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LAHORE SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS
VICTIMIZATION OF AHMADIYYA
COMMUNITY BY RELIGIOUS
EXTREMISTS
Presented to: Ms. Farah Syed
Presented by: Hooria Amjad, Mariam Agha, Mehreen Amjad,
Munazzah Zubair & Sanam Khan
Due on: 13/11/10
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INTRODUCTION
The topic, ‘Victimization of Ahmadiyya Community by Religious Extremists’ is
explanation in itself. Ahmadis have been persecuted and looked down upon since the earliest of
times and even in this era and age of education and knowledge, the perceptions about them
haven’t changed. We ask our selves, who is responsible for the creation of such enmity in our
heart? Our ‘guru’s’ or historically held beliefs? Our report will clarify the reasons behind
persecution of Ahmadiyya minority and the fact that self centeredness must not form the key
purpose of our existence.
The composed and halcyon ambiance around the Ahmaddiya community center in
England provides indubitably a sanguine and self confident view of the society. The mosque area
boasts peace, with the Muslim members congregating in the nearby park, cluster of SUV’s in
array, free local hospitals for all ,The community in general depicts an essence of achievement
and hard work since the teachings in specific emphasis on the elements of education, initiative
and achievement for both men and women. The Khilafah of the community shares his feelings
when he was nominated as the chair, the only fear he has today is of the talibanized elements,
even though each Muslim will be answerable for his creeds to Allah.
Even with a 100% literacy rate of the Ahmaddiya community for both sexes, the
members continue to be subjugated to immense agenda and propaganda by the anti Ahmaddiya
elements. Mostly killed, harassed and subjugated to other indignities and assaults, others have
sent themselves into voluntary exile, including the Khilafah of the community and some other
important assets for the nation like Dr. Abdul Salam, the noble prize winner, from whose
gravestone the identity “Muslim” was scratched after his expiry.
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The real agenda on the ahmaddis was raised during the Bhutto regime, who declared the
wing of Muslims as Non Muslims and blasphemous under the pressure of Mullah’s, when he saw
his popularity vote declining. The agenda was first highlighted in 1953, when some conservative
political parties waged campaigns against the Ahmadiyya community. However, the issue was
torched by General Zia-Ul-Haq, who brought the controversy under lime light by formulating the
ordinance clauses. In them it was openly stated that Ahmadis should stop calling themselves as
Muslims or they should be shoot on spot. After the dictator’s deliberately popularized regime for
religious ordinances ended up with a misery and Ms. Bhutto got elected as the Prime minister of
the nation, Ahmadiyya community had expectations for the ordinance clauses to be revoked but
the hope died down since no stand was taken for the community since then till date. In fact
leaders from the political parties like PML (N) finance the anti Ahmadiyya propagandas (Baker,
2009). The campaigns are not directly targeted at the community, but they evoke anti Ahmadiyya
sentiments in hearts and minds of the melodramatic extremists; such as raising two storied
banners for Khatm-un-Nabi (seal of Prophet) conference.
The Ahmadis mainly face the opposition and persecution for the fact that they are rigid
not to declare them selves as the minority i.e. non Muslims (Haider, 2009). The Ahmadis differ
from the main stream Muslims in their views firstly, concerning the second coming of the Jesus
was metaphorical rather than literal, and Hazrat Ghulam Ahmad Mirza fulfilled the signs of
prophecies and hence, he was the second advent of the Jesus. Secondly, Ahmadis believe that
Jesus died a natural death and has his grave in Kashmir, He was crucified and survived and has
his tomb, Yuz Asaf in Kashmir. Messiah and Imam Mehdi are the same person, History of
religious cyclic is renewed every seven millennia and Mirza Ghulam Ahmed was the promised
Messiah for the sixth and the final epoch. And lastly, Holy prophet was undoubtedly the apex of
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humanity, but not the seal of prophets and other prophets will continue to come after him. How
ever the mainstream Muslims believe in the finality of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), in the
arrival of the Jesus and that Jesus was taken to the sky by Allah. (Aliislam.org).
The Ahmadiyya community exceeds more than 40 million members throughout the
world, but has the largest numbers in Pakistan, about 2.5 percent of the entire population
(dawn.com). Although great number of Ahmadis do peacefully exist in India, Indonesia and
Bangladesh and do have rebels against Ahmadis but Pakistan is the only country in which
Ahmadis are considered non-Muslims. The founder of the nation, Quiad-e-Azam Mohammad.
Ali Jinnah, had closest associates like Sir Zafarullah Khan, president of International court of
justice and president of the UN general assembly, who later went into voluntary exile, as
Ahmadis. More over, when Quaid was asked by his colleagues to declare Ahmadis as non-
Muslim, he replied “What right have I to declare a person non-Muslim, when he claims to be a
Muslim” (YLH, 23/03/44, Sirinagar).
All in all, today media boosts the flames against the Ahmadiyya community. In year
2009, a guest in the television talk show, Alam Online, repeatedly and freely requested to kill the
Ahmaddiya Muslims. After which there was a wave of attacks on the Ahmadis amongst which a
doctor was shot 45 times by 6 men on the hospital floor. Also the Ameer Jammat in a rural town
of Sindh was murdered. No investigation in the matter have been done and no progress have
been viewed (Baker, 2009).
Apart from physical torture, Ahmadis are not allowed to follow Islam in true spirit. They
are not free to worship or erect their own mosques, in fact there have been incidences where the
Ahmadiyya mosques have been martyred, Ahmadiyya corpse are often re dug from the
graveyards of the Muslims and apart from that, the Ahmadis do not have the right to perform
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Hajj. A special clause is signed when issuing the passports and ID cards, which is a statement
that a person is not blasphemous as they do not believe in Hazrat Ghulam Ahmad Mirza.
The fact of the entire controversy can be highlighted as, why the peaceful community which
believes in the mission statement ‘love for all, hatred for none’ is being ear marked specifically
in a nation, which found its homeland on the basis of same indignities, religious intolerance and
sufferings. The Ahmadiyya community does not believe in jihad through sword, rather its has
faith in the power of pen and harmony. The matter of the religious intolerance and oppression
has been able to seek attention of the UN. Hundreds and thousands ob Ahmaddis have been
provided nationalities abroad for protection and refuge. Even tough Ahmadiyya community
members were the ones to convince Jinnah the Separate Muslim homeland, at the time when
Jinnah was in a stage of contemplation for giving up the risks involved in the revolution for birth
of Pakistan (persecution. Org). The author of the Moth smoke describes a vicious circle sketched
by the norms of the society. He gives example of an Ahmadi patient going to a doctor, the patient
is legitimately supposed to be murdered since he is blasphemous according to the Shariah rules.
Hence if the doctor teats the patient well, the doctor is fostering blasphemy as well and therefore
is supposed to be murdered as well, however, if the doctor seeks advice of a lawyer to fight his
side for being on the humanitarian side rather than the blasphemous side, the lawyer too becomes
legitimate to being killed, and so the vicious circle continues (Dawn, 2009).
The recurring hostility towards the Ahmadis is not just a part of the Shariah laws, the
coaxing vindication and justifying explanations do not just provide the exactitude of the drama
behind the screen, its not just religious ethos which instigate the political leaders and the Mullahs
rather a blind game of undercover adversaries to cloud the gleam of the intellectual, reverent
group that offers an empirical proof for all acts, is harmonious and amiable, progressive and
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political, has its own mastery in its own way and tends to divert a lot of foreign attention. Several
sociologists like Friedman do offer an explanation for the creation of religion as an impact of
society on Ghulam Ahmad Mirza. But the community still is not an element to be subject to
neglect and hostility. However, the government must make attempts to support the wing of
Muslims, if be, revoke the clause and make all minorities an equal citizen of the nation, so that
no one feels opposed and oppressed.
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BACKGROUND
The Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam is a religious community founded in 1889 by Mirza Ghulam
Ahmad in Qadian, India. Ghulam Ahmad was an important religious figure who claimed to have
fulfilled the prophecies about the world reformer of the end times and that he was the divine
reformer of the fourteenth Islamic century, the promised Messiah awaited by Muslims. He said
that his name was Ghulam Ahmad, son of Ghulam Murtaza, belonging to the caste of Mughal
Barlas who came to India from Samarqand.
Ahmadis emphasis lay in the belief that Islam is the final law for humanity as revealed
to Muhammad and the necessity of restoring to it its true essence and pristine form, which had
been lost through the centuries. Thus, Ahmadis view themselves as leading the revival and
peaceful propagation of Islam. Their slogan read, ‘Love for all, hatred for none.’
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad termed this movement the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at (community),
envisioning it to be a revitalization of Islam. Ahmadis consider themselves Muslims and claim to
practice Islam in its pristine form; however, Ahmadiyya views on certain beliefs in Islam have
been controversial to mainstream Muslims since the movement’s birth
Following the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947, the Ahmadi community left
Qadian and fled to West Pakistan. Partly through their excellent relationship with the new
government of Pakistan, a number of Ahmadi leaders purchased many acres of barren land near
Chiniot, in Punjab. There the Ahmadi community members founded Rabwah, which is today the
administrative centre and headquarters of the Ahmadi community in Pakistan. However
following anti-Ahmadi riots in 1953 and 1974, relations with the government deteriorated
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prompting the government to support the establishment of a non-Ahmadi muslim community in
the town.
Soon after the death of the first successor of Ghulam Ahmad, the movement split into two groups
over the nature of Ghulam Ahmad’s prophethood and his succession. The Ahmadiyya Muslim
Community (Qadianis) believed that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad had indeed been a “non-law-
bearing” prophet and that mainstream Muslims who categorically rejected his message were
guilty of disbelief in Islamic prophecies. The Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement (Lahorites),
however, affirmed the traditional Islamic interpretation that there could be no prophet after
Muhammad and viewed itself as a reform movement within the broader Ummah. The question of
succession was also an issue in the split of the Ahmadiyya movement. The Lahore Ahmadiyya
Movement believed that an Anjuman (body of selected people) should be in charge of the
community. The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, however, maintained that Caliphs (successors
of Ghulam Ahmad) should continue to take charge of the community and should be left with the
overall authority. After the death of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in 1908, the Ahmadi community
selected a series of caliphs. The current and fourth Successor (Khalifatul Masih IV), to the
Promised Messiah was chosen in the person of Hazrat Mirza Tahir Ahmad in 1982.
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MAINSTREAM BELIEFS
Ahmadiyya shares beliefs with Islam in general, including belief in the prophethood of
Muhammad, reverence for historical prophets and belief in the oneness of God (tawhid ). They
accept the Quran as their holy text, face the Kaaba during prayer, accept the authority of Hadith s
(reported sayings of and stories about Muhammad) and practice the Sunnah. The motto of their
movement is, “Love for all, hatred for none.”
Central to the Ahmadiyya is the belief in Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as the Promised
Messiah and Mahdi. Ahmadis emphasize the implementation of the Kalima (the fundamental
creed of Islam) as essentially linked with the Islamic principles of the rights of God and the
rights of His creation.
Ahmadis believe that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was divinely commissioned as a true
reflection of Muhammad's prophethood to establish the unity of God, remind mankind of their
duties towards God and God's creation, to emphasize both aspects of religion which Ahmadis
believe is the need of the present age. From the Ahmadiyya perspective, the Christians have
erred with regards to the rights of God in that they have attributed divine status to a mortal
human, and it is on this account that in Islamic eschatology the promised reformer has been
named the Mahdi (the "Guided One"—a title meaning one who is naturally guided and is an heir
to all truths and in whom the attribute of " guide" of the Almighty is fully represented). Ahmadis
also hold that the Muslims have erred with regard to the rights of creation for they, unjustly
raising the sword and calling it Jihad, have misunderstood the concept and purpose of jihad in
Islam; it is on this account that he has been called the Isa Messih ("Jesus the Messiah")—a term
which relates to his function in re-establishing the rights of people by reforming their distorted,
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violent notion of " Jihad " just as Jesus Christ came principally to reform the hearts and attitudes
of the Jewish nation.
Giving precedence to faith over worldly pursuits is also a fundamental principle in
Ahmadiyya teachings with emphasized relevance to the present age of materialistic prevalence.
Although the central values of Islam (prayer, charity, fasting, etc.) and the six articles of
belief are shared by Muslims and Ahmadis, distinct Ahmadiyya beliefs include the following:
• That the prophecies concerning the second coming of Jesus were metaphorical in nature
and not literal, and that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad fulfilled in his person these prophecies and
the second advent of Jesus.
• Succession of prophethood will continue till the end of times though there will be no
book revealed unto mankind after the Holy Quran.
• That Jesus, contrary to mainstream Islamic belief, was crucified and survived the four
hours on the cross. He was later revived from a swoon in the tomb. Ahmadis believe that
Jesus died in Kashmir of old age whilst seeking the Lost Tribes of Israel. Jesus’ remains are
believed to be entombed in Kashmir under the name Yuz Asaf . Ahmadis believe that Jesus
foretold the coming of Muhammad after him, which Christians have misinterpreted.
• That Jesus Christ did not bring a new religion or law, i.e., that he was not a law-bearing
prophet, but was last in the line of Israelite prophets.
• Belief in Hazrat Ghulam Ahmad in his teachings, influence and prayers Islam will defeat
the Anti-Christ ( Dajjal ).
• That the history of religion is cyclic and is renewed every seven millennia. The present
cycle from the time of the Biblical Adam is split into seven epochs or ages, parallel to the
seven days of the week, with periods for light and darkness. That Mirza Ghulam Ahmad
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EARLY PERSECUTION AND VICTIMIZATION
Ahmadis have been discriminated against since the advent of partition of the sub
continent. In 1953 at the instigation of religious parties, anti-Ahmadiyya riots erupted in
Pakistan, killing scores of Ahmadi Muslims and destroying their properties. There were severe
agitations against the Ahmadis in which street protests were held, political rallies were carried
out, and inflammatory articles were published. These agitations led to 2,000 Ahmadi deaths.
Consequently, martial law was established and the Pakistan's Federal Cabinet was dismissed
by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad.
Similarly, in the 70’s, a movement led by the Jamaat-e-Islami, was started against
the Ahmadiyya community which resulted in several Ahmadi casualties and destruction of their
property, including the descretation of mosques and graves.
In was also during this time that the Khatme Nabuwwat religious movement in Pakistan
gained momentum when in 1974, the students of Nishtar Medical College were beaten
profusedly by members of the Ahmadi community on account of the fact that they started
shouting against Ahmadis upon reaching Rabwah. The Kahtm-e-Nabuwwat movement started a
violent protest which forced the parliament under Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to formally
declare Ahmadis non-Muslims and prevent them from performing pilgrimage at the Islamic
States Conference in 1974. The National Assembly also adopted a constitutional amendment to
the effect that those persons not believing in the finalty of the Prophethood would not be
considered Muslims under the law and would not be eligible to become president of prime
minister or even marry other Muslims. Also, practice and propagation of their religion would be
punishable by law.
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On account of repeated insistence of the Khatm-e- Nabuwwat leader Maulana Khawaja
Khan Muhammad, General Zia-ul-Haq, issued the Ordinance titled XX in which legal sanctions
on Ahmadis were imposed barring them from using the title Muslim, reading and reciting the
Quran and stopping them from declaring their worship places as mosques.
To add to the scale of Ahmadi plight, the Blasphemy Laws were introduced in Pakistan in
1986 in the Pakistan Penal Code. Under this section, any person guilty of defiling the name of
the Holy Prophet was made liable to suffer life imprisonment or death. Ever since this law has
been passed it is being used as a tool to harass, persecute and expel them from the community
with little regard to the actual circumstances of the accusation of blasphemy. Since the
introduction of this law, 189 Ahmadis have been charged under PPC.
In early 90’s the Khatm-e-Nabuwwat Association got a criminal case registered against
the father of a bride and thirteen other persons of the same family for issuing wedding cards
carry the phrases “Praise be to Allah” and invoking blessings upon the Holy Prophet. After
spending three years in jail, awaiting bail, the father of the bride was sentenced to four years
rigorous imprisonment.
Similarly, an Ahmadi medical practitioner in Faisalabad was charged by the local mulla
on charge of preaching and was arrested in 1997. His plea was moved to a number of courts
before he was granted bail.
In October 1994, a case was registered under the same Blasphemy Law in District
Sanghar against three Ahmadis for translating the Holy Quran in Sindhi language. In 1995, they
were arrested along with two other Ahmadis Agha Saifullah and Muhammad Ibrahim who were
falsely alleged to be the publishers.
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The Shab Qadar incident was a public stoning of two members of the Ahmadiyya Muslim
Community in the town of Shab Qadar, in the North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan in April
1995. Dr. Rashid Ahmad and his son-in law, Riaz Ahmad Khan, were attacked as they were
about to attend a court hearing in Shab Qadar. As they entered the court premises, a violent mob
incited by local clerics attacked the men with sticks and stones. Riaz Khan was stoned to
death and his dead body stripped and dragged through the town on a rope. Dr. Rashid Ahmad
was taken to a hospital in Peshawar with serious injuries. A third Ahmadi, advocate Bashir
Ahmad, escaped unhurt. This murder took place in front of the police.
The victims — senior members of Ahmadiyya Community from Peshawar — had come
from the provincial capital in order to file a bail application on behalf of another Ahmadi
Muslim, Daulat Khan. Daulat Khan had been harassed following his conversion to the sect; local
Muslim clergy had reportedly called for his death. Daulat Khan had been arrested and
imprisoned in April 1995. After the lynching of Rashid Ahmad and Riaz Ahmad Khan, Daulat
Khan remained in custody and was further charged with posing as a Muslim and preaching
Ahmadiyyat and insulting the religious sentiments of Muslims. Urdu novelist Mustansar Hussain
Tarar made a reference to this event in his novel Raakh.
On 30 October 2000, gunmen opened fire at an Ahmadiyya prayer meeting in the
Pakistani province of Punjab, killing at least five worshippers and wounding another seven.
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POSITION OF AHMADIS IN PAKISTAN
Despite the fact that Ahmadis have translated the Holy Quran into more than sixty
languages, span 195 countries, and have more than 15000 mosques and a membership exceeding
tens of millions, they are being discriminated against and looked down upon my almost every
waking Muslim in the society. Our founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah may have stated that the
country should be a secular state in which all are equal and religion is no business of the state but
today’s Ahmadis are far from equal.
The popular sentiment in Pakistan has become increasingly hostile towards the Ahmadis.
The population of Pakistan has become sensitized to Ahmadis since the spate of anti-Ahmadi
violence in 1953.
Non-state persecution of the Ahmadis is very worrying and appears to be growing.
According to Pakistan’s Human Rights Commission Ahmadis face the worst treatment of anyone
in Pakistan. The vernacular press had become virulently more anti-Ahmadi where television
contains broadcasts of anti-Ahmadi rhetoric, including phrases such as “Ahmadis deserve to
die.” Even in the traditionally liberal English language press religious freedom is becoming
harder as journalists increasingly fear attack if they defend Ahmadis. In addiditon, the Khatm-e-
Nabuwwat calls for banning of Ahmadiyyat and killing of Ahmadis. It incites attacks against
Ahmadis in speech and broadcastand is credited with introduction of the widely used phrase,
“wajib-ul-qatl”, meaning those who deserve to be killed.
The situation faced by Ahmadis is very poor and becoming worse as each year passes. In
a country where sectarianism is on the increase, Ahmadis are the worst case scenario. The threat
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to Ahmadis varies from place to place. In some villages they are able to live safely while in
others they have been driven out.
With 4 million Ahmadis in Pakistan, persecution of Ahmadis has been particularly severe
and systematic, which is the only state to have officially declared the Ahmadis to be non-
Muslims. Here they are prohibited by law from self-identifying as Muslims, and their freedom of
religion has been curtailed by a series of ordinances, acts and constitutional amendments. In
applying for a passport, Pakistanis are required to declare that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is an
impostor prophet and that his followers are non-Muslims.
As a result, persecution and hate-related incidents are constantly reported from different
parts of the country, and Ahmadis have been the target of many attacks led by various religious
groups. Madrasahs of all sects of Islam in Pakistan prescribe reading materials for their students
specifically targeted at refuting Ahmadiyya beliefs.
In Rabwah, Ahmadis are intimidated and frequently threatened and their mosques and
religious establishments face the threat of attack. The main perpetrators of attacks of persons and
property in Rabwah are members or supporters of Khatme Nabuwwat who have a mosque and
Madrassah in Rabwah. They face threats from Khatme Nabuwwat’s members and supporters
within Rabwah, and from those coming to Rabwah from other areas of Pakistan through
conferences. At these occasions, for the sake of their safety, Ahmadis stay indoors and women
are asked not to attend prayer. The marches following anti-Ahmadi conferences have resulted in
arson and attacks on Ahmadi mosques, in one case resulting in the destruction of a mosque.
In a recent survey in Pakistan, pupils in private schools of Pakistan expressed their
opinions on religious tolerance in the country. The figures assembled in the study reflect that
even in the educated classes of Pakistan, Ahmadis are considered to be the least deserving
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minority in terms of equal opportunities and civil rights. In the same study, the teachers in these
elite schools showed an even lower amount of tolerance towards Ahmadis than their pupils.
In the past decade there has been an increasing number of murders and attacks of
Ahmadis and an increase in the number of preplanned and targeted attacks on Ahmadi mosques
by Islamic militants. Those attacks culminated in the Lahore attacks on May 28th, 2010 when two
mosques belonging to the Ahmadiyya community were stormed in a well planned assault that
lasted for about four hours at Mosque Darul Al Zikr, Garhi Shahu and Mosque Bait Al Noor in
Model Town, 15 km apart. More than 90 people were killed and 108 were injured in the incident.
One attacker was killed; another was captured by worshipers. The multiple suicide attacks by the
Punjabi Taliban took place slowly, with terrorists methodically throwing hand-grenades among
their hostages and climbing the minarets to fire at them from above. When the attackers started
to run out of ammunition, they began detonating their explosive vests. Although the police came,
they arrived late-even after the media arrived-and the only attackers who were caught were
captured by unarmed Ahmadis.
Similar incidents have taken place earlier since the past decade such as in October 2005,
masked gunmen with Kalashnikov rifles stormed a mosque belonging to the Ahmadiyya Muslim
Community in a village called Mong in District Mandi Bahauddin, shooting dead eight people
and wounding 14. During the year 2009, eleven Ahmadis were killed, while numerous others
became victims of attempted killings, according to an official report.
In April 2010, three Ahmadis were returning home in their vehicle from their jewellery
and cloth shops in Faisalabad when four or five unidentified militants car ambushed them. The
three Ahmadis were seriously injured when the men opened fire at them. The attackers managed
to flee from the scene. The three men died before they reached the hospital.
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The inaction of the police against the plotters, and its mere advice to probable victims
raises many questions. Ahmadis have been murdered in Faisalabad before, and suffered
kidnappings for ransom recently. The kidnappers told their victims that their faith was the main
cause of their ordeal. They had to pay heavy amounts to secure their release. It is reasonable to
assume that the criminals or at least their links are known to the authorities, as anti-Ahmadi
elements do not bother to keep their sectarian animosity secret. It is noteworthy that the slain
Ahmadis had sought police help well before they were attacked.
On May 31, 2010, an Ahmadi was stabbed to death and his son seriously injured when an
activist climbed the wall of their house with a dagger and attacked them. The son later died in
hospital from serious wounds. The attacker escaped. Residents say that the assailant threatened
to not leave any Ahmadi alive after having found motivation to kill them through a sermon given
by a local fanatical sunni cleric.
According to Daily Times published on the 2nd of June 2010, an Ahmadi owner of a butcher shop
in Faislabad said, "Some people refuse to come here just because I am Ahmadi. They use words
against me like 'Kafir', which means I am not Muslim. I've lived here for 13 years and lots of
people know me in Faislabad, but this situation has become so much worse now."
The Khatm-e-Nabuwwat is not only working to spread animosity towards Ahmadis in
Pakistan only but in other parts of the world where they are present as well. Last month
inflammatory leaflets were distributed across south London written in Urdu which said, “Kill a
Qadiani and doors to heaven will open for you.”
During a conference hosted by Khatm-e-Nabuwwat at the Tooting Islamic Centre in
March, KN’s Abdul Rehman Bajwa said, “I don't know why our sisters or mothers are talking
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with these Qadiyani and making friendships...Don't make friends with them...They are trying to
deceive you, they are trying to convert you from Islam to Qadiyanism.”
Pakistan is hardly alone in discriminating against Ahmadis. In Indonesia, where they are
known as the Ahmadiyah, they have been terrorized regularly, with their places of worship
attacked by fundamentalists and members being banned from taking part in the Haj in some parts
of the country. Laws were passed in Indonesia last year restricting their activities and prohibiting
them from proselytizing. In many parts of Kyrgistan, they have been told to cease worshiping.
Doctors are a popular target, possibly because Ahmadis tend to be well educated (the group
claims a 100 percent literacy rate for women) and at least seven have been murdered in the last
three years.
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REASONS BEHIND THE PERSECUTION OF THE AHMADIYYA COMMUNITY
Inquiring into the reasons behind this terrible animosity and hostility faced by Ahmadis
in Pakistan it won’t be adequate to say that he reason can’t be the difference in their religion
since Pakistan is home to Hindus, Christians, Ahl-e-hadis Muslim Community and Shias. So
why are Ahmadis the only Muslim community being faced with such extreme persecution?
Nor can the reason be that their large numbers pose some sort of ‘threat from within’.
After all, Ahmadis are a relatively small minority in Pakistan. They make up somewhere
between 0.25 per cent (according to the last census) and 2.5 per cent (according to the
Economist) of our population.
To understand what the persecution of Ahmadis achieves, we have to see how it works.
Ahmadis face serious danger and death, some of it possibly fomented by the government .
Religious groups like the Jamaat-e-Islami and Kahtm-e-Nabuwwat see the constitution and
Blasphemy Laws as an altar behind which they can hide and persecute this religious minority.
The government, already dealing with terrorism and unstable economic crisis does little to curb
the situation or even change or amend previously made laws to provide some protection to its
minority communities.
These religious groups further disapprove of the fact that Ahmadis call themselves
Muslims whereas they hold a view different from their own. Shias are not persecuted since they
are the second largest sect of Islam and have strong Shiite groups backing them.
Another reason is the Ahmadiyya community’s policy of non-retaliation. Ever since their
victimization, Ahmadis retaliate by migrating to safer areas, where they will not be known by
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minorities so that enmity between religious groups erupts leading to a social and economic break
up.
As the June issue of Terrorism Monitor noted:
"As the Pakistani Taliban is trying to spread their war on the Pakistani state, they are likely to
continue to target minorities like the Ahmadis in their efforts to create instability."
Another major cause lies in the city of Rabwah. Both the government and religious
extremists and leaders of religious parties realize that if the spread of the Ahmadiyya religion is
unchecked, they may form a much stronger force in Rabwah that will ultimately rise up to
challenge their authority. Shias and other religious minorities though have their respective places
of worship, have not had a complete city that comprises of their residents. Which is whya more
fierce struggle to get rid of Ahmadis is launched to deter them.
Lastly, one of the major causes of Ahmadiyya persecution is the difference between
Islamism and Modernism. Religious groups feel as if accepting an amended version of their
religious perspectives is wrong and consider it appropriate to wage Jihad for this cause. As a
result they feel more strongly about the Ahmadiyya Muslims Community as they call themselves
than Hindus or Christians who are outright non-Muslims.
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ROLE OF THE GOVERNMENT
In the early days of independence, it was possible for talented Ahmadis like Sir Zafrullah
Khan, Pakistan’s first foreign minister or Professor Abdus Salam, the Nobel Prize Winning
physicist, to rise to the top of their professions, today they face multiple threats to life and
property, are effectively disfranchised and prevented from holding public gatherings, denied
access to higher education and barred from entry to public employment except at lowest levels.
Members of the judiciary and the government do not speak out against violence or step in to
defend Ahmadis.
The state provides no protection to a senior Ahmadi figures or mosques at Rabwah and
they cannot look to the police or the Courts for protection. In fact, there have been numerous
incidences in which the police and government have been the instigators of FIR’s against
Ahmadis.
In 2008, the entire 50,000 population of Rabwah was charged with practicing Islamic
worship. They are prevented from holding public meetings and are not able to vote or register to
vote because registering to vote would require them to deny their faith. Ahmadis are barred from
entry to public office except at lowest levels. In order to claim to be a Muslim on the Pakistani
passport they are forced to sign a declaration that states, “I consider Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be
an imposter.”
The Blasphemy Law is being used to threat the life and damage property of the Ahmadis
ever since it was introduced. In 2009, at least 50 Ahmadis were charged under various provisions
of the blasphemy law across Pakistan. Many of these individuals remain imprisoned. It can be
stated without any risk of exaggeration that none of the blasphemy cases against Ahmadis was
well founded, valid or credible.
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The government of Pakistan has failed to take notice of the issues causing distress to the
Ahmadiyya Muslim community. Not only are the Ahmadi flood victims not given proper food
and shelter as the rest of the Muslim community but since the past thirteen years, this law is
being applied against Ahmadis as a tool to intimidate, harass and persecute them with little
regard to the actual circumstances of the accusation of blasphemy.
General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s Ordinance XX, effectively prohibited Ahmadis from
preaching or professing their beliefs and they are not allowed to profess the Islamic creed
publicly or call their places of worship mosques.
Ahmadis in Pakistan are also barred by law from worshipping in non-Ahmadi mosques or
public prayer rooms, performing the Muslim call to prayer , using the traditional Islamic greeting
in public, publicly quoting from the Qur'an, preaching in public, seeking converts, or producing,
publishing, and disseminating their religious materials. These acts are punishable by
imprisonment of up to three years. Ordinance XX and the 1974 amendment to the constitution
effectively gave the state the exclusive right to determine the meaning of the term "Muslim"
within Pakistan. Many Ahmadis were arrested within days of the promulgation of this ordinance,
and it gave way for widespread sanctioned as well as non-sanctioned persecution.
Once an Ahmadi receives bail, he is required to appear at a case hearing approximately
every month. The location of the case hearing will depend on where the FIR has been lodged.
This allows a complainant to lodge an FIR in, for instance, Karachi, with the effect that a
resident in Rabwah would be required to travel a great distance every month. Traveling to
repeated bail hearings is expensive, may cost him his job through regular absence and may place
the Ahmadi at risk as he has to travel the same route on several occasions. Addressing the
lengthy prosecution of FIR’s in court DPO Salimi pointed out that cases against Ahmadis often
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have complicated social implications quite different to normal criminal activity. The police often
do not want to prosecute but they have to. If the defendant then fails to attend court, several
actions are put in motion. First, the police will look for the person. If they can not find him the
case is reported to the court at which point the person becomes a proclaimed offender. Anyone
can arrest him within one month of the proclamation after which his property is sold. The
warrant issued by the court is valid anywhere in Pakistan. A common practice is to detain family
members of the accused. Also, for Ahmadis relocating in Pakistan, access to many everyday
services requires the production of an ID card. The services identified by the Ahmadi
Community Representatives as requiring production of an ID card include applying for a
passport or driving license, schooling, employment, buying or renting land and hospital visits.
The blasphemy FIR’s are registered as a result of complaints from three main sources:
those lodged by members of Khatm-e-Nabuwwat, those precipitated by police or government
intervention and those used to settle personal rivalries or enmity. The FIR’s are also used to
settle personal scores. For instance, in 2005, an Ahmadi became a village headman through the
local tradition of primogeniture. Howereve, his first cousin, a non-Ahmadi, wanted to take over
the headman role so he filed a blasphemy charge against him. The Ahmadi subsequently spent
four years in prison.
Since 2000, an estimated 400 Ahmadis have been formally charged in criminal cases,
including blasphemy. The blasphemy laws severely restrict the ability of Ahmadis to practice
their faith as a group or as individuals. The laws create a situation where even carrying out
everyday religious practices runs the risk of prosecution. As Ahmadis are non-Muslims in the
eyes of the law, even using the words ‘Asalamu Alaikum’ can result in a blasphemy prosecution.
Several have been convicted and face life imprisonment or death sentences pending appeal. Their
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books and literature are banned, public meetings are not allowed and there is a constant fear of
prosecution under the Blasphemy Law. As a result, thousands of Ahmadis have fled Pakistan to
seek asylum in countries including Canada and the United States.
In January 2009, five Ahmadis, including four children, were charged with blasphemy in
Layyah district of Punjab province. The children were released after being jailed for six months.
In July 2009, activists of the Sunni Tehreek, a militant group, staged protests until the local
police in Faisalabad district of Punjab province agreed to register blasphemy cases against 32
Ahmadis for writing Quranic verses on the outer walls of their houses. The police registered
cases against them under sections 295-A and 295-C. In 2008, at least 15 Ahmadis were charged
under various provisions of the Blasphemy Law. In addition to blasphemy charges, Ahmadis
have sporadically come under physical attack. For example, in June 2006, a mob burned down
Ahmadi shops and homes in Jhando Sahi village near the town of Daska in Punjab province,
forcing more than 100 Ahmadis to flee. The police though present at the scene, failed to
intervene or arrest any of the culprits. However, the authorities charged seven Ahmadis under the
blasphemy law. The Ahmadis subsequently returned to their homes.
The government has not allowed them to hold their annual convention in Rabwah since
1983 whereas Kahtme Nabuwwat holds large events every year. These events have marches
through the streets of Rabwah that are escorted by the police and accompanied by the shouting of
filthy, dirty slogans designed to provoke, one common slogan is, “death to Ahmadis” and
sometimes result in violence.
In January 2002, the Pakistan government abolished the system of separate electorates
under which different denominations including Sunnis, Christians and Sikhs were placed on
different electoral roles. A joint electorate was introduced in which all eligible citizens of
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Pakistan are placed on a single list of voters. However, an exception for Ahmadis was introduced
by the president which created a supplementary list of voters in which Ahmadis are characterized
as non-Muslims. The Ahmadis have, therefore, decided not to register rather than agree on being
declared non-Muslim. There are also eleven elected members in the council none of whom are
Ahmadi. Under legislation designed to protect the interests of the minorities, the Ahmadi
community are entitled to one reserved seat on the Council however, the Ahmadis hae decided to
give their reserved post to the Christian community rather than being involved in an
unrepresentative Council.
It is fair to say that the Pakistani Constitution, through its anti-Muslim laws are
encouraging the extremists and belittling the Ahmadi community at large. The government, due
to its own political skirmishes and liability to address rapidly spreading instability across the
country does not care for such trivial matters as the protection of minority rights.
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INTERVENTION BY INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Persecution of the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan is now a cause of concern for not
only the Pakistan government but for the international community as a whole. Varying sectors
around the globe are now forcing the government to take action against the persecution and
subjugation faced by this minority community. In August the Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan (HRCP) expressed concern at the murder of two Ahmadis in the last three days and
reports of denial of shelter to members of the Ahmadiyya community displaced by massive
floods in south Punjab.
International human rights organizations have taken notice of this unfortunate situation.
Amnesty International, International Commission of Jurists, Pakistan Human Rights
Commission, Human Rights Advocates Inc. USA etc. have published reports on the subject. The
UN Sub Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, in 1985,
expressed its grave concern over Ordinance XX and urged the Commission to call on the
government of Pakistan to repeal the Ordinance and to restore the human rights. However,
regrettably nothing substantial or effective has been done outside to compel the authorities in
Pakistan to repeal this Ordinance which is now a part of the Constitution as 8th Amendment.
In a press statement, HRCP called upon the government to take urgent measures to ensure
there is no discrimination on the basis of belief and that assistance and protection are not denied
to a community that faces specific threats. The commission has noted with concern reports of
lack of provision of relief goods to flood-affected Ahmadi families, expulsion of displaced
Ahmadis from a government school in Dera Ghazi Khan and rented lodgings elsewhere in
southern Punjab after clerics’ pressure as well as issuance of edicts by clerics that affected
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Ahmadis must not be provided help. HRCP reiterated the urgent need for distribution of relief
goods and extension of other support to the affected people without any discrimination on the
basis of faith or gender. It stated that the fact that Ahmadis are a vulnerable community on
account of their religious beliefs must lead to specific assistance and protection measures for
them, including protection of lives and property.
In 1996, a report commissioned by the PHRG outlined the situation of the Ahmadis as it
was then, describing murders, wrongful arrests and imprisonment, attack on Ahmadi Mosques,
and widespread religious discrimination.
The UN Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance said in a report of his visit to Pakistan that
‘the laws were likely to foster intolerance in society’ and the specifically anti Ahmadi law was
‘particularly questionable and in some respects frankly unwarranted.’
USCIRF has documented systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of freedom of
religion in Pakistan for several years. Sectarian and religiously-motivated violence is chronic,
and the government has failed to protect members of religious minorities from such violence and
to bring perpetrators to justice. Religiously discriminatory legislation, such as anti-Ahmadi laws
and the blasphemy law foster an atmosphere of intolerance in the country and embolden
extremists. Growing religious extremism threatens the freedoms of expression and religion or
belief, as well as other human rights, for everyone in Pakistan, particularly Ahmadis, women,
members of other religious minorities, and those in the majority Muslim community who hold
views deemed un-Islamic by extremists. Since 2002, USCIRF has recommended Pakistan be
named a "Country of Particular Concern" by the State Department, but the U.S. State
Department has not followed that recommendation.
The Pakistan Catholic Bishops National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) stated
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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
In order to curb the victimization and terrorism that has taken its toll on the Ahmadi
community a transparent and fair investigation must be carried out soon after any attacks on
minorities in order to enforce justice and ensure that innocent people are not victimized.
The prevailing blasphemy law is arbitrary and should be repealed. The allegations of
blasphemy or defiling of religious scriptures, irrespective of their veracity, do not warrant
vigilante attacks. Nor do they absolve the government of its primary duty to protect all citizens.
Effective prosecution of offenders would serve as a deterrent to future attacks, while a lack of it
would encourage impunity. The federal government must take action to ensure that laws on the
statute books are not abused to harass or ostracize citizens.
Workshops should be held for school teachers and administrators to sensitize them to the
issue of religious tolerance as they play a key role in building the school’s atmosphere and
exercise considerable influence over their pupils. The government should adopt a policy of
promoting extra-curricular activities to promote religious understanding and tolerance in schools.
For example, Muslim students may be taken to places of worship of other religions like churches
and temples to familiarize themselves with religious practices and customs of minority groups.
A strict check must be kept on the dissemination of literature and audio-visual material
promoting hatred against any religious communities or sects.
Recently, the government has amended the constitution taking into account the
persecution faced by Ahmadis. In the revised procedure, a 295c blasphemy complaint must be
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investigated by a senior police official before the FIR can be lodged. We can only hope that with
pressure from international organizations and the Ahmadiyya community itself, the government
begins to consider this a grave issue and takes further measures to protect the rights of not only
Ahmadis but all its minority groups.
The Ahmadi community is as important as any other religious group in the country and
their rights must therefore be protected and upheld by the state. It is mainly in the hands of the
government to prevent their persecution and help them establish a strong foothold in the country.