Young people’s politics - Joseph Rowntree Foundation · Young people’s politics ... approach to the subject matter, have contributed ... of politics and the difficulties young

Young people’s politicsPolitical interest and engagement amongst14–24 year olds

Clarissa White, Sara Bruce and Jane Ritchie

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation has supported this project as part of its programme ofresearch and innovative development projects, which it hopes will be of value to policymakers and practitioners. The facts presented and views expressed in this report are,however, those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Foundation.

© Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2000

All rights reserved.

Published for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation by YPS

ISBN 1 899987 64 4

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The National Centre for Social Research is Britain’s largest independent non-profitinstitute for social research. Started in 1969 (as SCPR), its research work is funded bygovernment departments, research councils, charitable foundations and other publicbodies.National Centre for Social Research, 35 Northampton Square,London EC1V OAX. Tel. 020 7250 1866

Contents

Acknowledgements iv

Advisory Group v

Preface vi

1 Introduction 1Background 1Aims and scope of the research 3Research design and methods 3A period of transition 4Coverage of the report 5

2 Issues of concern 6Young people’s concerns 6

3 Interest in politics 11Political interest across the sample 11What turns young people off politics 15Latchpoints that activate political interest 16Fostering and nurturing an interest in politics 17

4 Images of politics, Parliament and politicians 23Conceptions of politics 23Conceptions of Parliament 25Image of politicians 26Images of the politically interested 31Views about the Scottish Parliament 32

5 Political engagement 34What constitutes a political activity? 34Barriers to participating in politics 34How are young people engaging with the political process? 36Responses to the first voting opportunity 36Voting behaviour at the 1997 General Election 37

6 Encouraging political interest 40Making politics more interesting and accessible 40Changing politicians 42New opportunities for young people to participate in the political process 43Concluding remarks 43

References 47

Appendix 1: Technical appendix 49

Appendix 2: Topic guide 54

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This study was made possible by a grantawarded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation towhom we are very grateful. We are particularlyindebted to our project managers, Charlie Lloydand Pat Kneen, for their support and guidancethroughout the project.

Special thanks are due also to the membersof our Advisory Group, who kindly gave upconsiderable amounts of their time and, inmany cases, travelled long distances to attendeach meeting. They wisely informed ourresearch strategy and played a key role inguiding and shaping the development of theproject.

At the National Centre for Social Researchwe are very grateful to a number of people whowere involved in the study. In the Qualitative

Acknowledgements

Research Unit we would particularly like tothank Rachel Turner for her involvement in allaspects of the early stages of the research. Wewould also like to thank Kay Parkinson and KitWard, who carried out a number of the in-depthinterviews and focus groups. Their skills ininterviewing, and thoughtful and creativeapproach to the subject matter, have contributedgreatly to the understanding gained from thestudy.

Finally, and most especially, we would liketo thank all the people who took part in theresearch. We are grateful to them for givingtheir time and sharing their views about asubject that was not always high on theiragenda in terms of interest.

iv

Virginia Burton Home OfficeCaroline Clipson British Youth CouncilProfessor John Curtice University of StrathclydeDr Ian Davies University of YorkGeorge Johnston YouthLink ScotlandRichard Kimberlee University of the West of EnglandSally Loader National Federation of Youth Action AgenciesJan Newton The Citizenship FoundationAlison Park National Centre for Social ResearchDr Alan Prout University of HullDr Debi Roker Trust for the Study of AdolescencePhil Treseder Save the Children

Advisory Group

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66

It is known that young people havedepressingly low levels of political interest andknowledge. They also have very poor opinionsof politicians and parliamentary behaviour. Thisstudy set out to investigate the reasons why thisis so, and to further explore young people’spolitical views and behaviour.

A cross-section of young people, agedbetween 14 and 24, purposively selected from adiverse range of backgrounds andcircumstances in England, Wales and Scotland,were consulted. They were invited to considerpolitics in their terms, employing their referencepoints as well as conventional politicalbenchmarks. A research team from theQualitative Research Unit at the National Centrefor Social Research carried out the study. It wasfunded by a grant from the Joseph RowntreeFoundation.

The research demonstrates that youngpeople cannot be treated as a uniform groupwhere politics is concerned. Not surprisingly,they vary in their levels of interest in politicsand display their interest in a variety of ways.But the evidence provides furtherunderstanding of how young people assesstheir interest in politics. It also shows how theinteraction between the personal and financialcircumstances of an individual, their beliefs andvalues, and a range of external factors, willdetermine how a young person conceptualisespolitics, which in turn influences the level ofconnection they make with it.

The findings both confirm and contribute toexisting evidence about the factors thatdisengage political interest. First, because youngpeople conceptualise politics in a limited andnarrow way they perceive the subject as boringand irrelevant to their lives at present. Second,

their lack of knowledge and understandingabout politics, and the difficulties they perceivein trying to grasp such a ‘complex’ and ‘dull’subject, leave them with insufficient access topolitical matters. Third, their lack of trust inpoliticians to tell the truth, keep promises andbe accountable has turned young people awayfrom politics. Finally, the lack of opportunitiesfor young people to engage in the politicalprocess until the age of 18, and the perceivedfailure of politicians to be responsive to theneeds of young people, had also contributed tolow levels of political interest.

In spite of apparently low levels of interestin politics, the issues that concern young peoplecover the broad political agenda, even if theyare framed and spoken about in different terms.Furthermore, young people in the sample hadengaged in a range of activities that wereconcerned with politics. Even people with littleor no interest in politics had sometimes voted,or taken part in some other activity. Youngpeople, however, consistently referred to theways in which they are excluded from politics.

This report describes the key findings of thestudy. The first two chapters provide a contextfor the research, outlining the background to thestudy, its design and coverage, and a map of theissues that were of concern to young people.The following three chapters report on theparticipants’ images and conceptions ofParliament and politicians, and their levels ofpolitical interest and engagement. The finalchapter considers strategies for trying to kindleand nurture young people’s involvement in thepolitical and democratic process.

The study was qualitative in design in orderto allow an exploratory and in-depthinvestigation of the political views and

Preface

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67

Preface

behaviours of young people. The small samplesize and, more particularly, the way in whichthe sample was selected, mean that the studycannot provide any statistical data relating tothe prevalence of views, experiences orbehaviours. Where any such conclusions aresuggested by the data, they are presented onlyas hypotheses to be tested.

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1

Background

During the 1990s media speculation andacademic debate have been increasinglyexercised over the alienation of young peoplefrom British political life. The notion that youngpeople have low levels of political interest,knowledge and behaviour has been welldocumented (e.g. Furnham and Gunter, 1987;Mardle and Taylor, 1987; Park, 1995; Stradling,1977). Recent concern, however, has focused onwhether today’s young are more disenchantedwith politics than their predecessor generations.Research evidence suggests a decline in interestand engagement among young people (Park,1999), but without reliable longitudinal data, itis not yet clear whether this has worryingimplications for the future health of Britishdemocracy.

Several writers have claimed that a new kindof political generation is emerging, with youngpeople rejecting conventional politics in favour ofchannelling their attention and energy to singleissues, such as the environment, human andanimal rights (e.g. Dubois, 1980; Mort, 1990;Wilkinson and Mulgan, 1995). Commentatorshave suggested that they have a distinct politicalagenda because of wider societal changes asopposed to political alienation or apathy(Inglehart, 1990; Wilkinson and Mulgan, 1995).

In contrast, ‘life-cycle’ explanations, asoriginally conceived by Butler and Stokes(1969), argue that political interest will increasewith age and responsibility. Today’s young, it isargued, like the generations before them, willacquire interest in politics as they grow olderand as politics starts to have more relevance intheir lives. The suggested decline in politicalinterest and behaviour of young people,therefore, should be attributed to the changing

social and economic environment in whichyoung people now live. As entry into theworkplace is increasingly deferred, there hasbeen a prolonged dependence on parentalsupport. It is suggested that this has delayed theonset of financial and familial responsibilitiesand, hence, the age at which people begin tobecome interested in politics (Kimberlee, 1998).

Research assessing young people’s politicalinterest and engagement has principallyemployed quantitative, rather than qualitativemethods. In addition, researchers have tendedto use rather narrow and conventionalindicators of political interest, for example, byexamining voting behaviour, partyidentification and knowledge of parliamentarypolitics. Such measures depend on the contextin which questions are asked and the referencepoints used by young people to make theirjudgements. Without a clear understanding ofhow young people conceptualise politicalinterest and engagement, it is difficult to knowhow they interpret such questions or the reasonsfor their responses.

Furthermore, much of the research onpolitical attitudes and behaviour has tended toconfine its focus to the disenfranchisement ofparticular sub-groups, such as unemployedyoung people (e.g. Banks and Ullah, 1987); orhas restricted investigation to fairly narrow agebands, such as 15–16 year olds (Mardle andTaylor, 1987). Rather than addressing broaderissues of interest or involvement, studies havetended to concentrate on particular issues, suchas the political ignorance (Furnham and Gunter,1987), or the political socialisation, of youngpeople (e.g. Banks and Roker, 1994; Dawson et

al., 1977; Himmelweit et al., 1981).

1 Introduction

2

Young people’s politics

Other research in this field has consultedyoung people under broader banners, tappingboth young people’s social attitudes and values,as well as their political attitudes and beliefs(e.g. Park, 1999; Wilkinson and Mulgan, 1995).These studies have a wider focus but havepredominantly attempted quantitativemeasurement of the political attitudes andbehaviour of the young. The political interestand activity of the young has also been exploredmore tangentially, in studies about citizenship(Richardson, 1990) and social exclusion (Bentleyand Oakley, 1999).

Typical explanations for the lack of interestin politics include young people’s belief thatpolitics lacks relevance for them or theirpreoccupation with other interests andconcerns. Other studies point to the complexityof politics and the difficulties young peoplehave in understanding political life andprocesses. With the exception of work carriedout by Park1 (1999), young people have alsobeen found to hold politicians in low esteem,lacking trust in them (Bentley and Oakley, 1999),or respect for them (Pririe and Worcester, 1998).This too is identified as a disincentive to becomeinterested in politics.

Research which challenges the image ofyoung people as alienated and disaffected hasuncovered a high level of voluntary andcampaigning activity amongst 14 and 16 yearolds (Roker et al. 1997). Bhavnani’s (1991)ethnographic study raised the possibility thatyoung people could be involved in activitiesthat they themselves would not define aspolitics, but which could be placed within abroad domain of political interest. Similarly,some of the participants in a study byRichardson (1990) had been involved in

activities or committees at school, but rarely sawthis as political activity.

The reasons why young people do, or donot, participate in political activities is not wellunderstood. Richardson (1990), for example,argues that politicians are not interested in theviews of young people. Jowell and Park (1998)suggest that their lack of participation resultsfrom other preoccupations and interests, such asfinding partners, homes and jobs. Marsh (1989)argues that broader social changes areundermining the extent to which existinginstitutions inform young people’s politicalbeliefs and actions. He claims that de-industrialisation, the demise of trade unions,and social and geographical mobility have allhad an effect on the traditional politicalsocialisation of young people.

There has been increasing concern thatschools are not doing enough to educatechildren about political institutions andprocesses. Since the introduction of the NationalCurriculum, politics has only been covered in anad hoc manner, as the 1998 Education ReformAct did not require schools to have any centralresponsibility for civic and political education.Following the Crick Report in 1998, whichprovided guidelines for effective education forcitizenship, it was announced in 1999 thatcitizenship will become a compulsory subjectfor 11–16 year olds after September 2002. It isplanned that this will include learning aboutproportional representation, the operation ofParliament, resolving moral dilemmas and waysto participate in community service. At primaryschool, citizenship lessons will be part ofexisting courses in personal, social and healtheducation (PSHE). But in the absence of a betterunderstanding of young people’s interests and

3

Introduction

requirements, such proposals may be difficult toimplement.

A review of the existing literature revealsthat there is still a lack of understanding abouthow the young view the political world, boththe political institutions and the people whooperate them. It is also not clear what aspects ofpolitics – either in a conventional or broadersense – interest young people. Furthermore,there is insufficient knowledge about the waysin which the young do, or do not, engage in thecivic process. Given there is such concern aboutthe disconnection of the young from politics,and the implications this will have on futuredemocratic practice, there is a need tounderstand these issues in much greater depth.

This qualitative study provides furtherunderstanding of young people’s politicalinterests and behaviours. It portrays theirperspectives, using their terminology andlanguage, thereby helping to frame the debateabout the nature of young people’s politicalinterest and engagement in ways that aremeaningful to them.

Aims and scope of the research

The research explored in detail how youngpeople view the world of politics. No attemptwas made to impose a definition of politicsduring the study. Instead, the young peoplewere invited to consider politics in the broadestsense, in their own terms, so as to avoidorientating them to more conventional notionsof politics.

The study included two groups of youngpeople: first-time voters at the 1997 generalelection and those who will be the nextgeneration of first-time voters. It involved

young people living in the UK, aged between 14and 24 years, covering those who were ineducation, training, employment orunemployment.

The key objectives of the research were to:

• generate a map of the issues and concernsthat young people have, and to comparethese with the issues with which theybelieve politicians are concerned

• explore the way in which young peopleconceptualise politics, considering theimages they have of Parliament,politicians and the areas which politicscovers

• investigate the nature of young people’spolitical interest and engagement, and thefactors which have influenced ormotivated their engagement ordisengagement with politics

• pinpoint ways in which young peoplecould be encouraged to take more interestin, or be more engaged with, politics.

Research design and methods

The research was qualitative in design andemployed a combination of 24 focus groups, 16paired and 20 individual interviews. These werestructured across four different age groups,covering those aged 14–15, 16–17, 18–20 and 21–24 years. A total of 193 young people took part.

As this was a qualitative study, the rationalefor sample selection was not to select astatistically representative sample of all youngpeople, but to ensure diversity of coverageacross certain key variables. Eligibility for thestudy was determined using a household screen

4


and quotas were set in order to prescribe thedistribution of the sample selected. Theseensured diverse coverage within the followingvariables:

• age

• gender

• ethnic origin

• social class, as determined by the parent’soccupation for participants up to the ageof 18 years

• current educational or employmentactivity

• highest educational attainment

• interest in politics

• voting behaviour of those over the age of18 years.

The sample was selected across ten locationsin Scotland, England and Wales.

A set of verbatim transcripts was producedfrom the tape recordings of the interviews andthe focus groups. Analysis was undertakenusing ‘Framework’, a qualitative analyticmethod developed at the National Centre forSocial Research (Ritchie and Spencer, 1994).Further details of the design and conduct of thestudy are given in Appendix 1. A copy of thetopic guide can be seen in Appendix 2.

Profile of the sample

The purposive nature of the sample selectionensured the sampling criteria were met acrossall variables and that young people from a widerange of different circumstances andbackgrounds were included in the study. As a

consequence, the sample was composed ofvirtually equal numbers of males and femalesacross the four age groups. Just over half thestudy participants were in full-time education –studying either GCSEs or Scottish Standardgrades, further or higher educationqualifications. About a quarter of the samplewere in paid employment, either full-time orpart-time or self-employed. The remainder wereunemployed or on a government programme.

In terms of educational attainment, justunder one-third of the sample had noqualifications, or fewer than five GCSEs gradesA–C, or five Scottish Standard grades A–C, orvocational equivalents. A further third had fiveor more GCSEs grades A–C, or five ScottishStandard grades A–C, or vocational equivalents.About a quarter had A Levels/AdvancedGNVQs, or Scottish Highers and the remainderhad higher education qualifications, includingfirst degrees, HND and BTEC Diplomas.

Approximately four-fifths of the samplewere white, while the remaining fifth weredistributed across a range of minority ethnicgroups. Just under two-thirds of the samplelived in locations in England or Wales, with justover one-third living in Scotland2. The profile ofthe sample is shown in Appendix 1.

A period of transition

The 11 year span between 14 and 24 years,covered in this study, represents a time ofconsiderable change for young people, as theyprogress from childhood to early adulthood.Across the different age groups, developmentswere occurring in all domains of the youngpeople’s lives – occupational, social, familialand financial. The effects that such changing

5

Introduction

personal circumstances had on views aboutpolitics were explored in the research.

As young people progressed along theireducational paths, some changed institutions,moving from school to college, or to university.Along other routes, people moved betweeneducation, employment and unemployment.Sometimes these transitions coincided withyoung people acquiring new roles andresponsibilities, such as leaving the parentalhome and assuming greater personal andfinancial independence. In some cases youngpeople had started a family, and this hadbrought with it new responsibilities andinfluences. Others were acquiring newfriendships and partnerships that resulted indifferent influences on their values, behavioursand attitudes, including those related to politics.

As will be seen throughout the report thesechanging personal circumstances influenced theway in which young people connected andengaged with politics. They have a bearing onthe types of issues that were of interest andconcern to them, the way in which theyconceptualised politics, the nature and level oftheir interest in politics, and the degree to whichthey participated in political processes.

Coverage of the report

The remainder of the report documents theresearch findings. Chapter 2 considers some ofthe issues that were of concern to young people.

Chapter 3 reports levels of political interest heldacross the sample and the important‘latchpoints’ for, or deterrents to, fosteringpolitical interest. Chapter 4 covers youngpeople’s images and conceptions of Parliamentand politicians, and Chapter 5 looks at levels ofpolitical engagement. The final chapterconsiders strategies for trying to kindle andnurture young people’s involvement in thepolitical and democratic process.

The report uses verbatim quotations andcase illustrations throughout. Where necessary,details of the contributors, or their subjects,have been moderately changed to protectanonymity. Pseudonyms have also been used.

The small sample size and, most particularly,the purposive nature of the sample selection,means that the study cannot provide anystatistical data relating to the prevalence ofviews, experiences, or behaviours. Where anysuch conclusions are suggested by the data, theyare presented only as hypotheses to be tested.

Notes

1 Park (1999) reported that 12–19 year oldshave a higher level of trust in politiciansthan their adult counterparts.

2 In order to ensure that separate analysiscould be carried out in Scotland, the samplewas designed to include coverage of all fourage groups across the key variables.

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This chapter reports on the issues that were ofconcern to young people. These covered a widerange of issues. Although interest in ‘singleissues’, such as the environment or animalprotection, was raised these were by no meansthe dominant concerns voiced. Moreover, whilethe young people seldom mentioned politicsexplicitly, a number of issues raised are clearlymatters of concern to politicians and can belabelled political issues. Indeed, young peoplewere sometimes surprised to discover commonthemes between their interests and those ofpoliticians. They did, however, distinguishbetween the differing terms of referenceemployed by politicians and by young people,even if the broad subject areas overlapped.

Young people’s concerns

There were four different levels – personal,local, national, and global – within the map ofconcerns generated by young people (Figure 1).These reflect the ways in which an issue wasexpressed – ranging from a concern with anindividual’s personal circumstances, their localcommunity, or with those of national or globalsignificance.

In general, there was considerable overlapbetween the range of issues identified across thesample. However, the ways in which theseissues were expressed evolved in response tothe life-stage they had reached. This wasevident both in terms of the nature of theconcern and the breadth of focus with which itwas described. For example, an issue likeeducation was important to young people of allages, but the nature of their concern reflectedchanging experiences in relation to their owneducation. Similarly, issues that were solely

rooted in personal or local worlds for theyoungest sample members, started to assumenational, and sometimes global, perspectivesamongst older age groups.

Individuals from all age groups cited thefollowing concerns.

Education

Education was an important issue for all youngpeople. For young people under 16 years,concerns revolved around bullying, beingoverloaded with homework, the pressure topass exams and treatment by teachers. Thefocus for young people aged between 17 and 18years was on the pressures of taking exams andsuccessfully achieving qualifications. Youngpeople over the age of 18 seemed to have threemain concerns, the variable standards ofeducation, the cost of education and pressuresinvolved in acquiring qualifications to pursue aparticular career path or enter higher education.

These concerns operated at both the personaland national level. At the personal level, forexample, they related to financial difficultiesresulting from paying for higher education sincegrants had been cut. Lack of funding was alsoraised at the national level, in relation to the rangeof facilities and courses open to young people.

Employment

The issue of employment was raised at local,personal and national levels. Not surprisingly, itwas a more important issue for young peopleover the age of 16. There were three main areasof concern, all of which revolved around theinsecure nature of the labour market and highlevels of unemployment. There were felt to befew opportunities and limited choices for youngpeople who left full-time compulsory education

2 Issues of concern

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8


at 16; limited opportunities for training andapprenticeships, which also restricted furtherjob opportunities and prospects; and concernsabout the way in which employers treat youngpeople, in particular, poor working conditionsand low pay.

Finance

Lack of money was another issue raised by allage groups. However, the frame of referencediffered depending on the life-stage reached bya young person. For example, young peopleunder 18 were concerned with their lack ofmoney to fund leisure and social activities, andother material acquisitions. Those over 18shared such concerns, but also worried aboutbeing able to support themselves independentlyafter leaving the parental home. In addition,young people who had become parents wereconcerned with being able to financially supporttheir families.

At the national level, the economy wasdiscussed and concerns typically revolvedaround the amount of tax the governmentlevies, and the nature of items on which it israised. This was noted particularly by thosewho were paying income tax, tax on cigarettesand alcohol, or petrol and road tax. Otherconcerns related to the way governmentallocates its resources and, in particular, theallocation for public sector spending.

Social and leisure facilities

The lack of social and leisure facilities was arecurrent issue for young people under the ageof 20, but particularly for those under 18 years.Facilities such as youth clubs, which do exist foryoung people of this age group, were eitherperceived as being in short supply, or too boring

to visit. The choice available was furtherrestricted by age restrictions for alcoholconsumption. As a result, it was claimed thatyoung people were inclined to collect on thestreets, with the resulting possibility of gettinginvolved in crime. A few people over 20 yearsraised lack of facilities and their concerns wereusually in relation to their children.

Discrimination

All age groups raised discrimination againstparticular groups in society. Both white peopleand those from minority ethnic communitiesdiscussed this issue at all levels. Concerns aboutracism focused on the personal safety ofmembers of minority ethnic groups; the needfor protection from violence and abuse wereboth raised. This had both personal relevance,as well as being of significance nationally, inrelation to incidents like the murder of StephenLawrence. At the national level, it was felt thatthere should be equality of opportunity andtreatment for all members of society. Whileracial discrimination was the central concern,there were also references to discrimination ongrounds of sex and disability.

Substance use and abuse

The use of substances was recurrently raised byall age groups. It was primarily discussed inrelation to drugs, but alcohol use and smokingwere also mentioned by the youngest membersof the sample. There was some concern aboutthe negative side effects of drugs, such as crimeand HIV, the ease with which young people canget access to drugs and the need for moreinformation about drug use. A distinction,however, was sometimes drawn between thesorts of drugs which are harmful and addictive,

9

Issues of concern

and those which it is implied are less harmfuland are more recreationally used. Somediscussed their enjoyment of using drugs andtheir positive benefits in relieving stress. Thelegalisation of cannabis was also noted.

Concerns about alcohol and smoking wereraised in relation to age limits and not beingable to obtain these items, as well as the harmcaused by drinking or smoking in excess.

Crime

The issue of crime was raised in a similar wayby all age groups. Personal safety and the abilityto go out alone or at night seemed to be the keyconcern for young people. General warinessabout personal safety seemed to have beendriven primarily by a perception that there wasa lot of crime, combined with a lack of policingin the local area. Other more specific concerns,raised by young people over 18 years, related tothe criminal justice system and perceptions thatsentencing policy was applied inconsistently.

Relationships

A common concern across the sample was theability to form and maintain relationships withfriends and partners. Mostly, concerns related tothe way in which relationships were changingas young people entered different life stages,and encountered new situations andenvironments. Worries about loneliness was akey issue, particularly how they would copewith moving out of the parental home andforming new friendships and relationships, butalso settling down, having a family and formingstable partnerships. The youngest participantswere also concerned about the pressureexercised by parents on young people to behavein a particular way, or to work hard at school.

Treatment of young people

The judgmental and negative way in whichyoung people were felt to be regarded andtreated was an issue that exercised youngpeople across the sample. Young people under16 years referred to the way in which they aresometimes treated with suspicion by teachers atschool, or with a parental lack of trust at home.The number and range of ways in which theirfreedoms are curbed by various age limitsimposed upon them further compoundedfeelings of marginalisation. Young people over16 talked about the way in which older peopleseem reluctant to invest trust or responsibility inyoung people.

Health

While health was an issue raised by members ofall age groups, concern seemed to increase withage. It was also a matter that had personal andnational relevance. Concerns about healthprimarily related to the need for personal healthand fitness when young, but there was alsosome reference to their health in old age. Healthwas discussed at the national level in terms ofthe shortage of funding for the NHS, which hadimplications for the number of doctors, nursesand beds available, the quality of servicereceived and the cost of prescriptions.

The environment

The environment was primarily a concern at thenational and global level. While it was raised byindividuals in all age groups, it seemed to be ofless concern than some of the above issues.Tackling pollution, preventing global warming,stemming urban development and encouragingpeople to recycle were among the issues noted.

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International relations

At the global level, young people cited concernsto do with relations with other countries;poverty, Third World debt and wars in differentparts of the globe (e.g. Bosnia, Iraq and Africa).At the national level, the need for devolution inScotland, but also in Wales, was identified byyoung people living in these countries. A wishfor an end to the troubles in Northern Irelandwas also expressed.

Further issues

In addition to the above subjects, a number ofother less commonly cited concerns were raised.Housing issues were raised, in connection withfinding affordable accommodation and theprovision of housing for the homeless. Animalprotection was raised, in relation to the cruel

way in which animals are treated and used inexperiments. At the global level concerns relatedto preservation of wildlife in other countries.Concerns about the difficulties young peopleface growing up, included coming to terms withan individual’s sexuality, trying to conform tothe perfect body image and the pressure to haveunder-age sex. In addition, there were worriesabout the number of teenage pregnancies andthe lack of family planning services. Other moreexceptional concerns raised includedgovernment performance, the actions ofpoliticians, the high cost and unreliability ofpublic transport, media intrusion of publicprivacy, the role of media in encouragingviolence among children, euthanasia and theinfluence of religion on young people.

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This chapter explores levels of political interestacross the sample. It provides furtherunderstanding of the different ways in whichyoung people connect with politics, identifyingthe factors which shape and inform their levelsof interest. It also traces the process throughwhich interest in politics develops and thecatalysts that activate such developments.

Political interest across the sample

As noted in Chapter 1, the rationale for sampleselection was not to select a statisticallyrepresentative sample of all young people, butto ensure diversity of coverage across levels ofpolitical interest. At the recruitment stage, justover two-fifths of the sample reported having‘no interest’ in politics, another two-fifths had‘some interest’ in politics and just over one-tenth had ‘quite a lot of interest’ in politics. Notsurprisingly, once young people were invited toexplore their interest in politics in a moreexpansive way, during the interviews andgroups discussions, they sometimes assessedtheir levels of interest differently. As aconsequence, there was some variation betweenreported levels of political interest at therecruitment stage and that described by youngpeople during the groups and interviews. Forexample, according to the latter assessment justunder two-thirds reported having no interest inpolitics.

Based on the group and interview data,young people have been classified into fivebroad groups, according to their declared levelof interest in politics and how they amplifiedand explained their level of connection withpolitics:

• Group 1 – Indifferent

• Group 2 – Cynically uninterested

• Group 3 – Selectively interested

• Group 4 – Generically interested

• Group 5 – Highly interested andconnected

The groups characterise a spectrum ofpolitical interest within which movement canoccur. Because of the small sample base and thepurposive design of the sample, the internaldistribution of the groups has no statisticalsignificance. That said, young people under 18were more common in the uninterested, ratherthan the interested groups. Apart from age,there were only slight differences in the way thegroups were composed, although interest inpolitics did seem to increase with educationalattainment.

Unconnected and uninterested – Groups 1

and 2

Two of the Groups, 1 and 2, lack any interest in,or connection with, politics. They are united intheir dislike of politics and share a generalperception that politics is boring. However, theydisplay their lack of connection in differentways.

Group 1 – Indifferent

Group 1, or the indifferent group, appear to takeno notice of politics and seem almost obliviousto it as a subject. They attribute their lack ofinterest in, and boredom with, politics to its lackof relevance within their lives. In general, theyconceive of politics in fairly limited terms,usually focusing on negative stereotypes of

3 Interest in politics

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Case 2: Cynically uninterested

Michael is about to leave school to join the RAF. He is 16 years old and lives at home with hisparents in Scotland. In addition to working part-time in a hotel, he cycles and plays snookerand hockey in his spare time. He is also a member of the Air Cadets.

As soon as Michael hears the word ‘politics’ his mind ‘shuts down’ because it’s so ‘boring’ andhas so little relevance for him. He argues, at ‘our age we want to go out and have fun, [we]don’t want to watch people sitting in a green and brown room having a debate aboutsomething that we can’t argue with or agree with’. He does not talk about politics at home anddecided against doing Modern Studies. Politicians, for Michael, are old, male and wealthy.They are also likely to have been high achievers at school. He is cynical about politiciansbecause they take no interest in the views of young people. He also attributes his lack of faith totheir failure to keep their promises or to ‘change anything’.

He finds it difficult to see why he should take an interest in politics ‘Because right now, itdoesn’t matter what we say, nothing will happen because we’re too young to vote … so whyshould we be interested in it if it doesn’t concern us, and we can’t do anything about it.’

Michael imagined that he might become more interested once politics started to affect him andonce he could actually vote, but even then he presumed he would find it dull.

Case 1: Indifferent

Tracy, 20 years old, is working as an administrator for a large organisation in a small town. Shelives in a housing association property, with her boyfriend who is working as a labourer. In herspare time she goes to a gym and swims. Politics for Tracy is ‘everything’ the ‘Government,Tony Blair, things that are going on’. Her image of Parliament is of old men in suits, smokingcigars, sitting in big padded chairs with big desks. Tracy is ‘not really fussed one way or theother’ when it comes to politics. She lacks any knowledge about the subject, indicating thatpolitics was not discussed at school, at home with her parents or with her boyfriend.

Tracy maintains that politics appeals to intelligent people because it is ‘very complicated’. Theyare ‘more likely to want to find out … what’s going on in the world’ rather than other peoplelike herself who are more complacent about their lives.

Despite saying it is something she would like to know about when she decides to vote, she alsoconfesses that ‘it’s not something that I’d … really want to find out about’.

Tracy said she could not ‘be bothered’ to vote in the 1997 election, in part also because she didnot know who to vote for.

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Interest in politics

Case 3: Selectively interested

Anna, 17 years, lives with her mother in a flat in London. Currently she volunteers at a youthcentre, although she is about to study English at university. She also sits on a youth council, inorder to ensure young people’s voices are heard.

Even though Anna believes that politics is important, because it affects every aspect of people’slives, she equates the term with corruption and the way in which politicians ‘want to rule ourlives’. She is cynical about whether politicians are interested in ‘what we want’, because theyare too preoccupied with ‘money’, ‘power’ and in serving themselves.

With the exception of issues which are of concern to Anna, she is bored by politics, ‘becausethey’re just talking about the same things, they’re not doing nothing, they’re not acting on it’.She also hates being ‘under someone’s thumb’. ‘You’ve got them in their 60 grand a year jobtelling us, who ain’t earning much, what our lives are going to be about.’ She does, however,like to keep abreast of current affairs.

Because of her uncertainty about who to vote for Anna thinks she is unlikely to vote. But shealso believes in taking a principled stance against British involvement in various wars, mostrecently in Bosnia.

politicians and their behaviour. They tend tofind politics difficult to understand and showno willingness to engage with it as a subjectbecause they are preoccupied with variousleisure and social pursuits, which takeprecedence in their lives.

Group 2 – Cynically uninterested

Group 2 holds a more cynical view. While theydisplay similarly negative conceptions ofpolitics, they tend to actively avoid engagingwith politics at home, school or through themedia. They express their cynicism throughtheir mistrust of, and lack of respect for,politicians. They justify their lack of interest inpolitics in terms of the way young people areexcluded from the political process. This isexperienced in two main ways: first, theirperception that politicians lack interest in the

views of young people; and second, the limitedopportunities that exist for young people toengage in politics until the age of 18.

Group 3 – Selectively interested

Group 3 are selectively interested in politics andonly take an interest in politics when it relates toan issue of concern. Otherwise, they sharesimilar views about politics as the previous twogroups. A wide range of issues aroused theirinterest in politics: some had direct personalrelevance, such as funding for HigherEducation; others were driven by a ‘socialconscience’, rather than self interest, althoughsome may also have had some level of personalrelevance. Examples included various nationalpolicy areas, such as funding for the NHS,homelessness, employment opportunities;issues connected with wider crusades, such as

14


human or animal rights, Third World povertyand protection of the environment; and somenationalist issues, which were concerned withScottish and Welsh devolution.

This group expressed their interest in avariety of ways, either through a statedcommitment and active pursuit of a particularconcern; or more passively through, forexample, following media and other coverageabout developments within the field of interest.

Group 4 – Generically interested

Group 4 has a more generic interest in politicsand range from those who have a slight orpassing interest in politics, to those whoseinterest is more substantial. They tend to be atan early stage in the development of their viewsand opinions about politics. The focus of theirinterest tends to be general current affairs,rather than parliamentary politics, although thelatter may interest them, for example, at electiontime, or when an issue which affects them isbeing debated and considered. This group tendsto be more passively interested in politics thanthe previous group. As with the previous group,

they may take an interest in a range of issues,but these generally have direct personalrelevance for the individual concerned. Amongthose mentioned were: an interest in tax levelsfor those in work, or an interest in issuesconnected with childcare and education forparents.

Group 5 – Highly interested and connected

The final group is the most interested inpolitics and have been classified as ‘veryinterested’. They range from those who takequite a lot of interest, to those who report being‘fascinated’ or ‘passionate’ about politics. Theydisplay a much higher level of commitmentand interest in politics than all the othergroups. The focus of their interest is varied andranges from following parliamentary politics insome detail, to reading about and sometimesactively pursuing a range of political,constitutional and international issues. Theymay also be concerned with the structure andorganisation of central and local government,political history, political theory and processes.

Case 4: Generically interested

Angela, 19 years, is living on her own in council accommodation. She left school at 16 to workin a computer firm, but has recently had to stop work because of falling ill while pregnant.When she was younger she was preoccupied with going out and ‘having a good time’ therebyhaving little time for, or interest in, politics.

Angela’s interest in politics was stimulated by discussions with her parents about voting onceshe reached the age of 18. Even though she finds politics hard to understand she has started totake more notice of the news and current affairs in order to keep in touch with developments inpolitics. Because of her own circumstances, being pregnant and unable to work due to illhealth, she takes a particular interest in money and health issues. However, she lacks trust inpoliticians to keep their promises as they are, as she sees it, too busy point scoring.

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What turns young people off politics

The young people had a lot to say about thevarious features and factors that turned themaway from politics. Finding politics boring wasa consistently cited reason for not taking noticeof, or being interested in, politics. While, forsome, the mere mention of the word ‘politics’was a deterrent, others attributed their boredomto specific issues. The way in which politics wasdelivered had left some with the impression thatpolitics is dull, serious and monotonous. Thiswas observed from the level of argument anddiscussion in Parliament, the content ofspeeches and the length of time it takes toachieve anything in the political world.

Underpinning this boredom, however, was aperception that politics lacks relevance to theirlives at present. Indeed, it was commonly saidthat young people are preoccupied with otherinterests and activities, which dominate theirlives, thereby leaving little time to devote topolitics. This view was driven by a conceptionthat politics was for older, more responsible,people whose lives are affected by politics. Thepoint at which this was perceived to start varied

from the age of 18 to the late 20s.

It just looks boring and it doesn’t do anything forme. At my age I don’t want to know about thatsort of thing, I don’t want to know about votingand politics … I just want to get on with my life.(Female, 14 years, Cynically uninterested)

There’s nothing appealing about politics to youngfolk. (Male, 17 years, Cynically uninterested)

A lack of knowledge and understandingabout politics and the perceived difficulties intrying to grasp such a complex subject had alsoturned some young people away from politics.They frequently expressed difficulty incomprehending the language used in politics,both the jargon and long, complex words. Totake an interest in politics was seen to require atechnical knowledge about concepts and ideas,which they found difficult to grasp. Sometimesthis was thought to be because young peoplewere not exposed to information about politics,either in their homes or at school. Other times,however, it resulted from young people choosingto ‘switch off’ from information about politics,almost whenever they were exposed to it.

Case 5: Highly interested

Peter, 21 years, is in the final year of his Politics degree. Having also taken Politics at GCSE andA-level, he will have studied the subject for eight years. He believes that it is imperative thatpeople of his age get involved with politics, at a local and a national level, as he maintains thatBritain suffers too much from apathy. He is interested in the subject because ‘society, everydaylife is dominated by politics’.

His wish to study politics arose because he made a connection with the subject at an early ageand when ‘you feel strongly about something, it can be interesting’. He gets his informationabout politics from his university course, newspapers, news and current affairs programmes.Having studied politics for some time, he indicates a theoretical understanding and has formedstrong opinions about the nature of the political system.

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It’s of absolutely no interest to us … You can’tunderstand half what they’re saying … whenthey’re like doing their little debates, they’re justshouting and you can’t understand a word they’resaying. (Female, 15 years, Cynically uninterested)

I just haven’t got a clue about politics at all … forstarters the vocabulary they use … they talk in adifferent language. (Male, 20 years, Indifferent)

A lack of trust in politicians to tell the truth,keep their promises and be accountable had alsoturned some young people off politics.References were made to the way in whichpoliticians were felt instead to pursue their ownself-interest and gain. Reports of the way inwhich politicians sometimes behaved in theirpersonal lives was also acknowledged as beinga factor. However, this was also said to haveentertained some young people and been areason why they took an, albeit negative,interest in politics.

Politicians’ lack of interest in the views andconcerns of young people was another recurrentfactor. It was consistently said that politiciansfail to respond to, or address young people’sconcerns, as they are too selfishly concernedwith their own agenda. As will be seen in thepenultimate chapter, the belief that there wasnothing that young people could do to register aview was sometimes used as a justification forpolitical apathy.

They don’t listen. They don’t listen at all. Theydon’t see it. They know what [young people]want but they don’t do nothing about it. (Male, 16years, Cynically uninterested)

When it comes to politics you might well justforget it because … they’re never going to listenand even if they pretend to listen … they’ll [say]

… oh, thank you for that, we’ll look into it, andthat’s it. (Female, 17 years, Selectively interested)

Even where young people do express theirwishes, either through voting or involvingthemselves in other activities to register theirviews, it is perceived as being accorded withlittle status by politicians.

The image of politicians is discussed in thefollowing chapter but the mystique andceremony which surrounds their activities hadfurther conveyed the impression that politicianswere remote from young people.

Whilst politicians’ apparent lack of interestwas an issue for young people in general, it hadparticular relevance for Scottish young people.They felt that Westminster was dominated byEnglish politicians, who unfairly advantagedEnglish and Welsh interests over Scottishinterests. In addition, the geographical distanceof Westminster prevented them having access topoliticians and to Parliament, and had thereforefurther contributed to feelings of exclusion.

The lack of opportunities for young peopleto engage in politics until the age of 18 was alsoidentified as another disincentive for beinginterested in politics.

You often think you can’t do much about it, soyou just get on with it and leave it up to the adultsand then maybe when we’re 18 we can decidewho we’d like to vote for. (Male, 15 years,

Indifferent)

Latchpoints that activate political interest

Three key latchpoints were identified as havingactivated an interest in politics for youngpeople.

First, the growing relevance of politics

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within an individual’s life. Commonly thisoccurred as a result of changing personalcircumstances, which often coincided withyoung people taking on new roles andresponsibilities, which had brought them incontact with some aspect of politics. A key timeseemed to be the point when young peopleassumed financial responsibility, or became‘stakeholders’ for their own affairs, for example,moving out of the parental home, starting a job,or a family.

When you get your own house it’s like youbecome an adult. Before you get a house I alwaysused to think: ‘Oh, it’s an old person’s thing tolook at’. You wouldn’t sit down and watch[politics] – you’d turn over and watch somethingelse. (Male, 22 years, Generically interested)

Second, being exposed to information aboutpolitics. Some young people mentionedacquiring an interest in politics as a result ofdiscussions at home with their parents, orthrough a course at school or college. Otherwiseit was said to have occurred through televisioncoverage of an issue or event that had ‘struck achord’ or aroused an interest.

I saw a video on Bosnia … it has probably beenthe most horrible thing I’ve ever seen in my lifeand it really … woke me up [to politics] … I justcouldn’t believe this was happening in the world.(Male, 24 years, Very interested)

Occasionally, a friend, colleague or ‘rolemodel’ had been instrumental in informing ayoung person about the subject and stimulatingtheir interest.

Third, the opportunity to engage in politics.Electoral eligibility and the desire to fulfil a civicresponsibility or duty was the key trigger to

arousing interest. Other types of activities,however, were also identified as, sometimes,having a similar effect. These included joining asociety, joining a youth forum or schoolscouncil, or embarking on a campaign in supportof a particular issue. Constitutional change,such as Scottish and Welsh devolution, was alsoidentified as being a stimulant to an interest inpolitics.

I’ll be more interested when Scotland gets theirown [Parliament] … we actually have somechance of doing something that’ll actually affectus directly. … hopefully it’ll become morerelevant to me personally. (Male 18 years,Generically interested)

Fostering and nurturing an interest in

politics

The process in which political interest isacquired and shaped will involve the interactionbetween the personal and financialcircumstances of an individual, their beliefs andvalues, and a range of external factors thatshape and influence interest in politics. The wayin which these inter-connect will determine howa young person conceptualises politics, which inturn influences the level of connection theymake with politics. The level of connection thatis made with politics will then, in turn,determine the way in which they engage withinformation they receive about politics. Theprocess is cyclical, as Figure 2 illustrates.

Depending on an individual’s personalcircumstances, they will be networked into arange of different, but related, lines ofinformation about politics, each of which willhave the potential to make an impact. As can be

18


seen from Figure 2, young people identified fivemain sources of information about politics,although clearly there are others that may beinfluential.

Family background – the experience of beingbrought up in a family where there is some levelof political discussion and interest at home doesseem to have a bearing on young people’sinterest in politics (Himmelweit et al., 1981).Political discussion had arisen in the context ofgeneral discussions with parents and otherfamily members, when young people soughtclarification about an issue to do with politics,or when young people were present whilst theirparents were watching the news, or some otherprogramme connected with politics.

Well I think [my interest in politics] it’s got a lot todo with the way you’re brought up … thereseems to be a time in childhood when you startasking questions about everything, suddenlyeverything from God down to parentalrelationships … and realising the truth behind[them]. (Female, 19 years, Very interested)

In addition, parents had encouraged youngpeople to engage politically either, for example,through signing petitions, or through takingpart in demonstrations or, as will be seen inChapter 5, through voting.

Peer groups and associates seemed to be aless commonly cited source of informationabout politics, although the extent to whichyoung people engaged in discussions about

Figure 2 Fostering and nurturing political interest

Voluntary

activities

Personal and financial

circumstances

Beliefs and values

School/

College

Media

Political events and

circumstances

Conception of politics

Connection with politics▼

➡

▼ ▼

▼

▼

▼

Peer groups and

associates

Family

background

▼

▼

▼▼

▼

▼

▼

▼

▼

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politics varied. Young people in the interestedgroups did sometimes report discussing politicswith friends, or colleagues on courses. The topicof their discussions varied from focusing on aparticular political issue or topical news event toa subject which related to some aspect of acourse they were undertaking. Sometimesyoung people talked about having heatedpolitical discussions with friends. However, ifthe conversation was likely to result in anargument then this was sometimes deemed tobe a reason for avoiding discussing politics withfriends.

Young people identified a range of differentways in which politics had been taught atschool and college. These included formalclasses about politics, which were incorporatedinto either PSHE or Modern Studies, as well asdiscussions about politics as part of anothercourse, such as History, Law or Sociology. Aspart of these various courses, they sometimeshad been encouraged to write to politicians, orto take part in a mock election. In addition,some young people had elected to pursue acourse in politics. The content of these differentcourses and activities ranged from learningabout the British political system, theorganisation and structure of government, therole of MPs, the legislative process, partypolitics, various social and economic issues,electoral systems and international politics.Various extracurricular activities also involvedyoung people in trips to Parliament,presentations from visiting speakers aboutpolitical issues or parties, discussions duringassembly and participation in schools councilsor, in an exceptional case, a political debatingclub. Other activities, such as fundraising orcampaigning projects in support of local issues

or charities, also brought young people incontact with politics.

Young people cited the media as one of themain sources of information about politics,although their willingness to engage with itvaried. It seemed that some of the negativeimages that young people had about politicsand politicians (see Chapter 4) had arisen fromthe media. Media coverage of politics was alsosometimes perceived as being framed aroundparty political squabbles in Parliament. Thisreinforced the view that politics is boring, butalso appeared to have narrowed the way inwhich the subject was conceptualised.

Political events and circumstancessometimes seemed to have aroused anawareness of politics. Where discussed,examples included exposure to a topical issue orevent, such as the war in Bosnia and Kosovo, oras a result of being brought up in a countrywhere there was a heightened politicalawareness, such as Northern Ireland. It was alsomentioned by some of the Scottish and Welshsample, who were responding to ongoingpolitical developments within their countries.

Finally, participation in various voluntaryactivities, such as a youth forum, andcampaigning groups or organisations, such asanimal welfare charities or organisationssafeguarding human rights, had also raisedawareness about politics and sometimesbrought young people directly into contact withpoliticians.

As will be seen, the degree to which theseinfluences will foster and nurture an interest inpolitics will depend upon the degree to whichan individual is open to receiving informationabout politics. It will also depend upon whetheryoung people believe that the information they

20


receive is easy to understand and has somerelevance within their lives. Not surprisingly,these factors operated differently across thesample, particularly across the politicallyinterested groups.

The politically uninterested groups – Groups

1 and 2

Group 1 and, to a lesser extent, Group 2 tend tohave a fairly limited understanding of politics.Their conception of politics appeared to revolvearound fairly superficial hooks, such as theperformance and visual image of variouspoliticians. They seem to have had little or noexposure to politics at home or at school, or elseclaim to have actively avoided the exposurebecause they found politics too drab and boring,or too complex to understand. Where they havebeen involved in discussions at home, it seemedto have influenced and reinforced negativeconceptions of politics.

On the whole neither group discussespolitics with their friends, althoughconversations about the budget and votingdecisions had exceptionally occurred. Theseyoung people are also unlikely to watchanything political on the television or read anypolitical coverage in a newspaper.

At present neither group entertains aninterest in politics, although there is somerecognition that an interest may develop in thefuture. In order to stimulate the interest of theindifferent group it seems that something has tochange in their personal circumstances whichwill encourage them to reappraise their negativeconception of politics. This group lacksunderstanding about politics, they maytherefore be open to information which isdelivered in an accessible and interesting way.

But, unless they are convinced of the relevanceand applicability of these messages within theirlives, these cues and messages will continue tobe blanked. They assumed this might occurwhen greater financial responsibility andindependence came. They also suggested thatreaching the age of electoral eligibility, for thoseunder 18, might be a catalyst for their interest.In this way members of this group may becontenders for developing into people with ageneric interest in politics.

The prognosis for Group 2, however, doesnot seem so promising and they are likely to bethe hardest to engage in politics. They are morecynical about politics and also more mistrustfulof politicians, therefore they may not changetheir conception of politics even when it startsto affect them. They are also likely to be moreresistant than the indifferent group to receivinginformation about politics. Since they believethat young people are excluded from politics,politicians need to persuade them that they areaddressing and responding to young people’sissues and concerns. However, as they haveeffectively switched off to messages aboutpolitics it is difficult to see how politicians willbe able to convince them of this. Nevertheless, itis clear that interest in politics may bestimulated for some of the younger members ofthis group when they reach electoral age.

The politically interested groups – Groups 3, 4

and 5

Among the interested groups, views were beingshaped and informed by a range of differentsources of information about politics, such asthrough discussions with family members orfriends, at school or college, and voluntaryactivities with which they were involved. This

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was most evident among the very interestedgroup, but was also reported by young peoplein the two other groups. Unlike the uninterestedgroups, these young people are more open toreceiving information about politics. Indeed, theselectively and very interested groups are oftenproactive in their acquisition of politicalinformation.

In contrast, the generically interested youngpeople tend to be passive recipients ofinformation about politics. Their views andbeliefs about politics are still at animpressionable stage, so they are likely to beinfluenced by those around them. Their viewsand conceptions of politics therefore have thepotential to fluctuate, depending on the natureand consistency of the influences theyencounter.

Among those with an interest in politics, thenews, particularly television coverage but alsopress reports, was often identified as a source ofinformation about politics. In addition to this,other political coverage on the television orradio was also sometimes mentioned. Forexample, young people with a selective interestin politics additionally took an interest inprogrammes which specifically focused on theirissue of concern. Owing to their intrinsicinterest in politics, young people in the veryinterested group, reported listening andfollowing a range of political/current affairsprogrammes, like ‘Newsnight’ and ‘QuestionTime’, as well as following coverage of politicalevents in the newspaper.

Interest in politics for the selectivelyinterested has been initiated by concern for aparticular issue, and they are likely to be opento receiving information and be moreknowledgeable within these areas. Apart from

this, however, they are likely to behave in asimilar manner to the uninterested groups andmay ‘switch off’ when politics is mentioned. Asa consequence of this, they often share similarlynegative perceptions of politics and, moreparticularly, politicians. This, in turn, hasreinforced their conception that, apart from theissues that are of concern to them, politics lacksany relevance in their lives. It is thereforepossible that if they perceive that their issues ofconcern are failing to be addressed, their interestmight wane in the future.

Interest in politics for the genericallyinterested group has often been activated bychanging life circumstances. These haveexposed a young person to a range of newinfluences, including friendships orpartnerships, through work or education, butalso provoked a reason to take an interest inpolitics, such as having tax deducted from a firstwage packet or when required to fund theircourses in higher education. Underpinning theirreason for taking an interest was often a rangeof new roles and responsibilities, arising fromfamilial and economic independence. Interesthad also been kindled as a result of a youngperson having the opportunity to vote.Otherwise, it was said, they had taken interestwhen a news story had attracted their attention,as in times of international unrest, for example,during the Kosovo crisis.

As previously noted, the very interestedgroup have a more sophisticated and developedunderstanding of politics, which has beenshaped and informed by a range of differentsources. In general they are likely to haveengaged in some political discussion at home,with one or both parents. In addition, they arelikely to have received some kind of political

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education, either at GCSE or Standard Gradelevel, or in further or higher education. Theymay also choose to read books related to thesubject, sometimes associated with a course theyare studying, for others through generalinterest.

Alongside this they may also have beenengaging in discussions with friends or otherpeople in school or college. The combination ofthese different sources seems to foster aconception that politics is certainly of relevanceand of interest to them. It also ensures they areopen to receiving or seeking information aboutpolitics. However, because this group have amore sophisticated understanding of politics,they are also likely to be more discerning aboutthe nature of the information received.

The stimulant for their interest in politicsvaried. In some cases it had been a politicallyactive parent, sibling or other family memberwho had activated their interest. For others itwas their formal political education and ateacher at school, or a particular course, whichhad inspired their interest. Others said their

interest had been kindled following a specificpolitical event, such as the war in Bosnia, orthrough the influence of a significant otherperson.

As has been seen, the process in whichyoung people develop and form an interest inpolitics is fluid and cyclical. It is, therefore,possible that, depending on age and lifecircumstances, an individual may movebetween groups as their awareness and interestin politics evolves and develops. For example, itis possible that members of both the politicallyuninterested groups, but particularly the firstgroup, will acquire and develop an interest inpolitics. Equally, failure to respond to theconcerns of the selectively interested maydiminish their levels of interest in politics.Because the generically interested are still at animpressionable stage they have the potential tomove in either direction, depending on thecircumstances and influences around them. Ofall the groups the final group, with their keeninterest and awareness of politics, are likely toremain the most static.

23

This chapter examines young people’s images ofpolitics, Parliament and politicians. It providesan insight into how young people conceive ofpolitics and political institutions, questions thathave received relatively little attention in earlierresearch. Although existing research shows thatyoung people find politics irrelevant and boring– and hold politicians in low esteem – there isless understanding about why such negativeviews are held, or the contexts in which they areframed.

Conceptions of politics

Coverage of politics

There were broadly three types of responses tothe term ‘politics’. The first was a rather vagueblankness, evident among those with a lowinterest in politics, particularly the youngestparticipants. It was claimed that the word‘politics’ brought nothing to mind, and, in someinstances, that they had never heard the wordbefore. Even among older participants with littleinterest in politics there was generally a verylimited understanding of what it involved –beyond a broad notion that politics was to dowith the Government or the running of thecountry.

I don’t know what politics is. It’s just one of thosewords, it just sounds [like] it’s to do with theGovernment.(Female, 15 years, Indifferent)

A second, and much more commonresponse, was to associate politics withtraditional party politics in Britain and thePrime Minister, Parliament, government,

politicians and political parties were mentioned.Politics was framed in these terms by youngpeople of different ages, almost irrespective oftheir level of interest in politics. This wouldsuggest that Bhavnani’s (1991) finding thatpeople equate politics with British party politicsapplies to a wider population than just theyoung working class.

The third type of response contained broaderideas of what politics attempted to achieve andthe issues it addressed. These wider conceptionsof politics were found among those with higherlevels of interest in politics, but were alsoevident throughout other groups. Olderparticipants within the indifferent group, forexample, associated politics with taxes and thebudget, particularly the price of drinks,cigarettes and petrol. In some instances theyalso related politics to issues such as health,employment and education. Similarly, some inthe cynically uninterested and selectivelyinterested groups thought politics involveddiscussions about ‘our lives’, taxes, internationalrelations, laws, government allocation ofresources and the country’s welfare. Theseparticipants viewed politics as being connectedto money, power and control.

Amongst the interested groups, some felt itcovered all areas of life and, as one person said,‘takes you from the cradle to the grave’. Otherssaid politics ‘covered everything’, all issues andpeople, and gave specific examples of how itdoes this.

Politics affects every section of our lives. It’s easyjust to see it as employment or tax … But even[on] the really small-scale, politics in every way

4 Images of politics, Parliament and

politicians

24


can affect us. (Female, 20 years, Genericallyinterested)

Amongst those with a broaderconceptualisation of politics, some viewedpolitics positively, as a means of representingviews and realising hopes. Others had morenegative associations, related particularly toshort-term planning, control and corruption.Indeed, some people suggested that politicianswere responsible for controlling people’s lives,although not necessarily in their best interests.There was also some cynicism that politics wasmainly about political parties trying to winpower, rather than any concerns about societalissues.

It rules our life, society; everyday life is dominatedby politics … Well, theoretically they’re[politicians] supposed to represent the people oftheir constituency in Parliament. But they don’t …They represent their own views, very rarely alocal issue gets taken to Parliament and if it does,it’s so poor a turnout, you know, it becomesirrelevant. I think most of all they – well, it’s aparty thing, it’s not the individual MP, they’rethere to build up the party numbers, seats inParliament. (Male, 21 years, Very interested)

Image of politics

With the exception of those with higher levels ofinterest in politics, there was an overarchingrepresentation of politics as boring and dull. Insome cases young people were unable toexpand on this view, largely due to a lack ofawareness and knowledge. Indeed, the meremention of the word was enough to make them‘switch off’ or make their ‘mind go blank’.Others, however, justified their perception,explaining that politics was of relevance only to

certain locations, such as London or England, orto particular groups, such as older people orbusinessmen. There was also a view that politicsentailed cycles of repetitive arguments, withlittle resulting change.

I think of it as mainly pretty boring. I don’t reallycare about it all that much … You’re alwaysgetting different people saying they’re going to dothis and that whatever, and nothing happens,nothing really changes. (Male, 16 years, Cynicallyuninterested)

For selectively interested people, the drabimage of politics stemmed more from seeing itas inapplicable or irrelevant to their lives orbeing ‘out of touch’ with the youngergeneration. It was even described as a‘headache’ because there was too much of it onTV and everything was made into an issue inpolitics.

Among the generically interested, only theyoungest members viewed politics as boring.This was related to a lack of knowledge aboutpolitics and a notion, mainly picked up from thetelevision, that politics entailed endless arguing.The older participants, over 18 years, shared thisimage and sometimes felt that politics did notactually make much difference, although theydid not describe politics as boring.

Inevitably, the very interested young peopleregarded politics as exciting because it providedan opportunity for change. Others, however,were less enthusiastic because they were cynicalabout whether it would result in change.

Margaret Thatcher and privatisation changedbasically the whole structure of profit sector andTony Blair now is re-structuring, like devolutionand reforms like what he’s done with the Lords

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Images of politics, Parliament and politicians

… For me, it’s like big things like unemployment… and then you go through your recession andyou then have a boom and stuff like that … Forme politics is enjoyment (Female, 20 years, Veryinterested)

Conceptions of Parliament

Physical environment

In general, impressions of Parliament weregenerated through television broadcasts. Youngpeople consistently described Parliament as alarge room with wooden furniture and greenleather seats. In addition, some alluded to itbeing ‘big’ and ‘old’, with ‘long corridors’, ‘largehalls’ and ‘meeting rooms’. While the traditionand grandeur of the building was admiredsometimes, there was also felt to be somethingstrange and antiquated about the environmentof the Houses of Parliament.

Those who had visited the Houses ofParliament, either with school or on a tour,recalled the large scale of the building, as wellas the restricted access to some parts. There wasalso some discussion of the available facilities,such as bars and restaurants. Some surprise wasalso expressed at how empty it appeared.Among those who had not been to the Housesof Parliament there was a perception that it wasclosed to the general public.

Location of Parliament

The physical location of Parliament reinforced afeeling of remoteness for young people outsideLondon, but particularly for Scottish and Welshparticipants. Scottish participants reported thatthe geographical distance of Parliamentcontributed to their feeling of beingmarginalised by the Westminster Parliament.

The way in which this restricts the access thatyoung people can have to politicians andParliament was emphasised. It was also saidthat this further limits their opportunity tobecome involved in the political process.

Function of Parliament

To aid discussion young people were shown apostcard of the Houses of Parliament. Noteveryone, however, recognised this and some ofthe younger people thought it might be a court,church or hotel.

I’ve seen it [Houses of Parliament] somewhere,like on the news or something, is it? London, isit? … I’ve seen the clock on the news. I’ve seen itbefore but I don’t know what it is … Is it a hotel?People go on holiday there. (Male, 15 years,Indifferent)

Virtually all of those who lacked an interestin politics were uncertain about what went oninside Parliament. Those with a more developedinterest viewed it as a place for debating,making laws and deciding how to improve thecountry. Some also thought that furtheractivities would take place, such asadministration and research. But there was alsoa general feeling that there were other moresecret activities taking place.

The predominant image of Parliament wasof politicians arguing and shouting at each otherduring parliamentary debates seen ontelevision. They described this in various termssuch as politicians ‘blabbering on’, ‘huffing andpuffing’, ‘ripping and digging’, ‘slagging eachother off’, ‘back biting’ and ‘bickering’. Some ofthe participants felt that the general public isonly given a limited impression of Parliament,as only one room is ever shown on television,

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leaving the public with a stereotypical image ofthe arguing.

When you see it on telly though it just looks like abig joke. I mean like the way they carry on in theHouse of Commons … You wouldn’t even getkids in a school carrying on like that … with themscreaming, and folks sitting in the benchessleeping. (Female, 23 years, Cynicallyuninterested)

I think there’s a lot of kind of personal attackingand not enough real constructive stuff going on… It’s just one big zoo of animals. (Male, 18years, Very interested)

There were varied opinions about thecontent of parliamentary debates. Some thoughtthey were ‘grey’ and boring, or about ‘nothing’and never ‘get anywhere’ because issues arenever resolved. Impressions were sometimesbased on politicians themselves looking bored.

On TV you can see all of them sitting there … halfof them’s falling asleep. With the way they lookyou only have to take one look and you think ‘turnover’. They’re like me they find it boring … Ifthey’re nodding off then it must obviously beboring. (Female, 21 years, Indifferent)

Others found the debates bewildering anddaunting, as there seemed to be lots of shoutingand noise with little accompanying explanation.Their impression was one of confusion and theyfound it difficult to understand the proceedings.

Those who enjoyed the debates appreciatedthe opportunity to hear different viewpoints, orfound it entertaining to watch politiciansshouting at each other. They found it conveyeda less serious and formal impression of politics,especially when the politicians made jokesabout each other.

Sometimes it [Parliament] is quite entertaining towatch … It’s just like the two most importantpeople in the country just arguing and rippingeach other to shreds basically … It gives a kind ofunserious edge to politics as a whole, rather thanif it was all very formal and serious then you’dprobably be given a distinct image of politics asbeing formal and serious. (Male, 16 years,Cynically uninterested)

References were also made to the traditionaland ceremonial aspects of the proceedings inParliament. For those with the least interest inpolitics, this reinforced the unfamiliarity andstrangeness of parliamentary proceedings;amusement was expressed at seeing a politician‘flinging a mace round his head’, and a vision ofa woman shouting “Order” and banging ahammer. Those who were more interested alsocommented on the ‘pomp and ceremony’ ofParliament,which they found difficult tounderstand, irrelevant, old fashioned and awaste of money. Only a small minority felt theceremony and ‘fancy dress’ gave theproceedings a sense of dignity and tradition.

Image of politicians

In general, young people viewed politicians aswhite, male and as either old or middle aged.Whatever the stated age – and there was somevariation – it was consistently felt that the age ofpoliticians removed them from young people,and this was indicated by such descriptions ofpoliticians as ‘old fogies’ or ‘coffin dodgers’.

Politicians were also perceived as beingwealthy and were generally described as ‘posh’.Some also thought that politicians came fromthe upper classes, or ‘good backgrounds’. This,it was said, was demonstrated by their

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expensive cars and ‘big houses’ in which theylive. As a reflection of their perceived wealth,the politicians were almost universallydescribed as having a smart appearance.

In some cases young people thought theywould have been educated privately andattended universities such as Oxford andCambridge. This impression had resulted insome young people believing they were‘snobby’, ‘stuck up’ and ‘think they knoweverything’ whilst others viewed them as‘educated’ and ‘intelligent’. Among the veryinterested group, education and intelligencewere felt to be necessary requirements for beinga successful politician.

The image of a ‘yar boo’ style of politics inLondon, as described by Scottish young people,was based on a belief that politicians weretypically English. As a consequence, politicianswere perceived as being less able to relate toScottish issues and concerns.

Perceptions of politicians’ personalities werevariously expressed, often using negativelanguage, such as, ‘boring’ or ‘grumpy’ or, inrarer instances, words such as ‘evil’. The‘Spitting Image’ puppets of politicians wererecalled by some of the participants and thoughtto be both accurate and very entertaining. Theyoung people were sometimes also less thancomplimentary about the appearance ofpoliticians, describing them, for example, as fator wimpy, bald or with badly curled hair andbig noses. Some held images of politicianseating lots of food and drinking alcohol.

I think it [a politician] would be a person, probablya man, sitting on a chair with his feet up on atable, smoking a cigar … and having a cocktail.(Female, 16 years, Indifferent)

It was also generally believed that politiciansbehaved in a ‘childish’ manner in Parliament;not appearing to listen to one another andattempting to ‘score points’ off each other. Thisbehaviour was viewed by some as counterproductive to obtaining a balanced andreasoned opinion.

Those with the least interest in politics wereunsure what politicians did, as they neverwatched or listened to media reports. Otherswere able to offer suggestions about the role ofpoliticians, and consistently negative functionswere described. Despite these perceptions, someindividuals, particularly those with greaterinterest in politics, offered more positive viewsof politicians. In exceptional cases, youngpeople qualified their statements expressingtheir difficulty judging politicians because thepublic only see ‘one side’ of them, or only haveopportunity to see them in certain settings.

Four main areas of criticism are discussedbelow, together with some of the youngpeople’s suggestions for what would make agood politician and their rare positiveviewpoints.

Untrustworthy

There was a strong belief that politicians cannotbe trusted. It was stated recurrently that theylied and failed to keep their promises. Intelevision interviews, it was claimed, theyavoided answering questions and never gavestraight answers. In some cases it was thoughtthat they used the media to manipulate theirpublic image, by presenting a selective image.They were, therefore, likened to actors.

… Whenever they do an interview they alwaysseem kind of like … they’re just doing it to try and

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win some publicity and then they’ll go back totheir nice little house on the hill afterwards …(Male, 16 years, Cynically uninterested)

In addition, media reporting of scandals leftthe impression that politicians were sometimeshypocritical, in advocating good behaviour forothers and yet not living up to these standardsthemselves. They consistently referred to thesleaze and scandals that were reported aboutpoliticians in the media as evidence of their badcharacters.

Some young people, however, felt there werepoliticians with integrity and who keep theirpromises. It was also said that inevitablypoliticians need to become ‘good talkers’ andpossibly even slightly corrupt in order toachieve anything in politics. Individuals alsosuggested that the media were largelyresponsible for the images people held ofpoliticians, in particular through the storiespresented in newspapers. It was said that themedia obsessively focused on the private affairsof politicians.

When asked what makes a good politician,young people generally thought that honesty wasan essential quality. They expressed the belief thatgood politicians would ‘be themselves’, keeppromises and avoid what were termed ‘shadydeals’. Good politicians would also givestraightforward answers to questions and bepublicly accountable for their activities.

Self interested

Another general conception was that politiciansdo not care about the country or its people, butare merely concerned with being elected.

Most of them don’t even care about whathappens in Britain; most of them just want to get

in there and try and do what they want … It’s notfor the benefit of the country. (Male, 15 years,Indifferent)

It was said with some frequency thatpoliticians do not take their positions seriouslyand are only in politics to benefit from thesystem by, for example, changing laws to suitthemselves, or to secure public money. It wasalso said that they only helped members of thepublic in order to further their own recognitionand appeal. There was a general feeling thatpoliticians were overpaid and in additionreceived too many perks, such as holidaysabroad, sometimes at the expense of the taxpayer.

Less typically some young people believedpoliticians were conscientious and have someunderlying belief or passion about their work.These people argued that politicians areconcerned to represent the public and toimprove conditions within society. The hardwork required to get into politics wasacknowledged, as was the difficult nature of thework, which sometimes requires them to makepersonal sacrifices. It was also suggested thatthe high salaries were to compensate them forbeing in the media ‘spotlight’. Others thoughtthat politicians do care initially, but once theyhave to toe the party line they are ‘moulded’into a different way of thinking, and initialideals and convictions are sometimes forgotten.

It was felt that a good politician would besomeone who wanted to improve conditions insociety and raise standards of living.

Ineffective

There was a general view that politicians didnot achieve sufficient outcomes which benefit

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the population. This impression was based onthe lack of visible changes and the amount ofmoney spent on unnecessary projects, such asthe Millennium Dome. There were two mainreasons why politicians were thought to beineffective. First, they do nothing but ‘sit ontheir backsides’; and, second, they talk‘rubbish’, ‘waffle’ and argue ‘round in circles’over pointless matters. The lack of unitybetween politicians, and the level of argument,was also considered to be counter productive toachievements in politics.

Well they [politicians] just can’t make a decisionbasically … they just pass the buck all the time …they’re [always] arguing … even in the samegroups they never stick together. There’s alwayssomeone else saying look I don’t wanna do it likethat. You know they’re supposed to be one partyso they’re supposed to agree on everything …but it seems like they can never agree. (Male, 21years, Indifferent)

However, there were those who felt thatpoliticians were engaged in important work,making decisions for the country and changingthings for the better. For example, it wasclaimed this was evident in the operation of thepolice force and health service, for example. Itwas also said that the nature of their work madeit impossible to please everyone with theiractions. In addition, it was recognised thatpoliticians sometimes do good work that maynot be visible to the public. Argument was alsosometimes seen to be an inevitable part of thepolitical process. Indeed, there was a view thatan ability to debate, stand up for ideals anddefend opinions was essential to be a goodpolitician.

Remote and unrepresentative

The perceived age gap and different socialbackground led young people to regardpoliticians as remote and inaccessible.

It was also consistently claimed thatpoliticians were hard to understand because ofthe remoteness of the topics they discussed, butalso because they confused young people withtheir jargon, big words, facts and figures.

Politicians were believed to have nounderstanding of the needs and concerns of theyoung. They were also felt to be out of touchwith ‘ordinary’ people from differentbackgrounds and, as a result, were not aware of‘real world’ problems and circumstances.Figure 3 (overleaf), drawn by one young person,clearly illustrates the perceived relationshipbetween politicians and young people.

I think politicians are completely separate fromsociety. I don’t think they have any connection atall, because I don’t feel I’ve got a connectiontowards them. They are in grey suits … and theyuse big words, long structures and are very longwinded. (Male, 20 years, Selectively interested)

The politically uninterested groups wereparticularly critical of the way politicians ignorethe views and concerns of young people. Wherepoliticians did consult them, it was felt that theymight only pretend to listen, or only listen toviews they want to hear.

The remoteness of politicians wasparticularly emphasised by young Scottishpeople. They discussed the way in which theWestminster Parliament is dominated byEnglish MPs and, as a consequence, unfairlyadvantages English and Welsh interests overScottish interests. It was said, for example, thatspecific policies, such as care for the elderly and

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local recreational facilities for young people,were directed more favourably towards theEnglish and Welsh. While the lack of Scottishrepresentatives was raised in relation to allScottish people, it was mentioned with specificregard to young people.

Nevertheless, there were some who felt thatexisting politicians are concerned to addressimportant issues and do try to represent thevoice of people by fighting for their rights.There was also a view that it is not important forpoliticians to be interesting as long as they aremaking important decisions.

Universally, the young people felt that agood politician would be approachable, easy to

relate to and would take account of the public’sviews. In particular, it was believed that a goodpolitician would represent the views of theyoung, as well as those of older people. Inaddition, it was felt that a good politician wouldbe someone more ‘like themselves’; a youngerperson or someone who had grown up insimilar circumstances to them. Such politicians,it was thought, would be better able tounderstand and represent their views.

Views of individual politicians

Previous studies (e.g. State of the Nation Report,1998) have documented low levels ofknowledge about individual politicians.

Figure 3 An image of a politician drawn by a respondent during one of the focus groups

Note: Respondents were invited to draw a politician in focus groups or paired interviews whereyoung people were having difficulty discussing their images of politicians. This picture was drawnby a young man, aged 18 years.

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Although there was no attempt in this study totest levels of knowledge about politics orpoliticians, it is possible to identify varyinglevels of awareness. Those who lacked interest inpolitics mainly expressed views about the currentand former prime ministers, Tony Blair, JohnMajor and Margaret Thatcher or party leaders,such as William Hague, Paddy Ashdown andNeil Kinnock. Not surprisingly, those with higherlevels of interest referred to a wider range ofpoliticians, including politicians such as MoMowlam, Bernie Grant, or Jeffrey Archer.Generally, there was little awareness of politiciansrepresenting their local constituency, except forthose belonging to the highly interested group.There also appeared to be greater awarenessamongst participants living in Scotland and Walesthan amongst those in England.

Across the sample, there were contradictoryviews about the Prime Minister, Tony Blair.Some thought that he was more in touch withyoung people, as he is younger than otherpoliticians and has children of his own. Thiswas also felt to be reflected in his more realisticlifestyle and apparent sense of humour.

I think Tony Blair … is still in touch, he still knowswhat it is like to live in a normal house and have afamily and like having to earn money.(Female, 17 years, Selectively interested)

However, others were cynical about hisattempts to appeal to Britain’s youth by, forexample, inviting celebrities to Downing Street.They also questioned his commitment to youngpeople, citing the introduction of college fees asevidence of this. Television was the main sourceof their views about Tony Blair but there wasalso some reference to comments made byfamily or friends.

Images of the politically interested

In general, young people held the view thatpolitics is of interest to older, rather thanyounger people. However, what was defined as‘older’ varied and shared only the commonfeature that it meant they were older thanparticipants’ current ages. Parents andgrandparents were believed to be moreinterested in politics than their children orgrandchildren, because they have ‘settled down’and are, therefore, concerned about issues thatcould affect their families.

There was also a view that people whoshared a similar background to politicians weremore likely to take an interest in politics, but notpeople who were ‘poor’ or ‘working class’. Itwas thought that ‘upper class’ people would beable to understand politics as it is orientatedaround things they are concerned about such asfinances and fox hunting. The concerns of‘working class’ people were felt to be less welladdressed by politicians.

People who do well at school or go touniversity, ‘swots’ or ‘nerds’ as they weresometimes called, were considered more likelyto be interested in, or to participate in, politicsas they would be more capable ofunderstanding and engaging with that world. Itwas also felt that such people are more likely tobe encouraged to take an interest and toparticipate in politics at school and at home.They were also considered to have less of asocial life and therefore have more time to gaininformation about politics from watching thenews and reading the papers.

People who work in politics were inevitablyconsidered to take an interest in politics.Generally, people in good jobs or those paying

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taxes were thought to also have a vested interestin politics. Businessmen, in particular, wereconsidered to be most interested as they arelikely to be affected by politics, in terms offinance and employment issues. In addition,politics was considered to be relevant toteachers or health care professionals, as theywould be affected by levels of state funding.

There was also a view that people who wereconcerned about changing things would beinterested and active in politics. Generally, itwas felt that these people could be from anysocial background. There were differing views,however, about such politically active people,with some describing them as ‘busy-bodies’ andothers considering them to be kind andconcerned people.

Views about the Scottish Parliament

In general, young Scottish people were either infavour of Scottish devolution or appeared to beindifferent to the prospect of constitutionalchange. In some cases, indifference resultedfrom uncertainty, or from lack of knowledgeabout politics but for others, the reasons wereless clear. Only a few people seemed to bedirectly opposed to the idea of devolution forScotland and, among those who were eligible, afew had voted against it in the referendum.

Positive views about devolution

A number of arguments were made in favour ofdevolution. Essentially, these were concernedwith two issues. First, there was optimism thatthis would free Scotland from domination byEngland and ensure Scottish interests arerepresented and addressed. Second, it wasthought that having an individual identity would

give Scotland greater prestige and status as anation. While these points were raised in relationto all Scottish people, they seemed to have greaterpoignancy with regard to young people.

I like the idea of the Scottish Parliament, becauseinstead of being ruled from London – that weecountry up north … there will actually be Scottishpeople, in Scotland, doing what is best forScottish people. (Male, 19 years, Selectivelyinterested)

There were three ways in which it was feltthat their increased representation would beachieved. First, national and local needs wouldbe more responsively addressed and delivered.Second, there would be greater control forScotland, for example, in terms of managementof the economy and the authority to set taxlevels and decide on the allocation of resources.It was argued that this increased control was alogical progression since Scotland already hasits own education, legal system and currency.Third, it was said that, because politics willbecome more relevant to Scottish people, theywill be encouraged to be more interested andengaged in politics. It was also noted that theScottish Parliament will provide theopportunity for younger more representativepoliticians to enter Parliament.

Among these positive views there was somescepticism about whether the ScottishParliament would be given sufficient powers tobe independent from Westminster. In particular,concerns were expressed about the degree towhich Scotland will be given the power to raisetaxes and to legislate independently ofWestminster. There was also some uncertaintyabout whether Scotland would be able tosurvive financially without English revenue,

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particularly as it was acknowledged that NorthSea oil will not continue forever.

I think it’ll be good for Scotland … but I sort ofdon’t know how much difference they’re going tobe able to … make. Because they’ve still got tointeract with them down in London. There’s justgoing to be so many limitations on them, theymay not be as effective as they’d want to be. Ithink that would be frustrating for thegovernment and for the country in general(Female, 20 years, Generically Interested)

It’s going to be like school prefects … watchingyou all the time, or Big Brother is watching you.Making sure you are not stepping out of line … Ithink they might hold us back, make sure wedon’t get too Scottish. (Male, 18 years,Generically interested)

Caution was also expressed about the time itwould take to evolve. There was also a fear thatScottish people are sometimes overly ‘romantic’and perhaps even a little unrealistic in theirhopes for the Scottish Parliament.

Negative views about devolution

Opposition to Scottish devolution was primarilyfocused on whether Scotland will be able tosurvive as an independent country. This pointwas raised in two ways. First, that Scotland willnot be able to sustain independence on afinancial level. Second, that Scotland may not bestrong enough to defend itself in times of war.Underpinning these views, however, was adesire for Scotland to be a part of the UK.

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Discussion about the opportunities for politicalengagement reveal that young people feltpowerless and excluded from the politicalprocess. When this is considered in the contextof their lack of political interest andunderstanding, it is not surprising that concernsare voiced about the future health of Britishdemocracy. However, as will be seen, levels ofinterest in politics did not always indicate awillingness to engage politically.

Indeed, there is evidence to suggest youngpeople are engaging in a wide range of politicalactivities – irrespective of levels of politicalinterest. It would seem that because of theirrather narrow conception of politics, however,they are sometimes unlikely to perceive theiraction as a political activity. It would alsoappear that their lack of participation is as muchto do with their perceptions about beingexcluded from politics as it is to do with theirlack of interest and understanding of it.

What constitutes a political activity?

Discussion about the ways in which youngpeople can express their views sometimesproved difficult to stimulate, as participants didnot necessarily have well-formed views on whatconstitutes a political activity. In some cases,voting was seen as the only legitimate way inwhich young people could express their viewsand take part in politics. Others, however, basedtheir judgement on whether the governmentwould be directly involved in some way. Forthese people, a political action might involve arange of different methods which includedsigning petitions, taking part in demonstrationsprotesting about government policy, joining apolitical party and lobbying MPs through their

surgery or through written correspondence.Whereas others interpreted the definition ofpolitical action even more loosely and includedany activity which might directly or indirectlybe related to politics. Actions in this lattercategory included joining a union, or pressuregroup, writing to the Press, and protesting tothe local council. Young people in the politicallyinterested groups perceived a wider range ofmethods for engagement in politics than thosein the uninterested groups.

The efficacy of a particular method wasprincipally assessed according to its potential topersuade the government to listen and respondto the message being delivered. The successwith which this could be achieved was felt todepend on the number of people who werewilling to support a particular action, and thenature and visibility of the message beingconveyed. Underpinning these dimensions weretwo related factors, the weight of theorganisation driving the action and the ability toattract media coverage.

Barriers to participating in politics

A number of barriers were identified as havingprevented and even excluded young peoplefrom participating in politics. Underpinningthese, however, was a degree of apathy aboutpolitically engaging.

It’s really easy to be just really apathetic, be lazyabout it … If you want to change something youhave to be really active. And unless a way ofdoing that is presented for you, it’s really easy tonot bother to do it. (Female, 20 years)

The following barriers were perceived toexclude young people from politics.

5 Political engagement

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Political engagement

The limited number of opportunities that areavailable for young people to participate in thepolitical process was consistently noted. In somecases young people could not see anyconceivable way for them to take part in politicsuntil they reached electoral eligibility. Theirfeeling of powerlessness was repeatedlyemphasised, as was the frustration of havingdoors closed to them that were open to thosewho were older.

They [politicians] can more or less do what theywant to us because we have no power yet to doanything about it. (Male, 18 years)

Being on your own and under age … you have noway of doing anything.(Male, 16 years)

Even where young people acknowledgedthere were opportunities to participate in thepolitical process, either through conventionalmethods, such as voting or lobbying MPs, orless conventional methods, such as youthforums, they felt they lacked knowledge aboutthe process of engagement. Underpinning thisbarrier was the perception that politics was acomplex and alien subject, which they foundhard to grasp and understand.

Say I wanted to … do something, like complainabout something, I wouldn’t know what to do – Ithink there’s very little education about how thesystem actually is organised (Male, 18 years)

It’s just that young people don’t seem to [know],nobody goes up to them and says ‘’Ere you go,politics. If you’ve got anything you wanna know,go and phone them or go and see them’, orwhatever. It’s like at school, if somebody says. Ifyou’ve got questions about your career, that’s

who you can reach to see about it. And they’regiven that information but there isn’t anybody thatdoes the same for politics so they’re not going toknow. (Female, 19 years)

It was also consistently argued that theviews of young people remain unheard bypoliticians. Underpinning this view was aperception that politicians often dismiss theviews of young people as childish andunrealistic.

Even when you’re 18/19 they don’t listen to you,‘cos they look at you, and think: ‘You’re young’ …maybe when you’re getting to 25, … got a joband sort of like stature in society … they’ll listento you more, if you’re like the managing directorof a big company … people know about you andlisten to you more. (Male, 15 years, Indifferent)

They seem to be making judgements … and notactually listening to what we’re saying, forinstance with the funding for the students, there’sbeen uproar and people protesting but you knownothing, no action’s taken. (Female, 22 years,Cynically uninterested)

Instead, it is argued, politicians listen to theviews of those with money and status. Whilst itwas acknowledged by a few people that, incertain policy areas, such as New Deal forYoung People, voices are being heard, therewere clearly others, such as education, wheretheir needs were ignored. Because of this lack ofinterest in their views, young people felt itwould require an enormous effort before theywould begin to be heard. There was, therefore,some reluctance about expending their energyin politics if it was likely to have so little impact.

Relating to this last point was a commonperception that young people lack

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representation in Parliament. This had beenobserved, particularly in relation to age, but alsofor members of different ethnic minorities andfor people living in Scotland and Wales.

How are young people engaging with the

political process?

Participation in politics did not seem to relate tolevels of political interest. If there were a directrelation between interest and activity, then itwould be logical to assume that the politicallyuninterested groups would refrain fromengaging politically. As will be seen, althoughthey are more apathetic than those in theinterested groups, they are neverthelesssometimes engaging in political activities.

Young people in the politically uninterestedgroups seem to engage politically when issueshave direct personal relevance to them or totheir local community. For example, theprotection of leisure facilities, such as a skatepark, or football pitch, funding for further andhigher education, and preventing the closure ofa local hospital or school, had resulted in youngpeople signing petitions or attendingdemonstrations. In addition, a few people hadalso signed petitions in support of broadermoral concerns, such as animal rights. In termsof their voting behaviour, there is evidence ofpeople voting and not voting in both politicallyuninterested groups. Where the young peopleare voting, they are more likely to be voting atgeneral rather than local and Europeanelections.

The politically interested groupscharacteristically involve themselves in a widerrange of political activities, including signingpetitions, joining organisations and taking part

in activities on behalf of these groups, writing topoliticians (often in connection with a schoolproject) and taking part in demonstrations. Forexample, young people were involved in groupssupporting animal welfare, human rights orpoverty in developing countries. As with theuninterested groups, there is evidence of somevoting and some not voting, although theredoes appear to be some indication that the mostcommitted and regular voters in all elections arethose in the highest political interest group.

Responses to the first voting opportunity

As noted in the introduction, the prospect ofvoting did not necessarily hinge on levels ofinterest in politics, nor on reported votingbehaviour. Some of the young peopleemphasised the importance of voting, despitethe fact that they had not voted or did notintend to vote in the future. There were anumber of ways in which young peopleresponded to the opportunity to vote.

Young people conveyed a sense ofimportance and sometimes even excitementabout finally reaching electoral eligibility. Theirpositive reactions were fuelled by a desire toexpress a particular view, which they perceivedmight have the potential to persuade politiciansto be responsive to their needs and might alsoresult in a change of government.

I remember going to vote and it was, ‘Wow! I’mold enough to vote!’ and I was thinking, ‘Yes, thiswill make a change!’ … Finally got a chance tosay something … to take my view forward byputting a cross in the box, yes. ‘You’re really goingto listen to me now, aren’t you?’ That’s what Ithought, I felt like I was doing something

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constructive, and changing something. I don’tknow what it was, but it was just like you had thepower of the voter, kind of thing. Putting a littlecross in the box, that’s great. (Male, 20 years)

Young people also talked about their dutyand responsibility to engage with thedemocratic process. Underpinning this viewwas a belief expressed by some that votingbrings with it the right to complain and becritical of current political events. Byimplication, people who refrain from votingforfeit the right to comment. A few youngwomen also described a duty to vote as a debtto the work of the suffragettes.

Other young people appeared to beindifferent to the prospect of voting. Whilst theyacknowledged the importance of voting theyequally expressed apathy about voting atpresent. Underpinning this view was the notionthat voting was only important for those whowere concerned about politics and equippedwith the information to make an informedchoice. Their apathy stemmed from a perceptionthat politics does not seem to be affecting themand they have not got the information at theirdisposal to make an informed choice.

The final group was cynical about theimportance of voting. Their cynicism was basedon a perception that there is no point exercisingtheir democratic right because the views ofyoung people will be ignored. In addition, a fewyoung people alluded to the electoral system,which meant that in certain circumstances theywere wasting their vote. This group did notappear to be looking forward to the prospect ofvoting and those who had the opportunity werenot inclined to vote.

Comparisons were made between votingand other freedoms young people were entitled

to, such as drinking, at the age of 18. There weremixed views about the appropriateness ofhaving the vote at 18. For some, having to waituntil they were 18 had compounded theirfeelings of exclusion from the political process.The point was made that, at 16 young peopleare old enough to have a child, but too young tovote. However, concern was also raised thatpeople under the age of 18 are tooimpressionable and immature, and should notbe given the opportunity to vote. This issue willbe revisited in the final chapter.

Voting behaviour at the 1997 General

Election

This next section specifically considers votingbehaviour in the 1997 General Election. It wassometimes difficult to explore voting behaviourand motivations for this at the individual levelbecause of the use of focus groups within thisstudy.

The role of family and class in voting

decisions

The key role of family and class in first votingdecisions has long been recognised and reported(see for example, Butler and Stokes, 1969).Within this study, the parental role modeltypically seems to be guiding voting decisionswhen young people lack interest andknowledge about politics and where they arestill living within the family home. After this, itcontinues to be persuasive only where youngpeople maintain their lack of interest andknowledge of politics, and are therefore unlikelyto be engaged in other influential processes. Ingeneral, the parental and family role model isguiding the choice of vote. However, in some

38


circumstances it is additionally playing a role indriving the decision whether to vote or not.There is evidence that some parental pressure isbeing exercised in order to persuade andsometimes coerce young people, who had notintended to vote. Among this category of voters,were some of the members of those groups whohad no interest in politics.

An independent choice

Not surprisingly, once young people have leftthe parental home, other influences may assumea greater importance and an independent votingchoice can be made. However, independentchoices were also made by young people stillliving at home. This occurred mainly where theyoung people were not receiving cues orinformation about politics, where there werediffering or conflicting views within one family,or when the young person had an interest inpolitics and, as a consequence, disagreed withthe view expressed at home.

Young people who made an independentchoice were driven to vote in a particular wayfor the following reasons:

• The influence of a peer group which hadshaped the nature of the vote cast. Youngpeople had either followed the crowd andcopied the voting decisions of othersaround them or, after discussing aparticular policy or party, a collectivedecision had been arrived at to vote in aparticular way.

• Disaffection with the Conservatives andthe need for a change of government haddriven the voting decisions of a numberof young people. Voters in this groupvaried as to whether they were making a

positive vote for the Labour party orsimply ensuring the removal of theConservative party from government.Whilst some of these young voters mayhave been inclined towards the Labourparty, the desire to remove theConservatives from government wasuppermost in their minds.

We were really excited by the whole idea, andbecause we definitely … thought that – it wasso exciting … that Labour were going to getinto power, and the Tories who’d been inpower all our lives were going to be chucked… and we could feel our first vote was quitean influential one. (Female, 21 years)

A few young people indicated they hadopted for a tactical vote rather than supporttheir preferred choice of candidate, whomthey felt was unlikely to win the election.

• A personal need had persuaded a fewyoung people to arrive at a particularvoting decision. These young people wereresponding to policies which were ofpersonal relevance for them, such asproposed education reforms, theintroduction of the minimum wage,pensions and financial policies, whichwould benefit a young home owner.

• For some young people the novelty ofvoting for the first time seemed to havebeen the reason for voting. It had drivensome young people to go to the pollingstation without any clear idea of who theywere voting for. Indeed, it was sometimesattributed to the physical appearance of aparticular candidate or a completelyrandom decision.

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Because I’d just turned 18 and was allowed tovote and I thought, yes, must go downbecause all my friends had just turned 18 sowe went in just to see what it was like. (Male,20 years)

Voting deterrents

A number of factors were identified as deterringyoung people from voting. These can be dividedinto passive and active deterrents.

Passive deterrents

Politics is not of relevance or interest was a keyreason why young people in the uninterestedgroups had not voted. Their general apathytowards voting was driven by their boredomwith it as a subject and a preoccupation withother issues. Indeed, some young peopleconfessed to lacking the desire to take aninterest in politics, or notice of when an electionwas held. Others rationalised their decisionwith the idea that millions of other people willbe voting and so their vote is unlikely to matter.

A related justification for not voting was thatthey lacked understanding about politics. Theseyoung people claimed they were uncertainabout who to vote for and did not have enoughinformation at their disposal to make aninformed choice. An unwillingness to vote foran unknown candidate was exceptionallyunderpinned by a concern that their ignorancemight result in an unfavourable candidate orparty being elected.

Registration issues also resulted in someyoung people not voting. Some had decided not

to register, others had registered but, because oftheir transient lifestyle, found themselves in thewrong place on polling day. It was also said thatthere was some reticence about joining theelectoral roll because it would result in paymentof the council tax. A final way in whichregistration issues were discussed was inrelation to people being barred from votingbecause they were not British citizens, despitehaving been brought up in Britain.

Active deterrents

A lack of trust and faith in politicians to tell thetruth and keep their promises was reported asbeing a disincentive to vote.

The idea that young people’s views areignored by politicians had also dissuadedyoung people from voting. It was said that therewas little incentive to vote because politiciansfail to take an interest in the views of youngpeople.

The inability to affect the outcome of theelection was acknowledged as having put a fewpeople off voting. The belief that a party wasunlikely to win in a particular constituencywhere another party was dominant, hadpersuaded people to refrain from voting.

Finally, because there appeared to be somany similarities between the Conservative andLabour party, it was also believed that there wasno opportunity to bring about change or make adifference to the way the country is governedand, therefore, no point voting.

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This final chapter draws together some of thekey themes raised throughout the report andconsiders their implications for future action. Asa prelude to this, the proposals which youngpeople put forward for engaging greater interestand participation in politics are summarised.

The suggestions young people made forencouraging political interest centred on thefactors that were turning them away frompolitics. They were therefore concerned withthree related areas: making politics moreinteresting and accessible; making politiciansmore responsive to the needs and concerns ofyoung people; and finding new opportunitiesand routes for young people to enter thepolitical process.

Among the initiatives recommended someare already in place, although not sufficientlyapparent or successfully enticing young people;others are new suggestions, not all of whichmay be feasible or appropriate. A numberclearly accord with plans for citizenshiptraining.

Making politics more interesting and

accessible

If young people are to become more interestedin politics they need to be persuaded that thesubject has greater relevance within their lives.It also needs to be delivered in a more enjoyableand entertaining way than at present.

Politics therefore needs to be framed interms which resonate with the issues andconcerns of young people. Emphasis shouldtherefore be placed on illustrating the differentways in which politics affects the lives of youngpeople and, through this, demonstrating thatissues which are of concern to them are being

addressed, and responded to, by politicians. Itwas suggested that finding an alternative labelto ‘politics’, such as ‘culture’ or ‘social issues’might be an initial way to overcome negativeand narrow preconceptions about the subject.

Turning to the way in which politics shouldbe delivered, young people implied that abalance needs to be struck between deliveringpolitics in a lively and enticing way withouttrivialising or withholding importantinformation. Care should also be taken to ensurethat information is delivered in a neutral andimpartial way. The vocabulary used needs to beeasy to understand, using words which aresimple and devoid of jargon and technicallanguage, but without patronising.

School and the media were the two key waysdiscussed for delivering information aboutpolitics. It was argued that both these channelswould have the potential to contribute to levelsof knowledge and understanding. Views abouteach method varied and there were some whodid not believe either would be worth pursuing,because politics was just too ‘boring’ and‘complex’.

It’s just … not an interesting subject, people don’tsit with their popcorn and a few cans of beer infront of the telly and watch Question Time veryoften … Very few people find it interesting … It’sinherently dull … I can’t see how you could make… the administration of the Water Board orsomething … interesting at all. The relationship ofquangos to that policy-making process – you’dmuch rather be watching football, wouldn’t you?(Male, 21 years)

When asked about the aspects of politics thatthey wanted covered, young people sometimessuggested the very areas they claimed were

6 Encouraging political interest

41

Encouraging political interest

turning them off politics. Inevitably there werevariations in the level and sophistication of theinformation required. Their suggestions forcoverage were of three kinds. First, the need toexplain what politics is and to demonstrate howit affects young people using illustrations ofrelevant political issues. Second, finding a wayto equip young people with information aboutthe political process; of particular interest were,the role of individual politicians, party politicsand the legislative process. Third, to explain toyoung people how to vote and, for members inthe high interest group, how different votingsystems operate.

Teaching politics at school

Discussion about the need for politicaleducation was concerned with whether it wouldimprove levels of understanding and interest inthe subject. Some young people argued it wasbeing taught with varying effect, but others feltit was far too boring to be taught at school.However, it was acknowledged that even ifyoung people had not appreciated the benefitsof being taught courses, such as French, at thetime they, nevertheless, found them helpfullater. In the same way they reasoned thatpolitics might be of use to them in the future.

Judgements about the appropriate age tointroduce political education related to concernsabout the difficulties that young people mayhave in understanding politics. Some arguedthat politics should be gradually incorporatedfrom primary school onwards, whereas otherssuggested either just before or after 16 years.

There was also some debate about the meritsof making politics a core subject. While someyoung people were resistant to the idea ofpolitics being a compulsory class, it was equally

recognised that few people would opt for itotherwise. As an alternative, it was suggestedthat politics could be incorporated as part of anexisting course, such as history or sociology.

Emphasis was placed on delivering politicsin an interesting and entertaining manner by, forexample, using visual aids such as pictures andvideos. In addition, it was suggested thatlessons could be made interactive through theuse of discussions, quizzes and inviting guestspeakers to give presentations. Extracurricularactivities, such as visiting Westminster, werealso suggested.

Informing through the media

Discussion about the media was primarilyconcerned with the use of television as the keymedium1, although young people did talk aboutchannelling information through a range ofpopular outlets such as teenage magazines,computers and the Internet.

Various suggestions were made about howpolitics could be delivered on television.Naturally, the key issue for maintainingattention was that it should focus on issueswhich are relevant to young people. Specificsuggestions about the format were concernedwith involving young people in the programme,either on location or in the studio, on panels orthrough interviews. Other ideas involvedshowing young people how they are affected bya particular issue, such as the NHS. It was alsosuggested that politics could be incorporated inchat shows and soap operas. Otherwise theirsuggestions involved using humour, with theaid of comedians, such as Rory Bremner orFreddie Star. Celebrity presenters, such as theband, Oasis, presenters from the ‘Big Breakfast’,actors, such as from ‘Friends’ or ‘Eastenders’,

42


were also commonly suggested as potential rolemodels for young people to learn about politics.

Other ideas were concerned with makingpolitical coverage less ‘newsy’ either bychanging the setting or removing the backdropof Parliament – and not focusing on ‘boring’politicians ‘droning’ on. However, irrespectiveof the format, it was said that the word ‘politics’should be avoided as far as possible. Youngpeople also talked about the need to use simpleand plain English, to give a balancedperspective, but without overwhelmingaudiences with unnecessary detail. Finally, itwas said that the style of delivery should not beprescriptive, but should enable young people toarrive at their own views and conclusions.

Changing politicians

The young people wanted politicians to be moreresponsive to their needs and interests. Theywere concerned to remove the mystiqueshrouding politicians, in order to make themseem less stuffy and remote. Discarding theformal ‘power suits’, abandoning the pomp andceremony, removing the wigs and gowns, andavoiding the antiquated and formal turn ofphrase were some of the ways in which it wassuggested that this could be achieved.

It puts me off … that’s not a normal person thatdresses like that … that was way back when itfirst started, I think that should be stopped. I can’tsee the point of wearing all those wigs andcloaks. (Female, 16 years)

It was said that if politicians were tocommand the respect and trust of young people,they needed to be more genuine, honest and

committed to keeping their promises. However,there were mixed views about whetherpoliticians should promote a more humorousand friendly persona. There were those who feltthat politics is a serious subject and thatpoliticians should act in an appropriatelysolemn manner. A few even thought they mightbe suspicious and less trusting of politicianswho were overly friendly, humorous and‘trendy’. Others, however, were keen forpoliticians to inject a bit of humour andlightheartedness into their roles.

It was believed that the interests of youngpeople would be more effectively represented ifthere were a wider cross-section of politicians,in terms of age, sex, ethnicity and social class.The need for younger politicians, as young astheir early 20s, was particularly emphasised, inorder to ensure young people were moreeffectively represented. However, someexpressed concern that politicians need to be ofa certain age in order to command some level ofcredibility and to attain wisdom and experience.Young people in Scotland hoped that theScottish Parliament would provide theopportunity for younger, more representative,Scottish people to become politicians.

It was also felt that politicians in generalshould make more effort to consult youngpeople and involve them in their policydecisions. Their suggestions focused on ways ofensuring politicians were visibly involved in thelocal community, for example, by taking part in‘a politics fun day’, giving talks in schools,attending local meetings or participating indiscussion groups similar to the ones youngpeople had participated in during this study.

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New opportunities for young people to

participate in the political process

A number of suggestions were made forengaging young people in the political process.These were concerned with bringing youngpeople in contact with politicians, as reportedabove, lowering the age of electoral eligibilityand empowering young people to make theirown decisions and to take responsibility forissues which directly affect them.

Lowering the voting age

Some young people believed the only way toengage them would be to lower the voting ageto 16. Views, however, were divided about themerits of such a suggestion and argumentsrevolved around whether young people arecapable of making an informed voting choice atthe age of 16. It was reasoned that young peoplecould not be relied upon to act responsibly atthis age because they lack political awareness.Others were concerned about young peoplebeing too immature and impressionable at thistime.

With the exception of a few young people,the main opponents to lowering the voting agewere aged 18 years and over. Experience ofhaving arrived at, or passed, the age of electoraleligibility had resulted in a realisation that even18 may be too young to make an informeddecision.

You’re still a child when you’re 16, 17. … Theywouldn’t know what they want, they reallywouldn’t understand – well I’m 23 and I don’tunderstand … I just think 16 is too young.(Female, 23 years)

Proponents of lowering the voting age

emphasised that it would empower more youngpeople and provide an incentive to take aninterest in politics. It was also said politicianswould devote greater time and interest in theconcerns of young people, even if it were onlyto secure their vote. Sometimes young peopleargued in favour of the idea only with theproviso that there should be compulsorypolitical education prior to having such anopportunity.

Alternative ways of empowering young

people

Other suggestions were concerned with givingyoung people some control over aspects of theirlives, so as to learn about civic responsibilityand decision making. The experience of sittingon a schools council or youth forum was felt toencourage young people to take responsibilityfor some of the issues which affect them, even ifit did not result in contact with politicians.Concern, however, was registered that theseforums have the potential to raise expectations,on the part of young people, which sometimescannot be met. It was said, for example, that thefailure of politicians to respond torecommendations from a youth forum hadincreased individual cynicism and apathy aboutpolitics.

Concluding remarks

In the absence of the necessary evidence, it isnot possible to assess whether young people aremore disenchanted with politics than theirpredecessor generations. Nor is it possible tojudge the implications that such trends mighthave on the future health of democratic practicein the UK. Indeed, it could be argued that the

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concern about the so-called ‘democratic deficit’is misplaced. Clearly, the notion that youngpeople acquire an interest in politics with ageand life circumstances still has considerablecurrency. It may be, however, that the age atwhich this is activated is now delayed, as aresult of the changing social and economicenvironment in which young people now live.

Irrespective of this debate, however, it isevident that young people have depressinglylow levels of political interest and knowledge.They also have very poor opinions of politiciansand parliamentary behaviour. It is also clear thatthese findings are not unique to the UK. Ratherthan complacently waiting to see whether theirinterest in politics grows with time, furtherinvestigation is required about the reasons whythis occurs, and whether there is scope foractively engaging their interest from an earlierage.

In this context, this study set out tocontribute to understanding of young people’spolitical views and behaviour. In order toachieve this, a cross-section of young people,aged between 14 and 24, purposively selectedfrom a diverse range of backgrounds andcircumstances in England, Wales and Scotland,were consulted. They were invited to considerpolitics in their terms, employing their ownreference points, as well as conventionalpolitical benchmarks.

The research demonstrates that youngpeople cannot be treated as a uniform groupwhere politics is concerned. Not surprisingly,they vary in their levels of interest in politicsand display their interest in a variety of ways.But the evidence provides furtherunderstanding of how young people assesstheir interest in politics. It also shows how the

interaction between the personal and financialcircumstances of an individual, their beliefs andvalues, and a range of external factors willdetermine how a young person conceptualisespolitics, which in turn influences the level ofconnection they make with politics.

The findings confirm and contribute toexisting evidence about the factors thatdisengage political interest. First, because youngpeople conceptualise politics in a limited andnarrow way they perceive the subject as boringand irrelevant to their lives at present. Indeed, itwas often said that young people arepreoccupied with other interests and activitiesthat dominate their lives and leave little time todevote to politics. Second, their lack ofknowledge and understanding about politics,and the difficulties they perceive in trying tograsp such a ‘complex’ and ‘dull’ subject, leavethem with insufficient access to politicalmatters. Third, their lack of trust in politicians totell the truth, to keep their promises and beaccountable had also turned young people awayfrom politics. Finally, the lack of opportunitiesfor young people to engage in the politicalprocess until the age of 18 and the failure ofpoliticians to be responsive to the needs ofyoung people, had also contributed to lowlevels of political interest.

Evidence in this report has also shown thatthe issues that concern young people today areby no means narrowly conceived or unilateral.Indeed, they cover the broad political agenda,even if they are framed and spoken about usingdifferent terms.

Furthermore, in spite of apparently lowlevels of interest in politics, young people acrossthe sample had engaged in a range of differentactivities which were concerned with politics.

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Even members of the low interest groups hadsometimes voted or taken part in some otheractivity, like signing a petition or attendingdemonstrations. Young people, however,consistently referred to the ways in which theyare excluded from politics.

As has been shown, the limited and narrowway in which young people conceptualisepolitics is a key factor discouraging theirinterest in politics. Young people, however, arenot unique in their tendency to equate politicswith party politics. What is perhaps hearteningis that the solutions which young peoplesuggest will stimulate their interest aim directlyat the heart of the problem. That is, they areconcerned with ways to bring more interest,relevance and dynamism into politics; toincrease knowledge and understanding; tomake politicians more responsive; and to openup opportunities for young people to getinvolved in civic engagement. It is alsoencouraging that these initiatives emphasise adesire to be consulted and involved in thepolitical process, and not an exclusion from it.

The challenge to those who are keen tokindle political interest is to ensure that youngpeople are aware of the relevance of politicswithin their lives. They also need to be madeaware that politicians’ also share a number oftheir interests and concerns. However, in orderto engage their attention politics needs to bedelivered in an accessible and enjoyable waythat enables them to set aside their boredomwith party political squabbles, and to considerand appreciate the issues being discussed.Paradoxically, political parties will clearly havea role to play in achieving this.

The plans to teach citizenship should beapplauded, as formal political education clearly

has an important role to play. But it is essentialthat this will operate and coexist alongside theother ways in which young people can beempowered and informed – for example, athome, with friends, at school or amongst thelocal community and through the media. Inaddition, politicians clearly need to give moreconsideration to the concerns of young people;and forums that facilitate such a dialogue andinvolve young people in the structures andprocesses of decision making, are required. Anumber of initiatives for achieving this, such asyouth forums, children and youth parliaments,and youth service activities are currently inplace and have successfully involved youngpeople for a brief period of time. The call for aMinister of Youth, however, will morepermanently raise the profile of young peoplewithin central government.

The impact which these initiatives will have,however, depends upon the degree and mannerin which young people believe their interestsand needs are being heard and responded to. Inorder to convince young people that theirinterests will be effectively represented they willwant to see politicians from a wider cross-section of society. They will also want to seeevidence that politicians are acting on theirbehalf. Indeed, if expectations are raised andthen unmet, this will only serve to increaseyouth apathy and cynicism. Young Scottishpeople, for example, expressed high hopes fortheir increased representation within the newParliament. But the enthusiasm of some youngpeople may dissipate once they realise thatchange will be slow to develop and that thecomposition and style of politics in Edinburghmay not be so different to Westminster.Inevitably, there may also be nothing that can be

46


done to arouse the interest of some youngpeople and they will remain indifferent oruninterested in politics.

In conclusion, a balance needs to be struckbetween empowering and engaging youngpeople but without pressurising them to take aninterest in politics. Young people seem keen toensure that there are appropriate mechanismsfor their involvement, but they may feelincreasingly burdened if there are too manyrequests for their participation. It should beremembered that the electorate as a whole isincreasingly being asked to vote in moreelections. In addition to general, local andEuropean elections they are also being invited tovote in referenda, or for newly devolved bodiesand assemblies. In participating in theseelections they are also required to fathom theirway through a range of new and complexproportional representation voting systems.Ironically, these moves towards greater

participation may be in danger of resulting inwhat might be termed democratic and civicoverload.

Finally, it should be recognised that youngpeople are currently taking action in a range ofpolitical activities, even if they do not see themas political. In addition, while they often do notassess themselves as being interested in politics,they are clearly concerned about issues whichare at the core of the government’s agenda. Itwould seem that in the past too much emphasishas focused on the apathy of the young. It isnow time to focus attention on the role ofpoliticians, educators and elders in engagingand representing the interests of the young.

Note

1 The focus on television may have beenstimulated by a task that young people wereasked to carry out.

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A brief description of the study design andconduct is given in Chapter 1. This appendixprovides further details of the research methodsused in this study. A copy of the topic guide canbe seen in Appendix 2.

Research design

As noted in Chapter 1 the study was designedto be qualitative in form in order to permit fulland detailed exploration of young people’sperceptions of politics. The aim was to ensureyoung people considered their views aboutpolitics in ways that were meaningful to them;and to facilitate the exploration of underlyingfactors which influenced their levels of politicalinterest and engagement.

A combination of focus groups, individualand paired interviews were employed. Focusgroups were used to explore the range anddiversity of views and experiences that youngpeople have about politics and the politicalprocess. Exposing young people to perspectivesof others, within a group setting, helped torefine views and stimulate discussion aboutsubjects which were not always seen as ofimmediate interest to young people. It alsoenabled participants to generate ideas andstrategies for engaging young people in politicsand the political process.

The opportunity to follow up individualviews, experiences and behaviour, however, islimited in a focus group as it inhibits interactionbetween group members. In-depth interviewswere therefore used to explore views andbehaviour at the individual level. These allowedfor example more detailed examination ofyoung people’s motivations for choosingwhether to engage with the political process.

Previous work carried out with youngpeople at the National Centre for SocialResearch has shown that young people seemmore at ease when being consulted in pairedinterviews. In view of this, all interviews withyoung people under 18 were paired (i.e. theywere composed of two friends). A similarapproach was also adopted for groupdiscussions with young people under the age of16. In these circumstances smaller groupdiscussions were held (with six rather than eightparticipants) and each of these was composed ofthree ‘friendship pairs’.

Groups and interviews were structuredacross four different age bands covering thoseaged 14–15, 16–17, 18–20 and 21–24 years, whichensured that participants in each were atrelatively similar life stages. In the youngest agegroup, interviews and groups were conductedwith boys and girls separately. A total of 193young people took part.

Sample design and selection

The study focused on two groups of youngpeople: first-time voters at the 1997 GeneralElection and those who will be the nextgeneration of first time voters. It involvedyoung people living in the UK, aged between 14and 24 years, covering those who were ineducation, training, employment, orunemployment. The study included a sufficientsample in Scotland to consider issuessurrounding devolution.

As this was a qualitative study, the rationalefor sample selection was not to select astatistically representative sample of all youngpeople, but to ensure diversity of coverageacross certain key variables.

Eligibility for the study was determined

Appendix 1: Technical appendix

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following a complex household screen whichwas carried out by members of the NationalCentre for Social Research’s survey interviewingpanel. Quotas were set in order to prescribe thedistribution of the sample selected. Theseensured diverse coverage within the specifiedvariables.

In addition to the variables identified inChapter 1, screening interviewers were asked,where appropriate, to try to include youngpeople from a range of different schools(covering both the state and private sectors).Although household composition was notmonitored, a range of different households werefeatured within the sample and across thedifferent age groups. They included youngpeople living in the family home, living withother unrelated adults, with partners and thosewho were living alone.

The sample was selected across ten differentlocations covering a range of geographicalareas, including inner city, urban, and morerural and remote areas. In England, thelocations were Nottingham, Durham,Farnborough and London. In Scotland, thelocations were Glasgow, Edinburgh and StAndrews. In Wales, the locations wereCarmarthen and Swansea.

In order to allow sufficient time to monitorthe sample distribution and ensure the inclusionof all the key groups specified in the sampledesign, the programme of fieldwork wasstructured into two waves.

Seeking parental consent

In accordance with the guidelines that havebeen developed at the National Centre for SocialResearch for research with children and youngpeople, parental consent for participation in the

research was collected from all parents orguardians of people under 16. For those aged 16or over, consent was sought directly from theyoung person involved.

Conduct of the groups, discussions and depth

interviews

All interviews and group discussions wereexploratory and interactive so that questioningcould be responsive to the experiences andcircumstances of the individuals involved. Inaddition, considerable thought was given to theway in which young people should beconsulted. This was to ensure that participantsfelt relaxed and confident about speaking and,in the case of group discussions and to a lesserextent paired interviews, able to resistcompliance with any dominant or normativeviews of their peers.

The study was introduced to young peoplein general terms – as being about the issueswhich are of concern to young people agedbetween 14 and 24. Care was taken to avoidmentioning the word politics as it waspresumed that this might constrain the way inwhich young people approached the subject inthe groups and interviews, or might orientatethem to consider only conventional images ofpolitics. It was also felt that this was a necessaryprecaution if the study was to ensure theinclusion of people who have little or no interestin politics.

Members of the research team carried outboth the focus groups and the in-depthinterviews. The focus groups were carried out ina neutral setting, such as a community or leisurecentre, where it was assumed that young peoplewould be less constrained by the physicalenvironment of, for example a school building.

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Most of the depth interviews were conducted inparticipants’ homes. A few, however, wereconducted in the focus group venues.

Young people were given a small payment(£10 vouchers, £10 or £15 cash depending ontheir age) in appreciation of their time and anyexpenses involved in taking part. The focusgroups and depth interviews lasted betweenone and two hours. They were based on a topicguide (see Appendix 2), which outlined the keyareas of coverage, but also allowed theopportunity to explore attitudes andexperiences in-depth through detailed follow-up questioning. All the groups and interviewswere tape recorded after first securing theyoung person’s agreement.

Prior to any mention of politics, thediscussions and interviews started by invitingyoung people to generate a list of issues whichwere of concern to them. These were then usedat different points throughout the groups andinterviews as a basis for comparison. They wereused to compare the issues which they thoughttheir parents, or people of their parents’ age-group would be concerned with; to compare therange of areas they believed politicians wereconcerned with; and to generate discussionabout the ways in which young people canexpress their views and try to change things.

Considerable thought was also given tofinding alternative ways in which to engageyoung people about a subject that wasfrequently perceived as boring, complex andintangible. A range of projective and enablingtechniques were incorporated into theinterviews and group discussions whereappropriate. These involved, for example,asking interviewees and group participants toengage in various activities, such as drawing a

politician, completing a thought bubble andcommenting on a prepared list of strategies.

Irrespective of these different strategies, thegroup discussions and, to a lesser extent,interviews varied in the way in whichparticipants engaged with the subject. Groupscould be characterised as either being lively andeasy to stimulate interest, or difficult to arouseinterest and discussion.

Analysis of the data

A full set of verbatim transcriptions wasproduced from the tape recordings of theinterviews and the focus groups. The analysis ofthe interview and discussion material wasundertaken using ‘Framework’, a qualitativeanalytic method developed at the NationalCentre for Social Research’s QualitativeResearch Unit (Ritchie and Spencer 1994) andused in all the Unit’s studies.

This method involves the following stages.First, key topics and issues that have emergedfrom the data, are identified throughfamiliarisation with tapes and transcripts. Aseries of thematic charts is then devised, anddata from each group and interview issummarised and transposed under each keytopic. The context of the information is retainedand the page of the transcript from which itcomes noted, so that it is possible to return to atranscript to explore a point in more detail, or toextract text for verbatim quotation.

This method of analysis is highly flexible inthat headings can be changed or amended asrequired. It also allows an individual case to befollowed through or for comparisons to bemade between cases. Interpretative analysis iscarried out from the summarised material.

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The following charts were devised:

• Chart 1: Central chart mapping socio-demographic characteristics alongside apolitical interest and behaviour profile

• Chart 2: Issues of concern

• Chart 3: Views about politics andpoliticians

• Chart 4: Nature of interest in politics

• Chart 5: Nature of political activity(except voting)

• Chart 6: Views about voting and votingbehaviour

• Chart 7: Strategies for encouragingpolitical interest

In this way the experiences, views andbehaviour of all young people have beenexplored within a common analyticalframework, which is both grounded in, anddriven by, their own accounts. It has also beenpossible to detect patterns or associations whichoccurred among individuals and groups withinthe study population – such as between thoseyoung people who are and who are notinterested in politics. In this study, the methodenabled the identification of a typology of levelsof political interest.

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Table 1 Profile of the sample

England andTotal sample Wales Scotland

193 127 66Sex

Male 98 65 33Female 95 62 33

Age groups14 – 15 years 52 32 2016 – 17/18 years 46 29 1718 – 20 years 46 28 1721 – 24 years 49 38 12

Social class: groups: 1 and 2I 10 7 3II 21 12 9IIIN 19 12 7IIIM 10 6 4IV and V 14 7 7Other 16 12 4Not collected during first wave of data collection 8 5 3

Present activityFull-time education 105 69 36In employment (FT, PT, SE) 50 32 18Government programme 11 8 3Unemployed 19 11 8Something else 8 7 1

Highest educational attainmentGroups: 2,3 and 4

No qualifications 17 12 5Less than five GCSEs A–C/equivalentsa 27 17 10Five or more GCSEs A–C/equivalentsa 47 34 13Two or more A levels/GNVQs/equivalentsb 31 18 13Higher Education qualifications (including HNDs) 16 13 3Not recorded 3 1 2

Ethnic groupBlack Caribbean 8 8 0Black African 3 3 0Black other 7 7 0Chinese 1 1 0Indian 4 3 1Pakistani 7 2 5White 161 101 60Not recorded 2 2 0

a Five Scottish Standard grades A–C or vocational equivalents. b Scottish Highers or vocational equivalents.

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1. Introduction

• About the National Centre for Social Research.• To give young people an opportunity to voice their views about the topics/subjects and issues

which are important, or of concern to them.• Project being carried out with people aged 14–24 in England, Wales and Scotland.• Study funded by Joseph Rowntree Foundation – it is part of a programme of work which is

concerned with the views, attitudes, and behaviour of young people.• Research will be used by government and organisations with an interest in the views of young

people.• Reassure them about confidentiality.

2. Background

• Age.• Household composition (and current activity of household members).• Current activity.• Spare time activities.

Appendix 2: Topic guide

P5758 political engagement among 14–24 year olds

Aims

To explore:• how young people view the world of politics – the issues and institutions• the nature of their interest in politics; and the reasons for their interest or lack of interest• the nature and source of their political attitudes and interests• the factors which influence and motivate their engagement or disengagement with the

political process• what would encourage young people to become more politically interested and active.

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3. Issues concerning young people

The aim of this section is to map the issues which are important to young people and identify whether these are

different from the issues that are important to older people (their parents and other adults).

Make a list of the issues which arise out of the following discussion.

• What sorts of topics/issues are important or of concern to people of their age today.

Probe: way in which issues are of concern and reasons why young people care about theseissues.

Examples to help generate topics (only use if need further clarification):

– some aspect of their lives or the lives of others– something which has happened to them or others– something which has happened in their local community, nationally or internationally– something they would like to change or improve.

If respondents are finding it difficult to generate a list of concerns or issues, show them a pre-prepared list that contains the following issues: education, drugs, racism and vegetarianism.Use these to stimulate discussion, by asking them whether these are issues that are important tothem, in what way they are important and whether there are other issues like these that are ofconcern to them.

• Which of these issues are personally important to them, reasons why, when did they becomeinterested in them.

• If people of their parents age/older people were making this list how would it compare withtheirs; reasons why.

4. Image of politics and politicians

• What comes to mind when they hear the word ‘politics’, what sorts of subjects/ areas does itcover?

Probe: thinking beyond Parliament – what comes to mind?

Try to use probes to move beyond conventional politics and explore the boundaries of politics.

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• What do they think goes on inside Parliament; reasons why.

• What do they see as being the topics or issues which politicians are interested in or concernedabout.

Probe: how they compare with the topics which are important to them; reasons why/why not.

Refer back to the list previously created and identify on the list which are political issues.

5. Political attitudes and interest

• How interested are they in politics; reasons why/ why not.

Probe:

– what interests them; how they show their interest– how they became interested; what has made them take notice or become interested in

politics; reasons why– changes in levels of interest; reasons why– if disinterested – do they think they will become interested; when.

Refer back to the subjects and issues they have just been discussing.

Show postcard of Parliament and ask them to imagine they are inside – what is it like inside?

If having difficulty discussing image of politicians – give out a piece of paper and get them tovery quickly draw a politician – then use these to explore their views about politicians.

• What do they think politicians do, views about this; reasons why.• What image do they have of politicians; reasons why.

Probe:– politicians they like/dislike; reasons why– any contact with politicians; views about this– what makes a good/bad politician; reasons why– what sorts of people become politicians; are they like you.

Use examples if necessary: Tony Blair, Willliam Hague, John Major, Margaret Thatcher.

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• Do they feel they know what is going on in politics; how do they find out what is going on inpolitics; how helpful is this information; has this affected their views about politics.

Probe:– where else they find out about politics– whether they talk to other people about politics; who– what they talk about (people their own age, parents and other people)– whether it was talked about at school (i.e. discussions, school trips to Downing Street, taken

a course in politics).

Explore how people know politics is so boring when they don’t take any interest in it. Oftenpeople do not relate their topics of interest to politics, explore why this is.

Use bubble drawings in this section – ask them at an appropriate moment to imagine they arewatching television and an announcement is made about a new programme called ‘left, rightand centre’ for 14–24 year olds – how would they react – can they write their thoughts aboutthis in the bubble?

• What sorts of people are interested in politics; reasons why they are; are they different frompeople who are disinterested; in what way.

Probe: people of their age; reasons why/why not.

6. Political activity and participation

Refer back to the topics and issues which are important to them – take one of their issues and explore.

• How can people of their age/young people get their views heard; are their views heard.• How easy is it for people to change things; reasons why.

Probe:– people of their age– any groups whom it is harder/easier for (e.g. ethnic minority groups).

• What can people do to try and change things (refer back to list); how effective are thesemethods.

Probe: other ways of changing things.

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Explore views about voting separately (see section 7).

Probe: formal activities, e.g. voting, joining a political party, campaigning for a political party,writing to an MP.

Probe: informal activities, e.g. signing a petition, participating in a demonstration, joining orgiving money to a lobby/ interest group, e.g. Amnesty International, Greenpeace, otherinformal political activities.

• Have they ever done anything to try to change things; how effective was this, e.g. somethingat school or in connection with a local issue.

Probe:– what have they done; reasons why they did this (may need to bring it to local level or

issues at school)– how effective was this– whether done anything else in past.

• Would anything encourage them to do any of the things they discussed, e.g. join ademonstration, sign a petition etc.; reasons why.

• What sorts of people take part in politics, reasons why, are they different from the people whodo not take part in politics, in what way.

Probe: people of their age; reasons why/why not.

7. Views about voting

• Whether they feel closer to any one of the political parties; which one; what is it they like orsupport; reasons why.

Probe:– how did their feelings develop– views about other parties.

• What does/will having the opportunity to vote mean to them, whether they think it isimportant to vote; reasons why/ why not.

• How much of an obligation is there to vote; reasons why.

Use show cards of ballot paper/postcards, protests and vegetarianism to pass round andstimulate discussion about different methods of political action, their effectiveness and togenerate other suggestions.

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For under 18’s

• Are they looking forward to voting; reasons why/why not.

Probe:

– when will they become eligible– will they vote; what; reasons why– do they know what they will have to do when they vote.

• What will encourage them to vote, reasons why.• If there was an election tomorrow how would they vote; reasons why/why not.• What difference does it make whether young people vote or not; reasons why.• Do their parents and other family members tend to vote; when and in what way; have they

ever talked to them about voting.• Voting age moved from 21 to 18 about 30 years ago; views about the reasons for this.

For over 18’s

Check whether eligible to vote in last general election.

• Whether they have ever voted and when; in what way; reasons why they voted/ did notvote on each occasion.– in the 1997 general election– in a local election– in a referendum– in a European election.

For each election where voted:

• How did they decide who to vote for, reasons why.Probe: anyone/anything influenced their vote, who/what was this, how it influenced them;reasons why.

• If there was an election tomorrow how would they vote; reasons why.

• When will they next vote; reasons why/why not.Explore elections coming up:

– for Westminster Parliament ; Scottish Parliament/Welsh Assembly– for European Parliament– local election.

(continued overleaf)

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Write the following sentence on a flip chart using an adjective that relates to the way they havetalked about politics e.g. politics is boring

Politics is … because …

Explore why, on the one hand, young people often say they are not interested in politics yet, onthe other hand, they seem to be interested in issues that are to do with politics.

Use show card of suggested strategies to explore whether these strategies would encouragethem to take an interest/get involved in politics.

• If they don’t vote – would anything encourage them to vote; reasons why.• Does it matter whether young people vote or not; reasons why.• Do their parents and other family members tend to vote, when and in what way, have they

ever talked to them about voting.• Voting age moved from 21 to 18 about 30 years ago; views about the reasons for this.

8. Young people, politics and political apathy

Thinking more generally about people of your age …

• What difference does it make if people of their age/young people are/are not involved withpolitics: reasons why.

Probe:– does it matter whether they take an interest, reasons why.– whether feel excluded from politics, reasons why.

• What would encourage people of their age to take an interest in politics, reasons why theywould.

Probe: access to information about politics; if so how and what being taught politics in school;if so how and what opportunity to voice their issues and concerns etc.

If they had a one to one with Tony Blair, what would they say and how would they advise him toencourage young people to get more involved with politics.

• Any other issues they would like to raise in relation to young people and politics.

Documents

Young people’s politics - Joseph Rowntree Foundation · Young people’s politics ... approach to the subject matter, have contributed ... of politics and the difficulties young