Understanding Ancestor Reverence in the Benguet · PDF fileUnderstanding Ancestor Reverence in the Benguet Tradition ... reverence in the Benguet tradition, ... between the lowland

Understanding Ancestor ReverenceUnderstanding Ancestor ReverenceUnderstanding Ancestor ReverenceUnderstanding Ancestor ReverenceUnderstanding Ancestor Reverencein the Benguet Tin the Benguet Tin the Benguet Tin the Benguet Tin the Benguet TraditionraditionraditionraditionraditionLeonila L. TLeonila L. TLeonila L. TLeonila L. TLeonila L. TarayarayarayarayaraySaint Louis University, Baguio [email protected]

This paper problematizes the logocentrism of a Christian stance that has not made itself aneffective dialogue partner with the indigenous people of Benguet as regards the latter’s religiousbeliefs and practices. Introducing experience (i.e., the writer’s experience as a BenguetKankanaey Christian) as a lens/starting point towards a Christian understanding of ancestorreverence in the Benguet tradition, this study posits that Christian theology must go beyondstereotyping indigenous beliefs and practices as “pagan,” superstitious,” “exotic,” “backward,”and “static.” The writer instead proposes that a shift in the understanding of ancestor reverenceis possible if a truly Christian dialogue is taken seriously as a way of paying attention to thevoices and rituals from the mountains. A dialogical stance needs to cultivate a keen sense ofawareness of and the capacity to listen to the pressing issues and concerns of the Benguetpeople that are often articulated in their prayers to their ancestors. Attentive listening may leadto a deeper understanding of the significance of ancestors to a people, as they attempt toreconstruct their cultural history and to promote and preserve their dignity and cultural identityas a distinct community in a world that is becoming globalized but fragmented. Furthermore, atheology of dialogue may become possible if it moves from doctrinal and ecclesiasticalconstrictions to a more open, empowering, and committed partnership in the dialogue of life.Only then can we speak of a Christianity that can find a home in the tradition and culture of theother.

Keywords: Indigenous people/tradition/religion, Igorot, dialogical stance, mutuality, partnership,beliefs, ritual practices

Christianity was first introduced to the Igorots(mountain dwellers) of the Cordillera by theSpanish colonizers and missionaries. Theindigenous people’s tenacious resistance repelledthe Spanish presence, as the missionaries andcolonizers failed to establish Christianity and toacquire ownership of their gold mines. Suchresistance gave the Igorots independence fromSpanish authorities on the one hand and rendered

Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 8:1 (2008), pp. 61-72

© 2008 De La Salle University-Manila, Philippines

them a minority, on the other (Scott, 1987, p. 7).Spanish records show that, for three centuries,these mountain dwellers fought for their liberty withevery means at their disposal and that this resistancewas deliberate, self-conscious, and continuous(Scott, 1975, p. 182). The Igorots chose tomaintain their freedom and entered the 20th centuryindependent but marginalized; none could haveforeseen that their descendants would be labeled

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as “minorities.” The Spanish authorities may havefailed to evangelize the Igorot People (IPs) butinstead were successful in creating the lowland-highland divide.

The American colonial period only served toeffectively reinforce the majority-minorityclassification. The American colonial governmentoccupied itself in creating and enacting laws andpolicies that eventually legitimized invasion,occupation, and exploitation of cultivated andinhabited lands and mineral resources in Benguetand in the Cordillera region (see Pawid, 1987).The imposition of alien rules and policies servedto weaken and, in due course, nullify resistancefrom the natives. In addition, the colonial governmentalso created the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes thatfurther deepened the marginalization of indigenouscommunities. It was perceived that to close the gapbetween the lowland Filipinos and the mountaindwellers, the Igorots had to be relocated to placesnear the lowlands where they were to be civilizedand christianized. Most of the Igorots chose to remainin the land of their ancestors. Hence, the AmericanProtestant and Belgian Catholic missionaries tookthe responsibility of planting and establishingChristianity in the Cordillera region during the firstdecades of the 20th century.

Notably, the introduction and development ofChristianity came as a result of the missionaryefforts of people coming from the colonizingpowers directed at indigenous communities. TheChristian missionaries’ early encounter with theindigenous culture/religion of the Benguet peoplein general and ancestor reverence in particularresulted in a classic tension between two religiousworldviews. The early Christian missionariesviewed the local beliefs and practices asmanifestations of a people’s ignorance, superstition,paganism, and backwardness. At the very worst,these beliefs and practices were perceived to bethe cause of the people’s misery and deprivation(Medina, 2004, pp. 13-14). For the missionaries,“the Good News of Jesus Christ must be preachedto save the pagan soul.”

The natives then were strongly advised to forgettheir indigenous religion and to start living a

Christian life that was historically and culturallyWestern. Western education shaped the minds ofyoung Igorots who, in time, were alienated fromtheir religion/culture. The uncompromising effortsof the missionaries to evangelize the localinhabitants resulted in the acceptance of Christ-ianity by the Benguet majority. Contrary to themissionaries’ expectations, however, those whoaccepted Christianity retained many of theirindigenous beliefs and practices. For example,ancestor reverence continues to persist amongcontemporary Benguet Christians andtraditionalists alike. Such persistence indicates thetaken-for-granted existence of an acculturated/syncretized form of religion, creating tensions andconflicts which are seldom openly addressed.Nevertheless, the early missionary view on thenative condition and religion had a far-reachinginfluence on how the indigenous peoples and theirtraditions are viewed from within and from without.

As one who was born into the BenguetKankanaey tradition, raised and educated as aCatholic Christian, and who works as a theologyinstructor, I have experienced the marginality ofbeing an Igorot and the tension of being positionedwithin two religious worlds. However, as KwokPuilan says, “Marginality should not be seen as acurse but should be seen as an invitation to manypossibilities. The struggles of marginalized peoplesfor justice, and the aspirations of the underdogs ofhistory for human dignity are profound testimoniesto the unceasing quest for freedom and peace inhuman history” (1998, p. 278). Hence, myexperience of tension and marginality prompted meto explore and pay attention to the BenguetKankanaey beliefs and practices that areassociated with ancestor reverence and to delvedeeper into the meanings/significances of ancestorsto the contemporary issues and concerns of amarginalized people.

My exploration involved participant observationand field notes, informal interviews andconversations with the Christians and traditionalpractitioners of Kapangan, Benguet fromNovember 2004 to December 2005. The datagathered from this area are enriched and placed in

TARAY, L.L. 63UNDERSTANDING ANCESTOR REVERENCE IN THE BENGUET TRADITION

a wider context by pertinent literature that wouldgive more depth and vigor to the work. I wouldlike to argue that the persistence of ancestorreverence among the Benguet people is due to theunderstanding that ancestors play a vital role in thefulfillment of their aspirations as individuals and asan indigenous community. Ancestors remain partof their community, their link to the divine, and theirsource of solidarity and resilience amidst the joysand perils of life. It is hoped that a well-informedunderstanding of the role of ancestors would helpdispel the misconceptions about ancestorreverence and the native religion. It is now the turnof Christian theology to pay attention, to allowthese people to tell their story, and to learn fromtheir indigenous wisdom and spirituality just as theBenguet people learned from the Christianmissionaries.

THE BENGUET INDIGENOUS RELIGIONAND CHRISTIANITY:TOWARDS A DIALOGICAL ENCOUNTER

Wati Longchar laments the fact that while inter-religious dialogue is taking place among the “majorreligious traditions of the world,” the advocates ofinter-faith dialogue have overlooked the richtheological resources latent in indigenous traditions.In this regard he says:

Interfaith dialogue has not taken the tribalpeoples’ spirituality as a foundation for themeeting point for religious dialogue. It is feltthat unless the perspective of the spiritualityof the tribal people is made central to theprocess of inter-faith dialogue the tribalpeople and other marginalized peoples willalways be looked down upon as inferiorsocially, culturally, and spiritually (Longchar,2000, p. 37).

In a similar vein, Elizabeth Amoah of theUniversity of Ghana claims that due to the viewthat primal religions are the animistic religions ofprimitive peoples, they are excluded frominternational inter-faith dialogue (1998). Many

advocates of inter-faith dialogue have not shownany sufficient sensitivity to the tribal heritage, theirspirituality, and their survival cases. They seem tobe more concerned with the theologicaljustification for entering into conversations withpeople of different faiths (Longchar, 2000, p. 36).It is therefore worthwhile noting that the church’srecognition of indigenous religionists as partnersin dialogue is nonetheless currently emerging.

The urgent need to listen to the voice of theother is mentioned by Pope John Paul II when hewrites:

The church seeks to know the minds andhearts of her hearers, their values and theircustoms, their problems and their difficulties.Once she knows and understands thesevarious aspects of culture, then she can beginthe dialogue of salvation; she can offerrespectfully with charity and conviction, theGood News of Redemption to all who wishto freely listen and respond (John Paul II,1990, #52).

In this sense, what is needed is a Christian stancethat needs to transcend its doctrinal andecclesiastical constrictions in order to make itselfavailable for dialogue and engagement with theother. What could be more enriching is a Christianstance that does not only engage itself with the“major religions of the world” but also withindigenous ones.

While the indigenous peoples seem not to havemade a significant impact on the great missiondocuments of Vatican II and those of thepostconciliar documents, John Paul II himself hadpromoted a living dialogue between the gospel andindigenous cultures during his pastoral visits tosome indigenous communities in Asia, Africa, andthe Americas (Prior, 2005, p. 153). During hishistoric visit to the city of Baguio on 22 February1981, Pope John Paul II addressed the people ofNorthern Luzon and its indigenous population.

…You, the Indigenous People of this beautifulnorthern region of Luzon, as well as the othertribal Filipinos, represent a rich diversity of


cultures which have been handed down byyour parents and grandparents, and whichextend back to countless generations. Mayyou always have a deep appreciation of thesecultural treasures which divine providence hasdestined you to inherit. Moreover, may thesetreasures which are your heritage always berespected by others. May your land and yourworthy family traditions and social structuresbe protected, preserved and enriched… youhave discovered that the Gospel does notthreaten the survival of your cultures ordestroy your authentic traditions…as youface the present problems associated withsocial and economic growth in your country,I assure you that the Church is one with youin your longing to preserve your uniquecultures and in your desire to participate indecisions which affect your lives and the livesof your children (John Paul II, 1990, #52).

The church’s commitment to uphold the dignity,identity, and culture of the indigenous peoples isreiterated by the Catholic Bishops Conferences ofthe Philippines. Moreover, the consultation on“Indigenous /Tribal Peoples in Asia and Challengesof the Future” (Pattaya, Thailand, 2001), organizedby the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences(FABC) expressed its concern for the indigenouspeoples in Asia when it stated:

The church’s task includes helping people toexpress and preserve their identity in the faceof modernization, urbanization andexploitation, and to keep alive and promotetheir cultural traditions. The church mustundertake a dialogue with the followers oftraditional religions in order to reaffirm theirpositive human and divine values expressedin them and to lay sound bases forcooperation and solidarity with the followersof traditional religions. At the same time, thechurch must defend the rights of indigenous/tribal people to become Christ’s discipleswithout being thereby cut off from theirancestral roots (Eilers, 2002, p. 227).

Remarkably, the church affirms theunderstanding that becoming a Christian does not

mean alienation from one’s ancestral roots andindigenous identity. Indeed, Christianity could helpenhance the life-promoting aspects of theindigenous tradition. Such understanding can alsohelp clarify some of the problems encountered bythe Benguet Christians who, because of maintainingtheir indigenous cultural heritage, has been accusedof “mixing paganism with Christianity” or“paganizing Christianity.” For them, it is a matterof living out their existence in two traditions at once(Starkloff, 2007, p. 290).

As such, I propose that the Benguet religioustradition/experience serve as the starting point/matrix from which a dialogue may be forged. It isassumed that a Christian dialogical stance providesan opportunity for the Benguet and Christiantraditions to inform and transform each other andmutually deepen each other’s spirituality throughco-existence, co-operation, respect fordifferences, harmony, and partnership especiallyin the task of promoting and maintaining the lifeand well-being of peoples in their particular culturaland historical milieu.

THE BENGUET EXPERIENCE

Setting the Scene

The province of Benguet is located at thesouthern tip of the Cordillera AdministrativeRegion. Bounded on the north by Ilocos Sur andMountain Province, on the east by Ifugao andNueva Vizcaya, on the south by Pangasinan, andon the west by La Union. Benguet serves as oneof the gateways to the rest of the Cordilleraprovinces of Mountain Province, Ifugao, Abra,Kalinga, and Apayao. The peoples of theCordillera share the collective identity of beingcalled Igorots or mountain dwellers.

Benguet consists of thirteen municipalities andthe chartered city of Baguio. Its provincial capitalis La Trinidad. It is the home of two major ethno-linguistic groups, the Kankanaeys and the Ibalois.In addition to these two major groups are smallerethno-linguistic groups that include the Karao, the


Ikalahan, and the Kalanguya communities.Generally speaking, the Kankanaeys and theIbalois share the same beliefs and practices(Provincal Government, 2005, p. 20). Accordingto Wasing Sacla and other Benguet observers,these two major groups share a common beliefsystem; the difference lies in the language used inarticulating these beliefs (1987, p. 4).

Benguet is blessed with a cool climate and pinetrees but more importantly it is endowed with richnatural and mineral resources. Such resourcesattracted colonial and postcolonial governments tothe mountains and rivers of Benguet at the expenseof the local people, their lands, and their cultural life.

As part of the Benguet culture/tradition, I wasmade to deeply feel marginalized for being anIgorot or a mountain dweller. My early years werespent in an American-owned sawmill and loggingarea in Benguet where the majority of theemployees were lowlanders. Most of the Igorotlaborers were stationed in the mountains where theyworked under the sun and rain with only a smallshack to run to for protection. Every two weeks,it was commonplace to see these people comingdown from the mountains to claim their hard-earnedwages and to buy their provisions to keep themgoing till the next payday. Since they were notprovided living quarters within the companycompound, some of them stayed with our familyfor a day or two to rest or to meet a family memberbefore heading back to work. With their provisionson their backs, they hiked 5-6 hours beforereaching their mountain abode.

Meanwhile, the lowland employees worked inoffices within the company premises, lived withtheir families in bunkhouses or cottages equippedwith radios and TV sets, and enjoyed recreationaland sports facilities, as well as access to healthcare. In terms of job promotion, very few Igorotswere able to go up the ladder. In school, my fellowIgorot pupils and I had been constantly on thereceiving end of pejorative remarks and soonbecame the underdog in school activities. This ledmany to take a combative stance to defendthemselves against non-Igorots as well as to excelin academic pursuits.

To add to the marginalization of the Igorotlaborers, the local communities living around thecompany area were treated as “outsiders” andwere rarely allowed to enter the premises exceptduring special events like Christmas and New Yearor when they were in need of immediate medicalattention. Years before, their ancestors werepushed to the periphery when the foreign companytook over the area. They were often treated withsuspicion whenever they were inside the compound.

I saw the same situation in Ambuklao Dam (alsolocated in Benguet). Ibaloi families lost theirancestral lands and community life to give way tothe building of the dam in the 1950s. The promisesof relocation and employment by the nationalgovernment that took their lands never materialized.In fact, most of the employees of the dam werelowlanders. To make matters worse, thecommunities living around the dam got their ownshare of electricity only in the 1990s.

The experiences mentioned above are but a fewexamples of the marginalization of the BenguetIgorots. The distinction between lowland Filipinos(“more civilized, refined, and Christian”) andhighland Filipinos (“ignorant, dirty, and Igorot”)resulted in the unjust treatment of the Igorots. Someof the Igorot workers accepted their lot as a factof life. They looked at themselves simply as inferiormountain peoples. However, many of them werefrustrated and dissatisfied with the way things werebut were unable to articulate their sentiments forfear of being dismissed from the job or becominga “lonely voice from the mountains.” Furthermore,the pejorative connotation of being an Igorotbrought embarrassment, denial, and an identitycrisis for some. A colonial mentality, a recognitionof colonial mastery and power was very much inevidence when I recall the deference and child-like admiration the Filipinos had towards theirforeign employers.

I attended a Catholic high school where mostof the students were Kankanaeys and Ibalois. Justas I was beginning to feel at home with my Igorotidentity I found myself struggling with the conflictbetween my Christian religion and the religion andtradition of my ancestors. Despite the fact that I


am one of the grandchildren of a local mambunong(indigenous healer; babaylan or manggagamot,as they are called in other regions; or shaman inother Asiatic and some European cultures) andsurrounded by a lot of relatives who weretraditional practitioners, I sometimes felt alienatedfrom my own tradition. This alienation deepenedwhen our religion teacher, a Filipino nun who wasalso the school principal, told us that believing inKabunian as a god was idolatrous, believing inspirits was superstitious, spirit-possession waseither the work of the demon or a manifestation ofpersonality deviation, our ancestors needed ourprayers to get them out of the pagan darkness andget them to heaven, and that native rituals weremeaningless and useless ways of spending one’sresources. Such strong remarks elicited mixedreactions from the class. These remarks made meeven more critical of the religion of my people.

In my hometown (Kapangan), there had beensome heated disagreement between someChristians and traditional practitioners particularlyin with regard to ritual performance. The convertswere accused of having turned away from thetraditions of their ancestors. To some extent, thatwas true (especially those who converted toevangelical Christianity) but the greater majoritychose to maintain their beliefs and practices.Gabriel Pawid Keith observes that BenguetChristians perform simple or elaborate rituals toremember their ancestors; they go to church, yetcall on the mambunong to propitiate the spiritsand ancestors; they consult the doctor and takethe prescribed medicine yet call on themambunong to perform the healing ritual for them;and when faced with a series of misfortunes orlosses, they turn to their deities and ancestors.Where the imported ways do not seem effective,the tradition becomes the last resort (Keith, 1987,p. 16).

Eufronio Pungayan and Isikias Picpican likewisenote that Benguet Christians are syncretistic, i.e.,practicing a conflated version of their native religionand their new religion (Pungayan and Picpican,1978, p. 463). Benguet Christians and traditionalpractitioners have attempted to accommodate both

traditions when celebrating life or in dealing withcritical situations. This could be some sort ofleverage so as to maintain the spirit of solidaritywithin the community and to keep it from breakingapart, despite disagreements. Unfortunately, thelack of commitment from the church to really listenand find a home in the local tradition broughtconfusion to local Christians. Remarkably, someof those who remain opposed to the native beliefsand rituals come from the ranks of the native clergythemselves whose theological training reflects acolonizing religion.

The struggles of the Benguet Igorot Christianslike myself alerted me to pay attention andrediscover the significance of ancestors amidst thecontemporary Benguet experience. I believe thatthe initial step towards a Christian understandingof ancestor reverence is indeed the task of culturebearers like the Benguet Christians themselves.This task requires an attentive investigation andstudy of their own beliefs and practices associatedwith their ancestors. Equipped with first-handexperience, information, and understanding of theirown traditions, Benguet Christians can be effectivedialogue partners in exploring some possibilities inwhich the two traditions can work together inuplifting and promoting the life and dignity of amarginalized people. In this sense, Christianity isno longer the only source of wisdom and agent ofsalvation but a partner and fellow sojourner in thehuman quest for salvation.

Ancestor Reverence in the BenguetReligion/Tradition

This paper does not describe the Benguetreligion in its most pristine state. Obviously, its taskis not to paint a hypothetical, glowing picture ofthe indigenous religion of the Benguet people inthe past. Stereotyping indigenous religions as “staticvoices from the past” indicates a failure toacknowledge their survival potential, that is, thedynamism of these cultures/religions which repea-tedly have to adjust to the challenges posed by otherpeople and the changes taking place in humanhistory (Smith, Burke, and Ward, 2000, p. 6).


We are dealing with a living tradition, a dynamicreligion in which there are new areas of applicationas well as continuities with the past. The Benguetreligious rituals and observances often mirror thefluid – cultural responses to changing economic,social, and political conditions in which the Benguetpeople find themselves (Russel, 1980, p. 4). Thevarious transformation processes that occur are,of course, products of the local people and theirhistory. People cultivate various strategies whenadapting to new situations and the Benguet peopleare certainly no exception.

A comprehensive and detailed presentation andanalysis of the beliefs and practices associated withancestor reverence is beyond the scope of thispaper. Nevertheless, some key points presentedbelow could provide basic information.

Beliefs

Belief in Sacred BeingsThe Benguet people believe in a community of

sacred beings with Kabunian as the creator andprime mover of everything that exists. Included inthis sacred community are the gods and goddesses,nature deities like the sun, moon, star and otherheavenly bodies, spirits dwelling in nature, andancestors who are now in the ancestral abode.Kabunian, the gods and goddesses are perceivedto have lived on earth, gotten married, and haveborne children. While on earth, they performedrituals and taught people how to live and to observethe traditions. After death, they went to live in thesky world but their relationship with the humanworld goes on. In the account titled Kabunian (seeMallari, 1953, p. 65), Kabunian is said to havelived in Mt. Pulog (found in Kabayan, Benguet andsecond highest mountain in the Philippines) withhis beautiful wife Bugan. He protected his peoplefrom sickness and famine. He even cooked ricefor a family who had nothing to eat and henceforth,the family never went hungry again. The story goeson to say that when Kabunian and his wife died,they went to the sky world and the people startedperforming rituals to remember their good examplesand to thank them for their generosity and

kindness. Such a story speaks of a people’s beliefin a deity who partook of the joys and difficultiesof the human condition and who acted withcompassion.

Part of the sacred community are the Ap-apo,Ka-apuan, Eyon-a or ammed, men and womenwho died generations ago and are now in theancestral abode with Kabunian and other deities.In their earthly lives the ammed/ka-apuan mayhave produced offerings and celebrated kanyaw(rituals) for the spirits of those who had gone beforethem. Some of them may have been influentialmembers of their communities. Now, in theafterlife, they are bestowed the rank and respectthat befit their actions when they were men andwomen of this earth. Some were great warriorswho outlived their adversaries and now share thestatus of godhood. Some acquired their prestigein the afterlife because of the rituals performed intheir honor. Ancestors remain members of thefamily or clan and their sacred status bestow onthem the power to grant blessings of prosperity,health, fecundity, and long life to their descendants.When the living relatives remember their ancestors,they are helped in the fulfillment of their needs, butif the ancestors are forgotten or neglected, it isalso within their power to cause illness ormisfortune to the living (Merino, 1987, pp. 13-14). For the Benguet people, their mode of actionis rooted in lineage, consanguinity and affinity. Thedynamic relationship between ancestors and theliving is further discussed below.

Belief in the dynamism of the spirit-humanworlds

The belief in the dynamism of the spirit-humanworld has always been one of the basic sacredpostulates of the Benguet indigenous religion.Somehow there is both a continuity anddiscontinuity between this life and the next. TheBenguet people believe that their ancestors, whilethey are now in another realm of existence, maintaintheir appetite for things that were familiar to themin life (communal gatherings, food, tapey or ricewine, blankets, clothes, etc.). Moreover, it isperceived that their ancestors brought with them


their socio-economic status and their occupationin the spirit world where they continue workingfor their descendants on earth. For the satisfactionof their needs and the maintenance of their status,the ancestors are quite dependent on the ritualperformances of living relatives. When in need,certain recurring events, dreams or other meanslike “spirit-possession” are considered valid waysby which the dead communicate their wishes tothe living. Experiences such as these are not tobe ignored.

The dynamism between the spirit and humanworlds is not limited to the ancestor-descendantrelationship. An important feature of their societyis that they make no distinctions between theirsocial world and their natural environment. The skyworld, the earth world, and the underworld makeup the Benguet people’s religious universe. Thepeople see their world as a dwelling place forhumans and spirits. Departing from an anthro-pocentric view of the world, humanity is seen aspart of the bigger community of deities, ancestors,spirits, and nature. This view is recognized byClaerhoudt who observed the Benguet people asconstantly interacting with Kabunian and othernature deities (e.g., Agew or Sun, Buwan orMoon, Balikongkong or a constellation), with thespirits dwelling in all sorts of places, thetommongaw or malevolent spirits, with the pinad-ing or benevolent spirits, the pinten or the soulswho cannot enter the ancestral abode, andespecially with their ancestors who live in the holyPulog mountain (Claerhoudt, 1967, p. 77). It isthus important for the Benguet people to maintainpeace and harmony with both the visible andinvisible beings. Places believed to be the abodeof spirits must be respected and maintained. Inreturn the Benguet people expect the unseen worldto be kind to them as well. Furthermore, theBenguet people recognize their connectedness anddependence on the sky world and heavenly bodiesand affirm such relationship through rituals. Havingsaid this, we may describe the Benguet religion asa bio-cosmic religion since it recognizes theinterconnectedness and interdependence of allbeings. Such connectivity also includes the Benguet

people’s recognition of their continuity with the pastand with the future.

Hope in the fullness of life as “here-and-now”and as a future event

The Benguet people’s aspirations for a fuller lifeor for well-being in this life and in the next have nosystematic and coherent textual articulation. In fact,their hopes and dreams are often articulated inalmost all their rituals. For example, the ritual meal,which is always a part of their rituals, does notsimply mirror their aspirations for solidarity,abundance and sharing, but they are actually livingout and experiencing such aspirations in the here-and-now. When they come together to relax, totell stories, and to share a meal with the spirit-humanworlds, they are living out their vision of communalsolidarity where people let go of their personalconcerns in order to celebrate life and strengthentheir relationships. Social solidarity has alwaysbeen primary among the Benguet people.

In their ritual performances, the Benguet peopleoften articulate their aspirations for wealth, health,long life, fecundity, unity, peace and stability in theirvillage. These are all blessings from Kabunian, thedeities and ancestors. Their rituals are tools forenhancing life in its broad sense and hence, ritualperformance is an indispensable means in theattainment of their dreams. Equally important is thebelief that such blessings can only be granted withhuman cooperation and work. Work is understoodas a participative action of the spirit-human worldsin order to bring such blessings to this life and tothe next. The fruits of one’s labor are not only forpersonal satisfaction but also for the enjoyment ofthe community. Such sharing of blessing isactualized in the ritual meal where the communityof visible and invisible beings come together tonourish themselves. Generosity/benevolence is partof their ethical life. They believe that the more aperson shares her/his blessings to the communityof the living and the dead, the more blessings willcome into her/his household and to the community.Since life is closely identified with the land, it isalso their hope to preserve the life and unity oftheir illi (village). Their dream to live in their village


until they are old and bent is often expressed intheir prayers. In death, they would like to be buriedwithin their own land. It is therefore not surprisingto see many Benguet homes having a tomb or twoin the family yard. Indeed, land is a legacy fromthose who lived before them and their rice fieldsare monuments of their ancestors’ sheerdetermination to survive. Likewise, it is their ferventhope not to be neglected nor despised(maamamaengan) for who and what they are.

In addition to their aspirations for the here-and-now, the Benguet people hope to be an ancestorin the afterlife. Such aspiration can be realized ifone lives an ethical life (a good example to the familyand community, ritual observance, etc.). Theybelieve that the more one is remembered by theliving through ritual performance, the better is one’schance of acceptance in the ancestral abode. It isthen an obligation of family members to performthe appropriate ritual in order to help their deadattain the status of godhood in the afterlife.

The sacred postulates mentioned above are notsimply ideas or concepts to be accepted. TheBenguet people’s interpretation of theirexperiences of joy, grief, success, failure, etc. arecolored by their cosmological understandings.Perhaps, we can understand better these beliefsby looking into some of their rituals.

Ritual Practices

Undoubtedly, the Benguet people love ritualperformances. Ritual practices and cosmologicalunderstandings cannot be separated from their dailyrounds of subsistence practices. This reminds usonce again that analysis of the Benguet beliefs andpractices includes subsistence, kinship, andintimacy with the landscape and language.

A general observation on why the Benguetpeople love rituals is the fact that through theirrituals their collective beliefs and ideals areexperienced, affirmed, and articulated in a muchdeeper and more meaningful way than in creedalor doctrinal formulations. Notably, much of theBenguet rituals are those that are performed inhonor of their ancestors.

Ritual as window into the heartof the Benguet people’s social life

The persistence of ritual performance honoringtheir ancestors shows the Benguet belief thatancestors play a major role in fortifying andmaintaining their solidarity as a kin group andas an indigenous community. During ritualperformance people are expected to let go oftheir individual preoccupations in order to jointhe community in honoring, remembering andreconnecting with their ancestors. It is alwaysimportant for the mambunong and the familyhosting the ritual to mention the name of theancestor for whom the ritual is being performedand to invite the other ancestors as well. This isa way of remembering and giving recognition toeach of their ancestors. Hence, rituals are sacredmoments when the living and the dead cometogether to strengthen their solidarity andinterdependence. During the performance, thefamily yard becomes the sacred space wherethe human-spirit worlds come together.

Ritual as affirmation of mutuality betweenthe spirit-human worlds

Benguet spirituality1 involves mutual giving,receiving, enjoyment, forgiveness, andremembrance. For example, when it is determinedby the elders and experts of tradition that thereare indeed convincing signs that an ancestor wishesto shower blessings on her/his living relatives, theagamid and sangbo rituals are performed as waysof recognizing and reciprocating the benevolenceof the ancestor.

A reciprocal relationship is equally importantamong the living members of the community. Forinstance, the giving of the upo is a form of economicand social obligation to be observed in times ofdeath. Death does not only bring loss to thefamily but also to the whole community. InBenguet, relatives and the community areobliged to give material support in cash or inkind (rice, coffee, bread, drinks, firewood, etc.)to the bereaved family. Significantly, the Benguetpeople believe that the dead would acknowledgeand take these items as baon (packed meal or


resources) and pasalubong (homecomingpresents; gifts) to the ancestral abode. Inaddition, relatives and neighbors of the bereaveddo the cooking, serving, and keeping of thingsin order so that the bereaved family can focuson the rituals. The bereaved family, in turn, isexpected to reciprocate when others are alsofaced with the same situation. Reciprocity ormutuality, the Benguet people’s “Golden Rule,”remains operative in their community life.

Ritual as a drama of collective sentimentsand a public space for a marginalized people

Through their ritual performance, the spirit ofsolidarity and mutuality in the community isenhanced and affirmed. Significantly, it is alsothrough their rituals that they attempt to redressthe deprivation inherent in their socialperipherality. The constant threat of becomingonce again the “sacrificial victims before thealtar of progress and development” has beenplaguing the Benguet people. Their socio-cultural, economic, and political marginalizationlead them to turn to their ancestors as the majorsource of unity in combating the possibleencroachments of their lands and properties.During rituals, the Benguet people bring theirhopes, their cares and fears to their ancestorsand deities with the understanding that theancestors are always there to hear their plea.To a great extent, their rituals express theirpowerlessness and dependence on theirancestors and deities. In Kapangan, thepamakan (ritual to celebrate the memory of thelocal soldiers and guerilla members who diedfighting the Japanese forces during World WarII) serves as a challenge to the people to protecttheir community and way of life. In this sense,their rituals can be a political event, a hallmarkin enhancing the participants’ polit icalconsciousness that alerts them to be more criticalof the new model of life and success endorsedby the media or by some government agencies.Today, individualism, power, ambition, andcompetition are new forms of threat that are seepinginto the Benguet way of life.

CONCLUSION

For the Benguet Christians and traditionalistsalike, ancestor reverence is here to stay. Ancestorsare deeply involved in the life and aspirations ofthe Benguet soul. Ancestors served as the buildingblocks of the Benguet identity and society as weknow these today. They play a key role in 1)fortifying and maintaining their spirit of solidarityand cooperation as a collective group, 2) mediatingthe blessings (prosperity, health, long life, fertility,peace, harmony, etc.) needed to live a dignifiedlife, 3) and sustaining in them a sense of hope inthe face of uncertainties. Moreover, they believethat their ancestors bring all their concerns to thebigger community of sacred beings and convincethem to act on these needs. Hence we can claimthat ancestors serve as the key symbol of theBenguet indigenous religion. The ordered world oftheir community life is often associated withancestor spirits where everyone and everything hasa defined place and function. Their rituals providea means by which power from the sacred may beobtained and practically transform or somehowaffect their social, economic, and political situation.Their experience of peripherality has deeplyinfluenced their vision of life (family and communitycohesion, health, long life, abundance, stability,peace, harmony, etc.). The Benguet people believethat despite the contradictions of their collectiveexperience, they have survived as individuals andas a people. Their tenacity to survive is anindication of their beliefs in the abiding presenceand sustenance of their ancestors.

This investigation of the significance of ancestorreverence in the Benguet indigenous tradition couldhelp dispel the darkness of ignorance that has ledto a lot of misunderstandings about the beliefs andpractices of a people. Furthermore, an in-depthinvestigation can provide outsiders the opportunityto look into these beliefs and practices asunderstood and lived by the people themselves andto discover the significance of their beliefs andrituals in the context of their historical experienceas minority people. Their history is a story of victoryand defeat, independence and marginalization, and


of hope and despair. Their struggles and aspirationsare efforts to reclaim their people’s history and theirrecognition as a distinct community without beingjudged indifferent to national interests. Theirs is astory of ritual performances and celebrations, ofremembrance, of mutuality, and of maintainingharmony with the visible and invisible worlds.Having this in mind, it is important for non-indigenesto listen and learn how the indigenous people’s faithand hopes are experienced and lived and how theyare transformative of peoples (Eilers, 2002, p.307).

The Benguet religion does not have all the answersto the present problems and concerns of the worldbut it can be a source of wisdom and spirituality thatmay be relevant to some of the pressing needs andchallenges of the present. In this regard, a dialogicalstance would fortify every inter-religious or inter-cultural encounter towards a better appreciation ofthe other; a better show of respect for the other—necessary for the forging of friendships andpartnerships; for collaborations that would allow tobring to the fore the wisdom and values of religioustraditions that can inspire people to respond to theurgent need for justice, peace, harmony, andsustainability in the human and earth community.

A further engagement between the Benguetindigenous tradition and Christianity could lead notonly to a Christian appreciation of ancestorreverence in the Benguet tradition but for ancestorreverence to find a home in the Christian tradition.Only then can a Christian dialogical stance allowthe flourishing of authentic traditions of theindigenous peoples. Support for a minoritypopulation in their participation in vital decisionspresupposes such a stance.

ENDNOTES

1 A sensitivity or attachment to a life-giving/sustaining principle like a utopic vision or, in Christianity,the promise of the Kingdom of God or the Christocentricagapic community, which serves to nourish people’simpetus to lead a meaningful life.

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