

least contented and perhaps most able to voice dissatisfactio n

became city dwellers . Such migrants, influenced by the rural

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4

poverty which they had left, were unlikely to develop rising

expectations in their new urban environment . 3 Their presence i n

cities was likely to suppress rising demands frequently associate d

with an urban, industrial work force .

Recent social change in the countryside and cities has begu n

to alter this scenario . The effects of economic and socia l

development in the countryside, the changing demographic structur e

of the Soviet population, and the declining opportunities fo r

upward mobility in urban areas influence Soviet citizens '

attitudes . These attitudinal changes shape the options whic h

Soviet leaders confront as they seek to affect citizen behavior .

Soviet citizens can no longer be acted upon by the party and stat e

with impunity . The Soviet Union is approaching a point at whic h

its citizens must either be incorporated or coopted by th e

political system .

The Study of Social Chang e

The study of Soviet society by Western social scientist s

has focused primarily on the examination of material indicators o f

change . This study examines not only the material consequences o f

the post-1965 economic and social policies, but the Soviet -

population's sense of well-being and satisfaction, in an attemp t

to connect objective indicators with social attitudes .

Due to development of sociological surveys in the USSR ,

Western scholars are now able to at least partially assess change s

in the attitudes found among Soviet citizens . While relatively

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5

rudimentary work appeared at the beginning of the 1960s, by th e

1970s the sociological centers in Novosibirsk, Moscow, and Talli n

were regularly surveying the attitudes of Soviet youth, potentia l

and actual rural migrants, and expanding upon the tradition o f

time budget studies by seeking to understand people's desires fo r

different types of leisure activities . By the 1980s, th e

accumulated body of survey work allows for longitudinal and cross -

sectional analysis . This extraordinarily rich and varied sourc e

of information contained in published monographs (often under th e

imprint of individual institutes under the Academy of Science s

printed in limited numbers) and dissertations can now be utilize d

by Western social scientists to explore the subjective world o f

Soviet citizens for the first time .

Of course, most Soviet surveys do not ask questions abou t

satisfaction per se, rather, they tend to concentrate on attitude s

towards specific factors affecting an individual's quality o f

life . Nonetheless, how residents evaluate objective changes tha t

affect their lives provides both an important reflection o f

changing attitudes and, indirectly, an indication of the degree o f

citizen satisfaction . The linkage between economic change, socia l

status, and attitudes provides a key to understanding th e

political consequences of development in the Soviet Union .

In studies of general well-being conducted in the Unite d

States, satisfaction was found to be quite stable over tim e

despite changing objective conditions . One explanation for thi s

was that expectations declined . 4 Soviet evidence suggests that

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6

the relationship between satisfaction and expectations may b e

somewhat different in the Soviet Union . In part this relationshi p

poses a more complex problem for Soviet society today than did

social change during the 1970s in the United States . Althoug h

subcultures exist in both countries, the United States had

relatively few sectors isolated from national norms, while th e

Soviet Union represents an almost classic case of a country with a

national center and an isolated rural periphery . 5

New attitudes such as those expected to emerge as Sovie t

society evolves can be studied from a number of perspectives .

Frank Andrews and Stephen Withey in their study Social Indicator s

ofWell-Being suggest that "One possibility is to explore the

components of perceived well-being . Alternatives are to identif y

and measure the factors that influence perceptions of well-being ,

or to investigate the social and psychological effects produced b y

differences in perceived well-being ." 6 This study draws on the

first two approaches . As Andrews and Withey suggest, two sets o f

social indicators should be considered, "one indicating how peopl e

themselves evaluate various aspects of their lives ; and the othe r

indicating the external or environmental conditions relevant to

each of those aspects ." 7 The Andrews and Withey study identifie s

a set of variables which corresponds closely to those of centra l

concern to Soviet scholars .

Perhaps the most important aspect of studies such as that b y

Andrews and Withey is the relationship which they establis h

between so-called objective and subjective factors to a general

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7

state of well-being . They find this distinction to be artificial .

Their study showed that attitudes towards specific objectiv e

factors could account for approximately the same degree o f

variance in the general sense of well-being as the subjective ,

value criteria . This suggests a broader significance for th e

frequently narrower findings of Soviet research . The mos t

important factors found to account for a general sense of well -

being in US research were housing, jobs, family life ,

neighborhoods, spare-time activities, and national government .

Among youth, the evaluation of jobs was most highly correlate d

with their degree of satisfaction . Overall, the factors whic h

most account for a general sense of well-being are :

"(1) the character of one's daily life--how much fun ,enjoyment,and interest it has ;

(2) the extent to which one' sphysical needs are met, and the related matter of financia lsecurity ;

(3) the nature of oneself, including the extent t owhich one is developing and broadening oneself, and how on eadapts to changes ; and (4) how one is treated by othe rpeople . "

The single most important condition associated with well-being i s

the nature of the social structure .

Social Change ; The Soviet Cas e

In the Soviet Union recent structural shifts in society, hig h

rates of upward mobility during the 1950s and 1960s, and th e

relative isolation of rural society until the 1970s mak e

structural issues extraordinarily important . 9 During the 1970 s

the service sector expanded, the number of industrial worker s

declined, and the number of agricultural workers (especially

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8

kolkhozniki) stabilized.10 Social mobility declined throughou t

the USSR . According to the Soviet sociologist F .R . Filippov ,

during the 1970s and 1980s social mobility was only half that o f

the 1950s and 1960s . 11 This contributed to a mismatch betwee n

those who had and/or desired higher education, and availabl e

employment . 12 These changes in Soviet society are likely to hav e

significant consequences on the degree of satisfaction found amon g

different segments of society .

Objective Change in the Countrysid e

As a result of the post-1965 social and economic policies th e

occupational and social- structure of Soviet rural society ha s

changed . In 1960 the majority of rural residents were peasants ,

approximately 56 percent ; by 1980 kolkhoz peasants constituted

only 34 .5 percent of all rural residents who were employed, whil e

workers and employees reached 65 .5 percent . 13 Although muc h

agricultural work is still done by unskilled labor on the kolkhoz ,

increasingly agricultural jobs require specialized skills an d

education, while at the same time more industrial jobs are no w

located in the countryside . In short, whether measured by skill s

and education, the nature of work (physical or mental), or income ,

the rural social structure has become more complex . 14 However ,

the diversification of the rural job market has not been uniform .

Both industrial employment and the distribution of jobs requirin g

specialized education or skills vary by area with wealthie r

regions witnessing the greatest change . 15

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9

Occupational Structur e

Since the introduction of the 1965 rural economic policies, a

clear shift among the types of agricultural enterprises ha s

occurred . The number of agro-industrial complexes ,

inter-kolkhoz/sovkhoz enterprises, and sovkhozy has increase d

while the number of kolkhozy has declined (see Chart 1, p . 9a) . 1 6

These changes have led to the diversification of jobs available i n

rural areas (see Table 1, p . 9b) .

The greater diversity in the types of jobs and the skill s

which these jobs require is evidenced by the professiona l

structure of the rural population and the level of education an d

training of rural residents (see Chart 2, p . 9c, and Chart 3, p .

9d) . Many new jobs located in the countryside are non -

agricultural, often in food processing or other types of ligh t

industry . Even primarily agricultural jobs at kolkhozy an d

sovkhozy increasingly require skilled labor .

The introduction of new jobs has had a differential impact o n

men and women . Many of these new positions are categorized a s

more suitable for males . Although women may now find tha t

"feminine" jobs have higher salaries, the nature of the work an d

skills required often are at odds with their desire for higher an d

specialized education . Such "feminine" jobs tend to enjoy lowe r

prestige . One possible exception to the problem, however, is th e

movement of women into the service sector (see Chart 4, p . 9e, an d

Chart 5, p . 9f).17

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Chart 1

SOURCE : Narodnoe khoziaistvo RSFSR v 1985

Moscow : Finansy i statistika ,1986, pp . 159, 166 .

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9b

TABLE 1

DISTRIBUTION OF RURAL WORKERS BY TYPE OF WORK (% )

1965 1970 1975 198 2

Agro-industrial ComplexInclusive :

76 .8 71 .9 68 .8 62 . 4

AgricultureAgricultural Service

71 .1 65 .5 61 .9 52 . 7

& Processing Personnel

Social & Cultural

5 .8 6 .4 6 .9 9 . 7

Personnel 9 .1 10 .8 12 .0 14 . 1

Commercial Personnel 3 .1 3 .7 4 .8 6 . 6

Administrative Personnel O .7 O .9 1 .3 1 . 2

Home Workers 4 .0 3 .9 3 .0 2 .8-------------------------------------------------------------- -

SOURCE : Staroverov, V .I . "Sotsial'nye aspekty razvitii aproizvoditel'nykh sil agropromyshlennogo kompleksa SSSR, "Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia (1985) no . 2, pp . 33 .

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Chart 2

Processional Structure of Kolkhozniki

SOURCE : G .A . Slesarev, F .R . Filippov, and P . Erenburg ,Formirovaniesotsial ' noi odnorodnosti sotsialistichesogo obshchestva . Moscow :Nauka, 1981, p . 75 .

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Professional Structure ofSovkhozniki

SOURCE : G .A . Slesarev, F .R . Filippov, and P . Orenburg, Formirovanie sotsial'no iodnorodnosti s otsialisticheskogo obstchestva . Moscow : Nauka, 1981, p . 77 .

Chart 3

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SOURC E : Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1985g . Moscow : Finansy i statistika ,1986, p . 7 .

Percent of Population ion

Y

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Chart 5

SOURCE : M . Kh . Timm and E .A . Saar, Molodoe pokolenie .(Mcsoow : Mysl', 19ć) , p . 23 .

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Standard of Livin g

Rural policies have sought to raise the standard of livin g

and improve the overall social welfare of residents in th e

countryside . These efforts have meant devoting resources t o

housing, consumer goods and services, and social welfare benefit s

for the rural population . Both the urban and rural sectors hav e

received increased levels of state social subvention, but despit e

the existence of the greater absolute need in the countryside ,

urban benefits continue to increase at a faster rate than those i n

the rural sector . 18

Nonetheless, rural economic gains have been

real .

One of the most important aspects of rural policies was th e

introduction of guaranteed salaries at collective farms and th e

increase of state and collective farm workers' incomes . An

important goal of income policy was overcoming the gap betwee n

agricultural and industrial workers (see Chart 6, p . 10a), 1 9

However, the absolute differences in average monthly salar y

between industrial workers and kolkhozniki continued t o

increase . 2 0

Although the availability of consumer goods and services ha s

increased in rural areas, their quality and assortment remain

problematic . 21 The absence of desirable products to purchase i n

the countryside has led to an increase in rural savings . 22 On e

consumer good of potentially great importance for attitudina l

change has spread dramatically--the television . Despite th e

relative improvement in the overall rural standard of living, the

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Chart 6

Average Monthly Salary

SOURCES : A .N . Shaposhnikov, Sotsial ' no - ekonomicheskii analiz . Novosibirsk :Nauk, SO, 1983), p . 43 ; Vestnik statiski (1985), no . 10, p . 73 ; Narodno ekhoziaistvo SSSRv 1984g . Moscow : Finansy i statistika, 1985, p . 417 ; Narodno ekhoziaistvo SSSR v 1980g .

Moscow : Finansy i statistika, 1981, p . 364 ; Narodno ekhoziaistvo SSSR v 1985g . Moscow : Finansy i statistika, 1986, pp . 2 77 , 286, 397 .

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1 . 1

continued absence of central heating, sewage, and water continue s

to detract from the attractiveness of rural life (see Table 2, p .

11a) . 2 3

Clearly the job and social structure of the Sovie t

countryside has changed since the introduction of the post-196 5

policies . According to national data, educational levels, skills ,

income, and the standard of living have all improved . Although i t

remains somewhat controversial, Soviet scholars no longer insis t

that subjective factors -- attitudes and values -- are direc t

reflections of structural change . Given the wide variation i n

conditions, it is particularly important to have some sense of th e

objective conditions in . particular oblasts before analyzing surve y

data from these regions .

By way of example we have selected data from the Non-Blac k

Earth Zone and Rostov Oblast with some additional informatio n

drawn from Novosibirsk Oblast and other areas where surve y

research has been conducted . The Non-Black Earth Zone has a

somewhat older population than the USSR as a whole -- there ar e

many small settlements, and young males outnumber young females .

The area suffers from a long-term labor deficit . In addition, in

the Non-Black Earth Zone the extent of development of a given

area's infrastructure tends to be dependent on that area' s

proximity to a large industrial city . On the whole, the Non-Blac k

Earth Zone's infrastructure remains underdeveloped an d

agricultural production tends to be low . 2 4

Although agricultural and social conditions in the Non-Black

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1 1 a

TABLE 2

OWNERSHIP OF DURABLE GOODS BY RURAL RESIDENTS /IN THE RSFSR/

(per 100 families )

1970 1980 198 5

Televisions 29 71 8 0

Refrigerators/Freezers 10 59 6 6

Washing Machines 31 62 66

SOURCE : Narodnoe khoziaistvo RSFSR v 1985 g . Moscow : Finansy istatistika, 1986, p . 265 .

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Earth Zone tend to be poorer than those found in most other area s

of the RSFSR, salaries and the qualifications of agricultura l

personnel have risen since 1965 . From 1965 to 1970 qualifie d

personnel, so-called mechanizers, at kolkhozy and sovkhozy in th e

Non-Black Earth Zone increased 10 percent and by 1980 -- 3 4

percent . 25

Table 3 (see p . 12a), presents data on the changing

occupational structure found at sovkhozy in the Non-Black Eart h

Zone . It should, however, be noted that the number of qualifie d

personnel varies significantly between oblasts such as Pskov an d

Novgorod, and Leningrad -- a difference related to the presence o f

a major industrial city . 26 Sovkhoz and kolkhoz total income i s

likely to be lower in more isolated areas where marketin g

opportunities are more limited due to transportation difficultie s

and relatively poor agricultural conditions .

In contrast to the Non-Black Earth Zone, Rostov Oblast is a

relatively productive agricultural area . The standard of livin g

in the oblast is fairly high, which helps to maintain a balance d

demographic structure by age and sex . 27 Counter to nationa l

tendencies, the number of kolkhozy and sovkhozy in Rostov Oblas t

actually rose between 1966 and 1976 . 28

The number of specialist s

with higher and secondary education in agriculture also increased ,

as is evident in Table 4, (see p . 12b) . The number of specialist s

at kolkhozy and sovkhozy in Rostov Oblast increased almost 1 . 5

times from 1965 to 1980 . From 1960 to 1969, the number o f

unskilled agricultural laborers declined in Rostov Oblast by 12 . 8

percent (RSFSR - 15 .9 percent) . 29 At the same time, the number of

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12a

TABLE 3

JOB STRUCTURE AT SOVKHOZY IN THE NON-BLACK EARTH ZONE (% )

Professional Groups 1965 1970 1975 198 0

Engineers, technicians ,& White Collar Employees 5 .3 6 .5 8 .5 10 . 2

Brigaders 3 .8 2 .8 2 .4 2 . 2

Mechanizers 13 .1 15 .0 20 .1 22 . 4

Unskilled Labor 45 .6 43 .2 33 .8 29 . 3

Livestock Workers 28 .2 28 .4 28 .6 28 . 9

Workers at Loca lIndustrial Enterprises 4 .0 4 .1 6 .5 7 .0

SOURCE : Smekalov, P .V ., Tolmachev, V .P ., and Filippov, N .N .Sel'skie kadry nechernozem'ia . Moscow : Sovetskaia Rossiia, 1981 ,p .12 .

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TABLE 4

SPECIALISTS IN AGRICULTURE WITH HIGHERAND SPECIALIZED SECONDARY EDUCATION (thousands )

ROSTOV OBLAS T

1970

1975

1980

198 5

Higher Education

7 .5

9 .O

10 .6

12 . 3

Specialized Secondary

9 .8

13 .1

16 .1

17 . 8

SOURCE : Narodnoe khoziaistvo Rostovskoi oblasti v 11-i piatiletke .Rostov : Rostovskoe knizhnoe izdatel'stvo, 1986, p .87 .

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those classified as mechanizers increased by 5 percent and servic e

personnel in kolkhoz production increased by 5 .9 percent . 30 Mor e

recent data show that the number of rural residents with specia l

preparation grew from 29 percent to 54 percent between 1971 an d

1981.31 Monthly income also has increased since 1965, as i s

shown in Table 5 (see p . 13a) .

The available evidence indicates that conditions in th e

Soviet countryside have improved since the adoption of the ne w

agricultural and social welfare policies .

Thus, although th e

degree of economic change remains to be precisely established, th e

general trend is clear -- investment, job structure, and, for th e

most part, the standard of living have improved . Although rura l

incomes and the standard of living remain poor in many regions ,

for the most part, the rural population has more discretionar y

income and a standard of living which exceeds the level of mer e

necessities . 3 2

Education

Material changes in themselves do not reveal the social and

political consequences of development . The most influentia l

intervening factor affecting the impact of social structure o n

attitudes is education . Education may also have a direct effec t

on attitudes . The desire for specialized and higher education ,

often cited as a reason for rural migration, must be separate d

from its attitudinal component . Education's effect on attitude s

can be analyzed on the basis of the changing attitudes expressed

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TABLE 5SOVKHOZ and KOLKHOZ MONTHLY INCOME *

1965 1970 1975 1980 198 5

Sovkhoz 77 .58 100 .33 124 .25 138 .5 169 . 2

Kolkhoz 183 .8 282 .4 300 .O 346 .7 397 .0

* Data for kolkhoz income reflects income from private plots .Kolkhoz monthly average salary in Rostov was only 61 rubles i n1965 . A .F . Tarasov et al, eds ., Problemy sotsial'no-ekonomicheskog orazvitiia sela . Rostov on the Don : Rostov State Pedagogica lInstitute, 1971,p .44 .

SOURCE : Narodnoe khoziaistvo Rostovskoi oblasti v 9oi piatiletke .Rostov on the Don: Rostovskoe knizhnoe izdatel'stvo, 1976, pp . 34 ,35 ; Narodnoe khoziaistvo Rostovskoi oblasti v 11-e . Rostov on theDon: Rostovskoe knizhnoe izdatel'stvo, 1986, pp . 48, 50 .

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by students at different grade levels and in longitudinal studie s

of students before and after they enter post-secondary education .

In particular, education helps shape respondents' evaluation o f

their environment--their standard of living, the nature of work ,

and cultural conditions . Respondents' overall degree o f

satisfaction and the nature of what gives them satisfaction varie s

by the level of education . Variance in attitudes is als o

correlated with the nature of a respondents' work and age .

Rural residents, including kolkhozniki, have increasingl y

completed secondary school and specialized training courses . 3 3

Efforts to improve rural education have been undertaken as part o f

general educational reform . In particular, policy makers hope t o

expand educational opportunities in the countryside by buildin g

more vocational schools located in rural areas, improving th e

quality of rural education, and waiving entrance examinations fo r

rural youths at agricultural institutions of higher education- 3 4

Such policies address the relatively poor quality of rura l

education and represent an attempt to encourage more rural yout h

to enter programs related to agriculture . As a result of th e

increased pool of secondary graduates in the USSR, competition fo r

places in institutions of higher education has increased . -Curren t

policy promotes specialized secondary and additional vocationa l

training in order to meet a rising demand for skilled labor and t o

avoid the underemployment of those with higher qualifications .

These programs are consistent with the emerging labor market an d

greater realism in the educational aspiration of youth .

The

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1 5

general level of education among rural residents has risen

dramatically, a trend which began in the late 1950s (see Table 6 ,

p . 15a, and Table 7, p . 15b) .

Changes in the rural job structure and the increase in

education among rural residents is closely tied to the changing

distribution of social groups within the total working populatio n

of the USSR (Chart 5, p . 9f) . Shifts in the distribution o f

social groups, although influenced by the reclassification o f

kolkhozy into sovkhozy, more significantly reflect inter -

generational mobility of rural youth . 35 Although educatio n

remains a major mechanism for upward mobility, those with kolkho z

peasant backgrounds are less likely to enter higher education than

those from the working class or intelligentsia . If they do pursu e

education beyond the secondary level, youth from kolkhoz peasan t

backgrounds are most likely to enter vocational programs . In th e

past the primary source of social mobility was through migration :

one moved to a city and became a worker . Although migration ha s

declined, a change in social status is still often connected wit h

non-agricultural employment .

The level of education among rural and urban youth began t o

increase under Khrushchev . 36 The gap between the proportion o f

urban and rural students pursuing secondary education ha s

narrowed . 37 "The average years of schooling for a member of th e

[industrial] work force increased by about 50% between 1959 an d

1979, rising from approximately 6 years in 1959 to 7 .5 in 1970 ,

and to more than' 9 in 1979 ." 38 The educational level of the

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1-25a

TABLE 6

RSFSR : Education of the Agricultural Labor Forc e1970 and 1979 (per 1000) *

1970 197 9

Higher, IncompleteHigher & SecondarySpecialized 5 2 1

Secondary 33 12 7

Incomplete Secondary 271 361

*Includes only those involved in physical labor .

SOURCE : Chislennost' i sostav naseleniia SSSR : Po dannymVsesoiuznoi perepisi naseleniia 1979 goda . Moscow : Finansy istatistika, 1984, pp . 185 .

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1 5b

EDUCATION OF

TABLE 7 *

THE RURAL POPULATION IN THE RSFSR (per 1000 )

1970 197 9

Higher, Secondary Inc .S .

Pri- Hi Sec Inc .S . Pr iIncomplete maryHigher &SpecializedSecondary

Worker 18 73 337 415 48 201 379 31 2

Sluzhashchie 538 163 223 71 648 185 129 3 5

Kolkhozniki 26 43 228 438 63 133 339 38 4

SOURCE : Vestnik statistiki, (1981), no . 2, p . 64 .

*

These data vary somewhat from those found in Vestnik statistiki ,no .4, 1981, p .69 for agricultural workers .

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1 6

rural work force has also increased . The number of agricultura l

laborers with secondary education nearly quadrupled from 1970 t o

1979 and those with incomplete secondary education increased b y

approximately 33 percent . 39 (It must, of course, be acknowledged ,

that the number of agricultural workers with secondary education- -

the saturation rate--is much lower than that found amon g

industrial workers .) As a result of the spread of secondar y

education in both the countryside and the cities, the proportio n

of secondary school graduates able to enter institutions of highe r

education has declined . The competition for entry int o

institutions of higher education was expected to grow, but recen t

data suggest that there has been a decline in the aspirations o f

both urban and rural youth . 40 For the most part, this ha s

resulted in a greater number of both urban and rural yout h

entering vocational institutions . Although the decline in deman d

for VUZ education represents a realistic adjustment of yout h

aspirations, the effect of vocational education on our independen t

variables supports a possible rise in expectations . The singl e

most important factor affecting the attitudes of rural resident s

has been the spread of secondary education to the countryside . 4 1

The Subjective Component of Change : Attitude s

Objective indicators of economic development have long bee n

examined in the Western literature . What has been absent is th e

theory and evidence which relates objective factors to behavio r

having political consequences . In the past, rural residents'

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1 7

individual mobility, that is horizontal mobility reflecting urba n

migration, substituted for political participation . 42 Thi s

pattern has declined not only at an absolute level due t o

demographic changes, but also relatively, within the pool o f

potential migrants . Opportunities for individual mobility in the

countryside increased due to the diversification of availabl e

jobs . Today's rural residents enjoy new social statuses derive d

from new occupations and lifestyles . Rural residents' highe r

level of education and improved quality of life provide the basi s

for new social groups in Soviet society . Such changes in socia l

status are usually associated with new subjective attitudes .

Attitudes provide a critical link between social status an d

behavior, including autonomous political participation . 4 3

A variety of attitudes can coexist at any given level o f

economic development . Our focus is low level politics, that is ,

attitudes towards local conditions--salaries, housing, leisur e

activities, and cultural opportunities . Consequently, we mus t

examine micro-level evidence . Recalling Andrews and Withey' s

study, we focus on subjective attitudes towards local condition s

as a means of establishing satisfaction . The degree o f

satisfaction, in turn, is viewed as a indicator of potentia l

rising expectations . Our hypothesis is that rising expectation s

are developing among new social groups which have greate r

education, thereby leading to an increased degree of politica l

efficacy promoting participation .

Three indicators were selected as illustrative of attitudinal

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1 8

change : reasons cited for desiring to migrate from the

countryside to the city ; the professional orientation of youth a s

a reflection of their changing values ; and respondents' assessmen t

of leisure time activities . Although these dependent variable s

are not substitutes for global well-being, they provide a n

indication of satisfaction with present conditions and reflec t

changing expectations . The major independent variables examine d

include respondents' evaluations of their jobs, educationa l

opportunities, and standard of living (including housing an d

income) . Social origin and educational levels of respondent s

serve as intervening variables .

Migration

Rural residents' desire to migrate reflects their attitude s

towards urban and rural life . Among the reasons most frequentl y

cited by potential migrants is dissatisfaction with factors whic h

constitute the independent variables found in studies of well -

being : attitudes towards jobs and salaries and educational an d

leisure time opportunities . Information from the pre-1970 perio d

will be considered indicative of attitudes before the new rura l

policies took effect and will be compared to that found at the en d

of the 1970s . Given the importance of social structure and th e

status of individuals, regional diversity due to different level s

of economic development and the nature of the local economy mus t

be taken into account as an important mediating condition . Suc h

differences are evident in regional data from Novosibirsk, the

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Black Earth Zone, and the Non-Black Earth Zone . Social mobilit y

and the major mechanism for it in the countryside, urba n

migration, also varies by region . Our concern here is with th e

correspondence between the independent variables and the reason s

cited for migration . Factors associated with the socia l

structure, such as the increasing level of education found amon g

rural residents, influence their evaluation of the conditions i n

which they live and work . This in turn shapes their preference s

towards urban or rural life and their decisions to migrate .

In exploring the issue of migration, we devote specia l

attention to youth, as an indicator of possible generationa l

change . Youth constitute the largest pool of migrants . A s

understood by most Soviet sociologists, youth includes adolescent s

and young adults under the age of 30 . This cohort, however ,

should be understood to have at least two components . Those unde r

23 years of age who are usually single and are continuing thei r

education, serving in the armed forces, or adapting to work life .

Those over 23 years of age are often married and beginning t o

raise families . Obviously, these differences affect th e

probability that an individual will migrate as well as the reason s

for migration .

According to a survey conducted at the end of the 1970 s

among youth in villages of Leningrad, Smolensk, and Pskov Oblast s

(the Non-Black Earth Zone), the most frequently cited reason fo r

moving to the city was a desire to continue study (52 .9 percent) .

Other important reasons cited included 32 .6 percent who noted an

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2 0

absence of interesting professions in the countryside, 36 . 6

percent--insufficient cultural services, 33 percent- -

unsatisfactory living conditions, 32 .5 percent said that th e

countryside is boring and uninteresting, 30 .9 percent noted th e

absence of days off in the summer and lengthy work days, 28 . 4

percent--insufficient salary, and 17 .6 percent cited insufficien t

mechanization of kolkhoz work . 44 Ten years earlier, the mos t

frequently cited reason for migration was low pay . 45 Thes e

findings are consistent with those of V .I . Staroverov in hi s

1968-1969 study of Starorussk Raion, Novgorod Oblast . 46 Staroverov

points out, however, that passport restrictions and other officia l

regulations may have prevented migrants from saying that the y

simply wanted to live in the city . Rural residents indicate an

increasing preference for rural life, but frequently decide t o

migrate because of working conditions and the nature of rural

jobs, the lack of services and cultural opportunities, and th e

absence of professional opportunities . 4 7

The reasons for wishing to migrate are correlated with th e

general level of prosperity of a region and the level o f

development of an area's infrastructure . Survey data from Rosto v

Oblast, a fairly prosperous agricultural area, is illustrative .

During the 1960s Rostov youth in their last two years of secondar y

school most frequently cited the absence of professiona l

opportunities and a desire for further education for wishing t o

migrate . The nature of agricultural work was also frequentl y

noted as a reason for migration . 48 The major motives given by

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2 1

youth in 1969 for leaving the countryside was dissatisfaction

with dead-end jobs (44 percent), the nature of the workday and th e

seasonal nature of work (28 percent), and the low level o f

mechanization of agricultural work (19 percent) . Among thos e

actually migrating in 1968, 21 .7 percent cited unsatisfactor y

cultural and living conditions, 19 percent a desire to continu e

their education, 17 percent the unsatisfactory nature of work, an d

only 11 percent poor pay . 49 By the end of the 1970s the reason s

given for migration had not substantially changed in Rostov

Oblast . Among the general rural population surveyed, the mos t

frequently cited reason for migration was unsatisfactory labo r

conditions (28 .9 percent) . Unsatisfactory cultural services wer e

cited by 22 .1 percent, a desire for education by 18 .3 percent, lo w

pay by only 8 .8 percent, family reasons by 8 .5 percent, with othe r

reasons constituting 14 .3 percent . 5 0

The reasons cited by youth (16-30 year olds) differed from

the sample as a whole . The city was seen by 66 percent a s

providing better cultural opportunities, transportation, an d

medical care . The remaining portion of the sample cited "cit y

lifestyle" as their primary reason for wishing to migrate . 5 1

Income appears to have played a relatively minor role i n

motivating rural Rostov residents to migrate . According to the

work done by V .N . Chapek, most migrants saw no difference betwee n

urban and rural pay, although data show that salaries in urba n

areas exceeded rural salaries by 7 percent . 5 2

Novosibirsk oblast has a relatively high rate of rural

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2 2

migration, yet as in other regions, most rural youth would prefe r

to remain in the countryside . 53 In 1966 a majority of rural yout h

in Novosibirsk Oblast, 58 .5 percent, preferred rural to urban

life, and 75 .7 percent preferred life in a rural settlement to

that in a city . 54 Over 65 percent of rural youth in Siberia wer e

satisfied with their work.55 Among those who did prefer life i n

the city, the reasons varied . Culture was cited by 21 .8 percen t

of all rural respondents and 39 .6 percent of rural youth, and

approximately 14 percent of both groups cited better workin g

conditions ; the third most frequently cited advantage of urba n

life (9 .2%) was interesting work for youth and more free time fo r

the rural population as a whole . 56 The distribution of th e

respective attitudes is peculiar to Novosibirsk, but the reason s

cited are typical of other regions .

As noted above, the most frequently cited reason fo r

migration in the pre-1965 period for the country as a whole wa s

low salaries . 57 The importance ascribed to salaries is inversely

related to the respondent's level of education . According t o

surveys, those rural youth having only primary education tend to

grant greater importance to salary levels than do those wit h

either incomplete or completed secondary education . However, th e

results from surveys conducted in Novosibirsk may well reflect th e

predominantly industrial nature of the oblast's economy and th e

concentrated settlement pattern of the population .

Data from Novosibirsk in 1967 confirm the strong relationshi p

between education and migration . An increase in education led to

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an increased probability of migration . Although only 11 percent o f

those with primary education and 40 percent with secondary o r

specialized secondary education migrated, 60 to 80 percent o f

rural secondary school graduates migrated . 58 Among those yout h

who completed institutions of higher education (VUZy), 48 . 6

percent decided to migrate while approximately 31 percent of thos e

who had completed professional-technical schools and tekhnikum y

did so . 59

This may be partly reflecting a shift in th e

importance attributed to factors which define the quality of rura l

life due to the influence of education as well as the difficulty

in finding appropriate jobs . However, as conditions improved an d

educational levels increased during the 1970s, the number of thos e

wishing to migrate declined in Novosibirsk Oblast . 6 0

R . Ryvkina's detailed analysis of data from Novosibirs k

elucidates the pattern of migration found there . The nature and

conditions of work and the standard of living along with "persona l

reasons" constituted the major reasons cited for wishing t o

migrate . Curiously, there appears to have been a partial backlas h

against some of the characteristics associated with an urba n

lifestyle as the countryside itself took on more urba n

characteristics, i .e, the "pull" of the city appears to hav e

declined . The largest pool of migrants came not from the smalles t

villages, but from middle-size communities with average levels o f

socio-economic development . 61 This pattern echoes that found i n

Arutiunian's study of Kalinin Oblast : middle level specialist s

were the most likely group to migrate . 62 however, in Novosibirsk

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the reasons for migration are more closely tied to the standard o f

living than in other European areas of the Soviet Union . 6 3

Nonetheless, the poorest settlements with the least educated wor k

force did not have the largest number of potential migrants . Thi s

suggests that absolute levels of poverty do not give rise t o

dissatisfaction leading to potential action ; rather, youth area s

which had begun to develop and have a skilled and somewhat mor e

educated work force constitute the major source of potentia l

migrants, a situation which is typically associated with risin g

expectations .

Of course, the largest pool of potential migrants comes fro m

those in their late teens and early twenties . 64 Their reasons fo r

wanting to migrate differ from those of the rest of the rural

population . Younger respondents' answers are more likely t o

reflect the "pull" of the city as opposed to the "push" of th e

countryside . Few rural residents over 30 years of age actuall y

cited a desire to live in the city . Dissatisfaction with the

conditions and nature of work were the most frequently cited

motives for migrating : 27 .1 percent for youth and 24 .8 percent fo r

rural residents over 30 years of age . In response to th e

question, "what type of work is considered most important -by yout h

and which would you pick?" the most numerous response (64 .9%) wa s

based on interesting conditions of work and its connection wit h

technology . The second-place answer concerned the social prestig e

of work and salary level (15 .6%) . 65 Attitudes toward work, i t

will he recalled, were the most significant indicator of well-

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being among youth in Western studies .

Youths also cited a desire to continue their education (2 7

percent) as a reason for migrating more frequently than olde r

rural residents (14 .8 percent) . 66 The desire for higher an d

specialized education includes those who simply wanted furthe r

education and those who preferred particular occupations whic h

required further education . The location of higher and

specialized secondary institutions has been directly related t o

the likelihood of migration . 67 The last decade has witnesse d

efforts to locate more schools in rural areas .

In her dissertation, L . P . Liashenko focused on the

relationship between attitudes toward work and migration .

Slightly over 23 percent of young rural respondents wished t o

migrate . However, only those who were "completely dissatisfied "

with their work stand out in their wish to migrate (43 .8%) . Al l

others who indicated that they were fully satisfied, satisfied

since another type of work did not exist, were not completel y

satisfied, or were unable to answer, ranged in their desire t o

migrate from 19 .4 to 28 .3 percent . 68 Dissatisfaction with work i s

positively related to a desire to migrate, but does not constitut e

a sufficient basis for actual migration . Among rural youth who

have no desire to migrate, 71 .9 percent are completely satisfied

with their work while 51 .9 percent of those desiring to migrat e

are completely satisfied with their work . Once again the majo r

difference is found among those who are entirely dissatisfied wit h

their work . Among those rural youth who desired to migrate, over

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30 percent were totally dissatisfied with their work ; only 1 2

percent of those who chose to remain in the countryside wer e

dissatisfied . 6 9

The relationship between age and the reasons cited fo r

migration in Novosibirsk confirms that found in survey wor k

carried out in Krasnodar Krai, and Kalinin, Leningrad, Pskov ,

Novgorod, and Rostov Oblasts . 70 As respondents grew older, thei r

standard of living gained importance as a factor motivatin g

migration while education and culture declined in importance .

According to Arutiunian's study, these differences became mos t

apparent in the post-22 year old group, just as the respondent s

began to assume family responsibilities . Relative differences i n

the frequencies reflect the prosperity of a given oblast ; fo r

example, respondents in Krasnodar Krai are less likely to desir e

to migrate . 7 1

The material on migration suggests some of the importan t

effects of the transformation of the countryside . T . I .

Zaslavskaia and her colleagues in Novosibirsk in their detaile d

study of the countryside present a strong case for the critica l

impact of the level of development of the socio-economi c

infrastructure on migration . 72 The reasons for migration tend t o

cluster fairly consistently by the population's age, level o f

education, and occupation . The degree of dissatisfactio n

associated with these reasons varies according to th e

infrastructure of the region . Of course, this is not merely a

function of socio-economic policies . Demographic structure and

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the nature of the economy strongly influence the development o f

regional infrastructure . Nonetheless, what we find is a

relationship of potential significance : the rural population ,

which has increasing educational levels including some post -

secondary vocational education and occupies middle and lower leve l

jobs, will, as it reaches its middle and late twenties, evaluat e

its surroundings based on its standard of living . Youth tend t o

focus most on the nature of their employment and this ha s

improved, particularly for males . Greater occupational choic e

combined with a changing demographic structure has led to a

decline in migration . The ultimate result of the above change s

will be a somewhat more stable rural population which place s

increasing importance on its quality of life . Given intra-rura l

migration and step migration (in which rural residents tend t o

move sequentially to settlements of larger sizes), a slo w

homogenization of values throughout Soviet society is likely t o

occur . This is also a result of increased mobility and the impac t

of the mass media, especially television, on the countryside .

An unanticipated consequence of the above trend is a n

increase in the pool of rural residents who have a stron g

potential for rising expectations . The rate at which economic and

social policies succeed is the key to rural residents '

satisfaction . Increasingly, rural dissatisfaction will not b e

dissipated through high rates of urban migration . Indeed, eve n

those who move find themselves critical of the urban lifestyle an d

the quality of life in overcrowded cities with limited

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opportunities for upward mobility . A somewhat surprising tendenc y

has been found among rural migrants in the 1980s--a desire t o

return to the countryside . Migration is often circular . What i s

most often is cited as rural migration is actually the net chang e

in population . Increasingly, migrants to cities have a generall y

positive view of the rural environment and a negative one of th e

city . Their desire to return to the countryside is tempered ,

however, by rural living conditions and their ability to fin d

suitable work .

Although not specifically noted in this context ,

the need of rural migrants for higher qualifications and th e

greater difficulty they encounter in finding appropriate urban

employment may also contribute to this trend . At this point wha t

we confront is a merging of expectations for a higher standard o f

living and lifestyle in both the urban and rural environments .

This may be connected with relatively high rates of demand arisin g

in the urban setting and a new set of expectations in th e

countryside . Thus, our original thesis that changing economic and

social conditions will be associated with new attitudes and value s

appears promising . What these changes will mean fo r

citizen-regime relations and the formation of a new nationa l

culture in the Soviet Union remains to be explored .

Professiona lOrientation

The choice of profession is influenced by objectiv e

opportunities and subjective preferences . The reasons wh y

particular professions are desirable provide evidence of changing

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values . 73 These values and attitudes testify to change amon g

rural residents and the narrowing of an urban-rural gap .

Differences in the prestige of agricultural and industria l

occupations indirectly reflect attitudes towards the countrysid e

and the city and the characteristics with which each sector i s

associated .

In the 1960s professions not requiring higher education wer e

ranked at a middle level of desirability by youth in Novosibirs k

Oblast . Agricultural professions and those in the service sector ,

whether or not they required higher education, consistently ranke d

at the bottom of the prestige hierarchy among Novosibirsk youth . 7 4

On the whole, the prestige of agricultural professions was lowe r

than that of industrial occupations .

Professional prestige was assessed differently by urban yout h

(city of Novosibirsk) and rural youth (Novosibirsk Oblast) . Rura l

youth held agricultural professions in greater esteem than did

their urban counterparts, but still did not grant them hig h

prestige relative to other professions . This was particularl y

true for agricultural work not requiring specialized education o r

training . 75 Many rural youth actually held agricultura l

professions in less esteem then did their parents, an indication

of intergenerational change . 7 6

Jobs requiring higher education at VUZy (institutions o f

higher education) tended to be accorded high prestige in al l

surveys . 71 According to data from Sverdlovsk, but typical o f

other areas, rural youth continued to be concentrated in medical

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and pedagogical institutions . Medical and teaching jobs wer e

perceived as providing a means out of the countryside . This i s

reflected by the lack of desire among these students to assum e

jobs in rural areas . 7 8

Indeed, the desirability of particular jobs varied with th e

level of urbanization of respondents' residences . For example ,

the prestige of agricultural professions in Novosibirsk Oblas t

declined among respondents according to the degree of urbanization

of their residence . 79 Youths from the countryside and smal l

cities held mass industrial jobs in greater esteem than di d

residents of large cities . 80 The effect of settlement size is an

important source of regional variation . For example, in the Non -

Black Earth Zone most kolkhozniki live in small settlements . The

effect of the size of settlements is balanced, however, by th e

distance of the settlement from large cities and the presence o f

good transportation . 8 1

Rural youth consistently gave lower rankings to scientifi c

professions than did their urban counterparts, but they gav e

significantly higher ratings to agricultural professions ,

especially those connected with mechanization . Agricultura l

professions were ranked higher than industrial jobs by rura l

youth . 82 V .N . Shubkin notes that the rankings of occupations b y

rural youth have shown considerable variation related to th e

degree of rural isolation . Over time, these rankings have draw n

closer to those of their urban counterparts .

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The great degree to which rural residents are isolated(a weak network of roads, fewer television sets, radi oreceivers, newspapers, journals, and books per villag eresident in comparison with urban residents) causes agreat shift in the amplitude of average evaluations i nrural locations .

Thus, the great regional and ethnic variation in the Soviet Union

makes a single prestige hierarchy unlikely until standards o f

living, life chances, and values grow more homogenous . 8 4

The prestige hierarchy found among rural youth has changed

since the 1960s . Based on data from surveys of 17 year ol d

graduates of rural secondary schools in 1963 and 1973, th e

relative prestige of scientific and industrial professions ha s

increased among rural youth in Novosibirsk Oblast . Professiona l

prestige hierarchies also differ according to the gender of th e

respondent . Both females and males during the 1960s preferre d

positions in which their gender dominated, such as teaching, th e

health professions, and service sector jobs for women an d

industrial, construction, and transport jobs for males . This i s

no longer so true . So-called female professions have declined i n

prestige . 85 Some of these changes may be due to the inclusion o f

a greater proportion of rural youth in the samples, a result o f

the spread of secondary education in the countryside . This i s

because those who preferred industrial jobs in 1963 had no t

completed secondary education and thus were not included in th e

earlier sample .

Not only does the prestige of professions differ betwee n

urban and rural youth, but the factors which influence thei r

professional orientation also differ . These differences reflect

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the more isolated nature of rural life . In particular, rura l

students are more heavily influenced by their parents than ar e

their urban counterparts . The choices of urban youth are mos t

influenced by the mass media, while rural youth are also strongl y

affected by their early introduction to agricultural work . 86 Thi s

accounts, according to Soviet researchers, for rural youths '

attitudes toward physical and cerebral labor . However, during th e

9th and 10th classes--the final years of a complete secondar y

education--rural students' attitudes come to resemble those o f

their urban counterparts more carefully . 87 Once again, we ar e

reminded of the importance of education as a homogenizing factor .

It is worth considering in greater detail the relatio n

between parental preferences and the professional choices of rura l

youth as an indicator of generational change . Most rural parent s

prefer that their children choose non-agricultural jobs . 88 It i s

not surprising that parents who hold white collar jobs prefer tha t

their children also pursue higher or specialized secondar y

education and choose non-agricultural professions . What must be

somewhat alarming for Soviet planners, however, is the stron g

preference among kolkhoz and sovkhoz workers for their children t o

pursue non-agricultural jobs . Parental preference for non -

agricultural jobs does not, however, reflect a preference fo r

urban over rural life . Thus, a conflict between a preference fo r

a rural lifestyle and jobs which were unavailable in th e

countryside confronted rural youth until the diversification o f

the rural occupational structure .

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In spite of parental preferences, most youth who chose

agricultural jobs had parents who worked at sovkhozy and kolkhozy .

The majority of those who became field and livestock workers di d

so due to a perceived lack of choice, which is not surprising

given a general belief that agricultural jobs do not require muc h

knowledge . 89 Most individuals choosing agricultural profession s

had either relatively limited education, at most completing th e

8th class, or had relatively less education than their cohorts a t

institutions of specialized education . 9 0

To summarize, the development of the economic and socia l

infrastructure has influenced the preferences of youth, especiall y

in the countryside . According to the early survey data o f

Arutiunian, the desirability of agricultural professions increase s

in more prosperous areas . This is due not only to an increase i n

salaries (most important in the poor, Non-Black Earth Zone) bu t

also to an improvement in the standard of living . The greate r

diversity of jobs in the rural sector means that new choices ar e

available for rural youth . They need not choose between simpl y

accepting unskilled jobs or pursuing higher education with th e

expectation that they must migrate to the city . The greater arra y

of jobs and the increase in agricultural jobs requiring technica l

knowledge have undoubtedly made the option of choosing to remai n

in rural areas more probable . Indeed, a high percentage of the

rural intelligentsia is drawn from the children of kolkhoz an d

sovkhoz workers . All of this is consistent with the effects o f

increasing general levels of education among rural youth . Youth

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with less than secondary education had tended to drift into job s

without consciously choosing a profession . Thus, before the en d

of the 1960s a high percentage of rural youth desired highe r

education, but, seeing no alternative, settled for going directl y

to work . As the job structure developed, the desire for educatio n

slowly adjusted to the increase in vocational opportunities . Thi s

adjustment also appears to have occurred among urban youth .

The more technical nature of agricultural employment ha s

contributed to the increased prestige of agricultural jobs amon g

rural youth . Although the professional aspirations of rural yout h

overall have grown to more closely resemble those of their urba n

counterparts, rural youth grant a somewhat higher status t o

skilled agricultural professions . Whether such changes lead t o

greater satisfaction depends on the nature of employment an d

standard of living found in the particular region . The mor e

developed the rural infrastructure, the more likely that the rura l

population will remain in the countryside, although intra-sectora l

mobility may increase . 9 1

Leisure Time

How people use time provides an indicator of social Structur e

and preferences . It is a complex indicator of these factor s

mediated by a number of intervening factors which influence and/o r

structure the choices made by the population . Our inability t o

differentiate clearly between structural and normative component s

makes it difficult to demonstrate value change, but this does not

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prevent time budgets and, more specifically, studies on the use o f

leisure time from serving as a major means by which to examin e

social change . Perhaps, the use of leisure time should be viewe d

as a reflection of structural change as well as individua l

economic and cultural choices .

Value of Leisure Time

Let us first consider, however, evidence concerning the valu e

alloted to free time (leisure time) in the countryside . I n

traditional peasant societies time is not highly valued . There i s

some evidence that this has begun to change in the Sovie t

countryside as economic conditions have improved . The trade-of f

for the rural actor is clearly between time and money . This is a

complicated equation since the utility of money in rural areas i s

not easy to assess . It is, of course, a product of the demand and

supply of goods . The Soviet economy is based on the allocation o f

scarce goods . The supply of such goods was traditionally skewe d

toward the urban sector . Rural residents had to have access t o

transportation, which was itself a deficit good, in order t o

obtain a wide selection of desirable products . Until recentl y

money in the rural economy purchased necessities . This is - wha t

promoted work on the private plot as a means through which rura l

residents could become part of the monetary economy . After suc h

needs are met or alternative sources of money are provided, th e

time devoted to the private plot should decline, unless demand

increases . Here we confront the real constraining factor after

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minimal needs are met--the availability and desirability o f

objects for which rural residents need money and a change in thei r

demand structure .

Salaries and social welfare benefits dramatically increase d

beginning in the middle of the 1960s . This raised the margina l

utility of additional income derived from the private plot . Rura l

savings since the mid-1960s have grown at a faster rate than urba n

savings . Based on the number of retail outlets and the quality o f

goods sold, this appears to have limited the utility of working o n

the private plot . It is probably this scenario which structures

the time-work tradeoff in the USSR, as opposed to the saturatio n

of consumer demand, a fact not lost on Soviet planners who attemp t

to use remunerative means to increase labor productivity .

The increased importance of leisure time, however, reflect s

more than a purely economic decision . In part, this may reflect a

new frame of reference for the rural population . As rural income s

increased in the countryside, the conditions of work have grown i n

importance . In particular, this is related to the length of th e

work day, the availability of a day off, and vacations . As

previously noted, dissatisfaction with the conditions of work i s

now a leading cause of migration . Data from the 1970s sugges t

that youth prefer leisure time to additional income . 92 Althoug h

not totally clear, the degree of dissatisfaction with the amoun t

of leisure time in the countryside seems fairly extensive . A

study of sovkhozy in the non-Black Earth Zone (Leningrad Oblast )

found that sovkhoz workers were dissatisfied with the amount

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leisure time available . This was particularly true among youth . 9 3

In Rostov Oblast 71 .5% of the rural population in the early 1970 s

(1973-74), noted the inadequacy of free time . 9 4

Nonetheless, increased free time itself does not necessaril y

lead to greater satisfaction . Rural youth frequently complai n

about the lack of options for the use of free time . It is no t

clear that the efforts to build more clubs and improve libraries ,

so often called for by Soviet planners and researchers, will lea d

to greater satisfaction . Indeed, the greater availability o f

improved facilities does not necessarily lead to greater usage .

In part, this dissatisfaction may arise from expectations derive d

from a new frame of reference--urban and international .

The desire for goods themselves reflects aspirations for an

improved standard of living and a desire to adopt a lifestyle mor e

closely resembling that found in the city . Here we need t o

examine the impact of factors which have broken the isolatio n

which characterized rural society--the mass media, improve d

transportation, and, most importantly, education . The impact o f

these factors varies by generation and cultural/ethnic values .

Another aspect of leisure time is the actual use made of it .

The confining condition, of course, is the availability of venue s

in which to spend leisure time . These are traditionally limited

in the countryside . Admittedly, the lack of facilities makes the

assessment of choice as a function of value preference difficult .

Nonetheless, if we our able to ascertain the structure of th e

desired uses of time rather than the actual use of time, then we

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may at least in part capture citizen social and cultura l

preferences .

Changes in the Use of Time

The use of time reflects changing preferences which appea r

directly related to the rural occupational structure and th e

sexual segregation of occupations in the countryside . Th e

traditional division of labor between males and females appears t o

have continued . Some of the patterns found among women from 196 3

to 1973 seem related to an absolute increase in non-working time .

Women appear to use this additional time primarily for househol d

and child care tasks . Although the amount of free time amon g

rural women as compared to males has increased, men have use d

their additional free time to watch television and listen to th e

radio . 95 Thus, increases in free time connected to lifestyle an d

occupations result in differential usage . It would appear tha t

increased television viewing reduces rural isolation, but that th e

sexual division of labor, like that in cities, perpetuates mor e

traditional roles . Some differences in the use of leisure tim e

reflect family size, the absolute amount of time available, an d

the availability of labor saving devices .

Both the use of free time and the degree of satisfactio n

derived from leisure time activities are closely related to th e

educational attainment of rural residents . The higher the leve l

of education, the greater the desire for cultural opportunities .

For most of the rural population, however, the spread of secondary

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education with lower migration rates has led to a more critica l

attitude toward one's standard of living . Overall, there exists a

strong desire for more free time . 9 6

Education is clearly related to rural residents' degree o f

satisfaction with their leisure time activities . In the non-Blac k

Earth Zone during the 1970s, dissatisfaction with how leisure tim e

was spent was directly related to respondents' level of education .

Not only did 92 percent of the respondents with higher educatio n

feel that their use of leisure time had deteriorated during th e

last 3-5 years, but more importantly, those with specialize d

technical training were also dissatisfied (32 .7 to 50 . 8

percent) . 9 7

In comparing the use of leisure time in rural and urba n

areas, the differences appear to have declined . Perhaps, the fac t

that until now the majority of urban dwellers were born in th e

countryside has affected their preference structure . 98 I n

general, the decline in rural isolation represented by the sprea d

of television and higher frequency of travel is evidenced by th e

decline in urban and rural differences in leisure time activities .

Dramatic changes in time usage may await second generatio n

urbanites . Overall, the amount of time available in rural - areas

has increased and rural preferences have grown more similar t o

those found in urban areas . Increasingly, urban and rura l

residents will employ a single frame of reference .

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Conclusion

what types of preliminary conclusions can be drawn about socia l

change from our indicators ?

- Increased secondary education and a more highly differentiate d

occupational structure in the countryside are leading to th e

disappearance of an uneducated and unskilled peasantry which wa s

associated with passivity .

Rural mass society, especially th e

young, now possesses the skills to participate .

- Demands for an improved quality of life are associated wit h

those who hold skilled jobs, especially in regions where th e

economic infrastructure has improved . Those totally dissatisfie d

with their jobs migrate, but those who remain in the countrysid e

now evidence increased demands .

- Increased demands are associated with regions which hav e

enjoyed at least an "average" level of economic development .

Given patterns of economic development in the USSR during the las t

two decades, Soviet citizens may be approaching a situation o f

rising expectations due both to improved conditions and a ne w

standard of comparison, i .e ., the result of the end of rura l

isolation .

- Changes in the Soviet countryside have important implication s

for the urban sector .

- Migration has stabilized . No longer is it necessary for rura l

residents with secondary and post-secondary education to migrat e

in order to find employment .

Previous migrants were satisfied with changing their status by

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moving to the city, since upward mobility in the countryside was

impossible . Today these migrants will be more demanding at a tim e

when urban social mobility is declining .

This will contribute t o

increased urban demands .

- New attitudes and increased demands are associated with new ,

incipient social groups based on education and occupation .

WhatDoesSocial Change Mean For Political Life ?

New social groups espousing economic demands now posses s

skills necessary for political leadership . These are th e

potential leaders of voluntary associations . This is a broade r

stratum then the intelligentsia . What is even more important i s

that this new group may be able to organize a more highly educated

mass public which no longer exhibits the passivity associated wit h

a peasant culture . The link between these two groups would b e

extraordinarily important, since the intelligentsia in the USS R

has been isolated from the masses . Such new groups may focus o n

local issues, such as economic difficulties of daily life a s

opposed to the intelligentsia's concern for more intangibl e

political liberties .

New groups focusing on low level politics - making demands t o

affect policies - would confront the Soviet political elite with a

dilemma . The economic tasks facing the Soviet Union requir e

increased initiative from middle level management and increased

worker productivity, i .e ., active participation . This now

requires material incentives . If the political elite ignores new

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demands, it risks the withdrawal or opposition of new groups .

This would result in high economic costs during the transitio n

from industrial to post-industrial society . Economic complexity

can no longer tolerate a highly centralized system with low level s

of participation and initiative .

If new social groups are not to be ignored, the Soviet Unio n

confronts the dilemma of how either to incorporate groups an d

allow them influence or to coopt them . It is not at all clea r

what the political/economic preferences of these groups will be .

Nor is it clear how or whether the Soviet system will permi t

groups to participate . It is, however, evident that this is o n

the current political agenda . The issue of political change i s

not simply a matter of political rights, often associated wit h

glasnost', but more fundamentally, how a society which is rapidly

changing and beginning to make new demands can be incorporated

into a heretofore centralized political system . Social chang e

provides the basis for new groups which are beginning to mak e

demands on the state . The emergence of new social groups and th e

possibility of voluntary associations and spontaneous grou p

formation will be crucial in the evolution of the Soviet politica l

system .

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4 3

1. See Samuel P . Huntington, Political Order inChangingSocieties (New Haven : Yale University Press, 1968) ; idem . an dJoan M . Nelson, No Easy Choice (Cambridge : Harvard Universit yPress, 1976) ; Seymour M . Lipset and Stein Rokkan, "Cleavag eStructures, Party Systems, and Voter Alignments : AnIntroduction," in Seymour M . Lipset and Stein Rokkan, eds ., Party_Systems and Voter Alignment (New York : The Free Press, 1967), pp .1-64 ; Barrington Moore, Jr ., Social OriginsofDictatorship andDemocracy (Boston : Beacon Press, 1966) .

2. See Huntington and Nelson, No Easy Choice and Alber tHirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty (Cambridge : Harvar dUniversity Press, 1970) .

3. Huntington and Nelson, No Easy Choices .

4. Angus Campbell, The Sense of Well-Being in America : Recen tPatterns and Trends (New York : McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1981) ,

p . 33 .

5. This refers to urban-rural differences, not the multi-ethni cnature of the Soviet state .

6. Frank M . Andrews and Stephen B . Withey, Social Indicators o fWell-Being : Americans' Perceptions of Life Quality (New York :Plenum Press, 1976), p . 7 .

7. Ibid .

8. Ibid ., p . 136 .

9. F .R . Filippov, "Nauchno-tekhnicheskii progress isovershenstvovanie sotsial'noi struktury sovetskogo obshchestva, "Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, no .4 (1985) : pp . 3-14 . Also se eV .N . Ivanov, Razvitie sotsial'noi struktury obshchestva v SSS R(Moscow : Nauka, 1985) ; F .R . Filippov, G .A . Slesarev, and P .M .Erenburg, eds ., Formirovanie sotsial'noi odnorodnost isotsialisticheskogo obshchestva (Moscow : Nauka, 1981) ; and S .L .Seniavskii, Sotsial'naia struktura sovetskogo obshchestvavusloviiakh razvitogo sotsializma (1961-1980 gg .) (Moscow : Mysl' ,1982) .

10. Filippov, "Nauchno-tekhnicheskii progress," p . 5 .

11. Ibid .

12. See Murray Yanowitch, Work in the Soviet Union

(Armonk, NY :M .E . Sharpe, Inc ., 1985) and A .G . Zdravomyslov, V .P . Rozhin, andV .A . Iadov, Chelovek i ego rabota

(Moscow : Mysl', 1967) .

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4 4

13.Seniavskii, Sotsial'naia struktura, pp . 4, 5 .

14. See for example V .I . Staroverov, Sotsial'naia struktur asel'skogo naseleniia SSSR na etape razvitogo sotsializma (Moscow :Nauka, 1978) . Also see C .S . Kaplan, "The Transformation of th eSoviet Countryside : Reality and Perception," Paper presented a tthe Annual Meeting of the American Association for the Advancemen tof Slavic Studies, November 1986, New Orleans, LA .

15. See V .A . Kalmyk, "Izmenenie uslovii i struktury zaniatnost isel'skogo naseleniia v protsesse urbanizatsii derevni, "Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, no . 3 (1976) : pp . 50-59 -

16. RSFSR v tsifrakh v 1985 g . Kratkii statisticheskii sborni k(Moscow : Finansy i statistika, 1986), pp . 42, 56, 57, 59, 61 .

17. Rozlina V . Ryvkina, Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskie problem yobraza zhizni sel'skogo naseleniia . Doctoral dissertation, A NSSSR, SO, IEiOPP, Novosibirsk, 1979, p . 174 .

18. See A .N . Shaposhnikov, Sotsial'no-ekonomicheshkii anali z(Novosibirsk : Nauka, Sibirskoe otdelenie, 1983) .

19. Data from Vestnik statistiki (1985), no . 12, p . 50 . V.F .Maier, Uroven' zhizni naseleniia SSSR (Moscow : Mysl', 1977), p .213, cited by Shaposhnikov, Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskii analiz, P -43 .

20. Shaposhnikov, Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskii analiz, p . 44 . Thes efigures do not include income from private plots . When non-salar yincome is included the urban-rural income gap declines . Gertrud eE . Schroeder, "Rural Living Standard in the Soviet Union," i nRobert C . Stuart, ed ., The Soviet Rural Economy (Totowa, NJ :Rowman & Allanheld, 1984), pp . 242-245 .

21. Vestnik statistiki_ (1985), no . 12, p . 52 ; R .V . Ryvkina ,"Zhilishchnye usloviie i obraz zhizni sel'skogo naselenie, "Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, (1975), no .4, pp . 92-101 ; P .I .Simush, Sotsial'nyi portret sovetskogo krest'ianstva (Moscow :Politicheskoi literatury, 1976) ; RSFSR v tsifrakh v 1985 g ., P -97 . Schroeder, "Rural Standard of Living," pp . 245-254 .

22. RSFSR v tsifrakh v 1985 g ., p . 99 . For USSR data see ,Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1985 g . (Moscow : Finansy istatistika, 1986), pp . 448 .

23. V . I . Staroverov, ed ., Sotsial'nyi oblik srednerussko iderevni

(Moscow :

]S1 AN SSSR, 1982), pp . 74, 75 .

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4 5

24. T .I . Zaslavskaia and I .B . Muchina, eds ., Sotsial'no-demograficheskoe razvitie sela (Moscow : Statistika, 1980), pp .284, 317-39 .

25. P .V . Smekalov, V .P . Tolmachev, and N .N . Filippov . Sel'ski ekadry nechernozem'ia (Moscow : Sovetskaia Rossiia, 1981), p . 166 .

26. P .V . Smekalov, Organizatsiia professional'noi podgotovk ikadry na sele (Leningrad : Kolos, 1982), p . 123 .

27. Zaslayskaia and Muchina, Sotsial'no-demografichesko erazvitie, p . 308 .

28. Narodnoe khoziaistvo Rostovskoi oblasti v 9 piatiletk e(Rostov : Rostovskoe knizhnoe izdatel'stvo, 1976), p . 31 .

29. V .A . Skorodkhod, "Vnutri klassovaia struktura sovremennog okolkhoznogo krest'ianstva i tendentsii ee izmeneniia v protesess estroitel'stva kommunizma", (Abstract of candidate dissertation ,Rostov State University, 1971), p . 13 .

30 .

Ibid ., p . 14 .

31. V .N . Chapek, Migratsiia i stabilizatsiia trudovykh resurso vsela (Rostov : Izdatel'stvo Rostovskogo Universiteta, 1983), p .98 .

32. Considerable diversity exists, particularly in Central Asia ,which is not included in this study .

33. F .R . Filippov, "Vseobshchee srednee obrazovanie kak fakto rsotsial'nogo sblizheniia goroda i derevni," Sotsiologicheski eissledovaniia, (1976), no . 3, pp . 71-77 -

34. See Biulleten' MViSSO SSSR, (June 1982), no . 6, pp . 5-11 and(May 1983), no . 7, pp . 1-7 .

35. See M . Kh . Titma and E .A . Saar, Molodoe pokolenie (Moscow :Mysl', 1986), pp . 195-222 .

36. Iu .V . Arutiunian, Sotsial'naia struktura sel'sko g o naselenii aSSSR (Moscow : Mysl', 1971), pp . 162-163 . The percentage of rura lstudents completing secondary school increased, the quality o frural education still lagged behind that found in the city . M .N .Rutkevich and F .R . Filippov, Vysshaia shkola kak faktor izmenenii asotsial'noi struktury razvitogo sotsialisticheskogo obshchestv a(Moscow :

Nauka, ]978), pp . 57-59 .

37. F .R . Filippov, "Vseobshchee srednee obrazovanie kak fakto rsotsial'nogo sblizheniia goroda i derevni, " Sotsiologicheski eissledovaniia, no .3 (1976), p . 71 .

Also see, F .R . Filippov, "Det iv strane razvitogo sotsializma, " Sotsiologiceshkie issledovaniia,

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4 6

no . 4 (1979), p . 57 .

38. V . Kostakov, "The Effectiveness of Labor and Education, "Ekonomicheskaia gazeta, 1980, No . 33, p . 10 cited by Yanowitch ,Work in the Soviet Union, p . 9 .

39. Chislennost' i sostav naseleniiaSSSR : Po dannym Vsesoiuzno iperepisi naseleniia 1979 goda (Moscow : Finansy i statistika ,1984), pp . 185 .

40. F .R . Filippov, "Rol' vysshei shkoly v izmennenii sotsial'no istruktury sovetskogo obshchestva (itogi vsesoiuznog oissledovaniia)," Sotsiologichesie issledovaniia, no . 2 (1977), p .48 .

41. F .R . Filippov, "Vseobshchee srednee obrazovanie kak fakto rsotsial'nogo sblizheniia goroda i derevni," Sotsiologicheski eissledovaniia, no .3 (1976) : pp . 71-77 .

42. This trend confirms that noted by Huntington and Nelson, NoEasy Choices, pp . 51, 52 .

43. Huntington and Nelson, No Easy Choices, p . 81 .

44. A .A . Vorontsov, "Sotsialism i kul'turnyi progress derevni" ,(Doctoral dissertation, Leningrad State Pedagogical Institute ,1984), p . 229 . Voronstov conducted surveys in villages o fLeningrad, Smolensk, and Pskov oblasts during 1968 and 1978-1979 .The sample included 4,445 respondents .

45. Ibid ., p . 38 .

46. Staroverov, Sotsial'no-demograficheskie problemy derevn i(Moscow : Nauka, 1975) .

47. Ibid ., p . 126 .

48. A .F . Tarasov, et al, eds ., Problemy sotsial'no-ekonomicheskogo razvitiia sela (Rostov : Rostov State Pedagogica lInstitute, 1971), p . 39 . Data are drawn from a 196 9 survey ofstudents in the 8th and 10ths at rural schools .

49 . Ibid .,

p . 46 .

50 . Chapek, Migratsiia i stabilizatsiia,

p .

39 .

51 . Ibid .,

p . 38 .

52 . Ibid .,

p . 44 .

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53. Zaslavskaia and Muchinka, otsial'no-demografichesko erazvitie, pp . 125-126 .

54. L .P . Liashenko, "Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskie problem yprivlechniia molodezhi k sel'skokhoziaistvennomu proizvodstvu(Trud, obrazovanie, migratsiia v gorode)" (Abstract of candidat edissertation, Novosibirsk State University, 1971), p . 68 .Representative sample of rural population for Novosibirsk Oblast .

55. Ibid ., p . 10 .

56. Ibid, p . 68 . Table 13 .

57. See Robert Stuart and Paul Gregory, "A Model of Soviet Rural -Urban Migration," Economic Development and Cultural Change 2 6(October 1977), no . 1, pp . 81-92 ; and Staroverov, Sotsial'no-demograficheskie.

58. Staroverov, Sotsial'no-demograficheskie problemy, p . 9 .

59. Liashenko, dissertation, p . 73 .

60. For a sophisticated examination of the standard of living i nNovosibirsk Oblast from 1967 through 1977 showing the improve dconditions and their impact on the values and behavior of th epopulation see R .V . Ryvkina, Obraz zhizni sel'skogo naselenii a(Novosibirsk : Izd-vo Nauka Sibirskoe otdelenie, 1979) .

61. Ryvkina, dissertation, pp . 216, 314 .

62. Arutiunian, Sotsial'naia struktura, 1971 .

63. Ibid ., p . 320 .

64. Ryvkina, dissertation, p . 320 .

POTENTIAL MIGRANTS BY AGE GROU P

to 18 19-24 25-29 30-39 40-49 50-54 (59) Older than55 (60 )

1972

41 .6

29 .6

16 .4

14 .5

9 .0

5 . 8

1977

28 .9

12 .0

8 .2 .

6 .5

7 .2

6 .2

4 . 3

4 . 2

65 .

Ibid ., p . 12 .

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4 8

66. Liashenko, dissertation, p . 69, Table 14 . Note that 21 . 9percent of youth and 31 .7 percent of the rural population over 3 0years of age could not cite a reason why they wished to migrate .

67. See, for example, Tarasov, Professional'naia orientatsii aand Titma and Saar, Molodoe pokolenie .

68. Liashenko, dissertation, p . 72 . Table 15 . Those who wer eundecided ranged from a low of 7 .4 percent among those full ysatisfied with their work to a high of 13 .0 percent among thos enot very satisfied .

69. Ibid ., p . 72, Table 16 .

70. See Arutiunian, Sotsial'naia struktura; Semkalov ,Tolmachev, and Filippov, Sel'skie kadry nechernozem'ia ; G .V .Ignatov, Opyt' sotsial'no-ekonomicheskogo izuchenii aprofessional'noi orientatsii sel'skoi molodezhi (Rostov on theDon : Rostov Pedagogical Institute, 1974) ; and Chapek, Migratsii ai stabilizatsiia.

71. Arutiunian, Sotsial'naia struktura, p . 164, Table 83 .

72. Among the major authors of these numerous works are T .I .Zaslavskaia, R .V . Ryvkina, I .R . Muchinka, L .A . Khakhulinna, I .M .Belen'kaia, R.I . Shniper, V .I . Fedossev, and others associate dwith IEiOPP in Novosibirsk .

73. See Michael Swafford, "Perceptions of Social Status in th eUSSR," in James Millar, ed ., Politics, Work, andDailyLifein th eUSSR (New York : Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp . 279-300 ,for comments on Soviet research on professional prestige .

74. V .N . Shubkin and G .A . Cherednichenko, Molodezh' vstupaetvzhizn', (Moscow : Mysl', 1985), pp . 45-47, Tables 3, 4, and 5 .

75. G .M . Kochetov, "Professionalnye plany molodezhi i ik hrealizatsiia (Opyt sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia problem vybor aprofessii vypusnikami srednikh shkol Novosibirskoi oblasti), "(Candidate dissertation, Novosibirsk State University, 1968,) pp .85-86 . Kochetov and Liashenko use data from the same survey scarried out in 1967 and 1968 . These sources were supplemented b ydata from surveys carried out in 1962, 1963, 1964, and 1965 .

76. Liashenko, dissertation, p . 87, Table 20 . 54 percent o fgraduates of rural secondary schools in Novosibirsk Oblast in th esample ranked tractor drivers and mechanizers lower than did thei rparents, 53 percent agronomists, 51 percent livestock workers, 4 7percent field workers . The percentage of the graduates agreein gwith their parents ranged from 29 to 35 percent and among thos eranking agricultural professions higher than their parents the

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4 9

range varied from 16 percent for tractor drivers and mechanizer sand 18 percent for livestock and field workers and agronomists t o27 percent for low level mechanization workers .

77. Shubkin and Cherednichenko, Molodezh', p . 49 .

78. L . Ia . Rubina, Sovetskoe studenchestvo (Moscow : Mysl' ,1981), p . 65 . Data are for the period 1966 through 1980 .

79. G .V . Osipov and Ia . Shchepan'skii, Sotsial'nye problemy trud ai proizvodstva . Sovetsko-pol'skoe sravnitel'noe issledovani e(Moscow : Mysl',n .a .) pp . 23-38, cited by Liashenko, dissertation ,p 83 .

80. Shubkin and Cherednichenko, Molodezh', p . 52, Table 7 :Evaluation of the prestige of a series of professions of physica land menta lby sex and

work .

(This table presents data for 1963 broken dow ntype of residence . )

81 . Zaslavskaia and Muchina,

Sotsial'no-demografichesko erazvitie . Arutunian's research on Kalinin Oblast and Krasnoda rKrai shows the influence of settlement size .

Sotsial'nai astruktura .

82 . Shubkin and Cherednichenko, Molodezh', pp . 52-53 .

83 . Shubkin and Cherednichenko,

Molodezh',

p . 54 .

84 . Shubkin and Cherednichenko,

Molodezh',

pp . 55-57 .

85. Shubkin and Cherednichenko, Molodezh', pp . 60-62 . Table 10 :The evaluation of professions by graduates of rural secondar yschools in Novosibirsk Oblast . (1963 and 1973 )

86. V .G . Kostiuk, M .M . Traskuriova, D .L . Konstantinovskii ,Molodezh' Sibiri, pp . 101-103 .

87. Shubkin and Cherenichenko, Molodezh', p . 72 .

88. Among parents in Moscow Oblast, 69 percent wanted thei rchildren to have higher education, 65% in Orel, and 40% inKrasnodar Krai and Kalinin Oblast . Arutiunian, Sotsial'nai astruktura, pp . 238-39 -

89. Tarasov, Professional'naia orientatsiia, p . 44 . This wor kis based on surveys conducted in 1966/67 in the Amur, Leningrad ,Moscow, and Rostov oblasts .

90. Tarasov, Professional'naia orientatsiia .

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5 0.

91. This applies in a relative sense since the gross level o fmigration reflects shifts in the demographic structure of th epopulation, i .e ., the decline in the number of youth due to th eworld wars .

92. See for example, Aleksei V . Vorontsov, "Sotsialism ikul'turnyi progress derevni," (Doctoral dissertation, Leningra dState Pedagogical Institute, Leningrad 1984, p . 321 and V .D .Patrushev, ed ., Biudzhet vremeni sel'skogo naseleniia (Moscow :Nauk), p . 203 .

93. Voronstov, dissertation, p . 321 .

94. Patrushev, Biudzhet vremeni, p . 203 .

95. In 1963 rural men had 1 .7 times more time than rural women .In 1973, the difference dropped to 1 .2 times . Ibid ., p . 160 . Thedata are for Rostov Oblast .

96. Staroverov, Sotsial'nyi oblik, p . 71 .

97. Voronstov, dissertation, pp . 93, 94 .

98. V .D . Patrushev, "Kak i s kem provodit svobodnoe vremi agorozhanii?," Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, no . 4 (1986), pp .55-62 .

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r