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BOOK REVIEW
Us and them: The science of animal minds
Thomas Suddendorf: The gap: The science of what separates usfrom other animals. New York: Basic Books, 2013, 368pp,$29.99 HB
Richard Moore
� Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
Thomas Suddendorf’s The Gap: The Science of What Separates Us from Other
Animals takes as its subject the question of what separates human cognition from the
cognition of animals. In addition to providing a lengthy synthesis of the current state
of knowledge of the differences between human and animal minds, it also contains
an introduction to the history of thinking about ‘‘the gap’’ between us and them,
and—more implicitly—an introduction to the methods of experimental science. It
does not defend—at least, not at length—any new claim about the nature of what it
is that makes humans cognitively unique. In this respect, readers looking for bold
new hypotheses to challenge recent academic claims about human uniqueness (e.g.,
Tomasello 2014) may be disappointed. Nonetheless, the book is a highly impressive
work of popular science—and a very interesting, accessible, balanced, elegant, and
enjoyable introduction to the field.
Suddendorf’s book divides, roughly, into three parts. The first—spanning the
opening three chapters—describes our history of thinking about the gap and gives a
brief introduction to some of the methods for studying it. The second and longest
part consists of six chapters detailing, via surveys of recent work in comparative
psychology, points of continuity and discontinuity between human and animal
minds. The final chapters of the book contain an overview of what we know about
our early hominin ancestors and a discussion of their possible cognitive abilities, as
these are revealed by the archeological and fossil records, along with some well-
informed speculation about when (and why) in phylogeny our uniquely human
forms of cognition might have emerged. The book finishes with a discussion of the
future of the gap—and of the need to conserve the habitats of our nearest kin, whose
precarious existence makes the research discussed in the book possible.
R. Moore (&)
Berlin School of Mind and Brain, Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6,
10099 Berlin, Germany
e-mail: [email protected]
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DOI 10.1007/s11016-014-9918-3
The central question of the book is set up in the opening pages. In the Descent of
Man, Darwin had proposed that humans are, like other animals, the product of
evolution and that our closest relatives were the African great apes. This account
emphasized continuity and gradual change. However, writes Suddendorf, whereas
the physical continuity between man and animal is undeniable—we can substitute
the valves from a pig’s heart for our own—the relationship of human and animal
minds seems to be characterized by very substantial discontinuity.
Our minds have spawned civilizations and technologies that have changed the
face of the Earth, while our closest living animal relatives sit unobtrusively in
their remaining forests. (2–3)
The nature and origin of this cognitive ‘‘gap’’ is the central topic of Suddendorf’s
book.
In a very valuable third chapter, Suddendorf gives an introduction to the varieties
of evidence that are used to illustrate points of continuity and discontinuity. In what
becomes a fairly common strategy, he recalls his own experiences of working with
apes to show why it is sometimes tempting to give rich interpretations of animal
behavior. He then reflects critically upon these recollections to show why such
attributions may have been misplaced and appeals to the methods of experimental
psychology to indicate what would need to be shown for the richer interpretations to
be justified. Describing a case in which he introduced a rubber crocodile to two
chimpanzees, he writes:
They were intrigued, and when I pretended the crocodile was trying to bite my
co-investigator … they quickly jumped to her side and appeared to play along
– even to the extent of ‘‘reassuring’’ her when the danger had passed. At least,
that is how I remember the events, although frankly I cannot be sure whether
any pretense took place from the chimpanzee’s perspective. (47)
Such evenhanded appraisals are characteristic of Suddendorf’s writing and are
supported by lengthy discussions of the empirical evidence that would lend
credence to, or undermine, such anecdotal reports.
In six subsequent chapters, Suddendorf evaluates a series of claims about human
uniqueness, through comparative discussions of the cognitive abilities of human
children, non-human great apes, monkeys, and a variety of other species. Each
chapter takes the form of a survey of one major claim about what makes humans
unique: The topics discussed are language, mental time travel (including memory
and future planning), mind reading, intelligence (including tool use and causal
cognition), social learning, and morality. As the following recap will make clear, the
central theses of these chapters will not be new to anyone familiar with recent work
in animal cognition.
On the subject of language, Suddendorf writes that while apes (and some other
species) use symbols to communicate, they do not combine these symbols
recursively and do not communicate to enquire about one another’s minds. On
mental time travel, he argues that while animals possess semantic memory and some
can plan for an immediate future, only humans possess episodic memory, and the
related ability to project themselves into alternative possible worlds. This is what
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makes us so good at planning for the future. Additionally, while humans are mind
readers par excellence, Suddendorf shows that apes possess comparatively basic
abilities and demonstrate little motivation to engage with the minds of others, or to
join with them in cooperative activity. On the subject of intelligence, we learn that
while humans are boundlessly creative and other species of ape possess limited
skills for problem solving and tool use, no other species engages in abstract
thinking, theory building, or creative innovation. Additionally, while apes (and
other species) demonstrate some limited capacities for social learning and so
possess rudimentary culture, in the absence of teaching and high fidelity imitation,
they lack a capacity for cumulative culture. Finally, while great apes exhibit signs of
sympathy and a willingness to help others in distress, they do not live by moral
norms or engage in moral reasoning.
While none of these surveys is ground breaking, the research is up-to-date,
comprehensive and presented in consistently entertaining way.1 Perhaps unsurpris-
ingly, Suddendorf’s own research remains center stage. For example, he argues that
the limited intelligence of animals is likely to be a consequence of their lack of
recursive thinking and mental time travel—conclusions for which he has argued at
length elsewhere.
These review chapters finish with a short chapter in which Suddendorf attempts
to synthesize current findings into an account of some key differences and to spell
out the beginnings of a story about how these differences came to be. I found this
chapter—at around fifteen pages, one of the shortest in the book—somewhat
disappointing. Suddendorf posits two features as key to explaining the rest:
In all six domains we repeatedly find two major features that set us apart: our
open ended ability to imagine and reflect on different situations, and our deep
seated drive to link our scenario-building minds together. It seems to be
primarily these two attributes that carried our ancestors across the gap, turning
animal communication into open-ended human language, memory into mental
time travel, social cognition into theory of mind, problem solving into abstract
reasoning, social traditions into cumulative culture, and empathy into
morality. (216)
While this hypothesis is intriguing and somewhat intuitive, the key concepts
(‘‘nested scenario building’’ and the ‘‘urge to connect’’) and the transitions they
make possible are only sketched, rather than given the exhaustive treatment that
they deserve. While it feels ungenerous to expect a work of popular science to be
used to defend such hypotheses in detail, the remainder of Suddendorf’s book sets a
high bar, and I would have loved to see these claims elaborated.
As a piece of work for a primarily non-academic audience, there is a great deal to
admire in this book. It is beautifully written and full of judicious quotes, fascinating
historical insights, and great anecdotes. More than that, the discussions of the
experimental data that lie at the heart of the book are rigorous, fair, and informative.
1 Of course, Suddendorf’s claims are open to challenge from new experimental evidence. For example,
Martin-Ordas et al. (2013) present compelling evidence of something like episodic memory in
chimpanzees and orangutans.
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Throughout the book, footnotes are used to make substantive points, while endnotes
are used for references. More substantial notes and references can be downloaded
from the book’s website. The result is a book that flows well and remains readable
even in discussing points of relative complexity. In these respects, it is difficult to
conceive of a better non-academic introduction to the science of animal minds. It is
a shame that the photographs of apes are reproduced only in small scale and black
and white, though. One can only hope that in future editions the publishers could be
persuaded to include some color panels.
Given the remit of the book, its use in academic contexts will inevitably be
somewhat limited. While its reviews of the literature are very good, in anything but
introductory classes they would need to be supplemented with relevant journal
articles. Nonetheless, I would be happy to recommend the book as background
reading on an MA course or to any non-specialist wanting a readable introduction to
a particularly vibrant area of research.
References
Martin-Ordas, G., D. Berntsen, and J. Call. 2013. Memory for distant past events in chimpanzees and
orangutans. Current Biology 23: 1438–1441.
Tomasello, M. 2014. A natural history of human thinking. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
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