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8/2/2019 Twinning Projects as a Tool of Administrative Reform
1/23
Conditionality and domestic change: Twinning projects as a tool of
administrative reform in Romania
One of the major challenges facing the countries of Central and Eastern Europe
(CEECs) in obtaining membership of the European Union (EU) has been the need to
implement effectively the acquis communautaire. The process of transposing the
80,000 pages of EU law into domestic legislation has all but been completed in the
eight CEECs that joined the EU in 2004 (the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary,
Tatvia, Tithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia). The same is also largely true for
the two 'laggards' in the enlargement process (Bulgaria and Romania) that joined the
Union in 2007. Yet the effective implementation of the transposed legislation poses amajor challenge to the administrative structures of states joining the EU. Gross
inefficiency and a severe lack of expertise have been some of the most damaging
legacies of the old socialist order for their civil services. During the process of
transition the credibility and effectiveness of public administrations across the region
have also been seriously undermined by endemic levels of corruption and excessive
politicisation.
For its part, the EU has watched the laborious process of administrative reform
in the CEECs with profound concern for the potential implications of eastwards
enlargement for the functioning of the single market and for the efforts of the existing
Member States to deepen their co-operation in sensitive areas such as justice and
home affairs (JHA). Legal approximation has been an important parameter of the
EU's relations with the CEECs, as recognized by both the Europe agreements and the
Copenhagen European Council in 1993. Since the publication of the Commission's
White Paper on the integration of the CEECs into the single market in 1995
(Commission, 1995), the question of public administration reform gained new
impetus; and by the time the Agenda 2000 proposals were presented in 1997, the
strengthening of the administrative capacity of applicant countries had become a key
priority for the EU. As part of this drive, in May 1998 the Commission launched the
twinning exercise, a new policy instrument through which civil servants from the
Member States would be seconded to the applicant states with the task of speeding up
the process of their legal convergence with the EU and the development of institutions
for upholding and implementing the acquis.
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This paper examines the operation of the twinning exercise in Romania,
focusing in particular on the process of administrative reform in two key ministries:
the Ministry of Interior, responsible for the implementation of large parts of the JHA
acquis; and the Ministry of Development and Prognosis, responsible for the
implementation of the EU's acquis in the field of regional policy. In doing so, it builds
upon and extends the recent literature on the role of EU enlargement as a driving
force for executive reform in central and eastern Europe (Goetz, 2001a). Conceptually
the study of the twinning exercise in Romania is therefore linked to the
Europeanisation literature. Taking into consideration the strong conditionalities
underpinning the EU's enlargement process (e.g. extensive compliance with the EU
acquis prior to membership), this paper departs from the conception of
Europeanisation as an 'inward looking' process, confined only to existing EU Member
States. Instead it furthers the argument that such a process can also be exported
outside the geographical boundaries of the EU, particularly towards those countries
aspiring to join. The paper then shifts its attention to the impact of twinning, as a
mechanism of Europeanisation and a local extension of the EU's conditionality
principle on domestic reform. In doing so, it looks at issues relating to the design of
the exercise and, more importantly, at domestic factors mediating its reform potential.
The paper is divided into four sections. Section I reviews the literature on
Europeanisation and assesses its relevance to the recent EU enlargement process.
Section II looks at the main features of the twinning exercise, whilst Section III builds
on empirical evidence to provide an in-depth analysis of the operation of twinning
projects in Romania. In Section IV, the paper concludes with an assessment of the
role of the twinning exercise as a stimulus for administrative reform in the candidate
countries; its role as an instrument for policing the conditionality principles associated
with the recent enlargement process; and the domestic factors mediating the EU's
Europeanising influence over its prospective Member States.
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I. Europeanisation, conditionality and reform in the CEECs
Over the last few years the growth of the Europeanization literature has been
considerable (Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003; Cowles et al., 2001; Dyson, 2000;
Radaelli, 2000; Borzei 1999; Heritier, 1998; Featherstone, 1998). Yet, with few recent
exceptions (Agh, 1999; Goetz, 2001a; Grabbe, 2001a, 2003; Demetropoulou, 2001),
much of the debate on Europeanisation has predominantly focused on the way in
which existing Member States are being transformed by EU membership. The process
of Europeanisation, in this respect, is seen as a constant two-way interaction between
the 'national' and the 'European' (Cowles et. al, 2001), with Member States assuming
the role of both contributors and products of European integration (Rometsch and
Wessels, 1996). In other words, whilst EU Member States are the principal architects
of the European polity, they are often unable to control the timing and shape in which
the outcomes of this polity are transposed into the national setting (Cole, 2001; Meny,
1996). Within this context, Ladrech defines Europeanisation as the process in which
'EC political and economic dynamics become part of the organisational logic of
national politics and policy making' (Ladrech, 1994, p. 69). Building on Ladrech,
Radaelli has broadened the definition of Europeanisation to include:
Processes of (a) construction, (b) diffusion, and (c) institutionalisation of
formal and informai rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles, 'ways of
doing things', and shared beliefs and norms which are first defined and
Consolidated in the making of EU public policy and politics and then
integrated in the logic of domestic discourse, identities, political structures
and public policies. (Radaelli, 2003, p. 30)
It is on the basis of such a definition that this paper proceeds.
Given the substance of the EU's relationship with non-Member States and the breadth
of Radaelli's definition, it is to be expected that the processes of Europeanisation can
be and have been exported. Nowhere else can this be seen more clearly than in the
case of the CEECs seeking membership of the EU, all of which have been subjected
to the same adaptational pressures of Europeanisation (institutional, cognitive and
strategic) as Knill and Lehmkuhl (1999) have described in the case of the existing EU
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Member States. In recent years, for example, there has been a wealth of evidence
manifesting how the ever-accelerating pace of the EU's enlargement process has
transformed governance in the applicant countries by reshaping the outlook of their
executives, legislatures and judiciaries and recasting the balance of power between
them (Demetropoulou, 2001; Goetz, 2001b; Grabbe, 2001b; Lippert et al., 2001).
Instituional adaptation, however, has been only a part of the EU's impact on
these 'candidate' countries. Changes in domestic opportunity structures and
mechanisms of cognitive shifts can also be seen at work across the region. The
CEECs' drive towards EU membership has never been a politically neutral exercise.
The process of adjusting to the EU acquis opens up opportunities for some and
threatens the entrenched interests of others, thus creating new groups of 'winners' and
'losers' at the domestic level (Grabbe and Hughes, 1999; Miliard, 1999). The cognitive
effects of the EU on the CEECs have also been immense since the early stages of the
transition process. The 'return to Europe' slogan came to shape the identity and long-
term strategy of the CEECs in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions. In this process,
the EU offered not only a blueprint for the political elites on the content of the needed
reforms, but also an important legitimising force for 'selling' these reforms to the
CEECs' electorate. The EU's role in this process is, indeed, similar to the southern
European experience (Featherstone et al., 2001).
The EU-imposed conditionalities underpinning the current enlargement
process have been the main driving force behind the Europeanisation of the CEECs.
The conditionality principle has been a central feature of the EU's strategy towards the
region ever since the establishment of bilateral relations with the countries in the late
1980s. In 1993 the EU's conditions for the deepening of its relations with the CEECs
were codified in what became known as the 'Copenhagen criteria', notably the
existence of stable democratic institutions, the functioning of a market economy and
the ability to adopt the acquis communautaire. Compliance with these criteria has
helped regulate the progress of the CEECs up the ladder of the EU's contractual
relations and eventually determined the content of the Commission's 1997 avis on
their eligibility for starting accession negotiations. Throughout this process, the huge
power asymmetries between the EU and the central and east European applicants has
allowed the former to remain firmly in control of both how these conditions were set,
and the way in which they were (and continue to be) assessed. Conditionality
remained strong even after the first wave of accession negotiations began in 1998.
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With the content of the acquis remaining non-negotiable, and with the EU's expressed
determination to allow minimal transitional periods for its full implementation, the
scope for the accession applicants' ability to influence the terms of their accession to
the EU has been extremely limited. Instead, the successful conclusion of the
negotiations has remained conditional on their ability to comply with most of the
acquis prior to their entry into the EU.
The way in which the conditionalities associated with EU membership have
affected the process of administrative reform in applicant countries is difficult to
depict. Whilst the necessity for the modernisation of the applicants' administrations
has been emphasised on numerous occasions, the EU has fallen short of prescribing a
specific blueprint for reform in this field (Dimitrova, 2002; Olsen, 2003). As a result,
despite the EU's insistence on the speedy and full implementation of the acquis by the
new Member States, the choice of administrative tools through which this is to be
achieved remained very much in the hands of the applicant countries themselves. In
the absence of a single 'European' model of public administration - itself a reflection
of the strength and resilience of national administrative traditions across existing
Member States - the role of the twinning exercise, as an instrument of policing the
EU's conditionality, is indeed a peculiar one.
At one level, the dispatch of civil servants from the existing Member States to
lead initiatives of administrative reform in the candidate countries can be seen as a
relatively advanced form of policing conditionality 'on the ground' and of reducing
information asymmetries between the EU and the candidate countries. Yet the
contingencies associated with the twinning operations are significant. For a start, the
exercise relies heavily on processes of policy learning where the ability of the
despatched civil servants to develop good working relationships with local staff has a
significant bearing on the full realisation of objectives. Moreover, the very design of
the exercise strongly encourages the (national) diversity of advice provided to the
candidate countries, suggesting instead a softer and more diffused form of monitoring
conditionality. These, coupled with the absence of a clear EU prescription for
administrative reform, present the accession applicants with much greater scope for
developing their own, national-specific responses to the administrative challenges
posed by EU membership. Against this background it would therefore be misleading
to assume that the enlargement-driven Europeanisation process produces either
predetermined or uniform outcomes across the accession applicants. Indeed the EU's
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Europeanising effect on the CEECs cannot be fully unpacked without reference to the
domestic factors that mediate its impact at the national level. This can be amply seen
from the case study presented here of twinning operations in Romania.
II. The Twinning Exercise: Institutional Design and Rationale
The improvement in the applicant countries' administrative structures with a view to
the imminent opening of accession negotiations with the EU was among the top
priorities of the Commission's Agenda 2000 proposals. Under the heading 'institution
building', the Commission first advanced the idea that 'programmes for the long-term
secondment to applicant countries of experts from the administrations of the Member
States must be drawn up for each applicant in the light of the needs identified,
particularly in the opinions [avis]' (Commission, 1997a, p. 4). Funding for these
initiatives was to be provided by the rebalanced Phare budget which since 1997 has
pledged 30 per cent of its total funds to 'institution building' (Commission, 1997a).
Following five months of preparatory work, the twinning exercise was officially
launched by the Commission in May 1998 with the aim of assisting the accession
applicants to establish a 'modern, efficient administration that is capable of applying
the acquis communautaire to the same standards as the current Member States'
(Commission, 1998b, Introduction)1.
The wording of the 1998 twinning manual reflected the Commission's
eagerness not to repeat some of the mistakes which have tarnished the reputation of
other Phare-funded projects in the past: namely, the vagueness of objectives,
difficulties in monitoring progress and evaluation, and the reliance on expensive
short-term western consultancy with few concrete results (Mayhew, 1998; Bailey and
de Propris, 2004). For these reasons the new initiative was not designed:
to provide advice or achieve sectoral improvements. It is [instead] a sweeping
operation in a specific field that must yieldguaranteed results. By the time
twinning ends, the applicant country should have developed an efficient,
1A slightly revised version of the twinning manual, altering some procedural aspects of the exercise,
was published by the Commission in February 2000 (Commission, 2000a).
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working organisation enabling it to fulfil its Community obligations.
(Commission, 1998b, paragraph 1.2)
To achieve this, twinning provides for the secondment of pre-accession advisers
(PAAs) from the Members States' civil services to the applicant countries for a
minimum of one year with the task of importing know-how on the implementation of
the acquis to national and local administrations.
The design, selection, implementation and monitoring of the twinning projects
is based on a triangular partnership between the Commission (both its central services
and its delegations), the EU Member States and the accession applicants with each
partner having varying degrees of involvement in different stages of the process. The
Commission plays a crucial role in the design of twinning projects. Central services in
Brussels draw up 'the legal, financial and procedural framework' of the twinning
exercises, whereas their specific priorities and targets are set in collaboration with the
delegations in the applicant country (Commission, 2000a). The Commission's
involvement in the process of selecting twining partners is more limited, focusing
merely on a co-ordinating and advisory role. The selection of twinning partner (s) lies
with the applicant countries themselves2, which are free to 'forge ties with the
Member State(s) whose systems best suit its own culture, organisation and national
interest' (Commission, 1998b). Nevertheless, the Commission has encouraged a
'varied approach' to the selection of twinning partners in order 'to prevent the blanket
duplication of a Member State's [administrative] system in an applicant country'
(Commission, 1998b). In this sense, the creation of an 'administrative market' (from
where the applicant countries could 'shop for' the most suitable solutions to their
particular problems) has been one of the top priorities of the exercise. The precise
means through which the objectives of the twinning exercise are to be achieved are
decided through a period of consultation between the beneficiary authorities of the
applicant country and the selected twinning partner3. In this process, the Commission
acts as a facilitator, providing technical advice to the partners before the final
twinning covenant is signed.
2 Participation of consortia from more than one Member State in a twinning project is also possible.3
Each twinning exercise has two 'project leaders': one from the applicant country and one from the EUMember State with the successful twinning bid. The role of two project leaders (both of whom are
senior civil servants) is to oversee and support the activities of the PAAs.
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The Commission has dedicated a large part of the twinning manual to the
detailed description of the monitoring mechanisms of the twinning projects. Earlier
accusations over the failure to monitor Phare operations in the CEECs effectively, as
well as the experience gained from the distribution of the structural funds among the
EU Member States, have clearly influenced the design of the twinning exercise. In
keeping with their raised profile since the restructuring of the Commission's external
services in 1998 (Commission 1998a, 2000b), the Commission's delegations to the
applicant countries have been allocated a key role in monitoring the implementation
of the twinning exercises. The delegations' powers were indeed extensive and
included the right to conduct on-the-spot visits, responsibility for holding monthly
meetings with the PAAs and the relevant local officials in the beneficiary authorities
and the drafting of quarterly progress reports, as well as the completion of a final
assessment on the implementation of the twinning project (Commission, 2000a, point
6.3). The Commission's Steering Committee forms a second line of assessment. This
is a body drawn from the relevant Commission departments and chaired by the
Directorate-General for Enlargement. In addition to its role as allocator of funding for
twinning projects, the Steering Committee also deals with the most controversial
aspects of monitoring, holding powers to withdraw or suspend funding if the
implementation of a project is considered unsatisfactory (Commission, 2000a, point 7.
II)4.
By the end of 2001, over 500 twinning projects with an overall budget of
nearly 500 million had been launched across the ten applicant countries. During the
same period, Romania had benefited from 66 projects (approximately 9 per cent of the
total number launched), which have attracted funding of 63.1 million (corresponding
to 13.3 per cent of the total twinning budget). Out of these 66 projects, 16 have been
in the field of public finance and the internal market, 13 in the field of regional policy,
12 in the JHA field, 10 in the field of agriculture and the remaining 25 divided
between other policy areas. In terms of the country origin of the selected twinning
partners, France has been the most popular choice of the Romanian authorities,
featuring either as leader or partner in 23 projects. France is followed by Germany (15
projects), Italy and the UK (11 projects each) and the Netherlands (9 projects).
(Commission, 2002a).
4In addition to these regular procedures, the twinning projects can also be scrutinised through ad hoc
audits by the Commission, as well as by the annual report of the EU's Court of Auditors.
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III. The Operation of the Twinning Exercise in Romania
The analysis provided in this section draws on the experiences of Commission
officials, PAAs and Romanian officials who have been engaged in twinning projects
in the areas of regional policy and JHA5. In both policy areas, Romania's progress in
complying with the EU acquis has been judged as problematic. In its 1997 avis on
Romania's application for EU membership, the Commission concluded that the
country's regional development policy remained 'basic and incomplete' and with no
comprehensive framework 'incorporating policy, legislation and instruments'
(Commission, 1997b, section 3). In the field of JHA, the Commission questioned
Romania's administrative capacity to handle asylum and migration questions, while
the country's border management systems were judged to be 'inefficient' (Commission
1997b, section 4.2). Indeed, the slow progress of reform in these two key policy areas
posed serious challenges for Romania's EU membership aspirations, particularly as it
cast doubts on the country's ability to manage funds channelled through the EU's
structural operations and, perhaps more importantly, its ability to protect effectively
what could be the EU's external borders with countries such as Moldova, Ukraine,
Serbia and the sensitive area of the Black Sea coastline.
Since the launch of twinning in 1998, the sectoral distribution of projects in
Romania has mirrored the importance attached by the Romanian government to the
strengthening of its administrative capacity in the fields of regional policy and JHA.
The prioritisation of both policy areas was also the result of strong pressure by the
Commission which, from the outset, adopted a 'hands on' approach in focusing the
attention of the Romanian government on areas where convergence with the acquis
was lagging behind, and in suggesting specific sectors of the administration that could
benefit from twinning operations. As a result, the fields of regional policy and JHA
attracted 25 out of the total of 66 twinning projects launched in Romania in the period
1998-2001. During the same period nine out of the ten JHA-related projects have been
placed in institutions and authorities subordinated to the Ministry of Interior6. Two
5The analysis draws on semi-structured interviews with 10 officials of the European Commission in
Brussels and former officials of the European Commission Delegation in Bucharest. The interviews
took place in Brussels between 23 -30 April 2008.6The twinning project entitled 'Fight against corruption' has operated under the authority of the
Ministry of Justice.
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more were at the planning stage in early 2002. By the same time, two projects had
been completed: one in the area of border management and control (led by a German
PAA); and one in the area of asylum (led by a Danish PAA). Out of the seven
ongoing projects, three dealt with border management and control (two led by
German PAAs and one by a Spanish PAA), two with asylum and migration (both led
by Danish PAAs), and one with the fight against organised crime (led by a British
PAA). By the end of 2001, the strengthening of Romania's administrative capacity in
the area of regional policy had attracted ten twinning projects7.
In 2001, a series of nine interrelated projects were launched under the
authority of the newly created Ministry of Development and Prognosis (MDP)
focusing on the implementation of Romania's national development plan (NDP).
Eight PAAs (two each from France, Italy and Germany and one each from Greece and
the UK) were dispatched to Romania's development regions, in order to assist the
building of administrative capacity at a regional level, whilst a 'national' PAA (the
same British PAA who led the 1998 project) was placed in the MDP to develop
administrative capacity at the central level and co-ordinate the activities of the eight
regional PAAs.
The MDP and the Ministry of Interior that oversee the implementation of most
twinning projects in the fields of regional development and JHA are institutions with
a contrasting history and rather different outlooks. The MDP was one of the 'new'
ministries created by the government of Adrian Nastase in January 2001, through the
merger of three previously independent authorities: National Agency for Regional
Development (NARD), the Economic Co-ordination Council (both previously under
the Prime Minister's office) and the National Co-ordination Council. De-spite its
youth and relative lack of political clout within the Romanian cabinet, the MDP's
policy remit - to drive an agenda of political and administrative decentralisation - has
potentially been a political minefield. The legal framework for Romania's regional
development policy was agreed in July 1998 (Law 151/1998) by the government of
Radu Vasile. Amongst others, Law 151/1998 divided Romania into eight
development regions corresponding to the EU's NUTS II level. In each development
region a Regional Development Board (RDB) was established as a strategic decision-
making body for the programming and implementation of the Regional Development
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Plan (RDP) in its respective region. At the national level, a National Board for
Regional Development (NBRD) was created as the main decision-making body on
regional development matters, overseeing the activities of the RDBs and responsible
for the preparation of Romania's NDP.
At the time the MDP was created in early 2001, Law 151/1998 remained
largely an 'empty shell'. The process of putting flesh on to Romania's regional
development policy brought the minister and the senior leadership of the MDP into a
trajectory of conflict with members of the cabinet who either feared the political
implications of such a decentralisation process or struggled to preserve the
administrative competences of their own ministries. At the regional level too, the
implementation of Law 151/98 came up against a culture of non co-operation between
thejudets (Romanian counties, corresponding to the EU's NUTS III level) and a lack
of initiative that mirrored decades of regional subservience towards the central
administration. Internally the MDP was not best equipped to pursue such an ambitious
agenda. In terms of its staffing levels, the Ministry was severely under-resourced,
with its 170 staff (half of whom dealt with regional development issues) struggling to
keep up with the workload. Training practices within the Ministry were also poor,
leaving only a handful of people who could claim some expert knowledge of the
complexities surrounding the implementation of the EU's structural operations. Levels
of expertise at the regional level were even poorer. Given its short life and a history of
frequent internal re-structuring that had plagued its constituent parts, and particularly
the NARD8, the Ministry lacked well-established working practices and clear career
structures. In addition, many within the Ministry complained that the organisation
suffered from excessive politicisation that resulted in frequent changes of personnel
and blockages in the decision-making process.
The Ministry of Interior, on the other hand, has had a longer and rather
different history. Under communism, the Ministry was a key instrument of oppression
for the Ceausescu regime, overseeing both the police and the secret services,
including the infamous Securitate, and was feared by Romanian citizens. Since 1989,
senior positions in the Ministry have been largely purged of elements of the old order
and much effort has been put into improving the Ministry's public image. However,
the internal structures of the Ministry have remained relatively stable, its competences
8In May 2000, the NARD underwent an extensive restructuring process following its merger with the
National Agency for Small- and Medium-Sized Enterprises and the National Development Agency.
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have changed little since the pre-1989 period9, and its standing in the Romanian
Cabinet has never been seriously undermined. In terms of its staffing policies, the
Ministry is unique, employing almost exclusively non-civilian personnel even for its
central administrative functions. The policy of recruitment from the military
(including Romania's large number of conscripts) and from police ranks has helped it
achieve exceptionally good levels of staffing when compared with other corners of the
Romanian public administration. The Ministry has, for example, sustained a large and
very active Directorate of European Integration with 50 staff (10 of whom were the
Ministry's only civilian personnel), and has been one of the few ministries able to
despatch officials to the Romanian Mission to the EU and to Romanian embassies in
major European capitals. The prevailing military culture within the Ministry has also
provided a shield against the extreme politicisation experienced in other ministries.
Whilst incidents of party-political appointments (and dismissals) have not disappeared
completely, the Ministry has retained a more stable career structure than other
ministries with many of its directors and even secretaries of state surviving
governmental changes.
In terms of policy reform, the Ministry of Interior has been a late starter. In the
area of border control, for instance, the Commission's 1997, 1998 and 1999 regular
reports identified Romania as one of the main transit points of illegal immigration into
Europe and were very critical of the country's ability to guard effectively its borders
with Ukraine and Moldova and its Black Sea coastline, particularly the port of
Constanta. For years Romania had relied on a fragmented and hugely inefficient
system of border control, which was staffed by inexperienced and badly trained
conscripts. This system survived with very little change until the late 1990s. In the
areas of asylum and immigration too, the Commission's regular reports made
reference to an outdated and confusing legal framework (dating, in some cases, back
to the late 1960s), which was largely incompatible with the EU's JHA acquis. Since
2000, however, the pace of reform in both areas has increased substantially owing
primarily to accession negotiations with the EU and the pursuit of NATO membership
for which modernisation of security and military forces was a precondition. Hence, as
part of a five-year reform strategy (2000-05), the Ministry of Interior has moved
decisively towards the creation of a single professional border police service with
9In 1991, the management of the prison system was transferred from the Ministry of Interior to the
Ministry of Justice.
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increased funds for new equipment and training. Moreover, new laws on migration
and asylum were introduced in 2001, aligning Romania's legislation with the EU's
acquis. Over time, co-ordination between key JHA-related actors (such as the border
police and the National Refugee Office) has been significantly improved.
For most PAAs running twinning projects in the two Ministries, the
adjustment to the working practices of Romania's public administration involved a
steep learning curve. Surprisingly, at no point prior to their despatch to the applicant
countries did PAAs receive specific training on the local culture and practices of their
host administration. Most of the PAAs' training was exhausted in a two-day visit to
the Commission's central services in Brussels where the main operational and
budgetary procedures of the exercise were explained to them. As a result of such
incomplete training, most PAAs in Romaniafaced a long and often difficult period of
adjustment to their new working environment. AII of them were faced with an
administration suffering from a severe lack of resources, low levels of expertise and
very poor cross-departmental co-ordination. Internally, the iron discipline and rigidly
hierarchical structure of the administration stifled innovation and deterred junior staff
from taking initiatives. Pay was also very poor. With the average salary of a civil
servant well below 100 per month, the administration was constantly losing well-
qualified staff to the private sector where both pay and working conditions were
better.
Against this background, the arrival of highly paid foreign officials was
received with mixed emotions by local Romanian staff. For some, the very high salary
received by the PAAs was a point of resentment, whilst others remained fearful that
twinning projects would generate an increased workload and upset bureaucratic
inertia. The language barrier was also a factor constraining the PAAs' communication
with their Romanian colleagues. Yet, for a number of local officials, particularly those
of a younger age and a more dynamic disposition, the technocratic profile and reform
agenda of the PAAs had significant appeal. In both ministries many of the young and
well-qualified staff have been frustrated by the slow progress of reform, with a
number of them seeing their promotion chances stifled by 'dinosaur-like' senior
officials operating on the basis of political patronage and personal friendships. Indeed
many of the younger and more reformist elements in the two ministries soon formed
close working partnerships with the PAAs, most of whom spoke highly of the
commitment and work ethic shown by these individuals.
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Yet the close working relationship between the PAAs and their immediate
associates alone could not guarantee the implementation of all of the objectives of the
twinning projects. Ultimately this relied heavily on the efficiency of the central
bureaucracy of the relevant Ministry and the reform commitment of its political
leadership. This is equally true for both projects implemented within the ministries'
immediate structures and those taking place in institutions falling under their wider
competences (e.g. National Refugee Office and regional development agencies).
Under conditions of institutional fluidity and weak decision-making structures, the
PAAs ability to establish trust and good personal relations with key individuals within
a ministry's hierarchy has been a key determinant in the full implementation of each
twinning project. Of crucial importance in this respect has been the working
partnership between the PAAs and a number of directors and secretaries of state
within each ministry, particularly those heading directorates relevant to the project's
policy focus as well as those holding the European integration portfolio. Most PAAs,
for instance, depended on the relevant directors, either in their capacity as project
leaders on the Romanian side or as senior officials with the authority to allocate the
administrative resources needed for the implementation of projects. At a more senior
level, secretaries of state have played a crucial role in 'filtering' access to the Minister
(with whom PAAs have generally had little or no direct contact) and providing
political impetus for the implementation of politically and economically costly
reforms initiated by the twinning projects.
Most PAAs in the Ministry of Interior enjoyed a close working relationship
with both the Head of the European Integration Directorate and the Secretary of State
for European Integration10
. Both officials seemed to have taken a keen interest in
supporting the twinning projects in the Ministry and their efforts in this direction were
highly regarded by most PAAs. The commitment and organisational skill of the two
officials, along with the more general commitment of the Ministry's political
leadership to reform in the field of JHA (as part of Romanian's aspirations for both
EU and NATO membership) may go a long way towards explaining the relative
success - at least in terms of project implementation - of most twinning projects in the
Ministry of Interior.
10Those PAAs who led twinning projects in the areas of asylum and immigration also reported a close
working partnership with their project leader and the Director of the National Refugee Office.
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The situation in the Ministry of Development and Prognosis (MDP) was rather
more mixed. For the 1998 National Agency for Regional Development (NARD)
project, the PAA had a good partnership with his Romanian project leader (and head
of NARD's Training Directorate), but the PAAs proposals for the introduction of new
training and human resources practices in the agency were never actually
implemented. Among the factors that might have contributed to this failure was the
eventual incorporation of the NARD into the MDP, and the scepticism shown by the
political leadership of the latter to pursue the recommendations of a project that was
associated with the previous government. For the 2001 twinning project in the central
services of the MDP, the PAA enjoyed a close partnership with his project leader (the
Director for Regional Programmes in the ministry). The successful implementation of
the 2001 project, however, depended on a number of variables, not least on the level
of co-operation between the 'regional' PAAs and their respective project leaders (i.e.
Directors of the Regional Development Boards), as well as on the ability and
willingness of the political leadership in the MDP to implement the required reforms.
In addition to project-specific problems and the difficulties of adjusting to the
local administrative culture, virtually all PAAs struggled to keep up with the
administrative requirements imposed on them by the very design of the twinning
exercise. Since the collapse of the Santer Commission in 1999, the monitoring
procedures on the budget of the EU's foreign assistance programmes were
significantly tightened up. The new rules made the preparatory stages of the twinning
exercise laborious and lengthy. Both Romanian officials and PAAs, for example,
complained that the intervening period between the selection of a twinning partner
and the actual start of a project often exceeded 12 months. But even when a project
was under way, the over-bureaucratisation of the exercise had a major impact on the
workload of the PAAs, many of whom complained that a disproportionate amount of
their time was devoted to administration rather than to the actual realisation of the
project's objectives. The rigidity and complexity of the twinning manual (the rule
book of the twinning exercises) made it difficult for the PAAs to arrange training
sessions and short-term visits by experts to Romania, while even the most trivial
change in the project's budget could become the subject of lengthy consultations
between the PAAs and the Commission's central services.
Added to their concerns over the bureaucratization of their projects, many
PAAs felt that the design of the twinning exercise left them in a somewhat grey area:
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stuck between their home administrations, their Romanian hosts and the
Commission's services (both in Brussels and in the Delegation in Bucharest).
Confronted with this unclear structure, many PAAs complained that their loyalties
were divided, not knowing for whom they really worked and to whom they should
turn for support. As a result, the pattern of support networks established by PAAs to
facilitate the objectives of their projects remained diverse. In all cases the PAAs'
contact with the Commission's central services in Brussels was limited. Instead,
following their despatch to Romania, the Commission's Delegation in Bucharest
became their main point of contact. At a personal level, many PAAs found their
monthly meetings at the Delegation useful. Yet professionally, PAAs in both the
MDP and the Ministry of Interior found the Delegation rather ineffective and slow to
react to their requests. These problems might have been directly related to the fact that
in both policy areas (JHA and regional policy) the delegation had been adversely
affected by the departure of well-respected officials who had developed good working
relations with both ministries. On a more general level, however, these difficulties
reflected the upheaval caused by the significant expansion of the Delegations'
responsibilities following the reform of the Commission's external services in 1998
which was, nevertheless, not accompanied by an adequate increase of resources (both
human and financial) which would have allowed them to cope effectively with their
expanded workload.
The support PAAs received from their home administrations varied, and was
heavily dependent on the commitment by the project leader from the Member State
administration to the work carried out by the PAA. In certain cases, the criticism of
home administrations was strong, but there were occasions where their limited
support was, in part, compensated for by the efforts of the Embassy in Bucharest to
provide support for projects. In other cases, however, PAAs reported a close working
relationship with their colleagues back home. Overall, the views of the PAAs in the
two ministries do not provide a clear template for a global assessment of the
commitment of Member States' administrations to the twinning exercise along
national or sectoral lines. Indeed the emerging picture is a rather patchy one,
determined largely by bureaucratic considerations 'on the ground', i.e. the ability of
individual departments in the Member States' public administrations to commit the
necessary resources (financial, human, time) to support the PAAs' activities.
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An overall assessment of the impact of twinning projects in the two ministries
is indeed difficult, and depends to a large extent on the yardstick with which one
chooses to measure their success. Broadly speaking, PAAs who led twinning projects
in the Ministry of Interior experienced a smoother collaboration with their local
colleagues (and greater progress of reform) in implementing their projects than those
PAAs working in the MDP. A number of factors may have contributed to this: the
relatively stable internal structures of the Ministry of Interior; the reform commitment
of sorne key officials in its ranks; and the prioritisation by the Romanian government
of JHA-related reforms as part of the country's quest for EU and NATO membership.
Yet, the final assessment of a project's success in changing administrative
structures and practices was also inevitably shaped by individual perceptions and
expectations. Many PAAs, particularly those who were working in Central and
Eastern Europe for the first time, arrived in Romania with high hopes of their ability
to act as reform agents - an optimism that was also reflected in the ambitious targets
set by their projects. Along the way, however, and faced by the painfully slow reform
reflexes of the Romanian administration, many of them grew increasingly frustrated
with their inability to initiate change 'on the ground' and began to challenge the
purpose of the whole exercise. Other PAAs, however, particularly those who had
previous experience of assistance programmes in the CEECs, took a more sober view
of their role, recognising the limited capabilities of the Romanian administration to
meet their full reform agenda. In general, the most influential twinning projects have
been those led by PAAs who were able to reconcile themselves with the modest
surroundings in which they had to work and try to utilise their expertise in ways that
could be absorbed and maintained by Romania's evolving and unpredictable public
administration. The limitations under which the twinning exercise has had to operate
across Central and Eastern Europe have not escaped the Commission. Some of its
officials privately recognise that even an achievement rate of 10-15 per cent of the
projects' stated objectives should be considered a success11
The sustainability of the reform generated by twinning projects is indeed
another crucial factor in assessing the exercise's overall success. The relative failure
of the 1998 project in the NARD is a good example of how institutional fluidity and
11 The Commission has undertaken an informal, internal assessment of all twinning projects launched
in 1998 (Commission, 2002b). Little can be gleaned from the assessment since, as Commissionofficials acknowledge, the exercise lacked either a coherent methodological approach or detailed
analysis.
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excessive politicisation in the Romanian administration could jeopardize the
implementation and sustainability of the proposed reforms. The longer-term
consequences of the twinning operations on Romania's 'administrative culture' are
also difficult to assess. PAAs and Romanian officials alike have argued that, even
though the practical reforms introduced as a result of twinning projects have not
always been extensive, the exposure of local staff to the expertise and experience of
PAAs was producing strong pressures for rationalisation of administrative proactices
and would, in the long run, pose a serious challenge to the Romanian way of 'doing
things'. This, however, is by no means a fore-gone conclusion. Evidence from old
EU Member States themselves has revealed remarkable resilience by national public
administrations in resisting European pressures and keeping their 'national character'
intact (Heritier, 1998). In the Romanian case, as indeed in the cases of most southern
European members of the EU, the ability of the public administration to resist the
rationalising effects of both actual and potential EU membership may be further
amplified by the fact that its reform has been an area of heated party political
contestation.
IV. Conclusion
The study of the twinning exercise provides a useful insight into the dynamics of
administrative change in central and eastern Europe and the EU's role in shaping this
process. As the drive towards EU accession has accelerated over the last few years, all
applicant countries have struggled to cope with the demands placed on their public
administrations by the enlargement process. Responding to the demands of the EU,
and meeting the obligations contained in the 31 chapters of the accession negotiations,
have stretched the resources of the applicants' administrations to their limits and have
demanded from them previously unthinkable levels of efficiency and inter-
departmental co-ordination. Added to these pressures, the EU's determination to
ensure the applicants' full compliance with the acquis prior to their entry into the club
has introduced a new sense of urgency and vigour into the process of administrative
reform across the region. Against this background, this paper argues that a conception
of Europeanisation as a process confined exclusively to the existing EU Member
States is misleading. Instead, the relevance of Europeanisation as a framework of
understanding domestic change stretches beyond the geographical borders of the EU,
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providing a valuable resource in understanding the complex and unpredictable process
of post-communist transition in central and eastern Europe.
Yet, both the precise nature and outcome of the enlargement-driven
Europeanisation of the accession applicants remain unclear. Evidence from the
implementation of twinning projects in Romaniaillustrates a number of contingencies
associated with initiatives of administrative reform. Some of these contingencies were
naturally related to the very design of the exercise, which favoured the creation of an
'administrative market' whereby the applicant countries were encouraged to select
twinning partners with diverse administrative histories and cultures. Others referred to
the institutional fluidity and politicisation characterising the Romanian administration,
as well as to the outiook and reform commitment of the ministries that hosted
twinning projects. Individual agency has also been a crucial feature of this process. In
an unpredictable and often overwhelming working environment, the PAAs' ability to
foster good working relations with their immediate associates and with key officials
within the ministerial hierarchy has been an important ingredient for ensuring project
implementation. A great deal of ingenuity on the part of the PAAs was also required
in negotiating the over-bureaucratized rules of the twinning exercise and in
maintaining the fine balance of the three-party partnership between the partner
administrations and the Commission on which the implementation of each twinning
project depended.
This paper has demonstrated how the interplay between these contingencies
produced different reform dynamics in the two ministries studied. The Ministry of
Interior exploited far more the reform potential of the twinning exercise than the
Ministry of Development and Prognosis In this sense, Europeanisation seems to have
had a diverse impact on different corners of the Romanian administration. The diverse
and non-linear nature of Europeanisation has also been highlighted by a number of
recent cross-national studies that revealed significant discrepancies in the extent and
pattern of administrative reforms in the accession applicants (Goetz, 2001a). Some of
these discrepancies can be explained by the relatively 'soft' EU conditionalities in the
field of reform. Whilst much pressure has been put on the applicant countries to
improve their administrative capacity in the light of accession, the EU has fallen well
short of prescribing specific blueprints for reform in this field, despite the fact that the
fluidity surrounding the post-communist administrations in Central and Eastern
Europe offered fertile ground for the opposite. The EU's inability to act decisively in
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