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Language Planning and Policy in Africa, Vol. 1

CILP

LANGUAGE PLANNING AND POLICY

Series Editors: Dr Richard B. Baldauf Jr., University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australiaand Professor Robert B. Kaplan, University of Southern California, USA

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Richard B. Baldauf, Jr. and Robert B. Kaplan (eds)Language Planning: From Practice to Theory

Robert B. Kaplan and Richard B. Baldauf, Jr. (eds)Linguistic Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe

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Please contact us for the latest book information:Multilingual Matters, Frankfurt Lodge, Clevedon Hall,Victoria Road, Clevedon, BS21 7HH, Englandhttp://www.multilingual-matters.com

LANGUAGE PLANNING AND POLICY

Language Planning andPolicy in Africa, Vol. 1Botswana, Malawi, Mozambiqueand South Africa

Edited by

Richard B. Baldauf, Jr and Robert B. Kaplan

MULTILINGUAL MATTERS LTDClevedon • Buffalo • Toronto

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication DataLanguage Planning and Policy in Africa. Vol. 1, Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and SouthAfrica/Edited by Richard B. Baldauf Jr and Robert B. Kaplan.Language Planning and Policy.1. Language planning–Africa, Southern. I. Baldauf, Richard B. II. Kaplan, Robert B. III.Series.P40.5.L352A3485 2004306.44'968–dc22 2004012872

British Library Cataloguing in Publication DataA catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 1-85359-725-2 (hbk)

Multilingual Matters LtdUK: Frankfurt Lodge, Clevedon Hall, Victoria Road, Clevedon BS21 7HH.USA: UTP, 2250 Military Road, Tonawanda, NY 14150, USA.Canada: UTP, 5201 Dufferin Street, North York, Ontario M3H 5T8, Canada.

Copyright © 2004 Richard B. Baldauf Jr, Robert B. Kaplan and the authors of individualchapters.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any meanswithout permission in writing from the publisher.

Printed and bound in Great Britain by the Cromwell Press Ltd.

Contents

Series Overview 1Language Policy and Planning in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambiqueand South Africa: Some Common IssuesRichard B. Baldauf Jr and Robert B. Kaplan 5The Language Situation in BotswanaLydia Nyati-Ramahobo 21The Language Planning Situation in MalawiEdrinnie Kayambazinthu 79The Language Situation in MozambiqueArmando Jorge Lopes 150The Language Planning Situation in South AfricaNkonko M. Kamwangamalu 197Biographical Notes on Contributors 282

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Series Overview

Since 1998 when the first polity studies on Language Policy and Planning –addressing the language situation in a particular polity – were published in theJournal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 15 studies have beenpublished there and since 1990 in Current Issues in Language Planning. These stud-ies have all addressed, to a greater or lesser extent, 22 common questions orissues (Appendix A), thus giving them some degree of consistency. However, weare keenly aware that these studies have been published in the order in whichthey were completed. While such an arrangement is reasonable for journal publi-cation, the result does not serve the needs of area specialists nor are the variousmonographs easily accessible to the wider public. As the number of availablepolity studies has grown, we have planned to update (where necessary) andrepublish these studies in coherent areal volumes.

The first such volume is concerned with Africa, both because a significantnumber of studies has become available and because Africa constitutes an areathat is significantly under-represented in the language planning literature andyet is marked by extremely interesting language policy and planning issues. Inthis first areal volume, we are reprinting four polity studies – Botswana, Malawi,Mozambique and South Africa – as Areal Volume 1: Language Planning in Africa:Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa.

We hope that this first areal volume will better serve the needs of specialists. Itis our intent to publish other areal volumes subsequently as sufficient studies arecompleted. We will do so in the hope that such volumes will be of interest to arealscholars and others interested in language policies and language planning ingeographically coherent regions. The areas in which we are planning to producefuture volumes, and some of the polities which may be included are:

• Africa (2), including Burundi and Rwanda, Côte d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Tunisia,Zimbabwe;

• Asia, including Bangladesh, Malaysia, Nepal, the Philippines, Singaporeand Taiwan;

• Europe (1), including Finland, Hungary and Sweden (in press);• Europe (2), including the Czech Republic, the European Union, Ireland,

Italy, Malta, and Northern Ireland;• Latin America, including Ecuador, Mexico and Paraguay; and• Pacific Basin, including Vanuatu and Fiji;In the mean time, we will continue to bring out Current Issues in Language

Planning, adding to the list of polities available for inclusion in areal volumes. Atthis point, we cannot predict the intervals over which such volumes will appear,since those intervals will be defined by the ability of contributors to completework on already contracted polity studies.

Assumptions Relating to Polity StudiesThere are a number of assumptions that we have made about the nature of

language policy and planning that have influenced the nature of the studiespresented. First, we do not believe that there is, yet, a broader and more coherent

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paradigm to address the complex questions of language policy/planning devel-opment. On the other hand, we do believe that the collection of a large body ofmore or less comparable data and the careful analysis of that data will give rise toa better paradigm. Therefore, in soliciting the polity studies, we have asked eachof the contributors to address some two dozen questions (to the extent that suchquestions were pertinent to each particular polity); the questions were offered assuggestions of topics that might be covered. (See Appendix A.) Some contribu-tors have followed the questions rather closely; others have been more independ-ent in approaching the task. It should be obvious that, in framing those questions,we were moving from a perhaps inchoate notion of an underlying theory. Thereality that our notion was inchoate becomes clear in each of the polity studies.

Second, we have sought to find authors who had an intimate involvementwith the language planning and policy decisions made in the polity they werewriting about; i.e. we were looking for insider knowledge and perspectivesabout the polities. However, as insiders are part of the process, they may find itdifficult to take the part of the ‘other’ – to be critical of that process. But it is notnecessary or even appropriate that they should be – this can be left to others. AsPennycook (1998: 126) argues:

One of the lessons we need to draw from this account of colonial languagepolicy (i.e. Hong Kong) is that, in order to make sense of language policieswe need to understand both their location historically and their locationcontextually. What I mean by this is that we can not assume that the promo-tion of local languages instead of a dominant language, or the promotion ofa dominant language at the expense of a local language, are in themselvesgood or bad. Too often we view these things through the lenses of liberal-ism, pluralism or anti-imperialism, without understanding the actual loca-tion of such policies.

While some authors do take a critical stance, or one based on a theoreticalapproach to the data, many of the studies are primarily descriptive, bringingtogether and revealing, we hope, the nature of the language development experi-ence in the particular polity. We believe this is a valuable contribution to thetheory/paradigm development of the field. As interesting and challenging as itmay be to provide a priori descriptions of the nature of the field (e.g. languagemanagement, language rights, linguistic imperialism) based on partial data – norhave we been completely immune from this ourselves (e.g. Kaplan & Baldauf,2003: Chapter 12), we believe the development of a sufficient data base is animportant prerequisite for paradigm development.

An Invitation to ContributeWe welcome additional polity contributions. Our views on a number of the

issues can be found in Kaplan and Baldauf (1997); sample polity monographshave appeared in the extant issues of Current Issues in Language Planning. Inter-ested authors should contact the editors, present a proposal for a monograph,and provide a sample list of references. It is also useful to provide a briefbiographical note, indicating any personal involvement in language planningactivities in the polity proposed for study as well as any relevant research/publi-

2 Language Planning and Policy in Africa

cation in LPP. All contributions should, of course, be original, unpublishedworks. We expect to work with contributors during the preparation of mono-graphs. All monographs will, of course, be reviewed for quality, completeness,accuracy, and style. Experience suggests that co-authored contributions may bevery successful, but we want to stress that we are seeking a unified monographon the polity, not an edited compilation of various authors’ efforts. Questionsmay be addressed to either of us.

Richard B. Baldauf, Jr. ([email protected] B. Kaplan ([email protected])

ReferencesKaplan, R.B. and Baldauf, R.B., Jr. (2003) Language and Language-in-Education Planning in

the Pacific Basin. Dordrecht: Kluwer.Kaplan, R.B. and Baldauf, R.B., Jr. (1997) Language Planning from Practice to Theory.

Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.Pennycook, A. (1998) English and the Discourses of Colonialism. London and New York:

Routledge.

Appendix APart I: The Language Profile of ...

(1) Name and briefly describe the national/official language(s) (de jure or defacto).

(2) Name and describe the major minority language(s).(3) Name and describe the lessor minority language(s) (include ‘dialects’,

pidgins, creoles and other important aspects of language variation); thedefinition of minority language/dialect/pidgin will need to be discussed interms of the sociolinguistic context.

(4) Name and describe the major religious language(s); in some polities reli-gious languages and/or missionary policies have had a major impact on thelanguage situation and provide de facto language planning. In some contextsreligion has been a vehicle for introducing exogenous languages while inother cases it has served to promote indigenous languages.

(5) Name and describe the major language(s) of literacy, assuming that itis/they are not one of those described above.

(6) Provide a table indicating the number of speakers of each of the abovelanguages, what percentage of the population they constitute and whetherthose speakers are largely urban or rural.

(7) Where appropriate, provide a map(s) showing the distribution of speakers,key cities and other features referenced in the text.

Part II: Language Spread

(8) Specify which languages are taught through the educational system, towhom they are taught, when they are taught and for how long they aretaught.

(9) Discuss the objectives of language education and the methods of assessmentto determine that the objectives are met.

(10) To the extent possible, trace the historical development of the policies/prac-tices identified in items 8 and 9 (may be integrated with 8/9).

Series Overview 3

(11) Name and discuss the major media language(s) and the distribution ofmedia by socio-economic class, ethnic group, urban/rural distinction(including the historical context where possible). For minority language,note the extent that any literature is (has been) available in the language.

(12) How has immigration effected language distribution and what measuresare in place to cater for learning the national language(s) and/or to supportthe use of immigrant languages.

Part III: Language Policy and Planning

(13) Describe any language planning legislation, policy or implementation thatis currently in place.

(14) Describe any literacy planning legislation, policy or implementation that iscurrently in place.

(15) To the extent possible, trace the historical development of the policies/prac-tices identified in items 13 and 14 (may be integrated with these items).

(16) Describe and discuss any language planning agencies/organisations oper-ating in the polity (both formal and informal).

(17) Describe and discuss any regional/international influences affectinglanguage planning and policy in the polity (include any external languagepromotion efforts).

(18) To the extent possible, trace the historical development of the policies/prac-tices identified in items 16 and 17 (may be integrated with these items).

Part IV: Language Maintenance and Prospects

(19) Describe and discuss intergenerational transmission of the majorlanguage(s); (is this changing over time?).

(20) Describe and discuss the probabilities of language death among any of thelanguages/language varieties in the polity, any language revival efforts aswell as any emerging pidgins or creoles.

(21) Add anything you wish to clarify about the language situation and its prob-able direction of change over the next generation or two.

(22) Add pertinent references/bibliography and any necessary appendices (e.g.a general plan of the educational system to clarify the answers to questions8, 9 and 14).


Language Policy and Planning inBotswana, Malawi, Mozambique andSouth Africa: Some Common Issues

Richard B. Baldauf JrAssociate Professor, School of Education, University of Queensland, QLD 4072Australia ([email protected])

Robert B. KaplanProfessor Emeritus, Applied Linguistics, University of Southern California. Postaladdress: PO Box 577, Port Angeles, WA 98362, USA ([email protected])

IntroductionThis volume brings together four language policy and planning studies

related to southern Africa1. (See the ‘Series Overview’ at the start of this volumefor a more general discussion of the nature of the series, Appendix A for the 22questions each study set out to address, and Kaplan et al. (2000) for a discussionof our underlying concepts for the studies themselves.) In this paper, rather thantrying to provide an introductory summary of the material covered in these stud-ies, we will want to draw out and discuss some of the more general issues raisedby these studies.

Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa represent a cluster inseveral senses:

• They are geographically proximate roughly along a north–south axis. Theyshare common borders; that is Malawi shares a border with Mozambique,and Mozambique and Botswana share a border with South Africa.

• They are members of the Southern African Development Community(which integrates a total of 14 countries).

• They share a number of African languages among them.• They share a number of common educational, social and economic

problems.• Three of them have English as a colonial language; one has Portuguese, but

also uses English as an additional language.• They all have autochthonous languages, some in common with one

another, which require planning development.• All are members of the Commonwealth of Nations group.• All of them have a common concern in terms of languages of religion.• All of them recognize the existence of a gap between official policy and

actual practice.There is also a major sociolinguistic and language planning and policy divide

that separates them: South Africa with its greater population and resources, andthe politicalization of language as a marker of ethnicity which began under theprevious apartheid regime, has attracted much more scholarly interest andhands-on involvement by the government. As a result, there is a much largerpublished literature for South Africa than there is for Botswana, Malawi and

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Some Common Issues

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Mozambique. A search of the relevant literature produced about 20 referenceseach – related to language policy and planning – for the latter countries whilemore than 300 were found for South Africa. A selected list of recently publishedfurther reading – material not cited in the monographs that follow – is providedby country at the end of this paper.

Ideologies and MythsLanguage policy and planning invariably occur in an environment circum-

scribed by language ideologies which emerge in specific historical and materialcircumstances (Blommaert, 1999; Pennycook, 1998); that is, such ideologiesemerge out of a wider sociopolitical and historical framework of relationships ofpower, of forms of discrimination, and of nation building. Issues and debatesconcerning language commonly dominate discussions in the mass media, ingovernment, and in a variety of other venues of public discourse. Languageideologies, while they are certainly not universal, are reflected in a number ofprevalent myths pertaining to language education and, because language educa-tion is often the major or even sole mechanism for the instantiation of languagepolicy, it is useful perhaps to state at least some of these myths:

• There is one, and only one, ‘correct solution’ to the choice of language(s) ineducation, and one and only one, ‘correct solution’ to the sequencing ofinstruction for purposes of initial literacy training and content instructionfor all multilingual polities.

• Anyone who can speak a given language can successfully teach or teach viathat language.

• Creoles are not real languages; consequently no Creole can be used as themedium of instruction.

• If a major goal is to develop the highest degree of proficiency and subjectmatter mastery via some language of wider communication, the more timespent educating the child via that language, the better.

• While time on task is a major issue, the ideal time to start language instruc-tion is roughly at puberty (at middle school) because starting earlier wouldsuggest that primary school children will not have completed the develop-ment of their feeling and sense of value in their first language (based onEnglish text transmitted by letter to Kaplan from Namba Tatsuo referringto Ohno, Susumu, Morimoto Tatsuo and Suzuki Takao (2001) Nippon,Nihongo, Nihon-jin [Japan, Japanese language, Japanese Volkgeist]).

• In multilingual polities (and even in those which are not multilingual), it istoo expensive to develop materials and to train teachers in a number ofdifferent languages (after Tucker, 2001: 333).

• There are clear boundaries between each of the autochthonous languagesin a polity and each requires separate development so that it can be taught(but see Djité, 2000; Heugh, 2003).

• Autochthonous languages are incapable of dealing with modern conceptsand it is therefore necessary to use a language of wider communication –English, French, Portuguese – as the primary vehicle for education (Breton,2003).

• In multilingual polities – ones having a large number of autochthonous


languages – it is necessary to use a language of wider communication foreducational purposes to reduce ‘tribalism’ and group conflict (Breton,2003).

• It is important to teach languages of wider communication (especiallyEnglish) widely in schools as a means of boosting the economy and lifechances (Kaplan & Baldauf, 2003, especially Singapore, Chapter 8).

Issues and Problems of MethodologyBefore looking at some of the explicit issues raised in the monographs them-

selves, it is important to mention briefly some of the issues and problems thatstudies developed in this genre raise. While providing a set of framing questions(See ‘Series Overview’, Appendix A) for these polity monographs has its advan-tages in terms of consistency and coverage, it also creates a number of tensions ofwhich readers should be aware.

Issues of resourcesIt is important to point out that, in some of the polity studies, so little

sociolinguistic work is actually available, and the economic and social conditionsare such (e.g. the civil wars currently raging or recently concluded in a number ofAfrican polities), that contributors are significantly constrained. In many poli-ties, Côte d’Ivoire (Djité, 2000) for example, conditions and the state of academicresearch (i.e. not only the work published about the polity, but access to journalsand recent books, computer facilities, time to do research, adequate salaries letalone, funds for travel and research projects, etc.) are such that many of the 22questions suggested for these studies simply could not be adequately addressed.Moving from research to practice, it is also a matter of reality that, among theenormous number of competing demands on governmental coffers, languagepolicy and planning does not always rank high. In some African states, the costs(monetary, human, and temporal) of civil war, rapidly varying commodityprices, human resources shortages, the AIDS epidemic, etc.) are so great that therelative priority of language planning is necessarily lowered (but, see Kaplan &Baldauf, 2003, especially Chapter 3 (pp. 31–46), for an example of political willoverriding fiscal constraints). These factors mean that there are constraints onresources that significantly impact on any notion of an ‘ideal’ monograph thatmight be produced.

Framing contextBeyond the 22 questions that authors have been urged to examine, we have

urged each of the contributors to frame their study by taking an ecological stance(see, e.g. Kaplan & Baldauf, 1997; Mühlhäusler, 2000), but that turned out not tobe entirely satisfactory because each of the contributors is in fact a specialist in thecontext of linguistic issues in the polity in which s/he worked; that is, the polityspecialists were not always extensively cognizant of problems occurring acrossan ecological perception of language spread, but rather were constrained by thepolitical boundaries within which they worked. It was, perhaps, unrealistic of usto expect a wider perception. However, while the ecological stance did not inevi-tably materialise across political boundaries, there is evidence in the various

Some Common Issues 7

studies of the ecological perspective within the several polities studied. It isprecisely to achieve a broader ecological view that areal volumes of the sort beingundertaken here were conceived. We hope the further references at the end ofthis article will also contribute to providing that ecological view.

Perspectives: The Self vs the OtherPennycook (1998) provides a critical analysis of English and the discourses of

colonialism, especially the tension between views of ‘the Self’ and ‘the Other’,between the ‘insider’ and the ‘outsider’, the emic and the etic. His primary focusof analysis is on colonialism – both historic and in its Eurocentric neo-colonialistforms – and the positive manner in which Europeans portrayed themselvesversus the colonised others. Following from this he points out that there is a needto look ‘more contextually … at the sites and causes of the development of colo-nial discourses on language…’ as there is a ‘constant negotiation of coloniallanguage policy images of the Self and the Other’ where ‘culture and languagewere always being produced, developed and redefined’ (1998: 128). While thisdichotomy and interaction between the Self and the Other – which Pennycookillustrates with Hong Kong as an example – is evident in the monographspresented in this volume, it is also characteristic of the tension in perspectivesthat individual authors bring to their studies.

Some participating individuals, some of whom we consciously and intention-ally invited, had actually worked in the language planning and policy environ-ment in their respective polities. An outcome of our intentional plan (in invitingsome contributors) and our unintentional plan (in accepting unsolicited contri-butions) resulted in an unanticipated problem. One volume of the previouslypublished studies was criticized on the grounds that an author did not take suffi-cient cognizance of political issues underlying policy and planning (Stroud,2001). But, when one is involved in putting ‘theory’ onto practice, we think this isan inevitable problem. To the extent that anyone has worked actively in thedevelopment and promulgation of policy and in the ensuing plans, s/he hasnecessarily been captured by the system doing the policy development and theplanning; each such individual has been co-opted by the process. We do not,however, wish to create a false dichotomy; not all of our contributors werecaught in this ‘insider’ trap. Some contributors have been able to look at theissues from the ‘outside,’ and have been fully cognizant of the political and socialproblems created by the policy/plans that have been developed. But, had wechosen only individuals more clearly aware of the political and social issues, thenthose individuals, generally working outside the formal system, would not haveknown as much about what the system was actually doing; such scholars wouldhave been outsiders to the internal workings of the system. This is not to claimthat contributors (and indeed the editors) are unaware that language policy issignificantly a political activity (Baldauf & Kaplan, 2003); rather, we simplyacknowledge that authors having had differing degrees of direct involvement inthe language policy and planning which they describe are caught up in their ownimages of the Self and the Other. The result is that political and social issues aredifferently perceived in the various polity studies.

In the broader context within which we work (i.e. as editors of Current Issues inLanguage Planning), we believe, with perfect hindsight, that serendipitously,


such a selection of contributors will exactly serve our larger intent – to help todevelop a basis for theorising the discipline. The specialists, working from theinside, know (and do) report on who did what, to whom, when, and for what purposein great detail. Given a series of polity monographs such as those presented here,we continue to believe that the other focus of Current Issues in Language Planning –the two ‘issues’ numbers each year focusing on topics like language ecology(CILP, 2000, 1: 3), language revival (CILP, 2001, 2: 2&3), post-colonialism (CILP,2002, 3: 3), language rights (CILP, 2003, 4: 4) – will serve to bring to bear a leaven-ing influence on the collected data. These numbers will pay greater attention tothe political and social problems inevitably apparent in the policy studiesthemselves.

Discrepant Policy and RealityGiven the lack of resources and other difficulties described in the previous

section, and the myths about language that still persist in the communities, itdoes not come as any surprise that all four of the studies in this volume show asignificant discrepancy between the playing out of language matters in the polityand the policy/plan that has been put in place in that polity. In several instances,the ‘official’ policy/plan is diametrically opposed to reality; languages aremandated that are barely spoken in the polity, and the evidence stronglysuggests that ‘official’ policy/planning is driven by political rather than bylinguistic forces. It is possible, for example, that a language is ‘officialised’ in thehope that aid funding from the European (often former colonial) power wouldcome into play. Examples of these discrepancies are particularly evident in therelationship between the ‘colonial’ languages of wider communication and theautochthonous languages.

EnglishIn Malawi, English is the official language; Chichewa in some form (spoken

by about fifty per cent of the population) is the national language, and twelveother indigenous languages (and their varieties) are spoken. As Kayambazinthupoints out, ‘…language planning practices (past and present) present an interest-ing case study of pervasive ad hoc and reactive planning, based more onself-interest and political whim than research.’

In Botswana, English is the ‘officialized’ language together with Setswanawhich (in some form) is spoken as a first language by some 80 per cent of thepopulation. The Constitution is essentially silent on language issues, except thattwo sections specifically state that the ability to speak and read English isrequired to serve in the House of Chiefs and in the National Assembly. (In 1998,Setswana was formally authorized to be spoken in the House of Chiefs and in theNational Assembly.) However, Setswana is not so much a language as alanguage-complex; the eight ‘major tribes’ use eight mutually-intelligible variet-ies of Seswana. In addition, there are eleven other tribes that speak varieties closeto Setswana, and eight tribes that speak languages unrelated to Setswana. AsNyati-Ramahobo notes, ‘There is tension between policy formulation and implemen-tation, and an imbalance in social justice….While pressure from civil-society has


led government to make progressive policy decisions, there is no intrinsic moti-vation for their implementation….’

In South Africa, recently shrugging off apartheid, eleven of its estimated 25languages have now been ‘officialized’ in the Constitution. Nine of those elevenlanguages are African languages; the remaining two are Afrikaans and English.The government has compiled a liberal language policy. Kamwangamalu showsthat there is a mismatch between the language policy and language practices – theformer promoting multilingualism, the latter demonstrating a trend towardEnglish monolingualism at least in virtually all of the higher domains.

PortugueseIn Mozambique, Portuguese is the ‘officialized’ language, mandated in the

Constitution; the remaining twenty languages are all Bantu languages. Thenation is only ten years removed from a devastating 16-year civil war. Its currentlanguage policy (in the 1990 revised Constitution) requires that ‘the state shallvalue the national languages and promote their development and their growingusage as vehicular languages and in the education of citizens.’ Lopes points outthat ‘…the status of Bantu languages [in comparison with Portuguese] and thepresent efforts to develop and promote them in society have a long way to go.’ Insum, there is a substantial gap between official policy and linguistic reality.

Discrepancy analysisThis brief summary distorts the situation because it ignores the effects of the

presence of other languages in each of the polities as well as the ecological issues.In all of the polities discussed, the role of English needs to be considered; there ispopular pressure to learn it in Mozambique, and a comparable popular pressureto diminish its influence in Botswana, Malawi and South Africa. In South Africaand Mozambique, there is a recognized need to consider Asian languages pres-ent in the immigrant population. And there is a growing need for a pan-Africanmeans of communication for economic and political purposes.

Consequently, a ‘standard’ language constitutes a purely ideologicalconstruct. The existence of such a construct creates the impression that linguisticunity exists, when reality reflects great linguistic diversity. The notion of the exis-tence and dispersion of a ‘standard’ variety through a community suggests thatlinguistic unity is the societal norm; it also suggests a level of socio-economic andsocio-political unity that in the African states is contrary to the reality of linguisticdiversity (often reflected in socio-economic and political diversity). The (oftenlegal) obligation to use a codified standard is likely to cause frustration amongminority-language and dialect speakers, since the standardised language is forthem non-dominant; minority-language and dialect speakers probably use acontact variety, likely to be at considerable variance from the ‘standard’ variety(e.g. Popular French vs. Standard French in Côte d’Ivoire).

Language-in-education planning efforts in many polities … reflect thecultural views of the West. These views are collectively known as the'plumbing' or 'conduit' or 'telegraphic' conception of communication – i.e.,the translation of messages that exist in the sender's mind into speechsignals (coded in linguistic form) which are converted back into the original


message by the receiver. Thus, there is a perceived need to identify a single,‘standard’ code, to assure that this single code is optimally regular, simple,and 'modern' and to assure that there are optimal channels (postal services,road networks, rail networks, air services, telegraphs, telephones, newspa-pers, radio, television, the world-wide web, etc.) along which the signal canflow. The problem is that this metaphor is not a reliable description of howhuman beings communicate (Mühlhäusler, 1996: 207–208).

Furthermore, some confusion has developed between the meaning of the termstandard (language) and the notion of standardised (education). As noted, a stan-dard language is believed to be necessary for national unity. (The evidence forsuch a belief is, by the way, far from conclusive.) However, if the existence of astandard language presses the educational system to standardise educationalpractices, another discontinuity is created; educational systems are supposed toenhance independent thinking and creativity – necessary to social and economicdevelopment. It is undesirable to evolve an educational system that turns outstudents who are identical in their knowledge, skills, and thought processes.This problem is also evident in the polities studied.

ConclusionsIn sum, while language-in-education planning is widespread across the poli-

ties discussed here, it seems clear:• That language-in-education policies are rarely anchored in national

language policies;• that language-in-education policies are frequently ad hoc and sometimes

driven by market forces;• that language-in-education policies are subject to sudden and radical

changes in direction in accord with unstable political agendas, and• that the general condition of language-in-education policy is often frag-

mented and frequently simply ineffective – even wasteful of resources.We hope that this first areal volume will better serve the needs of specialists. It

is our intent to publish other areal volumes subsequently. We will do so in thehope that such volumes will be of interest to areal scholars and others interestedin language policies and language planning in geographically coherent regions.(See the Series Overview elsewhere in this volume for more detail on our futureplans.)

Note1. The studies in this volume were previously published as follows: Botswana Current

Issues in Language Planning (2000) 1, 243–300; Malawi Journal of Multilingual and Multi-cultural Development (1998) 19, 369–439; Mozambique Journal of Multilingual andMulticultural Development (1998) 19, 440–486 and South Africa Current Issues inLanguage Planning (2001) 2, 361–445. Authors were offered the opportunity to updatetheir studies – to take into account major changes – with an addendum, but nonethought it necessary to do so.

ReferencesBaldauf, R.B., Jr. and Kaplan, R.B. (2003) Language policy decisions and power: Who are

the actors? In P.M. Ryan and R. Terborg (eds) Language: Issues of Inequality (pp. 19–40).


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the Pan South African Language Board. Current Issues in Language Planning 4.Kaplan, R.B. and Baldauf, Jr., R.B. (1997) Language Planning from Practice to Theory.

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the Pacific Basin. Dordrecht :Kluwer.Kaplan, R.B., Baldauf, Jr., R.B., Liddicoat, A.J., Bryant, P., Barbaux, M.-T. and Pütz, M.

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Stroud, C. (2001) Review of R.B. Kaplan and R.B. Baldauf, Jr. (1999) Language Planning inMalawi, Mozambique and the Philippines. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Language andEducation 15, 306–309.

Tucker, G.R. (2001) A global perspective on bilingualism and bilingual education. In. J.Alatis and A.-H. Tan (eds) Language in our Time: Bilingual Education and Official English,Ebonics and Standard English, Immigration and the Unz Initiative (pp. 332–340).Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. [Georgetown University Round Table onLanguage and Linguistics, 1999.]

Further Reading

BotswanaArthur, J. (1996) Code switching and collusion: Classroom interaction in Botswana

primary schools. Linguistics and Education: An International Research Journal 8 (1), 17–33.Arthur, J. (1997) ‘There must be something undiscovered which prevents us from doing

our work well’: Botswana primary teachers’ views on educational language policy.Language and Education 11, 225–241.

Arthur, J. (2001) Perspectives on educational language policy and its implementation inAfrican classrooms: A comparative study of Botswana and Tanzania. Compare 31,347–362.

Batibo, H.M. (1997) Double allegiance between nationalism and Western modernizationin language choice: The case of Botswana and Tanzania. In M. Putz (ed.) LanguageChoices: Conditions, Constraints, and Consequences (pp. 195–205). Amsterdam: JohnBenjamins.

Batibo, H.M. and Smieja, B. (eds) (2000) Botswana: The Future of Minority Languages. PeterLang.

Beitz, S. and Vossen, R. (1994) A trilingual model as an answer to educational problems?In search for adequate media of instruction for the pupils of Botswana. FrankfurterAfrikanistische Blatter 6, 1–8.

Herbert, R.K. (1999) Review of L.-G. Andersson and T. Janson (eds) (1997) Languages inBotswana: Language Ecology in Southern Africa. Anthropological Linguistics 41, 561–563.

Maruatona, T.L. (2002) A critique of centralized curricula in literacy programs: The case ofBotswana. Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy 45, 736–745.

Mpofu, S.T. and Youngman, F. (2001) The dominant tradition in adult literacy – A


comparative study of national literacy programmes in Botswana and Zimbabwe.International Review of Education 47, 573–595.

Mundy, K. (1993) Toward a critical analysis of literacy in southern Africa. ComparativeEducation Review 37, 389–411.

Nyati-Ramahobo, L. (1999) The National Language: A Resource or a Problem? TheImplementation of the Language Policy of Botswana. Gaborone, Botswana: Pula Press.

Smieja, B. (1999) Codeswitching and language shift in Botswana: Indicators for languagechange and language death? A progress report. ITL: Review of Applied Linguistics123–124, 125–160.

Sommer, G. (1991) Gradual language shift in Egypt and Botswana: Two case examples.[Gradueller Sprachwechsel in Agypten und Botswana: Zwei Fallbeispiele.]Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere [African Studies Working Papers] special issue, 351–368.

MalawiChimombo, M. (1994) The language of politics in Malawi: Influences on the Chichewa

vocabulary of democracy. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere [African Studies WorkingPapers] 38(June), 197–208.

Chimombo, S. and Chimombo, M. (1996) The Culture of Democracy: Language, Literature, theArts and Politics in Malawi, 1992–1994. Zomba, Malawi: WASI Publications.

Kamwendo, G.H. (1997a) Language policy in Malawi. Zimbabwe Journal of EducationalResearch 9(2), 203–215.

Kamwendo, G.H. (1997b) Language rights in the dictatorship: The case of Malawi duringDr Banda’s rule. Language Matters 28, 36–50.

Kishindo, P.J. (1996) Dr H. Kamuzu Banda’s language policy: A study in contradictions.Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere [African Studies Working Papers] 48(Dec), 55–79.

Kishindo, P.J. (1998) On the standardization of Citumbuka and Ciyao orthographies:Some observations. South African Journal of African Languages 18 (4), 85–91.

Matiki, A.J. (2001) The social significance of English in Malawi. World Englishes 20 (2),201–218.

Schmied, J. (1996) English in Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi. In V. de Klerk (ed.) Focus onSouth Africa (pp. 301–321). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Williams, E. (1996) Reading in two languages at year five in African primary schools.Applied Linguistics 17, 182–209.

MozambiqueAlves, J. and Hoisnard, J.Y. (1997) Mozambique: French in full renaissance. [Mozambique:

Le francais en pleine renaissance]. Diagonales 41(Feb), 41–44.Cahen, M. (1990) Mozambique: An African nation with Portuguese as an official

language? [Le Mozambique: une nation africaine de langue officielle portugaise?]Revue canadienne des etudes africaines [Canadian Journal of African Studies] 24(3), 315–347.

Faulstich, E. (1995) Toward language planning of Portuguese: Portugal, Brazil, andAfrica: Some reflections. [Vers la planification linguistique du portugais: Portugal,Bresi l , Afrique, quelques reflexions.] Terminologies Nouvel les [NewTerminologies]14(Dec), 66–76.

Firmino, G.D. (1996) Revisiting the ‘language question’ in postcolonial Africa: The case ofPortuguese and indigenous languages in Mozambique. Dissertation AbstractsInternational 57(3), 1199A.

Garcez, P.M. (1995) The debatable 1990 Luso-Brazilian orthographic accord. LanguageProblems & Language Planning 19, 151–178.

Lopes, A.J. (2001) Language revitalisation and reversal in Mozambique: The case ofXironga in Maputo. Current Issues in Language Planning 2, 259–267.

Lopes, A.J., Sitoe, S.J. and Nhamuende, P. J. (2002) Moçambicanismos para um Léxico de Usosdo Português Moçambicano. [Mozambicanisms in the use vocabulary of MozambicanPortuguese]. Maputo, Mozambique: Livraria Universitária, Universadade EduardoMondlane.

Louzada, N.C.M. (1987) Mocambique: O portugues como segunda lingua no sistema


nacional de educacao [Mozambique: Portuguese as a Second Language in the NationalSystem of Education]. Trabalhos em Linguistica Aplicada [Studies in Applied Linguistics]10, 87–96.

Matsinhe, S.F. (1993) The use of African languages as medium of instruction inMozambique: Problems and possibilities. South African Journal of AfricanLanguages/Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Afrikatale 13(supp. 2), 5–13.

Mkuti, L.D. (1997) Language and education in Mozambique since 1940: Policy,implementation, and future perspectives. Dissertation Abstracts International, A: TheHumanities and Social Sciences 58 (1), 65-A-66-A.

Muller Bochat, E. (1996) German in the Portuguese-speaking African states, especiallyMozambique. [Das Deutsche in den portugiesischsprachigen Staaten Afrikas,insbesondere Mosambik.] Etudes Germano Africaines [German-African Studies] 14, 65–69.

Ngunga, A. (1999) Literacy campaigns in Mozambique: Why did they fail? LanguageMatters 30, 147–156.

Passanisi, D.J. and Wolf, W.C., Jr. (1991) The social and political consequences of languageplanning in Mozambique. Knowledge: Creation, Diffusion, Utilization 13 (1), 17–35.

Rothwell, P. (2001) The phylomorphic linguistic tradition: Or, the siege of (the)Portuguese in Mozambique. Hispanic Research Journal 2 (2), 165–176.

Schmitz, J.R. (1998) Orthographic reform, planning, and linguistic diffusion: The exampleof Portuguese. [Reforma ortografica, planejamento e difusao linguistica: o caso dalingua portuguesa]. Language Problems & Language Planning 22, 254–266.

Stroud, C. (1999) Portuguese as ideology and politics in Mozambique: Semiotic(re)constructions of a postcolony. In J. Blommaert (ed.) Language Ideological Debates (pp.343–380). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

South AfricaAlexander, N. (1992) Language planning from below. In R. Herbert (ed.) Language and

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Alexander, N. (2002) Linguistic rights, language planning and democracy inpost-apartheid South Africa. In S.J. Baker (ed.) Language Policy: Lessons from GlobalModels (pp. 116–129). California: Monterey Institute.

Balfour, R.J. (1999) Naming the father: Re-examining the role of English as a medium ofinstruction in South African education. Changing English 6 (1), 103–113.

Banda, F. (2000) The dilemma of the mother tongue: Prospects for bilingual education inSouth Africa. Language, Culture and Curriculum 13, 51–66.

Barkhuizen, G.P. (2002) Language-in-education policy: Students’ perceptions of thestatus and role of Xhosa and English. System 30, 499–515.

Barkhuizen, G.P. and de Klerk, V. (2000) The Role of Xhosa in an Eastern Cape army camp.South African Journal of African Languages 20(2), 186–193.

Bernsten, J. (2001) English in South Africa: Expansion and nativization in concert.Language Problems and Language Planning 25, 219–235.

Beukes, A.M. (1996) New language council protects many South African languages.[Nuwe taalraad bewaak vele tale van SA.] Taalgenoot [Language Companion] 65 (3),10–11.

Bhola, H.S. (1992) Literacy in Southern Africa. In W. Grabe et al. (eds) Annual Review ofApplied Linguistics, 12: Literacy (pp. 243–259). New York: Cambridge University Press.

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Chick, J.K. and Wade, R. (1997) Restandardisation in the direction of a New English:


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Chick, K. and McKay, S. (2001) Teaching English in multiethnic schools in the Durbanarea: The promotion of multilingualism or monolingualism? Southern AfricanLinguistics and Applied Language Studies 19 (3–4), 163–178.

Coetzee, A.E. (1993) The maintenance of Afrikaans in a New South Africa. AILA Review 10,37–51.

Culver, A.D. de V. (1992) Language planning models for a post-apartheid South Africa.Language Problems and Language Planning 16, 105–136.

Dangor, A. (1995) South Africa after apartheid: Reclaiming Afrikaans as a language of thepeople. Van Taal tot Taal [From Language to Language] 39 (3), 125–127.

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Finlayson, R. and Madiba, M. (2002) The intellectualization of indigenous languages ofSouth Africa: Challenges and prospects. Current Issues in Language Planning 3, 40–61.

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The Language Situation in Botswana

Lydia Nyati-RamahoboFaculty of Education, University of Botswana, Private Bag 0022, Gaborone,Botswana

This monograph provides an overview of the language situation in Botswana.1 Itdescribes the language profile of the country, including the number of languages anddialects spoken, the number of speakers of each language and the various roles eachlanguage plays in society. The paper provides a historical development of language-in-education policies. The objectives of learning, methods of assessment and languageuse in the media also are examined. The third part of the monograph describeslanguage planning and implementation efforts and the agencies involved in the plan-ning process and the development of legislation. There is tension between policyformulation and implementation, and an imbalance in social justice. Majority commu-nities are treated as minority communities based on the language(s) they speak. Whilepressure from the civil society has led government to make progressive policy deci-sions, there is no intrinsic motivation for their implementation. Non-governmentalorganisations are encouraged by these positive policy decisions but their efforts arefrustrated by covertly negative attitudes to change from the leadership. There is a needfor commitment from the leadership to support the preservation of all languagesspoken in Botswana. Currently an assimilationist model permeates the social,economic, political and cultural aspects of life in Botswana.

IntroductionThe monograph has elements of a descriptive study and a case study, in that it

describes the language situation in Botswana. Specifically, it describes thelanguage profile of Botswana, the spread of Setswana, language planning andpolicy activities and both formal and informal efforts to promote and preservethe languages of the country. Data utilised for this work were collected fromJanuary 1989 to September 1990. This data collection process covered languageplanning activities since independence, mainly in the period between 1977 to1990, when government was in the process of implementing the recommenda-tions of the first National Commission on Education (NCE 1). The Commissionhad reviewed the education system from independence until 1976. It completedits work in 1977 and its recommendations, contained in the Government WhitePaper No.1 of 1977: National Policy on Education, were endorsed by Parliament inAugust of the same year (Republic of Botswana, 1977). Data for this monographwere further updated between June 1996 and May 1998. This was after thecompletion of the work of the Second National Commission on Education (NCE2). This Commission reviewed the education system between 1978 and 1991. Thesubsequent endorsement of its recommendations, contained in the GovernmentWhite Paper No.2 of 1994: The Revised National Policy on Education (RNPE), cameout in 1994 (Republic of Botswana, 1994). These two documents providelanguage policy directions as part of the overall education policy. The study alsohas utilised data that were collected for the Directory of Language Bodies in Easternand Southern Africa coordinated by Kamanakao Association on behalf of theInternational Development Research Center, Nairobi office, from January to

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September 1999. The study therefore presents the language situation inBotswana as it was up to October 1999.

Formal interviews with policy makers and practitioners in the schoolsprovided the data for the formulation and implementation of the languagepolicies in education and society. Observations from social domains, socialservices, the media and the Government Printer’s Department provided datafor the implementation of the language policy in society and the use ofSetswana and English by the government. An analysis of policy documents andliterature in the areas of language planning, bilingual education, literacy, reli-gion, the media and historical accounts has provided baseline data on languagepolicy formulation and implementation by both government andnon-governmental organisations. The editors of Current Issues in LanguagePlanning have provided a format for the presentation of this data to facilitatecomparability with other polities.

BackgroundBotswana is situated in the centre of Southern Africa. It shares borders with

Zimbabwe, to the east, Namibia to the west and part of the north, South Africa tothe south and Zambia to the north (Map 1). It is landlocked and most of its goodscome through South African seaports. It straddles the Tropic of Capricorn in theSouthern African plateau (Republic of Botswana, 1997: 8:3). Botswana is about1000 m above sea level and the land area is 582,000 km2 (222,000 sq. miles), aboutthe size of Kenya or France.

Most of Botswana is flat with a few rocky outcrops and undulations (Republicof Botswana, 1997: 8:3). In the north-west district is the Okavango Delta, an area ofwetlands measuring 16,000 km2 (6106 sq. miles) (Tlou, 1985), with a variety ofwildlife and birds. To the west is the Kalahari desert also blessed with wildlife. Inthe central part of the country are the Makgadikgadi saltpans. All of these areasattract tourists. The climate is often described as arid or semi-arid as the country issituated close to the high-pressure belt of the southern hemisphere. The mini-mum rainfall ranges between 250 mm in the south-west and 650 mm in thenorth-east. Most rains come between December and March. There are mainlytwo seasons: winter (May to July) and summer (August to April). Minimumtemperatures range between 33 degrees Celsius in January and 22 degrees in July(96–74º F). Maximum temperatures range between 43 degrees and 32 degreesCelsius (116–74º F).

Botswana’s economy is largely supported by the mining industry. At inde-pendence, Botswana was considered one of the poorest countries of the world.However, in 1967, diamonds were discovered at Orapa, one of the largest knownkimberlites in the world, and later at Letlhakane and Jwaneng. Copper andnickel were also discovered at Selibe-Phikwe. Currently Botswana has threediamond mines, two copper and nickel smelters, a coal mine, soda ash and a saltextraction plant. Mining has transformed the economy to one of the fastest grow-ing in Africa. Available data indicates that in 1994/95 mineral resources contrib-uted 34% of the gross domestic product (GDP) and 74. 9% of the country’s exportearnings. It also contributed over 50% of government revenues (Republic ofBotswana, 1997). The beef industry has contributed to the economy as well. For


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instance, in 1994/95, it contributed 3.7% of the GDP, a decline from the record40% before the mining era. Most of the beef is sold to the European Union. Thepopulation of Botswana remains rural and a large part of it depends on agricul-ture for its living, mainly subsistence farming, crop production and cattle rear-ing. Agriculture also contributes about two per cent of formal employment.Other sources of revenue are manufacturing, tourism, transport and construc-tion. There are efforts to diversify the economy to reduce dependency ondiamonds. These efforts include encouraging foreign investments in areas suchas manufacturing and tourism.

Before the advent of the British to Botswana, the system of governance wasthrough chieftainship. Each tribe had a chief with absolute powers (Somolekae &Lekorwe, 1998). Some tribes, which lived in smaller groups, would have a leaderfor each group with absolute powers, whom they would refer to as chief or elder.Chieftainship is hereditary from the male line in most Setswana speaking tribes.The chief’s eldest son would inherit the position. In matrilineal tribes, such as the

The Language Situation in Botswana 23

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Map 1 Botswana’s location in Southern Africa and other features (Wayeyi areas,mining towns)



Wayeyi, chieftainship was hereditary from the female line. In other words, thechieftainship would pass to the chief’s sister’s eldest son. Chiefs command a lotof respect amongst their people and other tribes. A chief had responsibilities forhis people as well. He had to protect his people from war, hunger and other natu-ral disasters. He was to perform ceremonies to launch the hunting and theploughing seasons. He was a medicine man who would perform certain reli-gious practices for his people to protect them from disease and mishap. Hewould also marry people, distribute land, and mediate disputes (Mgadla &Campbell, 1989; Mgadla, 1998). Naturally, a chief would have assistants in theform of sub-chiefs. In most cases, these would be close relatives. He would alsohave his mophato (a team of his age peers). The chief had to be generous, sensitiveto the rule of law and had to live up to the expectations of his people. The expres-sion kgosi ke kgosi ka batho (a chief is only a chief because of his people) was thefundamental principle. Without the support of his people, he was nothing, andso it was critical for him not to abuse his powers.

In January 1885, the British enforced an Order in Council that declared theirintention to occupy southern Botswana. In 1890, this order was extended to thenorthern part of the country, and actual colonial rule began. The motive behindthe order was to keep the Germans from occupying the area as had alreadyoccurred in South-West Africa in 1884 (Ramsay, 1998). Through this order, Brit-ain informed Botswana chiefs that the British were coming to protect them fromthe Germans. This meant that the protectorate was actually imposed on thechiefs; it was not requested as has been stated in some historical accounts(Ramsay, 1998). Three of the chiefs were summoned to England for consultationson the acceptance of the protectorate. These were Kgosi (Chief) Khama III of theBamangwato tribe in the Central District, Chief Gaseitsiwe I of the Bangwaketsetribe in the south-western part of the country and Chief Sechele I of the Bakwenatribe. While Khama III embraced the idea, the others accepted it with somedegree of reluctance (Ramsay, 1998). During the period between 1885 and 1965the country was known as the Bechuanaland Protectorate. The British divided itinto nine reserves each led by its chief. While traditionally the chiefs had hadcomplete legislative, executive and judicial powers, the Order in Council of 1890transferred those powers to the British High Commissioner. The chiefs were nolonger recognised as the ‘sovereigns of the soil’. Land concessions were awardedto the British South African Company, which came in and forced out othercompanies. Queen Victoria was regarded as the ‘sovereign of the soil’.

Another Order in Council of 1891 gave more legislative powers to the HighCommissioner to enact laws for the administration of justice. However, he wascautioned to be sensitive to native laws as long as they were not in conflict withthe interests of the British. In 1895, the three chiefs previously mentioned sent apetition to London, resisting the erosion of their powers on their own lands, butthis was ignored. By this time, their role had been reduced to the collection of ahut tax to raise funds for the running of the colony. In 1934 the most direct pieceof legislation, the Native Administration Proclamation, was introduced; itreduced the powers of chiefs and changed Tswana custom and law. It requiredthe chief’s successor to be appointed by the whole tribe and to be recognised bythe High Commissioner (Somolekae & Lekorwe, 1998). This eroded the heredi-tary aspect of chieftainship and subjected the appointment of the chief to the


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approval of the High Commissioner. It enabled the British to select chiefs whowere sympathetic to their interests and not necessarily to those of their people.Consequently, the High Commissioner could hire and fire chiefs. The NativeTribunal Proclamation No. 75 of 1934 further eroded the legislative and judicialpowers of chiefs. Chiefs’ responsibility to hear cases of rape, murder and homi-cide was removed. These powers were maintained after independence and theessence of all these pieces of legislation are still alive within the current regula-tions. Chiefs and sub-chiefs are employees of the Ministry of Local Governmentwhich has the power to dismiss them.

The constitution of Botswana provides every citizen with fundamental rightsand freedoms. It is based on the four national principles of democracy, unity,development, and self-reliance. Elections are held every five years. It providesfor the legislative, executive and judicial structure (Figure 1). The legislative


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Permanent Secretaryto the President

25

Attorney General’sChamber

Office of thePresident

Administrator ofJustice

Clerk of NationalAssembly

Cabinet

The Executive The JudiciaryThe Legislature

NationalAssembly

H.E. ThePresident

Court ofAppeal

High Court

MagistratesCourts

THECONSTITUTION

H.E.The President

VPHouse of

Chiefs

M i n i s t r i e s

Figure 1 Top central government in Botswana



structure consists of the national assembly, composed of 40 members of Parlia-ment, one from each constituency. In addition to elected members of Parliament,four are especially elected by Parliament to provide for special skills and exper-tise critical to the proceedings of Parliament. This was the situation in Parliamentafter the October 1999 elections. The number of women increased from two toeight, four of whom are ministers, two are assistant ministers and two were espe-cially elected.

The legislative branch also contains the House of Chiefs. Currently there are15 members of the House. Eight of them are Paramount Chiefs of the eightSetswana speaking tribes (see Table 1 in Note 1), meaning that they are chiefs bybirth. Four are elected sub-chiefs from areas where languages other than


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Map 2 Botswana tribal distribution by district (Source: Nyati-Ramahobo, 1999a: 83)



Setswana are spoken that do not fall under any of the eight Paramount Chiefs;these include the North-east, Kgalagadi, Gantsi and Chobe districts (Map 2).Those tribes in the North-west, including the Hambukushu, Herero, Subia,Wayeyi, Baciriku (Baqcereku), and Basarwa are represented and ruled by theBatawana and are regarded as such (Map 2). The House elects three additionalmembers by special election. Tribes, whose members do not speak Setswana asmother tongue, are not allowed to be represented by their Paramount Chiefs.They have to be represented by someone who speaks Setswana as a firstlanguage. This is an attempt to assimilate everyone into the Setswana languageand culture.

The House of Chiefs is highly symbolic, as its role is to express the total cultureof the country and to influence policy from a cultural point of view. The currentcomposition of the House has been challenged since independence as it deniesother ethnic groups the opportunity to contribute to the decision-makingprocess. Furthermore, it violates the democratic principle of representation. Thecontinued imposition of chiefs and sub-chiefs from one tribe on another has beena matter of contention since independence. In some areas of the country, even forsome of the eight so-called major tribes, tribe members are ruled by others. Thishas provoked some resistance; for example, the Bakgatla living in the Bakwenaarea are resisting the Bakwena rule and the Barolong in the Bangwaketsi area arealso resisting Bangwaketsi rule. Many observers have called for an increase in thenumbers in the House of Chiefs to make it more inclusive (Molutsi, 1998a).

The issue of chieftainship has also been highly politicised. Since most peoplein the country still hold their chiefs in respect, they tend to vote for the party towhich their chief is sympathetic. As chiefs are government employees, they natu-rally pay allegiance to the government. This is one of the factors that has ledBotswana to be described as a one party state (Molutsi, 1994). Under thesecircumstances, there is little prospect for other parties to gain widespreadsupport. As long as people respect their chiefs as the custodians of their cultures,and as long as the ruling party ensures the loyalty of all civil servants, the statusquo is likely to remain (Molutsi, 1998b). Chiefs who have not showed sympathyfor the ruling party have been intimidated. For instance, the paramount chief ofthe Bangwaketsi, Chief Seepapitso IV, has been a supporter of the oppositionBotswana National Front (BNF), and that area supports the BNF. Havingsupported the opposition for a long time, the Minister for Local Governmentsuspended him in 1994 (Somolekae & Lekorwe, 1998). It was only after a courtbattle that he was returned to a position of power.

As chieftainship is related to ethnicity and language, it is against the abovebackground that government continues to promote an assimilationist policy. Ifeveryone were Tswana speaking, then everybody would be loyal to the rulingparty, as long as it is led by a Mongwato (Table 1, see Note 1). After the death ofSeretse Khama, the first president of Botswana, who was the chief of theBamangwato tribe, President Masire who is a Mongwaketsi had to appease theBamangwato by appointing Seretse’s cousin, Lenyeletsi Seretse to the Vice-Presi-dency. Equally, in 1999 President Mogae had to appease the Bamangwato byappointing Seretse Khama’s son, Ian Khama to the Vice-Presidency. Ian Khamawas also expected to use his chieftainship to the Bamangwato throne and hisfather’s charisma to win the elections for the ruling party, which had lost face in


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the 1994 general elections. Issues of ethnicity, language and chieftainship willcontinue to dominate the political debate in the country. The modernistassimilationist model enshrined within Sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, theChieftainship Act and the Tribal Land Territories Act fosters their continuedprominence.

The legislative wing of government is therefore made up of the NationalAssembly and the House of Chiefs (Figure 1). There is also the Speaker of theNational Assembly who is elected by the assembly. The Attorney General is alsoselected from the National Assembly to advise Parliament on legal matters.

The second wing of the Government is the Executive. It is made up of the Pres-ident and his cabinet ministers and the Permanent Secretary to the President whois in charge of the civil service. Finally, there is the Judiciary, which includes theCourt of Appeal, the High Court, the Magistrate Courts and the Administrator ofJustice (Figure 1).

Part I: The Language Profile of Botswana

Theoretical FrameworkSkutnabb-Kangas & Phillipson (1989) describe language rights as existing on a

continuum from assimilation to maintenance. On this continuum, there are lawsand regulations, which may prohibit, tolerate, prescribe non-discrimination,permit or promote the use of minority languages, either overtly or covertly. Theygive the United States as an example of a covert assimilation-prohibition situa-tion based on Senator Huddleston’s draft English language amendment whichreads ‘The English language shall be the official language of the United States’(Skutnabb-Kangas, 1990: 27). This proposed legislation was meant to assimilateall other groups to English and prohibit them from using their own languages.Other languages are not mentioned and that means that they are indirectly orcovertly prohibited.2

An assimilation-tolerance model exists when the law prescribes one languagebut provides room for other languages without any commitment to them. Anexample of this model is Zimbabwe where minority languages such as Karangaare used on the radio without any commitment to their development for use inother social domains. An example of a maintenance-permission continuum onthe other hand, is South Africa. The Freedom Charter of 1955, also upheld in thecurrent legislation, stated that ‘All people shall have equal rights to use their ownlanguages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs’. The intention isto maintain as many languages as possible, hence permitting their development.

In the discussion in Part III of this monograph, I note that the constitution ofBotswana is silent on language policy. However, Sections 61(d) and 79(c) of theconstitution state that the ability to speak and read English are requirements forone to be a member of the House of Chiefs or the National Assembly. This indicatesthat English is the only language that is permitted for use in Parliament and theHouse of Chiefs. The constitution therefore covertly prohibits the use of otherlanguages. In 1998, Setswana was permitted to be used in Parliament; this was a


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move from prohibition to tolerance for Setswana on the assimilation continuum.However, the use of other languages is still prohibited. The Botswana case, there-fore, can best be described as assimilation prohibition, in which speakers of otherlanguages are prohibited from using their languages while having to assimilate toSetswana and English. Practice over the past 33 years further indicates that onlySetswana and English are permitted for use in social domains including education.

Le Roux (1997) has described three types of assimilation. The first he callsassimilation, a one-way process in which minority groups give up theirlanguages, cultures and traditions and assume those of the dominant group. Hecalls this model the ‘ice-cream plus salt theory’. The second is, amalgamation, alsocalled the melting pot, another type of assimilation in which minority and major-ity cultures mix to form a new and unique culture, with characteristics distinctfrom the original cultures. Finally, he describes structural assimilation or the‘blender’ approach in which there is total rejection of any kind of grouping on thebasis of religion, language, ethnicity and so on. This is also called the ‘opencommunity’ ideology. Under this approach, groups have no rights and individ-ual rights are regarded as the core of social order. Proponents of this approachbelieve that group rights restrict individual rights to some extent, and theyregard assimilation and amalgamation as anti-pluralistic. As this monographdemonstrates, the Botswana government has adopted the assimilation approachin which speakers of languages other than Setswana must assimilate into theculture of Setswana speaking groups.

Ruiz (1984) proposed three orientations towards language planning. Theseare: language as a problem, a resource or a right. He believes that ‘basic orienta-tions toward language and its role in society influence the nature of languageplanning efforts in any particular context’ (Ruiz, 1984: 15). He defines orienta-tions as a ‘complex of dispositions toward language and its role – which arerelated to language attitudes in that they constitute the framework in which atti-tudes are formed’ (Ruiz, 1984: 16). Orientations are largely at the subconsciouslevel but could be inferred from existing policies and practices. As Table 2 indi-cates, how language planners view language determines the strategies theyemploy to address language problems.

� When language planners view language diversity as a problem, they adoptthe assimilation model. In status planning their goal would be to eradicateminority languages and corpus planning activities would be characterisedby the development of the national language only and neglect of minoritylanguages. Under the influence of this orientation, acquisition planningactivities would involve teaching and developing materials in the nationallanguage only.

� When planners or policy makers view language as a right, their status plan-ning activities would include the recognition of minority languages andgive overt permission to speakers of those languages to use them. In corpusplanning, efforts would be made to develop and standardise minoritylanguages to facilitate acquisition planning. Children speaking minoritylanguages would be allowed to learn in their mother tongue.

� When linguistic diversity is viewed as a resource, policy statements instatus planning would be geared towards the development, preservation


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and use of as many languages as possible. More languages would begiven functions within the life of the nation, such as for use in churches,voting, the media and many other social domains, as is the case in SouthAfrica. Corpus planners would then develop written forms of as manylanguages as possible. Acquisition planning process would produceteaching materials to facilitate learning of these various languages.

Table 2 indicates the relationship between language planning orientations, goalsand types of planning.

Nyati-Ramahobo (1999a) maintains that language planning in Botswana hasbeen influenced by the orientation of language diversity being viewed as problem,in which minority languages, cultures and identities must be eradicated. All chil-dren must learn Setswana and use it as medium of instruction. They must assimi-late to the Setswana language and culture. Democracy demands that group rightsbe granted and, consequently, groups such the youth, women and the disabled aresupported. Similarly minority group rights have to be tolerated and groups shouldbe allowed to form registered organisations along ethnic and linguistic lines. Suchrights would create tensions between an assimilationist model and democracy.One of the reasons why ethnic identities have not disappeared is that within ademocracy people can no longer be imprisoned for developing and using theirlanguages. This issue is discussed further in the role of non-governmental organi-sations in language maintenance in Part Four of this monograph.

Major and minor languagesEnglish is the official language of Botswana. It permeates the social, economic

and cultural lives of all educated Batswana and the government prefers the use of


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Table 2 Language planning types, orientations and goals (Nyati-Ramahobo,1998b: 55)

Orientations

Problem Right Resource

Goals: Assimilation Linguisticaffirmation

Linguisticpluralism

Types

Status planning(Languagefunctions)

Minorityeradication

Recognise minority Preserve anddevelop as manylanguages aspossible

Corpus planning(Languagestructure)

Standardisation ofthe nationallanguage only andneglect of minoritylanguage

Graphisation andstandardisation ofminority languages

Extension ofminority languageslexically andsociolinguistically

Acquisitionplanning(Languagelearning)

Curriculumdevelopment andteaching of thenational languageonly; learning inminority languages

Curriculumdevelopment andteaching andlearning inminority languages

Human resourcedevelopment,materialproduction, literacyskills



English to any other language in the country. Setswana is the main language ofBotswana. Some scholars estimate that it is spoken by about 80% of the popula-tion as a first language (Obondo-Okoyo & Sabone, 1986, also refer to Map 1).Others maintain that, taken individually, most Tswana speaking tribes areminorities in Botswana, while collectively they may or may not form a majorityover non-Tswana tribes taken together (Mpho, 1987). For instance, Parsons(1985: 27) maintains that the concept of

Tswanadom that is both philosophical and territorial has led many observ-ers to assume that Botswana is a mono-ethnic state . . . [but] only in so far asthe Tswana minority has successfully imposed its culture on the majoritypopulation of the extreme diverse origins…[and even then] ethnic identi-ties have not disappeared.

However, because of this imposition, speakers of the eight dialects, which makeup the Setswana language, are regarded as the majority tribes in the country. TheChieftainship Act, Cap.41: 01 (Republic of Botswana, 1965) states that ‘tribemeans, the Bamangwato Tribe, the Batawana Tribe, the Bakgatla Tribe, theBakwena Tribe, the Bangwaketse Tribe, the Bamalete Tribe, the Barolong Tribeand the Batlokwa Tribe’ (41:3) (refer to Table 1, Category one). The Tribal Terri-tories Act (Cap.32: 03 (Republic of Botswana, 1965) also defines tribal territorywith respect to these tribes meaning that only those tribes are sovereigns of theland. Most of these tribes originated from South Africa during the Difaqane warsin the 1820s and 1830s (Tlou & Campbell, 1984: 101; Ncqocqo, 1979; Ramsay et al.,1996: 61). The Bakwena, Bangwato and Bangwaketsi are the descendants ofMalope (Tlou, 1998), which in the 1800s became separate tribes by the Difaqanewars. Currently, the Bangwaketsi live in the south-western part of Botswanawhile the Bangwato (or the Bamangwato) live in the central and the Bakwena inthe southern part (Map 2). About 10% of the population now speak Setswana as asecond language (Obondo-Okoyo & Sabone, 1986).

Other tribes speak languages that are regarded as sub-dialects of Setswana.However, the speakers regard themselves as autonomous tribes. These are theBabirwa, Batswapong, Bahurutshe, Bakhurutshe and Bapedi. Most of thesetribes also originated from South Africa and live on the eastern border ofBotswana with South Africa. By 1800, the Bapedi had settled throughout theCentral District, and in 1913 the Bakhurutshe moved to the interior of the CentralDistrict (Ramsay et al., 1996: 15). The Bahurutshe live in the Kweneng Districtcloser to the Southern border of the two countries (Table 1, Category 2 and 3).Other language groups include Bakalaka, Basarwa, Wayeyi, Hambukushu,Baherero, Basubiya, Baciriku, Bakgalagadi, Bakgothu, Bashaga and Banabjwa(Map 2, also Table 1, Category 3). It is estimated that these groups make up about15 to 20% of the population (Obondo-Okoyo & Sabone, 1986; Janson & Tsonope,1991: 86–7). They speak different languages that are neither related to Setswananor mutually intelligible. The Basarwa group is made up of about seventeen Sanethnic groups who speak different languages (Appendix 1).

All the tribes described in the previous paragraph are regarded as minoritytribes. The terms minority and majority have, by definition, no numerical signifi-cance in Botswana. What determines whether a tribe is major or minor is whetherit belongs to one of the eight Setswana tribes and speak one of the eight Setswana


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dialects. For instance, the Bakalaka are believed to be the largest tribe in theCentral District, and yet they are regarded as a minority tribe because they speakIkalanga, which is not related to Setswana. The Wayeyi constitute about 40% ofthe population of the Ngamiland district (Anderson & Janson, 1997; also refer toKamanakao web-site in the reference section). By contrast, the Batawana consti-tute one per cent of the population and yet the former are regarded as a minoritytribe and the latter as a majority tribe. The Batawana rule over the Wayeyi, andthe Batawana Paramount Chief represents the Wayeyi in the House of Chiefs.The government does not recognise the Wayeyi Paramount Chief and this matteris presently before the High Court. The Balete and Batlokwa have small popula-tions occupying one village, and yet they are regarded as majority tribes and arerepresented by their Paramount Chiefs in the House of Chiefs.

The general pattern is that Setswana speaking groups rule over all thenon-Setswana tribes. The village capital of the major tribe is the capital of all theother tribes nearest to it. It is the place where government services are providedirrespective of the distance to be travelled. This is the way in which linguisticimperialism has penetrated the social and economic lives of those tribes whichdo not speak Setswana as a first language. In all national events, the major cultureportrayed is that of the eight major tribes. Minority languages and cultures aresuppressed and their use in public domains is discouraged. These policies aremeant to foster national unity and a national cultural identity. They are congru-ent with an assimilationist model and are underpinned by an orientation thatviews linguistic and cultural diversity as a problem and a threat to national unity.

Language of religionAmanze (1998: 1) maintains that ‘traditional religion is a living faith among

Batswana today’. This is so because ‘they have revived and continued to observea great number of their religious beliefs and practices some of which wereattacked by the early missionaries as evil and detrimental to the spiritual life ofBatswana’. He further observes that people in Africa are ‘born, live and die intheir traditional religions’ (1998: 2). A recent newspaper report has indicatedmost Batswana, including the highly educated, still rely on traditional medi-cine (The Voice, Friday, 21 May 1998). Traditional medicine is closely related totraditional religion. It is this religion that protects the people from witchcraft,sorcery, drought, uncertainty, disease, misfortune and other physical, spiri-tual, economic and social phenomena (Amanze, 1998: 3).

Like most Africans, Batswana believe in one supreme being (Modimo inSetswana, Urezha in Shiyeyi (Tlou, 1985), or Nyambe in Thimbukushu or Nzimu inIkalanga. For all ethnic groups in Botswana this one God is always described inanthropomorphic terms. He can see, hear, get angry, forgive, answer and so on.This is reflected in given names of people such as Oarabile (He has answered).They also believe in ancestral spirits (Badimo) in Setswana, or Wazumu in Shiyeyi.The dead are considered to continue to exist in a spiritual form, and they serve asthe mediator between the living and God. The spirits can also neglect or punishthe living; they can forgive, protect and come closer to them in times of need.When they are angry they may bring disease, misfortune, or death. Certain prac-tices need to be followed to make them happy. These practices have stood the testof time and people in towns go to villages on weekends to perform such rites.


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This phenomenon has maintained a strong bond between the working class intowns and their traditional villages. While some practices such as initiation cere-monies have ceased, those practices related to health and fortune continuedespite attempts by the missionaries to abolish them. Some of the practicesinclude birth rites to protect the child from disease and bad spirits and marriagerites to ensure that the couples do not divorce.

The priesthood in the African religion includes diviners, medicine men andrainmakers. Chiefs also hold religious powers. During colonial rule, the Britishovertly banned some religious practices. They felt that practices such as bogwera(male initiation) took a lot of the chiefs’ time from their work for the colony. Forinstance, in 1931 Kgosi Sebele II of the Bakwena tribe, a traditionalist, wanted tofollow the bogwera which one was required in order to be a chief or a respectedmale adult (Ramsay, 1987). The British collaborated with his relatives who wereagainst his policy of promoting commoners to chieftainship duties. They usedtheir complaints to make Sebele II a political prisoner. The real reason was that heinsisted on practising bogwera. Currently, only the Kgosi Linchwe II Kgafela ofthe Bakgatla still practises bogwera. As chiefs are now elected and not necessarilyborn into ruling positions, their religious powers have been reduced. They actonly as clients to medicine men who strengthen them and protect them from eviland opposition. In 1998 the Wayeyi informed Kgosi Tawana that they would liketo have their own chief. He said in a kgotla3 meeting ‘I am not afraid that you willtake my chair [meaning chieftainship seat] because I have put some powerfulcharms under it and no one can take it away’ (Davies, 1998). It was not KgosiTawana but the medicine men who provided the charms, and that was under-stood by the Wayeyi. Chiefs no longer have powers to bring rain and providegood harvest for their people. They have lost their religious powers.

Missionaries from the London Missionary Society (LMS) came to Bechuana-land (Botswana) in the first half of the 18th century to spread Christianity. Themissionaries’ first task was to convert each of the Paramount Chiefs of the eightmajor tribes to Christianity. This practice resulted in the LMS playing a majorrole in the development of Setswana both in Botswana and in South Africa. It wasthe first language south of Ethiopia to have a translation of the Bible, a task thatwas completed by the 1850s (Parsons, 1998). The LMS built three senior second-ary schools in Botswana that still operate today: Moeding and Moeng Collegesand Maun Secondary School. They also built hospitals, which continue toprovide medical care. During this period the use of Setswana in religion wasobvious, as morning prayers in schools and hospitals were conducted inSetswana. When deacons and other church leaders visited hospitals to pray forthe sick, the services were conducted in Setswana. After independence, morningprayers in schools began to be conducted in English. Christianity has thereforeplayed a major role in the promotion of Setswana and English in the church andin the exclusion of other languages in accordance with the assimilationist model.Chiefs were often tutored by missionaries or local priests who were trained byand worked for missionaries. For instance, Kgosi Seepapitso II of the Bang-waketsi was tutored as a child by Moruti (Preacher) Mothowagae Motlogelwa ofthe LMS and later went to Lovedale Institute, a missionary school in SouthAfrica. Religion therefore played a significant role, not only in building schoolsbut also in schooling the chiefs and teaching them English. This was helpful in


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maintaining traditional ways, as some dikgosi (chiefs) like Seepapitso used theireducation to resist some of the changes the British wanted to implement. LikeSebele, he was a traditionalist who believed in Christianity without abandoningTswana law and custom (Ramsay, 1987). He spoke English very well and conse-quently was able to put his point of view to the British. As he himself was fluentin English, he did not oppose its use in the church along with translations intoSetswana.

While the majority of the people in Botswana believe in their ancestral sprits,Christianity is the official religion in the country. About 176 Christian denomina-tions are represented in Botswana (Amanze, 1994). Other religions such as Bahai,Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism are also present (Table 3).

Amongst the Christian churches there are three types (Amanze, 1998: ix): themission churches (30.5%), which came because of missionary work in Africa, thePentecostal churches (6.58%) and independent churches (64.93%), mainly ofAfrican or specifically Tswana origin (Sic, percentages add to more than 100% inthe original). The latter are mostly a blend of Western and African philosophiesof religion. The independent churches have upheld the African religions andtraditions. Within the mission churches, the largest is the Roman CatholicChurch with 47,000 members followed by the Lutheran church with 24,000members (Amanze, 1994). A denominational classification of Christian churchesin Botswana includes: Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Anglican,Congregational, Methodist, Baptist, Seventh Day Adventist, Pentecostal andIndependent churches (Amanze, 1999). Their approaches to religion includethe apostolic, the prophetic, the evangelical and the spiritual. While traditionalreligious acts such as drinking, concubinage, pre-marital sex, polygamy, andsmoking were not banned, most churches, including independent churches,discourage such practices, of course with varying degrees of success. The meth-ods of worship, more especially in independent churches, have blended bothWestern and African styles. Dress is formal as it is in the West but the proceed-ings include African styles such as hand clapping, drumming, dancing and theuse of African music.

Religion has increased the use of Setswana and English. A study conducted byNyati-Ramahobo (1991) concluded that most churches use English and Sets-wana, with the former playing a major role in the proceedings of the church. Forinstance, in the United Congregational Church of Southern Africa (UCCSA), themain message of the sermon is delivered in English with translations into


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Table 3 Religions and their membership

Religion Membership %

Christians 392, 035 30.00

Bahai 5,000 0.38

Muslims 3,848 0.23

Hindus 2,000 0.15

Buddhists 150 0.01

Sikhs 144 0.01

Source: Amanze (1988: x)



Setswana. Batswana ministers in urban areas use English to deliver theirmessages. In making announcements, the secretary may use his/her discretionas to which announcements are to be in both Setswana and English and whichones are to be monolingual in Setswana. The church choir sings hymns both inSetswana and English, while the congregation sings hymns in Setswana. TheScripture may be read in Setswana or English, but not necessarily the same text inboth languages. The increase in the use of English in urban churches is a result ofan increase in the number of younger church leaders and of a greater participa-tion of younger parishioners in church activities. However, Setswana is domi-nant in rural churches.

In the spirit of the assimilationist model in which language diversity is viewedas a threat to peace, minority languages are rarely used in church. However, inthe 1980s the Lutheran Bible Translators based at Aurora, Illinois and theBotswana Christian Council have played a significant role in the development ofminority languages such as Ikalanga as discussed below. The translation of theNew Testament into Hambukushu and Ikalanga has led to the informal use ofthese languages in some churches in the north-east and north-west of the coun-try. The development of the Shiyeyi orthography has resulted in the translationof some hymns into Shiyeyi. These hymns are sung at some funeral services.Increasingly religion is playing a crucial role in the development of minoritylanguages and their gradual introduction into rural churches which otherwiseuse Setswana in their proceedings. Membership of other religions is essentiallycomposed of foreigners who use mainly English except for Islam and Hinduism,which use Arabic or Indian languages.

Socio-linguistic Complexity of the CountrySince independence, the national population and housing census has not

included data on the ethnic and/or linguistic composition of the country. Sincelinguistic diversity is regarded as a problem, such data might promote ethnicawareness and disrupt the assimilation process. Implied in this practice is thepromotion of national identity over ethnic identity. Another reason is that, withthe definition of majority and minority being non-numerically determined, suchdata would quickly bring to the attention of the people the fact that what thegovernment regards as major ethnic groups are actually a numerical minority.This absence of ethnic and/or linguistic information in the census has hamperedeasy access to empirical and scientific data that would provide an accuratedescription of the socio-linguistic complexity of the country. Because of thisproblem, scholars who have worked on the various languages and ethnic groupsof Botswana have based their information on estimates. Table 4 presents censusdata from pre-independence in one district, Ngamiland (Map 2). The 1936 and1946 censuses were the last to include ethnicity (Tlou, 1985, from Shapera, 1959).These figures can only serve as a rough guide as these ethnic groups are alsorepresented in other parts of the country, while other ethnic groups are not repre-sented in this district. Table 4 indicates that the Wayeyi were the most numerousgroup in both periods, and yet by government definition they are considered aminority tribe.

Tlou (1985) cautions against the use of census figures during that period since


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only major villages were included. The census for 1946 may have been doneduring the ploughing season when most people were away in the fields. Anotherpossible explanation for the decrease between 1936 and 1946 was that the countwas conducted at the height of the conflict between the Bayei (Wayeyi) andBatawana, just before the 1948 court case. During that period most minoritygroups were intimidated and were forced to identify themselves as theBatawana. This seems to make sense in that the Batawana population was seen tohave increased but others (like BaYei, Hambukushu and BaKgalagadi) haddecreased.

Mpho (1987) presents figures for the 1946 census in the Central District (seeTable 5). The Kalanga were the most numerous in this reserve, and yet at inde-pendence they were declared a minority and their language was banned fromuse in school since it was not Setswana, and recognising it would not promote theconcept of Tswanadom.

Table 6 provides post-independence figures along with the most recent esti-mates by scholars. The compilation in Batibo et al. (1997) has relied on Andersonand Janson’s estimates. The figures for Wayeyi could be higher due to denial ofShiyeyi identity by many Wayeyi at that time. In fact Anderson & Janson (1997:73) estimate that the Wayeyi could be between 28,000 and 37,000. While thedenial syndrome is not exclusive to the Wayeyi, the Batawana more extensivelysubjected them to slavery than any other tribe. Most of them have become assimi-lated and cannot speak Shiyeyi, while others speak it but do not admit that theydo due to the low status of the language through its association with slavery.However, things may have changed slightly since 1995, after the formation of theKamanakao Association (see Part IV). The figures for the BaHerero could bemuch lower. They immigrated to Botswana in 1904/05 (Anderson & Janson,


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Table 4 Population in Ngamiland by ethnic group in 1936 and 1946

Bantu 1936 (census) 1946 (census)

BaGcereku – 1,513

BaHerero 2,933 5,798

BaKalaka – 728

BaKgalagadi 2,270 1,918

BaRotsi – 744

BaSarwa 3,067 3,704

BaSotho – 42

BaSubiya – 486

BaTawana 7072 8,124

Bayei/Wayeyi/Bayeyi 16,496 13,261

Hambukushu 5,919 5,286

Matebele – 103

Others 4,402 –

Total 42,158 41,707

Source: Tlou (1985: 9)



1997) but continued to consider themselves to be Namibians. After Namibia’sindependence in 1996, some moved back, while others remained in various partsof Botswana. The 1991 population census indicated that 54% of the population ofBotswana live in the rural areas (Central Statistics Office, 1995: 5). Due to the lack


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Table 5 Population of the Bamangwato Reserve (now Central District, see Map 1)

Group Population

Bakalaka 22,777

spalphaBamangwato 20,159

Batswapong 11,237

Babirwa 9,636

San 9,567

Bakhurutshe 5,441

Bakgalagadi 3,963

Batalaote 3,538

Bakaa 3,055

Bapedi 2,572

Baphaleng 2,409

OvaHerero 1,013

Balozi 1,006

Bakwena 892

Baseleka 889

Banajwa 844

Bayei/Wayeyi/Bayeyi 724

Table 6 Estimated number of speakers

Ethnic Group Population & per cent of population

Batibo et al. (1997) Anderson & Janson (1997)

BaHerero 31,000 (1.7) 31,000 (2.2)

BaKalaka 150,000 (11) 150,000 (11)

BaKgalagadi 15,000 (1.4) 10,000+ (?)

BaSarwa(Khoisan)

39,800 (2.8) 40,000 (4)

BaSubiya 7,000 (0.5) 7,000 (0.5)

BaYei/Wayeyi/Bayeyi 20,000 (1.4) 37,000 (4)

Hambukushu 8,000 (0.6) 6,000+

Batswana* 1,100,000 (79) 1,100,000+ (80)

Others 20,000 (1.4) –

Totals 1,390,800 1,381,000

*Batswana refers to the eight dialects spoken by the eight so-called major tribes. Therehave been no data on the numbers for each of these tribes for the past 63 years.



of reliable data, it is difficult to estimate the percentages of each ethnic groupliving in rural or urban areas.

The numbers in Table 6 should be treated with great caution; they are esti-mates based on the 1936 and 1946 census figures for the Ngamiland and CentralDistricts only. The discrepancy in the totals confirms that these are only esti-mates. It is not possible to use figures that are 63 years old to work out currentfigures, especially in a situation in which language shift has been accelerated bydeliberate policies. Smieja and Mathangwane (1999) have also discussed the rateof language shift; Sommer and Vossen (1995) suggest that estimates such as thesemay not be reliable. Language shift suggests a shift in self-perception and iden-tity. The 1991 census did not include ethnic or linguistic information. Secondly,Batibo and his colleagues relied heavily on Anderson and Janson’s figures.Hence, they do not provide an alternative level of analysis.


Development of Language-in-education Policies

Education provision after independenceDuring the Colonial period, education was provided by only four mission

schools. Few people had access to these schools and at independence there wasan acute shortage of manpower to lead the country. The education sector hasexperienced a tremendous amount of expansion during the past 33 years, interms of number of students, schools and teachers. In 1974, eight years after inde-pendence, the first President, Sir Seretse Khama, appointed a commission toassess the entire education system and make recommendations for implementa-tion. The National Commission on Education (NCE 1), chaired by ProfessorTorsen Husen, then Director of the Institute for International Education at Stock-holm, started its work in 1975 and brought it to completion in 1977. One of themajor findings of this exercise was that the education sector was expanding interms of student enrolment (Table 7). However, a number of problems wereidentified including low achievement rates. The Commission stated that ‘schoolsare not even achieving their narrow academic objectives well’ (NCE 1977a: 18).

The system was based on European models and has not been changed toaccommodate local needs in terms of curriculum content. Assessment was basi-cally used for selection into the next level, and ultimately preparing learners forwhite-collar jobs. The rapid expansion in enrolment at the primary level (74%)and at secondary school (a six-fold increase between 1966 and 1976), imposed agreater demand for increases in teacher training, buildings, equipment andadministrative levels. Thus, while more children were coming into the educationsystem, not enough was happening to provide for their education. There was ashortage of manpower in the Ministry of Education. Consequently, schools werenot inspected on a regular basis. There was no curriculum review being carriedout and goals and policies meant to improve the system were not being imple-mented. The other problem identified was that the Ministry of Education had


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focused on secondary and higher education in terms of quality issues whileprimary education was neglected; for instance, most teachers at the primaryschool level were not trained. They were also disparities between urban andrural areas in terms of the provision of education. For instance, in rural areasmost children had to walk long distances to get to a school, and sometimes theyhad to move to a different village to go to school. There were also more untrainedteachers in rural schools and poorer facilities. Finally, children in rural areasspeak non-school languages and have problems comprehending instruction inthe national language.

The Commission made recommendations to address some of the most press-ing issues facing the education system at that time. Amongst these were thefollowing.

(1) The need to give priority to primary education as the foundation for otherlevels of education; specifically to attend to both quantitative and qualita-tive issues at this level eg, the curriculum should ensure that each childacquires basic literacy and numeracy skills.

(2) An increase in opportunity to enter junior secondary education in severalways was recommended, including part-time study, lifting age restrictionto entrance, expansion of facilities, and the development of teacher trainingcolleges and more schools. It also recommended the development of acoherent system between technical and vocational education.

(3) The examination marks for Setswana should be included in the PrimarySchool Leaving Examinations’ (PSLE) mark, and a compensatory pro-gramme should be developed for children who speak other languages.

(4) The education system should foster the four national principles of develop-ment: self-reliance, unity, and democracy – which culminate in the philoso-phy of Kagisano (social justice). The report this Commission produced wascalled Education for Kagisano, and the accepted recommendations arecontained in Government White Paper No. 1, the National Policy on Educa-tion, passed by Parliament in August, 1977.


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Table 7 School enrolment: 1966–1976

Year Primary Secondary University

1966 71,546 1531 0

1967 71,577 1854 0

1968 78,963 2299 0

1969 82,214 3099 0

1970 83,002 3905 0

1971 78,442 4740 42

1972 81,662 5564 70

1973 95,511 6152 132

1974 103,711 7055 201

1975 116,293 8434 289

1976 125,588 9558 465

Source: National Commission on Education (1977: 14)



(5) The Commission recommended a change in the education structure from7:3:3:4 to 7:2:3.4 (primary, junior secondary, senior secondary and university).

(6) The Commission recommended the Establishment of the Department ofCurriculum Development and Evaluation.

(7) The Commission also made recommendations on the use of Setswana asmedium of instruction and other language related issues. These will bediscussed in detail in the following section on language-in-education policies.

From 1977 to 1992, the Ministry of Education (Figure 2) tried to implement therecommendations of the first National Commission on Education and delivereducation for social justice. In 1992, the second President, Sir Ketumile Masire,appointed the second National Commission on Education (NCE 2), to reassessthe entire system and indicate its strengths and weaknesses with a view to forg-ing a way forward into the next millennium. This thrust developed in light of thefact that there had been many societal, economic, political and cultural changessince 1977. Mr Ponatshego H. Kedikilwe, then Minister of Presidential Affairsand Public Administration, chaired this Commission. He was the Minister ofEducation, and many people thought that he had the opportunity to implementhis own recommendations. However, he later resigned his cabinet post. TheCommission started its work in April 1992 and completed it in 1994. It identifieskey areas where improvements had taken place since the last Commission andareas that needed attention within the system. The following improvementswere reported to have taken place:

� enrolments had continued to expand (Table 8);� the Department of Curriculum Development and Evaluation had been

established, and the curriculum was generally sensitive to the philosophyof Kagisano;

� there were great improvements in the curriculum and new teaching meth-ods and approaches had been put in place to facilitate learning;

� universal access to primary education had been achieved and there wasgreater access to junior secondary education (Figure 3);

� the Department of Primary Education had been established at the Univer-sity of Botswana in 1981 to train teachers to diploma level and educationofficers to degree level. Thus there was a steady decrease in the number ofuntrained teachers from 38.6% in 1978 to 13.3% in 1991.

The following areas still remained problematic:


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Table 8 Education enrolment 1979–1991

Year Primary Junior Secondary Senior Secondary University

1979 156,664 14,165 2,551 –

1984 209,772 23,500 3,864 –

1988 261,352 27,989 12,368 –

1991 298,812 52,866 22,496 –

1997/98 8,302

Sources: National Commission on Education (1993); Central Statuistics Office (1999)



� access to senior secondary education was still a problem (NCE 2, 1993: 148);� there was still need for equity in the provision of education between rural

and urban areas;� there was still an imbalance in the provision of education between second-

ary and primary education. Primary school teachers still had no housing,the schools were not electrified and there was still a shortage of classrooms.These problems still persist today. There are still large numbers ofuntrained teachers found in primary schools.

The Commission then made recommendations in four major areas:

(1) Equity: Not only was equity necessary between rural and urban areas, andbetween primary and secondary education, but also for children withspecial abilities or disabilities in and out of school education, and by gender.


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The Honorable Ministerof Education

PermanentSecretary

University ofBotswana

Coordinatorof RNPE*

Exams, Research& Testing

Planning, Statistics& Research

Deputy Permanent Sec.(Support Services)

Deputy Permanent Sec.(Educ. Dev. Serv.)

ExternalAgencies

MLGH

OtherMinistries

DEPARTMENTS DEPARTMENTS

* The Revised Policy on Education

Figure 2 Structure of the Ministry of Education



It noted the high access rate to primary education by girls, but their highdrop-out rate at junior and senior secondary level. It further noted theunder-representation of females in science-related areas at tertiary level.Some of the recommendations in this area, including the use of mothertongue at pre-school level and upon demand at primary level, were rejectedby Parliament, and hence are not contained in Appendix 2.

(2) Quality: Academic achievement at primary school was still very low, with aslight improvement at secondary level over the years. The Commissionfurther recommended that the education system should now address qual-ity issues and reintroduce the 7:3:2:4 system. The development of the teach-


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Pre-SchoolCurrently not in Place(only run by NGOs)

Age

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

Adult Basic Education(National Literacy

Programme)

Primary SchoolStandard 1–7

(7 Years)

Senior SecondaryForm 4–5 (2 Years)

TertiaryInstitutions

Voc

atio

nal

Tra

inin

g

Level

DistanceEducation

andPart-Time

Study

Junior Secondary SchoolForm 1–3 (3 Years)

EarlyChildhoodEducation

Pri

mar

yS

econ

dar

yT

erti

ary

Wor

ldof

Wor

k

Figure 3 Structure of education and training



ing profession has been identified as the main strategy for addressing thequality of education as teachers have the greatest impact on performance.This development should include enhancing the status of teachers, provid-ing better working conditions and incentives and improving teacher-train-ing programmes.

(3) School management: The Commission noted that poorly managed schoolsperformed poorly, and recommended measures to address this matter. Forinstance, the role of head teachers was to be clearly defined as instructionalleaders and the appropriate training was to be provided.

(4) Finance: The Commission noted that the education system required costrecovery and effective financing systems. The development of educationalmanagers and review of the delivery system are critical to improvingeducation.

A total of 134 recommendations were made and those which were accepted arecontained the Government White Paper No. 2 called the Revised National Policyon Education (RNPE) passed by the National Assembly in April 1994. Since thenefforts have been geared towards implementing these recommendations. Thoserecommendations dealing with language are provided in Appendix 2.

The latest available data is for 1997, and this does not indicate how the systemhas been performing since the report. However, it indicates minority-dominatedareas such as Kgalagadi, Ngwaketse, Kweneng, Gantsi and Ngamiland have thehighest number of school drop-outs, the highest repetition rates, the highestnumber of untrained teachers and the greatest shortage of classrooms (CentralStatistics Office, 1999: 24, 30,36).

Language-in-education policiesAt independence in 1966, there was no clear policy regarding the medium

of instruction in schools. However, there was a general understanding thatEnglish (the official language, required by the constitution) would constitutethe medium of instruction. Due to the relatively low qualifications of teachers,and their inability to communicate in English, the use of Setswana was toler-ated in lower grades. Other languages, such as Ikalanga, which were taught inschool before independence, were banned from use in school at independ-ence.

The policy assumed the use of English as the medium of instruction at alllevels, with tolerance for Setswana when communication problems occurred inStandards 1 and 2. On the other hand, practice indicated that teachers actuallycode-switched between Setswana and English throughout the primary andsecondary school levels (NCE, 1977a). Practice further indicated that in theNorth-east District, Ikalanga continued to be used as an informal medium ofinstruction in schools despite its ban. Despite this reality, some officials in theMinistry of Education continued to believe that English was the essentialmedium of instruction. More efforts and resources were, therefore, allocatedtowards the improvement of the teaching of English and its use as the medium ofinstruction rather than Setswana, which was at that time a non-examinablesubject. The First National Commission on Education (NCE 1, 1977a: 76) viewedthis situation as one that neglected the national language. It noted that:


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The introduction of English as a medium of instruction as early as Standard3 … clearly discriminated against the national language. The Commissionfeels strongly that every nation ought to give a prominent place to itslanguage in its education system.

The Commission further argued that first language education facilitates not onlyearly concept formation but also the acquisition of other languages. TheCommission then recommended the use of Setswana for the first four years ofprimary education. However, it did not make any recommendations on the useof minority languages in education, but rather recommended that a compensa-tory programme should be developed for children who speak other languages.Komarek & Keatimilwe (1988) conducted a feasibility study for the programme.They recommended a transitional model of bilingual education, from mothertongue to Setswana and to English for areas where Setswana is not spoken asmother tongue. However, the government did not accept this recommendation,as it would have contradicted the policy of assimilation.

The second National Commission on Education (NCE 2, 1993: 113) reducedthe number of years for Setswana as medium of instruction from four years toone. This Commission felt that ‘[t]he present language policy denies the childmastering of the main language needed for better achievement in primary schooland in further education and in working life’. The Commission viewed firstlanguage education as hindering the child’s access to the language of business,which is English. The argument had little to do with the role of the first languagein the learning process. It also ignored the reality that, before the 1977 policy, lowacademic achievement characterised the education system and yet English wasassumed to be the medium of instruction at that time. Hence, first language usecould not be solely responsible for low achievement. This Commission, however,recommended the use of the first language, including minority languages, atpre-primary education, but the recommendation was rejected by Parliament.

The language planning processes in Botswana are influenced by an orienta-tion which views language diversity as a problem, a reversal or negation ofdemocratic gains, a threat to unity, social harmony and to development(Nyati-Ramahobo, 1991: 201). The first President, Sir Seretse Khama, informedthe nation that his party ‘stands for a gradual but sure evolution of a nationstate …to which tribal groups will, while in existence, take secondary place’(Carter & Morgan, 1980: 291). In 1989 the second President, Sir Ketumile Masire,asked Batswana

… not to spoil the prevailing peace and unity in the country by fighting forethnic language groupings to take precedence over Setswana, and thattribes insisting that their languages become media of instruction withintheir respective areas would break up the nation. (Botswana Daily News, 30June 1989, no 123:1)

These statements reflect an overt prohibition of the use of other languages. Presi-dent Mogae, then Vice-President, visited the villages of Dukwe and Mosetse inthe Central District to diffuse tension between the Bamangwato and the Bakalakatribes after two sub-chiefs from the former were imposed on the latter. A journal-ist reporting on the visit wrote:


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He [Mogae] is reported to have told residents of Dukwi and Mosetse that allpeople who live in the Central District should consider themselvesBangwato, thus justifying Ngwato hegemony over tribes like Basarwa,Bakalaka, Babirwa, Batswapong and others. …Mogae failed a leadershiptest. This was an opportunity for him to rise to the occasion and concedethat there is indeed a rather skewed constitutional arrangement. Instead, hecontinued the tradition of pandering to the whims of the ‘principal’ tribes.There is sufficient evidence that advocates of tribal equality are all fornational unity, but not at the expense of their integrity. (Moeti, 1998: 9)

This is clearly the assimilatory model of ‘ice-cream plus salt’. The President issaying these tribes have to melt and give up their cultures and completely assimi-late into the Ngwato culture. It is overt prohibition of the actualisation of thecultures of these people. The trend within the ruling Botswana Democratic Partyis to uphold the constitution, discriminating as it may be, and those who point tothis problem are quickly labelled ‘tribalistic’ and ‘engineers of ethnic conflict’. Forfear of being labeled as such, critics tend to remain silent. Because of the push formonolingualism and monoculturalism by the ruling party, the Revised NationalPolicy on Education, approved by Parliament in April 1994, contains only thoserecommendations of the NCE 2 which deal with teaching of Setswana andEnglish (see Appendix 2).

It is worth noting that, while the new policy has advocated the use of Englishas the medium of instruction (18(a)) at the expense of Setswana, the rest of therecommendations advocate the use of Setswana in education. Recommendation3, which calls for the formulation of a comprehensive language policy, couldpossibly promote Setswana in other social domains, such as business, technol-ogy, government, law and in the political structures. It is also worth noting thatrecommendation number 46(b) assumes that job opportunities requiring compe-tence in Setswana are available. Research indicates that such job requirementsare currently rarely found in advertisements as compared to those requiringcompetence in English (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1991). This practice constitutes amajor demotivating factor for both learners and teachers of Setswana. Theeconomic use of Setswana must diversify beyond radio announcers, court inter-preters and teachers to accommodate Setswana as a language of social mobilityand consequently, must absorb the products of the education system. A compre-hensive language policy will have to take this issue very seriously in order tofacilitate the implementation of recommendations 31 and 46(b). Five years afterthe approval of the policy, none of the recommendations has been implemented,except that preparations are currently underway to implement 18(a), dealingwith the use of English at Standard 2. More resources continue to be directedtowards the use of English in all social domains including education. This prac-tice has led scholars and citizens to believe that the government is pushing formonolingualism in English and, to some extent, recognition of the role ofSetswana.

The language-in-education policy therefore relates to the specific use ofSetswana and English in education. Since none of the recommendations of theNCE 2 have been implemented, the NCE 1 policy concerning medium of instruc-tion is still in place. Setswana is therefore the medium of instruction in Standards


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1 to 4 while English is taught as a subject in those grades. English then becomesthe medium of instruction in Standard 5 and extends through the tertiary level,while Setswana is taught as a subject (Republic of Botswana, 1977: 4). This policyapplies to all government schools in the country. Private schools use English asthe medium of instruction from Standard 1 onward, but they have a flexiblepolicy on the number of years they teach Setswana as a subject. Since independ-ence, a credit in English has been a requirement in order to matriculate.However, there are plans to change this policy as from the year 2000. Access tothe university requires a pass in English except for science subjects. A degree inSetswana is offered in English and a pass in English is required to enter theprogramme.

The assimilation model, which is guided by the orientation viewing languagediversity as a problem, is quite evident in the language-in-education policy.There is an overt prohibition of the use of other languages for learning. Subse-quently, minority dominated areas continue to be educationally disadvantaged.The over emphasis on English is meant to expose learners to the language of tech-nology, social mobility and globalisation. There is tension, therefore, in balanc-ing the role of the various local languages against Setswana on the one hand, andbetween Setswana and English on the other hand. Arthur (1996: 46) argues thatthis ‘inequality reflects and perpetuates hierarchical language values in Bots-wana society, as does the official exclusion of languages other than English andSetswana from classroom use’. English is most valued and most people wouldreport that they speak it even if they cannot (Vossen, 1988). This is furtherreflected in the allocation of resources in which English receives the greatestshare in terms of qualified teachers, time tabling and, of course, policy direction.Setswana is second, though policy direction and its recent use in Parliamentrecognises it as the national language. Minority languages are the least valuedand are addressed neither by policy nor by practice. Wolfson & Manes (1985)argue that one’s native language is so much a part of one’s identity that to deni-grate it is effectively to deny one’s human ability to communicate (foreword).Devaluing one’s language is equivalent to devaluing that person. In this regard,assimilationist policies that deny children the opportunity to learn in theirmother tongue are viewed as inhuman.

Objectives and assessmentSyllabi are prepared by Curriculum Development Officers (CDOs) in the

Ministry of Education’s Department of Curriculum Development and Evalua-tion. Some of the responsibilities of CDOs include setting out the broad goals ofthe syllabus, as well as advice on how materials are to be used in the teaching andlearning situation to achieve the objectives of the syllabus.

The objectives of the Setswana and English syllabi are quite similar and can besummarised as follows. Both syllabi are written in English:

� to help children in acquiring the very necessary skills of listening, speaking,reading and writing;

� to ensure that children apply these skills in communicating in their envi-ronment, with other children, adults and the mass media;

� to serve as a basis for further education;


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� to lay a sound foundation for the growth of Setswana and English as themedia of instruction;

� to promote creativity on the part of children;� to encourage the study and preservation of Setswana culture;� to help children appreciate that good spoken Setswana will be acquired at

home as well as at school;� to provide a curriculum that will strengthen Setswana as an important

instrument in nation building (Ministry of Education, 1982: 1).

Data from interviews indicate that the main purpose of teaching Setswana iscultural identity and early concept formation. It is believed that cultural identityand preservation will be achieved if books are written in Setswana for children inStandards 1 to 4 (old policy, NCE 1) or in Standard 1 only (new policy, NCE 2).The question of early concept formation seems to be defined as early as Standard4. The purpose of teaching English is that it is the language of wider communica-tion, business and the world of work.

The methodology for teaching both Setswana and English is said to be thecommunicative approach. The decision to change to this approach came as arecommendation from the first NCE, which thought that language teachingconcentrated on grammar and proverbs at the expense of literacy skills of read-ing and writing. The rationale for this approach is that ‘we don’t expect childrento analyse the language before they can use it’ (Ramatsui, 30 July 1989, personalcommunication). It is also necessary for the ten years of the basic educationprogramme, which seeks to provide children with skills they need in their dailylives. The communicative syllabi, developed after the Commission’s recommen-dation, came out in 1982 providing a few communicative topics, but remainedlargely structural. However, the syllabi were further revised in 1995. Books thatwere developed by publishing companies in 1998 for handling the new syllabiwere based on the communicative approach to teaching and assessment. Thesehave only been used in schools for one year so far, hence their impact and rele-vance has not yet been assessed.

Examinations are taken after seven years of primary schooling, three years ofjunior secondary and two years of senior secondary education. The firstCommission had recommended continuous assessment and remedial teachingto enhance performance. These recommendations have not been implemented.The achievement of universal primary education and ten years of basic educa-tion have meant that the primary school leaving examinations (PSLE) haveceased to be a selection tool. About 95.3% of students proceed to junior secondaryschool (Central Statistics Office, 1999: xiv). Consequently, examinations havechanged from norm reference to criterion reference. A child’s performance is notcompared with other children, but with a set of criteria.

The new syllabi emphasise that assessment techniques should focus on find-ing out whether children can read, write, speak and listen. The teacher shouldfocus on assessing students’ ability to read for different purposes, to write ondifferent topics for different audiences, to listen and speak in different situations.If children can perform these four language skills as defined for each skill objec-tive for each grade level, it automatically means they have the ability to uselanguage rules at the competence required at the equivalent grade level. The new


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syllabus further states that continuous assessment should be an integral part ofthe language assessment procedure. For instance, students should be assessedbased on the number of books they have voluntarily read, written reports andtalked about in class. Criterion-reference testing should be useful especially if theskill objectives are to be used as the assessment criteria. This type of testing wasimplemented for the first time in 1997 and there is a general belief that perfor-mance has improved (Central Statistics Office, 1999: 107). The overall pass ratehas improved when grades C and D form part of the aggregate. However, whenonly A and B grades are used to form the overall pass grade there is no improve-ment. It is appropriate to include students in grades C and D as they are alsoadmissible to junior secondary school.

While the official approach to language teaching is communicative, there isevidence that assessment has continued to reflect the structural approach, evenin the wake of criterion-reference testing that has been adopted for all subjects.All primary school leaving examinations and all other examinations (except forthe subject Setswana) at secondary school level are in English. The attainmenttests for mathematics, English and science which are written at the end of Stan-dard 4 are in Setswana. Tests on the subject English are written in the Englishlanguage. The tests are meant ‘to determine whether children have achievedbasic literacy in Setswana and basic competence in English and Mathematics’(Republic of Botswana, 1977: 4). However, it is not a pass-or-fail test as there is apolicy of automatic promotion. Rather, the Standard 4 attainment test is meant tocurb the shortcomings of the automatic promotion policy in the sense that it isintended to identify those children who need extra help before they proceed to,or when they enter, Standard 5. It is, however, reported that remedial work is notalways provided since teachers either are not trained in remedial teaching or donot have enough time to do it (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1999a).

Media LanguagesThe role of the media in national life in Botswana dates back to 1850s (Sechele,

1998). It was part of what was called the ‘Tswana Press’ in South Africa. Sechelereports that the Tswana Press was:

… a journalism that was based on the Setswana language in the areas occu-pied by Setswana-speaking people of Bechuanaland protectorate (nowBotswana), Northern Cape, the former Transvaal, and the former OrangeFree State in South Africa. (p. 412)

The printed press written in Setswana contributed to the spread of Christianityand the acquisition of literacy skills. It also contributed to the quality of life ofBatswana by providing information on events around them. For instance, in1886, a newspaper called Mahoko a Bechuana published an article about a whiteman who delayed village development by selling liquor to the Bakgalagadi tribein Lehututu (South Africa). The Abantu-Batho (People) which reported in Zuluand Setswana played a major role in developing political awareness in the Afri-can masses and became a strong organ of the African National Congress. Therewere also newspapers based in Bechuanaland: Lesedi la Sechaba (the light of thenation), which was based in the Kgatleng district, the Lebone la Bechuana (the


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lamp of Tswana people) and Naledi ya Batswana (the star of the Batswana).Botswana’s second President, Sir Masire Ketumile was a reporter for the latter.This paper reported on the chieftainship issue between the Batawana and theBayeyi in 1948. All these papers reported in Setswana. While there was no overtprohibition of the use of other languages, there was no overt permission norpromotion of these languages in the media either, because the missionaries hadonly codified Setswana. It is not clear why, but the Setswana language press nolonger exists, not even in South Africa.

There are currently eight private newspapers in the country. All of them arewritten in English. One of them includes pages in Setswana and a column inIkalanga. They circulate mainly in larger villages and towns. Since their birth in1982, the independent media have provided an alternative voice in a countrydominated by government media (Sechele, 1998). Many believe that the inde-pendent media have exposed corruption, political arrogance, insensitivity, lackof transparency and accountability on the part of government (Grant & Egner,1989). Most people believe that it was this media coverage that led to the increasein opposition seats in Parliament from three to thirteen in the 1994 general elec-tions (Sechele, 1998). The independent media continued to serve this function inthe 1999 general elections. The landslide win by the ruling party is attributed notto the fact that Batswana have gained confidence in that party but rather toin-fighting and the subsequent split of the opposition party twelve monthsbefore the general elections. The ruling party is viewed by many as having runout of strategies to win elections other than to divide the opposition party. Thetwelve constituencies that the opposition won in 1994 still voted for the opposi-tion in 1999, despite the split. A stronger opposition would have weakened theruling party even more than in 1994. The media is seen as central in strengtheningdemocracy in Botswana.

However, the media have problems which limit their impact. These includethe low levels of literacy in rural areas, self-censorship by some editors for fear ofvictimisation, lack of facilities, untrained staff and insufficient motivation on thepart of reporters. The language policy which promotes English and to someextent Setswana limits the effective flow of information to the rural areas. As aresult, voter and AIDS education are limited to towns and major villages(Sechele, 1998). Legislation has also limited the freedom of the press. Forinstance, in 1995 the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime Act was putin place to prohibit journalists from reporting on cases that are still under investi-gation. The Directorate investigates white-collar crimes, including those thatmight be committed by ministers.

The Government Printer provides a special service specifically for the govern-ment. It prints all government documents. Government ministries and depart-ments place orders which are entered in a register indicating the date the orderwas placed, the type of job to be done, the number required and the date the orderwas collected. The Ministries of Agriculture, Commerce and Health wereselected for a study to find out the language in which the government communi-cates with the general public. The Ministry of Agriculture was a suitable choicesince a large portion of the population depends on agriculture, which makes up asignificant part of the economy. In 1982 the government, through the Ministry ofCommerce and Industry, introduced the Financial Assistance Policy (FAP) to


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encourage ordinary citizens to start small-scale businesses by lending themmoney. This policy was designed to create employment opportunities and tohelp Batswana to take part in the business world (Republic of Botswana, 1985:239). One might expect, as a consequence of this policy, that an increase incommunication between the government and the general public, informingthem about these programmes, about how to get started and about future plans,would occur. The Ministry of Health is an agency that deals with issues that affectthe whole population, not just a segment of it, and especially within the frame-work of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Thus communication with the people abouthealth matters is vital and inevitable.

Data collected from the three ministries indicated that 61% of the documentsfor public consumption in the Ministry of Agriculture were written completelyin English, while 95% of those for the Ministry of Commerce and Industry werewritten in English as well. These English documents included all the forms whichmembers of the public have to complete when applying for financial assistance.The Ministry of Health had more bilingual documents (42%) than those either inEnglish or Setswana. Within the three government ministries, the main languageis English. Thus 100% of the documents which were not for public consumption,were in English, while 59% of the documents meant for public consumption werealso in English. The government, therefore, communicates on health, agricultureand commercial issues to the general public in written English. For instance, it isnot unusual to find health posters written in English in the most remote areas ofthe country. The forms designed to obtain financial assistance are all in English,irrespective of the level of education of the applicant (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1991).This situation is unlikely to change in the next decade.

Programmes aired each week by the government-owned stations wereanalyzed to find out the language of broadcasting. The private radio station,which focuses on the needs of the youth, broadcasts mainly (70%) in English.Data on the two government stations indicated that 36 (42%) programmes werein Setswana, 19 (22%) in English and 30 (35%) were in both Setswana andEnglish. An analysis of the programmes generated by each of the three ministriespreviously mentioned was carried out. The results indicated that 62% of the totalnumber of programmes in the three selected ministries were in Setswana.

The government also owns one newspaper, the Daily News. That newspaperconsists of eight pages, of which six and a half are written in English. The last oneand half pages are translations into Setswana of material on the previous pages.The government therefore communicates with the general public mainly inEnglish. It is worth noting that the newspaper does not reach the more remoteareas of the country; as a consequence, only people in major villages and townshave access to the paper. Based on the data about the newspaper and radio, itmay be concluded that the government seems to prefer Setswana on the radioand English in written format. Only these two languages are used in the media.

The government has been reluctant to provide radio licences for privatelyowned radio stations. For many years, people were made to believe that theOffice of the President was responsible for issuing such licences. This office inturn kept informing the public that no legislation exists to allow such licencing.When a young lawyer, Patrick Gunda, took the government to court on thismatter in 1994, it became clear that the Botswana Telecommunications Corpora-


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tion was charged with that responsibility. Previous references to the Office of thePresident were meant to discourage privately owned radio stations, wheregovernment censorship would be more difficult. Stations could also broadcast inminority languages. Mr Gunda lost his bid for a radio station licence, as his appli-cation indicated the intended use of minority languages. This suggests that thereis a covert prohibition on the use of minority languages in the media. Manyattribute the rampant spread of HIV/AIDS in the country to the lack of relevantinformation in the languages in which people have high comprehension ability.Other educational campaigns on issues of national interest also do not reach thepeople. Crucial messages reach only about 40% of the population, and this ineffi-ciency in communication inevitably affects development.

ImmigrationThe movement of the Bakalaka tribe from Zimbabwe and parts of South Africa

into north-eastern Botswana in the 1600s (Tlou & Campbell, 1984) has renderedthat part of the country mainly Ikalanga speaking. The Kalanga were thenenslaved by the Bangwato tribe and brought to the Central District (Map 2).Currently, Kalanga people predominantly inhabit Serowe, the capital of theBangwato, though most of them have assimilated into Bangwato culture. TheWayeyi (also known as Bayei or Yei) came to Botswana from Central Africathrough Malawi and Zambia. They settled in a place called DiYei in the CapriviStrip (Nambia). Tlou (1985) estimates that they must have come to Botswanaaround 1750 or earlier. Murray (1990: 4) estimates that they may have come asearly as AD 1000; others say they came around 1400 (e.g. Gazette, 1999).Nyati-Ramahobo (1999b) concurs with Murray because the Shiyeyi languageadopted click sounds from Khoisan languages with which they came into contactin the Okavango delta. For this process to have taken place the two groups musthave lived together for a long time. The Khoisan are believed to be the originalindigenous people of Botswana. The Hambukushu came into Botswana at twodifferent periods. The first group came between 1876 and 1890 and the second in1969 because of the war in Angola. The Herero came to Botswana between 1897and 1906 (Murray, 1987), escaping German rule in the then South-West Africa(Namibia).

The distributions of Setswana speaking tribes caused by tribal wars and othersocial events in the 1800s (Tlou & Campbell, 1984: 57–100) have contributed to thespread of Setswana to all parts of the country. For instance, the war between theBangwato tribal sons in the Central District in 1795 (Sillery, 1965) caused one of thesons (Tawana) to move into Ngamiland (North-west District) where the Batawanatribe now live; this is the major way Setswana spread to that part of the country. Asthe Batawana ‘imposed themselves’ (Sillery, 1965: 22) on the majority Wayeyi inthe area, they forced them to speak Setswana and punished them for using theirown language. Some of the Wayeyi then escaped into the Central District avoidingTawana’s subjugation and sought refuge from Khama III, the chief of theBangwato tribe and father of the first President of Botswana, Sir Seretse Khama. Heaccepted them on condition that they speak Setswana so as to communicate theirgrievances to him effectively and to enable him to defend them at the kgotla duringtheir court cases and in other important circumstances. Consequently, most


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Bayeyi do not speak Shiyeyi. Equally, the Bakalaka were discouraged fromspeaking Ikalanga, and most of those in Serowe only speak Setswana.

The movement of the Barolong tribe in the 1600s from Transvaal in SouthAfrica to the north-east introduced Setswana to that part of the country.Setswana is, therefore, the lingua franca of the country; most children learn it athome and at school. This factor made the choice of Setswana as a nationallanguage easier. Foreigners learn the Setswana language and culture at theBotswana Orientation Center. The spread of Setswana was, therefore, facilitatedby the spread of Setswana speaking groups to other parts of the country. Thespread of Setswana has been further facilitated by its use in school as the onlylocal language and by the prohibition of the use of all other languages repre-sented in the country after independence.

Unlike the situation in a number of other African countries, there has been nosignificant European or Asian settlement in Botswana; after independence othernationalities came as individuals and have served as expatriates or have becomecitizens. As communities have not formed, language or place of origin is not yetan issue for these individuals.

Part III: Language Policy and Planning

Botswana’s language policy is not written; it is understood, inferred andobserved from reality. It is referred to in various documents such as the Constitu-tion as previously discussed, in reports of National Commissions on Education,in the national development plans, as well as in several curricular materials andin the media. These sources only refer to it, not defining it or making it the subjectof discussion. They refer to it when addressing other issues related to languageand education. For example, while discussing the qualifications for election tothe National Assembly and the House of Chiefs, the constitution states that:

…a person shall be qualified to be elected as a member of the NationalAssembly if, and shall not be qualified to be so elected unless …(d) he is ableto speak, and unless incapacitated by blindness or other physical cause, toread English well enough to under take an active part in the proceedings ofthe Assembly. (Section 61(d):00:37 & Section 79(4)(c) 00:46)

Other sections of the constitution allude to language policy when discussingpeople’s fundamental rights and freedoms. For instance, Section 10(2)(f) statesthat:

Every person, who is charged with a criminal offense, shall be permitted tohave without payment the assistance of an interpreter if he cannot under-stand the language used at the trial of the charge … (00:11)

At independence, English was indirectly declared the official language throughthe constitution, as previously indicated. English is currently used in the judi-ciary, in administration, in education, and in the business sector and, until late1998, it was used in Parliament. All government correspondence and records are


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in English. All meetings in the civil service are conducted and recorded inEnglish. It is spoken and read by 40% of the population (Obondo-Okoyo, 1986:12), mainly by the educated élite living in towns. Setswana is understood to bethe national language, but the constitution makes no reference to it. It is mainlyused in informal settings and in traditional matters.

The national adult literacy programme is conducted in Setswana irrespectiveof the existence of other languages found amongst the communities in which it isoperating. The Revised National Policy on Education recommended goals forout-of school programmes as follows:

(1) To establish a learning society in which education is seen as a lifelongprocess.

(2) To guarantee universal access to basic education for school-age childrenand adults in order to promote equity and social justice.

(3) To provide opportunities for young people and adults to further their initialeducation to higher stages in order to raise the general level of education ofthe population.

(4) To provide opportunities for adults to acquire work-related skills that willimprove their productivity and standard of living, and promote economicgrowth.

(5) To increase the ability of adults to take part in social, political, cultural andsporting affairs in order to improve their quality of life and promote greaterparticipation in the development process. (Republic of Botswana, 1994:34–5).

The policy calls for the provision of adult education as a life-long learningprocess. The policy should also provide opportunities for school-age childrenwho missed their chance for one reason or another to further their education. Itfurther calls for an educated and informed society through an increase in learn-ing opportunities beyond normal schooling. Public education is expected tomake people aware of skills needed for life.

Non-governmental organisations have been pushing for the recognition of theexistence of other languages and ethnic groups (see Part IV). This has to someextent had an impact on government; e.g. Parliament has passed the followingmotions to allow the use of these languages in education and on the radio.However, there are no efforts being made at the moment to make these motionsinto laws or to implement them.

� In 1995 Parliament approved the review of sections 77 to 79 of the constitu-tion which stipulates that only chiefs of the eight tribes can be ex-officiomembers of the House of Chiefs.

� On Friday, 8 August 1997 Parliament passed a motion to allow alllanguages to be taught in schools, used on the radio and in other areas asnecessary.

� The second President of Botswana, Sir Ketumile Masire, constituted a taskforce to develop a national vision for the country in the new millennium.The task force, led by the then Manager of the Bank of Botswana andcurrent Minister of Finance and Development Planning, Mr BaledziGaolathe, produced a document known as Vision 2016. This document


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states that ‘there is a challenge to recognise and develop equally alllanguages in Botswana’ (Presidential Task Group, 1997: 21, summaryversion).

� Vision 2016 further states that ‘Botswana’s wealth of different languagesand cultural traditions will be recognised, supported and strengthened inthe education system. No Motswana will be disadvantaged in the educa-tion system as a result of a mother tongue that differs from the country’stwo official languages’ (Presidential Task Group, 1997: 5).

All of these parliamentary resolutions are positive signals of a commitment topluralism as a necessary ingredient for nation building. They are an acknowl-edgement of the fact that the suppression of the languages and cultures ofBotswana is not one of the ingredients for democracy or development. Indeed,suppression of languages and cultures could defeat the government’s purpose,to build a united and proud nation. As I argued on 26 October 1999 in a paneldiscussion for the Millennium lecture series, organised by the Gender Policy andProgramme Committee on Vision 2016, which included government ministers,the government’s reluctance to implement the actions surveyed above suggests alack of political will. It indicates that parliamentary motions may be passedsimply as a result of pressure from the electorate, without any commitment to theunderlying ideals by the government leadership.

Statements made by the three Presidents cited previously in this monographindicate that while documents written by professionals provide positive policies,the political leadership may only accept them with low levels of commitment.This creates tension between policy and practice. While policies on paper areprogressive and point to reform, practice is conservative. The government seemsto be still committed to the assimilation model and still views language diversityas a problem. On the other hand, the public calls for the maintenance model andfor an orientation which views the linguistic diversity present in the country as aresource and a right. Many non-governmental organisations take the view thatlanguage and culture are human rights issues (refer to Part IV).

Language Planning AgenciesIn 1979 the Minister of Education constituted the Setswana National

Language Committee (SNLC) to revise the 1937 orthography, which had beendeveloped in South Africa. This revision was necessary because the orthographywas based on the Setlhaping dialect, which is not represented in Botswana. TheCommittee carried out the review and produced the 1981 Setswana StandardOrthography.

Two years after the publication of the 1981 orthography, users began toexpress dissatisfaction with it, indicating the need for yet another revision. TheNational Setswana Language Council (NSLC) was formed in 1986 through apresidential directive and charged to review the 1981 orthography and make thenecessary recommendations with regard to the teaching and learning ofSetswana as a national language. The Council mainly was concerned about thelack of consistency in the use of the Setswana orthography by authors. Childrenwere under-performing in Setswana examinations; under-performance wasobservable especially among those who spoke languages other than Setswana.


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The Council also made some recommendations regarding the low status ofSetswana as compared to English and the resulting deterioration of the Setswanalanguage and culture. The work of the Council was carried out through fourmain committees.

(1) The Book Review Committee was to review books used in schools to ensurethat they were morally acceptable.

(2) The Orthography Committee was to review the 1981 orthography.(3) The Terminology Committee was to compile all foreign words in order to

coin Setswana equivalents.(4) The Finance Committee administered funds from the Ministry of Education

for the work of the Council.

Recommendation No.3 of the Revised National Policy on Education said that‘the National Setswana Language Council be renamed the Botswana LanguagesCouncil and be given new terms of reference including the responsibility fordeveloping a comprehensive language policy’ (Republic of Botswana, 1994: 13).The second President of Botswana formed another task force in the Ministry ofEducation and charged it with the responsibility for the establishment of theBotswana Languages Council. This task force was chaired by the Coordinator ofRevised National Policy on Education and former Permanent Secretary in thesame ministry, Mr Jake Swartland (Figure 2). The assignment of the task forcewas to state clearly the mission and vision of the Botswana Languages Council, toformulate its terms of reference, to define its structure membership, and tosuggest its home. The task force began its work in March 1997 and ended inAugust of the same year. The report of the task force was presented to Cabinettowards the end of 1997, but it was not approved. As a result, neither the NationalSetswana Language Council nor the Botswana Languages Council are currentlyfunctional as language planning bodies. In other words, formal language plan-ning activities ended in 1997 after the completion of the work of this task force.Informal language planning activities carried out by non-governmental organi-sations that are concerned with the imminent death of their languages arediscussed in the following section.

Part IV: Language Maintenance and Prospects

Intergenerational Transmission of SetswanaThere is a widespread popular belief that Setswana is losing ground to

English. While in the past English was confined to formal social domains, and toconversations involving foreigners, it is not unusual to hear Batswana convers-ing in English at a bar, in the work place and on the street. Most young people useat least some English, and a few homes are beginning to use English as the mainmedium of communication between family members. Some families arereported not to be using Setswana at all in the home.4 This process, while slowand insignificant at the moment, seems to suggest a dark future with Setswanaeventually becoming a language for only the old and the uneducated. This is


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indicated by the fact that even adult learners are beginning to demand the intro-duction of English in the non-formal educational curriculum, since it is nowrequired for all types of jobs (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1996). This is not surprising,since, as stated earlier, recommendations meant to enhance the status ofSetswana in education and in society have never been implemented. Janson &Tsonope (1991: 75–6) note that:

The language has been neglected in the sense that it has been seen mainly asa part of the traditional society, and by that token not very interesting forthe generation of planners that has been busy leading Botswana on the wayto development. … Official policy shows a degree of indifference to ques-tions concerning Setswana.

The same can be said for the other indigenous languages of Botswana. It is thisattitude from the leadership that is threatening not only the existence ofSetswana but also its value to future generations.

The radio is an effective means for the intellectualisation of language and forsupporting the transmission of language from one generation to the next. Radioannouncers and members of the public code-switch between English andSetswana when speaking on the radio. There is no conscious effort to speak pureSetswana so that the young might be able to learn good Setswana. Consequently,young people acquire borrowed English words under the impression that theyare Setswana words. The use of English words is common even in cases whereSetswana equivalents exist. For instance, most people seem to prefer the Englishword ‘change’ – rendered as chencha – instead of the Setswana equivalent fetola orfetoga. Young people find it difficult to express themselves exclusively inSetswana.

On the other hand, a renewed sense of nationhood seems to be growing. Thismay be seen from three recent examples:

� the topical debate on the rights of minority groups, which became an elec-tion issue in 1999 and led to the appointment of the presidential commis-sion of enquiry into sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, in August 2000;

� the publication of a book on the status of Setswana as a national language;and

� the fact that Miss Universe for 1999 was from Botswana.

When Miss Universe returned from the success at the Pageant, her first wordswere in English and so was her address to the nation, to the great disappointmentof most Batswana. This disappointment was expressed on a radio programmecalled Maokaneng, in which the general public discusses issues of national inter-est by telephone in Setswana. Upon her second visit, Miss Universe was todeliver her HIV/AIDS message at a concert organised in her honour by theMinistry of Health. On that occasion she was reduced to tears when the youthfulcrowd demanded that she deliver her speech in Setswana. Despite her tearfulclaim that it was difficult for her to do so, the crowd insisted and she finally did(Ndlovu, 1999). Every year Batswana express disappointment that the Presidentdelivers his independence message in English (Kgengwenyane, 1996). Thispublic attitude could be a signal of a quest for national identity by the generalpublic.


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Other positive signs are:

� as stated earlier, beginning in 1989, one of the private newspapers hasprovided an insert in Setswana;

� other newspapers are beginning to accept articles in Setswana as well;� while Setswana is losing some of its distinctive features, such as idioms and

proverbs, more Setswana words are being coined for new concepts (Ander-son & Janson, 1997); and

� Setswana continues to be the main language in the traditional courts invillages and towns alike.

These efforts signal the desire among the people to promote and maintain the useof Setswana or the natural persistence of Setswana as a dominant language. Thesuccess of various efforts to preserve Setswana will depend on the breadth ofsupport and/or political will. Should the current official attitude continue,Setswana is likely to become an endangered language in the next three decades.

The future of other minority languages, which are not recognised by govern-ment under the assimilation model, is even bleaker (Tsonope, 1995) if currentpolicy does not change to be more inclusive. The role of the élite in promotinglanguage death is critical. Most parents see the use of English in the home as facil-itating the acquisition of English at school, and indeed, it does. As English isrequired for matriculation, with limited spaces at senior secondary and tertiarylevels, most parents view the use of Setswana as a medium of instruction as acontributing factor to low academic achievement. They therefore send their chil-dren to English medium schools, where all instruction is in English, withSetswana as a subject. Children from these schools rarely speak Setswana, exceptthrough code-mixing.

Language Death and Language MaintenanceThis monograph has demonstrated that, at independence, the Government of

Botswana adopted the orientation that language diversity was a problem andaimed to eradicate all minority languages. Economic prosperity and the provi-sion of social amenities such as schools, clinics and roads led many Batswana toaccept this position for a long time. Because of this policy, minority languageswere banned from use in all social domains. Under such circumstances, onewould not be surprised if by now all languages in Botswana were extinct exceptSetswana and English. However, as assimilation occurs over a period of time,and is influenced by factors such as self-esteem, 26 languages (BotswanaLanguage Use Project, 1996) are still spoken in some parts of the country. Most ofthem are spoken by adults over 40 years of age. In some cases, children aged 17speak the language, while in others, children younger than 17 may only compre-hend the language. However, Kalanga, Subiya, Thimbukushu, Herero, and someKhoisan languages are still spoken by young children in some communities.

Vossen (1988) conducted a socio-linguistic survey on language use inNgamiland (North-west District) (Map 2). The study included 13 languages in 19schools situated in 12 villages. While the population of the Tswana (Batawana) isless than that of all other languages collectively, he observed that most childrenin the survey reported a greater knowledge of Setswana than of any other


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language. He further observed a general decline in the use of the mother tongueamongst his informants in some areas, indicating some degree of language shift.Higher levels of language maintenance were observed amongst the Mbukushuand Herero in some areas rather than others. He concluded that Shiyeyi was themost threatened language in Ngamiland, as children no longer spoke it. Work bySommer & Vossen (1995) later complimented Vossen’s study.

As indicated previously, the Batawana enslaved the Wayeyi for over 250years. Even after the abolition of slavery worldwide, the majority of Wayeyi stillcontinue to be ruled by the minority Batawana, despite their efforts since 1936 toachieve autonomy. As a result, the Wayeyi suffer from low self-esteem; manywould prefer not to reveal their true identity, but rather say they are Batawana,particularly to outsiders who have no reason to know anything to the contrary.Those who can still speak the language are reluctant to use it in public places.This situation, therefore, implies that Vossen’s data may primarily indicate anidentity crisis and the lack of overt language use but not an accurate picture oflanguage knowledge. On the other hand, it is also correct to suggest thatlanguage knowledge without language use leads to language death. It is difficultto say to what extent Shiyeyi is dead, or to what extent revival efforts would belikely to succeed.

As previously indicated, the attitude of the government towards Setswana isaccompanied by intolerance for all other languages spoken in Botswana. Becauseof this suppressive attitude, it is proper to say that all languages in Botswana aresomewhat threatened. Evidence that young people are not able to speak theirfirst languages is also showing up in other languages including Setswana. Smiejaand Mathangwane (1999) also observed a high degree of language shift amongstthe non-Tswana speakers such as the Babirwa, Kalanga, and Batswapongtowards Setswana and English. A great deal of cultural and linguistic loss amongmany minority groups has been observed (Vossen, 1988). This has causedconcern, and some minority groups have begun to form organisations to revivetheir languages and cultures. The work of some of these is described in thefollowing sections.

Informal efforts in language maintenanceWithin the Ministry of Labor and Home Affairs is the Registrar of Societies’

Office. Since group rights are granted, through the right to associate, the mainduty of this office is to register non-governmental organisations (NGOs), underRegulation 5 of the Societies Act No 19 of 1972. In order to be registered, anorganisation must have a constitution, with clear objectives, activities andmembership. It must indicate the specific areas on which it will focus. It must alsostate the geographical region in which it will operate. A registered organisation isa legal entity in its own right; it can sue or be sued. It has the right to receive dona-tions from individuals and other local and international bodies. In Botswana,there is a mother body for all registered NGOs, called the Botswana Council ofNon-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO). Its role is to assist its membersin three main areas: (1) policy research and advocacy; (2) capacity building, and(3) networking and information dissemination. To become a member ofBOCONGO, an organisation pays an initial enrolment fee and an annualsubscription fee. Benefits include receiving invitations to training programmes,


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which BOCONGO mounts for its members. For instance, it provides training inmanagement, accounting and marketing strategies. NGOs may send theirpersonnel to such seminars free of charge. Other benefits include general dissem-ination of information on what other NGOs are doing, including work on theinternational scene. BOCONGO also places all valuable information on eachmember on its own website for dissemination. Once registered with BOCONGO,an organisation will also have access to donors who are interested in its field.

Currently there are 81 NGOs registered with BOCONGO. It is difficult to tellthe number of those that are not members of the mother body, since data onthese is not readily available. These NGOs fall within nine categories. In eachcategory, one NGO is selected by BOCONGO to be the lead organisation in thatarea (Table 9).

Registration with the Registrar of Societies gives an NGO liberty to operatewithin the legal framework, while registration with BOCONGO gives it theopportunity to network with other bodies with similar interests. BOCONGOalso offers these NGOs a united voice to speak to the government on issues ofmutual interest. Due to the high fees charged by BOCONGO, not all NGOs regis-tered with the Registrar of Societies are members of the BOCONGO. An organi-sation dealing with language and or culture would fall under the Human Rightscategory; their lead agency is Ditshwanelo (a Setswana word for rights), TheBotswana Centre for Human Rights. Within the framework of the assimilationistpolicy, speakers of languages that are not recognised by the government viewthis policy as a denial of their human rights, i.e. denial of the ability to accessinformation in their own languages. Their work therefore focuses on revivingand maintaining their linguistic and cultural rights. Those dealing with languagefrom a religious perspective fall under the ecumenical category. Currently, thereare six organisations dealing with language and culture from a human rightsperspective.

The Society for the Promotion of Ikalanga Language (SPILL)Within the limitations of data reliability, the Kalangas are considered the larg-

est of the so-called minority groups in Botswana. The 1946 census indicated thatthere were 22,777 Kalangas in the Bamangwato (Central) District (Mpho, 1987:


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Table 9 Non-government organisations (NGO) by category

Category Lead NGO

Disability Botswana Council for the Disabled

Women Women NGO Coalition

strightHealth/AIDS Botswana Network for AIDS

Human rights Ditshwanelo

Children and youth Botswana National Youth Council

Agriculture Forum for Sustainable Agriculture

Ecumenical Botswana Christian Council

Community Botswana Comm. Based Network

Media Media Institute in Southern Africa

Source: BOCONGO (1999)



134, see Table 5). This excluded those in the North-east District (Table 6).Kalangas have a strong sense of identity. Currently, they are one of the fewminority groups whose children speak Ikalanga at home, including those inhomes in the upper and middle class areas living in cities and towns. This is quitephenomenal given that the Bamangwato tribe enslaved them in the 1800s. Thereis a popular belief that, due to this oppression, the Kalanga developed a codingsystem for gaining access to educational opportunities. When applying forentrance to schools, each Kalanga application would have a drawing of a peanutat the lower right-hand-side, their staple food. Education officers who weremostly Kalanga would then ensure school admission. Many Batswana believethat this is the main reason they are currently the most highly educated and holdhigh government posts. Due to pressure from the Tswana presidents, Kalangaministers overtly support the assimilation model, but they covertly support thepromotion of the Kalanga to high positions as an alternative empowerment strat-egy.

Because of the banning of the Ikalanga language from the educational systemat independence, the language was formally relegated only to the home environ-ment. For this reason, the culture of the Kalanga people has been slowly disap-pearing. Based on this realisation, the SPILL was formed by the Kalanga élite in1981 to develop and maintain the Ikalanga language and culture. Also embed-ded in the work of the society was the issue of land rights and the right to self-rulethrough the chieftainship structure. When SPILL started, it created a negativereaction from within government quarters. It was perceived as tribalistic anddivisive. There was a strong campaign to shun it and to denounce it as a threat tothe peace and stability prevailing in the country. Those Kalangas who believed inthe movement, saw this as an intimidating strategy to discourage them andpotential donors from developing Ikalanga. There were also divisions amongstthe Kalangas themselves. Some, especially those holding high government posi-tions, were against the formation of SPILL, at least in public. They feared victimi-sation at their jobs should their loyalty to government be doubted. Therefore,while the Kalangas are highly influential in government circles, they could notuse that influence to convince government to allow the use of Ikalanga on radioor in education, prior to the presentation of the 1997 motion which has not yetbecome law.

The SPILL began its work with the revival and revision of the pre-independ-ence Ikalanga orthography, which was published in 1995. The organisation hasnow published a hymnbook in Ikalanga. The New Testament has been translatedinto Ikalanga as well. The Mukani Action Campaign (MAC), the educationalwing of SPILL, has developed 14 literacy booklets for informal teaching ofIkalanga and for future use in schools as soon as government implements the1997 motion. The MAC also publishes a newsletter and encourages the publica-tion of news articles in Ikalanga. One of the independent newspapers publishes aweekly column in Ikalanga. Their major donor, as previously indicated, is theLutheran Bible Translators based in the United States, an organisation which hasprovided technical support to run an office in Francistown. This office was at theforefront of the development of the orthography and the translation of the NewTestament. Through the Department of Adult Education at the University ofBotswana, UNESCO is funding a project on the use of minority languages in


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adult literacy. The project includes Kalanga and Shiyeyi. With respect to theKalanga project, it funds training workshops for members of the MAC as well asthe production of some of the materials. The other source of funding is throughmembership fees. SPILL raises funds using several strategies, and the funds areused to run the daily work. Further details on SPILL are available on the refer-ence section of their web-site.

One of the issues that the Kalangas have been pushing for is the right to berepresented in the House of Chiefs by their Paramount Chief. As indicated inPart I, politically, they are regarded as members of the Bamangwato tribe, andtheir Paramount Chief is that of the Bamangwato. Within their immediate locali-ties, they can have Kalanga sub-chiefs. Currently, there is a Kalanga sub-chief inthe House of Chiefs, but he is not regarded as representative of all Kalangas sincehe is not a Paramount Chief. The SPILL is, therefore, playing a crucial role inlanguage planning. It is one of those bodies promoting the orientation to viewinglanguage diversity as a right and a resource for development.

Kamanakao AssociationThe Wayeyi live in Ngamiland (North-west District, Map 2). Politically and in

accordance with the assimilation policy, every one in this district is called aMotawana, since the Tswana speaking Batawana tribe rule them. As indicatedpreviously, the Batawana subjected the Wayeyi to slavery. There are two mainreasons why the Wayeyi were the most subjected: first there was direct contactbetween them and the Batawana on the arrival of the Batawana in Ngamiland;the second reason was the soft and peace loving nature of the Wayeyi. In 1962,Pitoro Seidisa (a Moyeyi from Gumare) started some work with Professor ErnstWestphal of the University of Cape Town to develop the orthography for theShiyeyi language. Due to the conflict between the Wayeyi and Batawana overserfdom, the then Queen Regent of the Batawana, Pulane, ordered the arrest ofMr Seidisa for presuming to develop Shiyeyi. The Batawana thought that thedevelopment of Shiyeyi might raise the consciousness of the Wayeyi andstrengthen their struggle for freedom from slavery. When Westphal realised theunacceptability of the Shiyeyi language among the ruling Batawana, he discon-tinued his work on the language and stated in his will that all the material onShiyeyi should be burnt after his death. By the time of his death, the orthographyhad been completed, a dictionary was still incomplete and Chapter 8 of theGospel of Matthew as well as a few hymns had been translated into Shiyeyi.

After independence in 1966 the language policy continued to discourage thedevelopment and use of any languages other than Setswana. The KamanakaoAssociation was founded in 1995 by the Wayeyi élite to continue the work of MrSeidisa and Professor Westphal. Its aim was to develop and maintain the Shiyeyilanguage and culture. The work on orthography was completed in 1998 andwork on materials production and training is on going. The Association hasproduced a draft of an interdenominational hymnbook, a phrase book for teach-ing Shiyeyi and a booklet containing songs, stories and poems. It also produces acalendar in Shiyeyi.

The Kamanakao Association has three main sources of funding for itsprogrammes. The Lutheran Bible Translators funded the development of theorthography and some of the publications previously mentioned. They continue


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to fund the translation of hymns and the translation of the Jesus Film into Shiyeyi.Currently, plans are under way to translate the Gospel of Luke. The UNESCOproject has three phases concerning the development of Shiyeyi: the first phasecovers the training of secondary school leavers in using the Shiyeyi orthographyto write stories on cultural themes; the second phase will subsume the writing ofthe stories and songs, and the last phase will involve writing primers for adultliteracy. Currently, the training is going on simultaneously with story and songwriting. The third source of funding is from the communities. The KamanakaoAssociation has nine branch committees throughout the northern part of theCentral District and in Ngamiland. These communities are responsible for thecultural aspects of the organisation. They organise cultural activities and are alsoresponsible for hosting the Shikati (Chief in Shiyeyi) Kamanakao5 as he visits thevillages. These committees fund their own activities. They raise funds for theassociation through the sale of T-shirts, booklets, bags and calendars and ofcourse through cultural activities.

The relationship between these two organisations and the government is oneof uneasy tolerance. While the Ministry of Labour and Home Affairs authorisedtheir registration in accordance with the right to associate, they are seen asmoving against the assimilationist policy. This is particularly so in regard to thechieftainship issue. The Wayeyi élite holding high government posts are tornbetween supporting a just cause in which they believe and risking their jobs.Consequently, they tend to remain neutral and unpredictable. Some Wayeyi,especially politicians within the ruling party, have been used to campaignagainst the work of Kamanakao Association. They have portrayed the Associa-tion as tribalistic and have worked against the acceptance of Shikati Kamanakaoto represent the Wayeyi in the House of Chiefs. The Wayeyi have taken thegovernment to court for discriminating against their Paramount Chief. On theother hand, some Wayeyi élite and academics have been successful in taking themessage of the Association to the people, through the village or branch commit-tees. The message is understood as linguistic human rights as well as politicalrights in terms of representation. After his installation as Paramount Chief of theWayeyi, in April 1999, Shikati Kamanakao has taken his role to be that of educat-ing his people about their rights to develop and maintain their language andculture through public meetings. His meetings have been attended by CriminalInvestigation Officers from the Police Department to try and intimidate peopleattending. After a year of public education campaigns, people now feel free toattend and participate in village committees and other cultural activities. Theyare gaining confidence in demanding their rights to representation. They havecontributed money towards the costs of the lawsuit.

This lawsuit may have some influence in expediting the government’s deci-sion to review Sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, which discriminate alongtribal lines concerning representation in the House of Chiefs. In February 2000,an independent newspaper reporter held an interview with President Mogaethat was reported as follows:

Mmegi: Parliament passed a motion for the amendment of Sections 77–79of the constitution which were deemed offensive but last year during theelections you said there is no discrimination in terms of tribe. Would I have


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a member of my tribe as an ex-officio member of the House of Chiefs in mylifetime? (the reporter is Kalanga).President Mogae: I don’t know where you get the impression that I havegone back on anything. I and Parliament never said that the constitutiondiscriminates against tribes. We have said those sections you havementioned should be amended and I have said yes, if there is any section ofthe constitution that causes irritation to any member of our society we mustlook at them and amend. We are going to do that. We have appointed a taskforce to go around asking Batswana including yourself. It would start workearly next month. (Chilisa, 2000: 19 (11–17 February)).

While the President’s promise is not a new thing, many people believe that thelawsuit is likely to end the unreasonable delay in action on the constitutionalamendment. However, speculation is rife that the government is lobbying thegeneral public to accept the status quo. In fact, the President mentioned his ownpreference for the status quo during the interview. He said, ‘I have my own views… the arrangement with regards to the North East, Kgalagadi and Ghanzi is thetype I will be inclined to. It’s more democratic but Batswana believe in chiefs bybirth and I am not going to change that’ (Chilisa, 2000: 19 (11–17 February)).

As stated above (Background section), the areas mentioned here are minoritydominated and they are represented by elected sub-chiefs in the House of Chiefsand not the Paramount Chiefs by birth of these minority tribes. This is in line withthe assimilation theory that only Setswana speaking tribes can be represented bytheir Paramount Chiefs by birth. Minority groups can only be represented byelected sub-chiefs to ensure that the people elected are sympathetic with theruling party policy of assimilation into Tswanadom. In the case of Ngamiland,the tribes there are represented by the Tswana speaking Batawana chief. Accord-ing to the Wayeyi, they are not represented, since imposing a Motawana chief onthem and rejecting their Paramount Chief is not democratic. The consultations tobe held with the people are less likely to change the current situation, as lobbyingwill follow the elections pattern where people are alleged to have been bribedand misinformed in house-to-house campaigns. The rural population is lessinformed as it has no access to information, and it is likely to accept informationprovided by the government. For this reason, the status quo is likely to prevailafter the consultations. On the other hand, should the educated élite make writ-ten submissions to the task force, and work with NGOs to put pressure on thegovernment to change, there is a window of opportunity for change. Should thetask force complete its work and the relevant sections be changed, while thelawsuit is still delayed in court (the hearing had been postponed twice betweenOctober and December, 1999), the ruling of the court would contribute to therecommendations of the task force. The work of the task force may also lead tothe withdrawal of the lawsuit. Both Kamanakao and SPILL are locally driven andmembers of BOCONGO.

The Etsha Ecumenical Community (EEC)The Etsha Ecumenical Community was an initiative by the Botswana Chris-

tian Council in 1970. The Council is composed of twenty churches and sevenchurch-related organisations (Hopkins, 1995). It runs a number of ecumenical


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projects for disadvantaged groups including the disabled, women, and streetchildren. The Etsha project focuses on the development and use of theThimbukushu language for religious purposes (see Table 1). It utilises readingmaterial developed in Namibia and by other linguists elsewhere on Thimb-ukushu to conduct literacy classes at least three times a week for female adultsamong the Hambukushu people. Some of its activities include: training in basketweaving amongst the Hambukushu and Wayeyi females at Etsha, marketing thebaskets outside Botswana, running a pre-school in Thimbukushu, running apoultry project for out-of-school youth, and running a guest house. This workhas served as a source of inspiration for the revival and maintenance of theThimbukushu language in Botswana. Currently, there are efforts to register aThimbukushu cultural organisation by the Hambukushu people.

The Basarwa (Bushmen) belong to about 17 main Khoisan language groups(Appendix 1). They are the indigenous people of Botswana and are nomadic. It isestimated that there are about 40,000 Basarwa in Botswana, making up about fourper cent of the population. They are mainly hunters and gatherers. Due to theirnomadism, they are found in seven of the eight administrative districts (Mazonde,1997). Their main areas of concentration are Ghanzi, Kweneng, parts of Ngamilandand Ngwaketsi districts and they have a high degree of language maintenance(Smieja & Mathangwane, 1999). From time immemorial, the Basarwa haveworked for the wealthy Setswana speaking groups who use them as herd-boys forlow wages, provided mainly in the form of food. They own no land and are ruledby the Setswana Paramount Chief in whatever area they happen to reside. Forinstance, those in Kweneng are considered Bakwena and ruled by the BakwenaParamount Chief. Mogwe (1994: 57) best describes the plight of the Basarwa.

The Basarwa are the poorest of the poor.… Why have developmentprograms aimed at the improvement of their standard of living focusedinstead on assimilation or integration without informed choice and with-out the participation of the Basarwa during both planning and implemen-tation? … Rampant discrimination against the Basarwa peoples has meantthat they have become marginalised culturally, politically, socially, andeconomically.… The state imposes leaders on them who are not of theirculture or language group. This in turn has exacerbated their position ofmarginalisation. Attempts to use the law are frustrated because they lackthe operation language of Setswana customary courts.

In 1999, two Basarwa who had been sentenced to death by the high court formurder; their case was appealed by Ditshwanelo, the Botswana Center forHuman Rights (see Table 9). It was discovered that the Basarwa were not givenan opportunity to speak in their language in court and were not listened to whenthey struggled in Setswana to air their unhappiness about their lawyer. The highcourt did not listen to their pleas but sentenced them to death. However, in 1999,the appeals court ordered a retrial. Mogwe argues that the human rights of theBasarwa have neither been respected nor protected by the state. The state hadargued that Ditshwanelo had no right to represent the Basarwa, further violatingtheir right to representation by challenging Ditshwanelo’s efforts.

Due to the marginalised status of the Basarwa, many international organisa-tions have come to Botswana to establish community based development


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projects. Three such projects operating under registered organisations will bebriefly described in the following sections. They were a result of external initia-tives and mainly funded by church organisations in The Netherlands and bydevelopment agencies such as CIDA, UNICEF, World View, the Norwegiangovernment and others.

The Kuru Development Trust (Kuru)Fidzani (1998) maintains the distribution of cattle in Botswana is uneven. Only

five per cent of the population own 50% of the national herd, and 45% of the ruralhouseholds do not own any cattle. This means that rich cattle owners also ownmost of the land. It is therefore difficult for the nomadic Basarwa to own land.The tourism policy of the government of Botswana calls for their removal fromareas with tourist attractions. In 1979, the government grouped all Basarwaliving inside the Kalahari Central Game Reserve (KCRG) in one place within areserve called Xade. In 1986, the government decided to freeze developments inthis area and move the Basarwa outside the reserve to New Xade (Mazonde,1997). With the support of two external agencies based in The Netherlands, theKalahari Support Group and the Kalahari People’s fund, Basarwa communitiesin ten villages in the Ghanzi District in 1986 established the Kuru DevelopmentTrust. The main aim of the organisation is to facilitate active participation ofBasarwa communities and individuals in the development process and tosupport the acquisition of land and land rights. Mazonde (1997) observes that thehunger for land has resulted in Basarwa in Ghanzi demanding their own district,as well as a Mosarwa councillor, a Mosarwa member of the House of Chiefs and aMosarwa member of Parliament. The Kuru Development Trust has been sensi-tising the Basarwa to stand up for their rights and achieve their dreams. They too,like other groups, need to reap the fruits of democracy. The assimilationist modelhas not proved to be fruitful for them. In the 1999 general elections, a Mosarwalady stood for council elections in Ghanzi, but unfortunately she lost. A Mosarwasub-chief was installed in Xade, but he is not yet a member of the House of Chiefs.

Some of the activities of the Kuru include the development of enterprenialskills among Basarwa, to promote participatory learning processes for self-awareness and development. Kuru also promotes agricultural activities by intro-ducing alternative agricultural methods. Kuru is heavily involved in socialeducation, language development and cultural identity. It hosts an annualcultural festival, featuring songs and dances in the Naro and Ju/hoan languages(Appendix 1). Kuru runs a museum funded by the Bernard Van Leey foundation.This museum displays the history of the Basarwa and has a good collection oftheir artefacts. The trust also collects Sarwa artefacts and markets them at bothnational and international levels. The Kuru Development Trust has a languagewing, specifically working on the Naro language through the Naro LanguageProject which was started in 1991 and is funded by the Christian ReformedChurches in the Netherlands (Visser, 1998). By 1997 the project had produced anorthography and phonology of Naro. A number of publications (e.g. primers, adictionary and literacy material) have been produced. The Language Projectruns pre-school classes in Naro; adult literacy classes are conducted in Naro inthe Ghanzi District. Currently, Kuru runs a leather tannery, a carpentry shop, a


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fence-building workshop, a silk screen craft production project and workshopson HIV/AIDS, business skills and negotiation skill in Sarwa languages.

In 1998, Kuru expanded its activities into the Okavango delta. Kuru has estab-lished an office at Shakawe to provide community development work amongstthe Bugakhwe and Xanikhwe San peoples, the Wayeyi, Hambukushu andGiriku, with specific focus on the development of cultural tourism. Kuru iscurrently assisting these communities to form and register trusts and to apply forland for tourist activities. The work of this trust has not been easy. Like mostethnically oriented organisations, Kuru was perceived as inciting the Basarwa todisobey government orders and to impede the government’s effort to providesocial amenities to the Basarwa at New Xade.

The missionaries from The Netherlands who were working with Kuru wereseen as people who were in Botswana to pursue their own personal interestsrather than those of the Basarwa. Consequently, in 1993 the government issued adeportation order against Reverend Le Roux for his activities with the KuruDevelopment Trust. He was seen to be influencing the Basarwa not to move outof the Kalahari Game Reserve. While human rights organisations managed toput pressure on the government to lift the deportation order, they did notconvince the government to reverse the decision to move the Basarwa out of theKCGR. Eventually the Basarwa of Xade became divided, some supporting themove to New Xade and others choosing to stay in the Old Xade in the KCGR. Thegovernment has viewed its own policies and efforts as intending to modernisethe Basarwa and bring them into the mainstream. Development agencies, on theother hand, saw such policies as assimilationist and aimed at eradicating thelanguages and cultures of the Basarwa and, most importantly, to disempowerthem economically. The removal of the Basarwa from the KCRG to New Xademeant that they could not hunt and gather fruit, but would be more dependenton government subsidies. In turn, this would make them loyal to the rulingparty. The assimilationist model is not only intended to assimilate minoritygroups into Tswanadom but into the ruling party as well. The covert goal is tohave one language, one nation and one party.

The First People of the Kalahari (FPK)The First People of the Kalahari was established in 1992 to fight for the land

rights of the Basarwa people, specifically the San/N/Oakhine group (seeAppendix 1). Like Kuru, it was established with the support of the KalahariSupport Group and the Kalahari People’s Fund. The issue of land rights is funda-mental to the survival of the Basarwa who are mainly hunters and gatherers. FPKis one of the organisations trying to address the issue. Its founder, JohnHardbattle, died in 1996 at the height of the New Xade controversy.

While the FPK was formed by an identifiable ethnic and linguistic group, andsome of its activities have included language development, the main objective ofthe organisation is the achievement of Basarwa human rights, specifically theright to own land. The state maintains that the Basarwa, being nomads, have noright to land (Mogwe, 1994). This defines where they can hunt and gather fruit, asthe non-nomadic groups own and control the land. This has serious conse-quences for the daily living of the Basarwa. The only option for them is to workfor the wealthy for low wages. FPK serves as a national advocate that strength-


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ens, organises and coordinates development projects within the settlements andcommunities in Ghanzi towards the acquisition of land and land rights to gatherand hunt. It links these communities to those in neighbouring countries likeSouth Africa and Namibia. It has an education wing responsible for collectionand dissemination of information on human rights, and monitors human rightsabuses, especially those dealing with game licensing for hunting. FPK’s majoractivities include advocacy and negotiating with government for the rights of theBasarwa. The FPK also has income-generating projects in ostrich and poultryfarming and it runs a cultural centre.

The Basarwa Research ProjectThe Basarwa Research Project is coordinated at the University of Botswana,

through the former National Institute of Research and Development, now theDirectorate of Research and Development, and in conjunction with the Depart-ment of African Languages and Literature. The Norwegian government fundsthe project, which is aimed at conducting research on the social, linguistic,cultural, political and economic well-being of the Basarwa within the SouthernAfrican region. The project conducts regional workshops to provide a forum forscholars to report on their work related to the Khoesan languages and culturesand other aspects of the San peoples. Western scholars who come to Botswana asindividuals to conduct their studies on the Basarwa are also provided an oppor-tunity to present their findings at the University of Botswana through thisproject. These efforts are helping to revive and maintain the Khoesan languages.

SummaryThe work of non-governmental organisations has begun to signal to the

government that there is a language and cultural problem to be attended to. TheDepartment of Youth and Culture (DYC) was established in the Ministry ofLabor and Home Affairs in 1989, and the Botswana National Cultural Council(BNCC) was established in 1992 within the Department. The Department hasbeen charged with the responsibility to develop a national cultural policy.Currently, there is a consultancy to review the draft of this policy document and,amongst other things, to review the capacity of and the linkages between institu-tions dealing with culture, especially the DYC and the BNCC, the House ofChiefs and NGOs. The consultancy will also provide a state of the art account ofthe sociological, historical and linguistic relations of peoples within the culturalsetting of Botswana. This signals a willingness on the part of the government tobegin to address the thorny issues relating to the linguistic and cultural diversityof the country, and the chieftainship issues within the framework of humanrights and globalisation.

The government seems to be convinced about the role of culture in develop-ment, and there are plans to develop cultural villages. However, the govern-ment’s view appears to be that culture can best be preserved through museumsand cultural villages set up for public viewing. Culture is not considered as a wayof life that a community must live as part of national development. There are noserious efforts to instil language and cultural studies into the curriculum (Milon,1989; Nyati-Ramahobo, 1998a). Apparently there is also the belief that thecultures of minority groups can be preserved without the use of their languages.


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This constitutes a difficult task, since some crucial aspects of culture can only beexpressed through language. Efforts to revive and maintain Botswana languagesrest with the civil society’s will to work tirelessly despite the government’s resis-tance. The role of the élite, especially academics, is crucial to the developmentand maintenance of the languages of Botswana. One major characteristic ofdemocracy in Botswana is freedom of speech. Academics, other activists and themedia have taken advantage of this characteristic to take the issues into thepublic arena. However, there is another element of our democracy workingagainst this. While there is freedom of speech, there is no freedom after speech(Mogwe, 1994). That is, people can talk, but they are not listened to, and there area number of subtle ways of victimising those who speak out and who areemployed by the government. It is for this reason that government employeesplay rather a debilitating role in the promotion of linguistic and cultural rights ofminority groups in Botswana.

Pidgins and CreolesWhen the Wayeyi were enslaved by the Batawana and forced to speak

Setswana, language contact occurred between Shiyeyi and the Sengwato dialectof the Setswana spoken by the Batawana. This contact resulted in the emergenceof a creole called Setawana – the basic structure of which consists of Sengwatosyntax with a heavy Shiyeyi lexicon – which is now accepted as a dialect ofSetswana. For instance:

Ba ne ba ile go shaora.(They went swimming).Shaora is a Shiyeyi word for swimming.

Ha o bua maxambura ke tla go caka(If you say nonsense I will axe you (hit you with an axe).Maxambura is the Shiyeyi word for nonsense and caka is to axe someone.

While the Setswana equivalent for such words may exist in other parts of thecountry, to people in Ngamiland only the Shiyeyi words exist, and this is thenormal way of speaking. They would never use words such as go thuma for swim-ming as it is used in the southern part of the country. As this creole variety has notbeen studied, it is difficult to say whether it is in fact a creole or whether it is adialect with some Shiyeyi lexical code-switching. As a result of the low status ofthe Wayeyi, and the movement of more people from the north-west (Maun area)to work in the south (see Map 2), there seems to be a movement towards standardSengwato dialect and towards an avoidance of Shiyeyi words at all costs.However, the old and uneducated population continues to use this mixture.

Anderson & Janson (1997) discuss Tsotsitaal and question whether or not it isspoken in Botswana. A number of factors may be responsible for the importationof this pidgin language into Botswana from South Africa:

� the movement between the two countries for economic activities is aconstant factor;

� families are divided across the border;


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� there was the influx of South African refugees into Botswana during theapartheid era;

� Batswana watch South African television.

As a result, Tsotsitaal is spoken by the youth in towns, especially those in thesouthern part of the country, to almost the same extent that they speak AmericanEnglish. Currently, these phenomena are confined to the youth who switch tonormal Setswana when speaking to adults. The current situation concerningpidgins and creoles in Botswana is that none of the varieties have really beenstudied by scholars in a detailed manner.

Probable Future DirectionsThe debate about ethnic and linguistic inequality has been going on for a long

time in Botswana. A motion to review Sections 77–79 of the constitution was firstdebated in Parliament in 1988. The opposition party lost the motion and onemember of Parliament from the ruling party remarked ‘we defeated them’(Republic of Botswana, 1988: 511). The discourse of hegemonic power was stron-ger at that time. Within government circles, therefore, there is the ‘them’ and ‘us’mentality. This does not seem to augur well for democracy and social justice.Tswadom was seen to have settled in, and the chances for the minorities to assertthemselves to change the constitution were seen as slim. However, the discoursechanged in 1995. The same parliamentarian who dominated the debate in 1988,and concluded with the above utterance, did not say a word during the 1995debate. The ruling party had lost ten seats to the opposition in the 1994 generalelections. In this debate, parliamentarians from minority groups from both theruling and the opposition parties presented their case powerfully during thisdiscussion. One from the ruling party said:

… each one of us will want to appear and to be recognised in the eyes of thelaw, especially the supreme law of the country, as being equal to his breth-ren.… Our circumstances now require that we amend sections 77, 78, and79 of the Constitution so that other tribal interests are presented. Thatwould ensure that our republic has characteristics of a true republic. AConstitution should reflect those characteristics … there should be nonotion, no impression created in the mind of anyone that some persons orsome groups or some tribal interests are superior than others. If we do, orallow for such a situation, there is bound to be social disharmony in ourcountry. (Republic of Botswana, 1995: 86–7)

The motion was passed in 1995, as stated in Part III, mainly due to pressure fromthe opposition parties and vocal members of the ruling party who supported it.The majority of Tswana parliamentarians from the ruling party barely acceptedthe motion, but the discourse of hegemonic power has subsided. This tensionexplains why there have been no efforts to implement it to date. On the otherhand, the pressure from non-governmental organisations working to promoteminority languages and cultures has intensified continuously over the past fouryears. The current situation is that, while non-governmental organisations areencouraged by such positive policy statements to push for reform at the imple-mentation level, the efforts of those NGOs are frustrated by the covertly negative


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attitudes of the leadership. This situation is likely to continue to limit the impactthe non-governmental organisations might have. With this kind of tension, it isdifficult to predict the future directions of language development and usage inBotswana.

In discussing whether the 1999 general elections were issue-driven, one news-paper stated that:

…[p]erhaps the only issue that was articulated effectively is the one relat-ing to ethnic inequality. . . . The opposition, in particular, seems to havebeen effective in presenting its case to the electorate. . . . And it wouldappear that many people in the affected areas were bought into it. (Mbuya,1999: 15)

Many opposition parties promised the electorate that, if elected to power, otherlanguages would be taught in schools, and sections of the constitution, whichdiscriminate on the basis of tribal affiliation, would be reviewed. However, ananalysis of the election results indicated that people in minority dominated areasvoted for the ruling party. Four factors have been alleged to be responsible for this:

(1) Internal conflict amongst opposition parties which went on until the date ofthe election left the electorate with no choice but to elect the devil they knew’

(2) The ruling party has exploited the ignorance of the rural poor who have noaccess to the media. It is alleged that the people were informed in house tohouse campaigns that the constitution had been amended to incorporatelaws on ethnicity and gender.

(3) There were also allegations of bribery – the use of money and the deliveriesof drought-relief foodstuffs in some villages during the election week.

(4) In his tour of the country just a week before elections, the Presidentinformed his audiences that the constitution does not discriminate. Thiscreated the impression that it had been amended, thus confirming the infor-mation provided in the house-to-house campaigns. In fact, many Wayeyiwere happy that their Shikati would be admitted to the House of Chiefs, andso they voted for the ruling party.

Should these allegations be true (though they are not new), then change is lesslikely to be achieved through the parliamentary process. In a country wheremore than 40% of the population lives below the poverty datum line (Jeffris,1997), this practice is likely to continue for some time, at least until there is astrong and united opposition.

One of the organisations advocating ethnic and language rights has takenthe government to court for discriminating against their Paramount Chief, byrefusing him membership of the House of Chiefs. Should the government winthe case, the issue is unlikely to go away, and the debate may go to higher levels.The government has demonstrated intolerance on the issue, and it is mostunlikely to accede to the demands of non-Setswana speaking tribes. Whetherthe government accepts change or not, many languages are likely to bepreserved and enhanced through the work of non-governmental organisa-tions. It is necessary for these non-governmental organisations to worktogether and to seek the support of the human rights groups, in order to exertmore pressure on government. Members of Parliament who are from minority


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groups hold the passport for change. Should they stand firm on their wordduring the debate of the motion to amend Sections 77 to 79 of the constitution,the government is likely to act quickly. However, should they feel threatened,change will be slow and painful.

The very principles of unity and democracy which all the ethnic and linguisticgroups of Botswana embraced at independence, which subsequently resulted inthe acceptance of the modernist/assimilationist paradigm into Tswanadom, arethe very principles providing them good grounds to assert and not relinquishtheir subnational identities. After 33 years of independence, the issue of nation-hood is no longer in question. The question now is what has this democracy andnationhood achieved for every one of us. Attempts to react to this questionclearly demonstrate that the concept of Tswanadom has relegated somemembers of this nation to a low and unacceptable status, economically, politi-cally and culturally. For this reason, the democracy for which Botswana is wellknown and respected is challenged. The orientation to view linguistic andcultural diversity as a problem is counterproductive to democratic gains. Theoption is to move quickly from overt assimilationist models to true pluralisticmodels, in which both group rights and individual rights are guaranteed, anddemocratic principles of representation are respected.

CorrespondenceAny correspondence should be directed to Dr Lydia Nyati-Ramahobo,

Faculty of Education, University of Botswana, Private Bag 0022, Gaborone,Botswana ([email protected]).

Notes1. The name of the country is Botswana, the people are Batswana, one person from

Botswana is a Motswana and the national language is Setswana. This formula forprefixing applies to the eight Setswana speaking tribes, who are represented by theirparamount chiefs:

Table 1 Linguistic groups

Category 1 (The eight Setswana speaking tribes)

Name of tribe (plural) Dialect/language Individual

Bamangwato/Bangwato Sengwato Mongwato

Bakgatla Sekgatla Mokgatla

Batawana Setawana Motawana

Balete Selete Molete

Batlokwa Setlokwa Motlokwa

Bakwena Sekwena Mokwena

Bangwaketsi Sengwaketsi Mongwaketsi

Barolong Serolong Morolong

The formula also applies to those tribes whose languages are close to Setswanabut are not considered to be dialects of Setswana (some are represented byelected sub chiefs from their own tribes – the four areas, while others are notrepresented by their own people but by the paramount chief in that area).


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Category 2 (Tribes with languages close to Setswana)


Bakgalagadi/Makgalagadi Sekgalagadi Mokgalagadi

Babirwa Sebirwa Mmirwa

Batswapong (Baseleka) Setswapong Motswapong

Bahurutshe Sehurutshe Mohurutshe

Bakhurutshe Sekhurutshe Mokhurutshe

Bakgothu Sekgothu Mokgothu

Bashaga Seshaga Moshaga

Bangologa Sengologa Mongologa

Batlhwaring Setlhwaring Mo tlhwareng.

Batalaote Setalaote Motalaote

Bakaa Sekaa Mokaa

While tribes who speak languages that are not related to Setswana at all did notoriginally follow this formula over time the formula has been applied to them.The original name is supplied and the ‘tswanalised’ version is bracketed.

Category 3 (Tribes not related to Setswana)


Ovaherero (Baherero) Herero (Seherero) Herero (Moherero)

Wayeyi (Bayeyi)/Bayei Shiyeyi (Seyeyi) Muyeyi (Moyeyi)

Hambukushu (Ma/Bambukushu)

Thimbukushu (Se-) Hambukushu(Mombukushu)

Kalanga (Ma/Bakalaka) Ikalanga (Sekalalaka) Kalanga (Mokalalaka)

Subia (Ma/Basubia) Subia (Sesubia) Subia (Mosubia)

Ciriku (Ma/Baciriku) Othiciriku (Seciriku) Mociriku

Ba/Masarwa (includes 13Khoisana languages)

Sesarwa Mosarwa

Ba/Manajwa Senajwa Monajwa

Note: The alternative prefix Ma- is used to demean the tribe. Languages spoken bytribes in Categories 2 and 3 are considered minority languages.

2. A more detailed description of the ‘English only’ situation can be found in Kaplan andBaldauf (in press).

3. A traditional meeting place where the chief hears cases, consults and informs hispeople about development matters in the village.

4. Contribution from a participant at a symposium on ‘The Quality of Life in Botswana’organised by the Botswana Society, 15–18 October 1996.

5. The name of the Chief is the same as the name of the Association.

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Ramatsui, P. (1989) Personal communication.Ramsay, J. (1987) The neo-traditionalist: Sebele II of the Bakwena. In F. Morton and J.


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Ramsay (eds) The Birth of Botswana: A History of the Bechuanaland Protectorate from1910–1966 (pp. 30–44). Gaborone: Longman.

Ramsay, J. (1998) The establishment and consolidation of the Bechuanaland Protectorate,1870–1910. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp.62–98). Pretoria: JL van Schaik.

Ramsay, J., Morton, B. and Mgadla, T. (1996). Building a Nation: A History of Botswana from1800 to 1910. Gaborone: Longman.

Republic of Botswana (1965) Chieftainship Act. Gaborone: Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1965) Constitution of Botswana. Gaborone: Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1965) Tribal Territories Act. Gaborone: Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1977) National Policy on Education: Government Paper No. 1 of 1977.

Approved by the National Assembly, August. Gaborone.Republic of Botswana (1983) Report on the Population and Housing Census 1981. Gaborone:

Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1985) National Development Plan 6 1985–91. Gaborone: Government

Printer.Republic of Botswana (1988) The Official Hansard No. 95 Part 11: Proceedings of the 5th

Session of the 5th Parliament. Gaborone: Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1989–90) The Daily News. Gaborone: Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1994) Government Paper No. 2 of 1994: The Revised National Policy on

Education. Gaborone. Government PrinterRepublic of Botswana (1995) The Official Hansard No. 110. Proceedings of the 5th Session of the

7th Parliament. Gaborone: Government Printer.Republic of Botswana (1997) National Development Plan 8: 1997/98–2002/2003. Gaborone:

Government Printer.Ruiz, R. (1984) Orientations in language planning. Journal of the National Association for

Bilingual Education 8 (2), 15–34.)Sechele, S.T. (1998) The role of the press in independent Botswana. In W.A. Edge and M.H.

Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp. 412–22). Pretoria: JL van Shaik.Setswana National Language Committee (1981) Setswana Standard Orthography 1981.

Ministry of Education. Gaborone.Sillery, A. (1965) Founding a Protectorate: History of Bechuanaland 1885–1895. The Hague:

Mouton.Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (1990) Language Literacy and Minorities. London: Minority Rights

Group.Skutnabb-Kangas, T. and Phillipson, R. (1989) Wanted! Linguistic Human Rights.

ROLIG-papir 44. Roskilde: Roskilde University Centre.Smieja, B. and Mathangwane, J.T. (1999) Report on the survey of language use and

language attitudes in Botswana (manuscript).Sommer, G. and Vossen, R. (1995) Linguistic variation in Siyeyi. In A. Traill, R. Vossen and

M. Biesele (eds) The Complete Linguist. Papers in Memory of Patrick J. Dickens (pp. 407–79).Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.

Somolekae, G. and Lekorwe, M.H. (1998) The chieftaincy system and politics in Botswana,1966–1995. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp.186–98). Pretoria: JL van Schaik.

SPILL at http://www.spil.society.webjump.com.The Voice, 21 May 1998.Tlou, T. (1985) A History of Ngamiland 1750–1906: The Formation of an African State.

Gaborone: Macmillan.Tlou, T. (1998) The nature of Batswana states: Towards a theory of Batswana traditional

government – the Batawana case. In W.A Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) BotswanaPolitics and Society (pp. 11–31). Pretoria: JL van Schaik.

Tlou, T. and Campbell, A. (1984) History of Botswana. Gaborone: Macmillan.Tsonope, J. (1995) Prospects for the indigenous languages of Botswana. Implications of the

Government White Paper No. 2 of 1994. Mosenodi: Journal of the Botswana EducationalResearch Association 3(1&2), 5–13.


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Visser, H. (1998) Language and cultural empowerment of the Khoesan people: The Naroexperience. Lecture delivered at the University of Botswana, 6 March 1998.

Vossen, R. (1988). Patterns of Language Knowledge and Language Use in Ngamiland inBotswana. Germany: Eckhard Breitinger.

Wolfson, N. and Manes, J. (eds) (1985) The Language of Inequality. New York: Mouton.

Appendix 1: Main Khoisan Language Groups (in brackets aresub-groups)Ju/hoanXaniTcg’aox’ae (or = Kx’au//’ein or ‘Kxc’au/ein)DxanaDcuiNaro: (//Ana: Naro, //Gana, /Gwi, Khute)QgoonSan/N/OakhineNamaShua: (Xaise, Deti, Cara, Shua, Ts’ixa, Danisi, Bugakhwe, Xanikhwe)Tshwa: (Tshwa, Kua, Tshauwau, Heitshware)Tchuan� HuaHai//om!Xoo!Kwi: (/Xam, = Khomani, //Xegwi and //Ng!’e)Tshu

Appendix 2: Recommendations related to Setswana and English(National Policy on Education, March 1994)Recommendation 3 [para. 2.3.30]

With respect to language policy, the Commission recommends that theNational Setswana Language Council be renamed the Botswana LanguagesCouncil and be given revised terms of Reference, including the responsibil-ity for developing a comprehensive language policy (p. 13)

Recommendation 18 [para.4.4.31]

With respect to the teaching of languages in primary school,

(a) English should be used as the medium of instruction from standard 2 assoon as practicable (p. 59)

(d) Setswana should be taught as a compulsory subject for citizens of Botswanathroughout the primary school system. In-service training programs shouldcommence immediately to improve the teaching of Setswana as a subject (p.18)

Recommendation 31 [para. 5.5.7]

The Commission recommends the following statement of goals for thethree-year junior secondary program: The goals of the Junior CertificateCurriculum are to develop in all children


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– Proficiency in the use of Setswana and English language as tools for effec-tive communication, study and work– an understanding of society, appreciation of culture and sense of citizen-ship; etc. (p. 21)


With respect to Junior Certificate curriculum,

(b) each student should take eight core subjects, namely, English, SetswanaSocial Studies etc.

(d) in addition each student should select a minimum of two and a maximum ofthree optional subjects. At least one of the subject selected should be fromeach of the following groups of subjects:(ii) Third language (p. 63)


In order to improve the teaching of Setswana, the Commission recommendsthat:

(a) teachers should be exposed to as many language teaching methods as possi-ble so as to provide a variety for the teacher and the learner, with emphasison communicative approaches, and therefore make Setswana more interest-ing as a subject (p. 26)

(b) information on job opportunities other than teaching, e.g. in the media,professions and as translators, Court interpreters, and Parliamentary trans-lators, should be more extensively disseminated. With some guidancestudents at school level would then take their study of the language moreseriously, recognising opportunities for development in the language (p.66)

(c) the University of Botswana’s Department of African Languages and Litera-ture should play a leading role in guiding academic presentations inSetswana and cooperate with the Faculty of Education in promoting theteaching of Setswana.(p. 26)

Recommendation number 70 [para.7.6.9]

With respect to the development of a core curriculum for students in tertiaryeducation institutions, the Commission recommends the following compo-nents:

(d) a module on Botswana’s culture and values, within the context of heteroge-neous African cultures, noting the uniqueness and universals of Botswana’sways of life (p. 34)


(c) the primary teacher training curriculum should prepare teachers to handleadequately some of the innovative methods such as Breakthrough toSetswana, Project Method, continuous Assessment, Guidance and Coun-seling, Special Education, Remedial Teaching, especially to supportassessed progression (p. 45)


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Recommendation 101 [Para.10.5.13]

(e) admission requirements should be reviewed to allow experienced primaryschool teachers holding COSC/GCE to be recruited for training as SetswanaTeachers (p. 46)

Recommendation 103 [para.10.5.19]

(a) Setswana teacher training should be included in the category of criticalhuman resource shortage alongside the Science and Technical fields ofstudy in the proposed Grant/Loan Scheme (p. 46)

(b) Setswana teachers should enjoy enhanced entry salary and parallel progres-sion similarly to Science and Mathematics teachers (p. 46)


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biodata included on disk but not in hard copy



The Language Planning Situation inMalawi

Edrinnie KayambazinthuDepartment of English, Chancellor College, University of Malawi, P.O. Box 280,Zomba, Malawi

This monograph presents a detailed study on the language planning situation in Ma-lawi. It explores the historical and political processes, as well as current practices of lan-guage planning in the country. The discussion further reconstructs and demonstrateshow sociopolitical change has been perceived in Malawi and how this perception hastranslated into language planning in education, the media and the general patterns oflanguage use. The role of prominent individuals, the language situation itself and thesociopolitical issues serve as bases from which language planning in Malawi should beunderstood. Taken together the resultant language planning practices (past and pres-ent) present an interesting case study of pervasive ad hoc and reactive language plan-ning based more on self-interest and political whim than research.

IntroductionMalawi is situated in central southern Africa and shares boundaries with Tan-

zania in the northeast, Zambia in the west and Mozambique in the southeast. Thecountry is approximately 900 kilometres in length and ranges in width from80–160 kilometres. It has a total area of 118,486 square metres of which 94,276 island and the rest is taken up by Lake Malawi which is about 475 kilometres long(Malawi National Statistical Office (MNSO), 1996: 1). Malawi is divided intothree main administrative areas: the Northern, the Central and the Southern Re-gions. The country is further divided into 27 districts, 5 in the Northern Region, 9in the Central Region and 13 in the Southern Region. Malawi has an estimatedpopulation of 12 million1 of which 42% were literate in 1987 and 89% are locatedin the rural areas.

Malawi is linguistically heterogeneous with 13 Malawian languages and theirnumerous dialects being spoken within the country (Kayambazinthu, 1995). Thelanguage situation in Malawi, like that in most other African countries, is charac-terised by the asymmetrical coexistence of English, the official language;Chichewa, the national language, and 12 other indigenous languages and theirvarieties. This monograph provides a description of the language situation inMalawi and its various dimensions including the dynamism of multilingualism.The monograph focuses on the major languages, their spread, language planningand language maintenance and prospects in Malawi. The monograph also drawstogether a number of isolated surveys carried out in Malawi to elucidate the lan-guage situation there. The interplay and use of both major and minor languagesare focused on at both macro and micro levels.

Part 1: The Language Profile of Malawi

Definition of termsIn this section language is defined on a combined geopolitical and genetic ba-

79

sis. The term language, as opposed to dialect, is defined according to Chambersand Trudgill (1980: 5) who regard dialects ‘as subdivisions of a particular lan-guage. A language therefore is a collection of mutually intelligible dialects’ orvarieties. The discussion further recognises that there are many borderline caseswhere politically and socially it is difficult to make the distinction between a lan-guage and a dialect. On the basis of mutual intelligibility one would considerMalawian languages such as Khokhola and Lomwe as one and the same lan-guage, but not Yao and Lomwe. Therefore, the definition and count of differentlanguages may vary considerably from the traditional or official count, espe-cially in Chitipa District, where the definitions are based on an exaggerated olderstate of linguistic knowledge and or sociopolitical considerations than linguisticones (see Ntonya, 1998).

The names of the languages are those currently being used in Malawi. Lan-guage names derive from the ethnic groups by adding (or not adding) either theprefix Chi-, Ki- or Kya- depending on the language. For purposes of this mono-graph and for consistency the language prefix will not be used.2 The term speakeris reserved for active speakers able to converse with ease on a variety of topicswho are likely to raise their children speaking the language and who are able toprovide information on the basic documentation of the language. This then ex-cludes those only able to understand the language or those with fragmentary orless fluent ability. The number of speakers given can only be taken as an estimategiven the 32 year gap since the only language census was done. Malawian lan-guages have not been studied or properly documented, except to a limited extentfor Chichewa, Yao and Tumbuka.

The languages and their historical backgroundGeographically and culturally Malawi is linked with eastern Zambia, north-

ern Mozambique and Northern Tanzania. All these neighbouring countries havecontributed to the ethnic and linguistic composition of Malawi and vice versa.Typologically all Malawian languages are of Bantu origin. From the thirteenth tothe nineteenth centuries AD, several political entities originated from the CongoBasin, each of which was presumably dominated by a single monoethnic andmonolingual core: the Chewa, Tumbuka and the Ngulube group. The founda-tions of the modern ethnic and linguistic map were completed with the coming ofthe Ngoni, Yao and Lomwe. In spite of the increasingly divergent ethnic and lin-guistic presence in the region, the political history of Malawi was characterisedby peaceful existence of the groups. During this period, most of these Malawianlanguages had roughly equal positions as dominant languages of their culture. Itwas the coming of the missionaries and the later rise to power of Dr Banda thatdecisively turned the balance of power in favour of Chichewa. This section fo-cuses on the history of the indigenous people, their languages and dialects fromthe thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries AD with a view to showing the historicalprocesses that gave rise to the various dialects. In view of their different historicalrelationships, the languages spoken in Malawi may be divided into three distinctgroups: major indigenous languages, minor indigenous languages and minornon-indigenous languages. The territorial identities and sociolinguistic posi-tions belonging to each language are discussed in the sections that follow.


Indigenous languages

Chichewa (zone N, group 20)3

In its standard and non-standard variety, Chichewa has been used as the solenational language since 1968, for both regional and national administrative, liter-acy and cultural purposes in Malawi. It is the native language of 50.2% ofMalawians, both rural and urban (MNSO, 1966). A number of source dialectalvarieties are spoken, reflecting the geographical origins of the population andtheir wave of migration connected to territorial expansion. The major dialects re-cognised in Malawi are Chewa, Nyanja and Mang’anja.

According to Phiri et al. (1992: 608), the central and southern part of Malawiwas dominated by the Chewa speakers and their subgroups: the Mang’anja ofthe lower Shire Valley and Nyanja around the southern end of Lake Malawi. Thenorthern area stretched on the western side of Lake Malawi from theTumbuka-Chewa marginal zone in the centre to the Songwe river in the northwas occupied by three language families: the Tumbuka group,Ngonde-Nyakyusa and the Sukwa-Lambya-Nyiha group.

Historians (Alpers, 1968, 1972; Pachai, 1973; Phiri et al., 1992: 615) agree thatbetween the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries AD, most of central and southernMalawi was settled by Bantu speakers. These were at first a collective part of thevast and widely settled community of the Maravi or Malawi peoples, nowknown as Chewa, Nyanja and Mang’anja. The Maravi migrated from theLuba-Lunda kingdoms of eastern Zaire and settled in a place called Mankhamba(present-day Dedza district) in Malawi under their leader, Kalonga. Here theyfused with the early inhabitants, the proto-Chewa.

Historically, a wave of migration took place connected with lack of space andterritorial expansion. As noted by Pachai (1973: 8), terminologically, the variousdialect clusters of Chewa,4 the language they spoke, is better understood withinthe framework of migration, economic power and the political organisation ofthe Maravi Empire. What started off as Maravi ended up as Chewa, Mang’anja,Nyanja, Chipeta, Nsenga, Chikunda, Mbo, Ntumba and Zimba, as a result of dis-persion and decentralisation. For over half of the seventeenth century, theMaravi established an empire built upon ivory trade to Kilwa and Mozambiquewith the Portuguese and, later, the Arabs, and embarked on territorial expansionthat took them beyond central and southern Malawi into adjacent parts of Zam-bia and Mozambique (Phiri et al., 1992). Phiri also claims that by the earlyseventeenth century, their federation of states encompassed the greater part ofeastern Zambia, central and southern Malawi and northern Mozambique. Popu-lation growth led to pressure on land, local quarrels, the desire to settle on one’sown, and the urge to control or protect trade routes and goods (Pachai, 1973).Consequently, the empire disintegrated, leading to several different establishedsubsidiary chiefdoms and kingdoms of related people speaking various dialectsof the Chewa cluster (Marwick, 1963; Pachai, 1972).

For example, Kalonga is said to have sent out a number of his relatives to es-tablish settlements in various areas for political and economic reasons (Alpers,1968). Mwase settled in an ivory rich district, Kasungu; Kaphwiti and Lundu set-tled in the lower Shire Valley and Mkanda in eastern Zambia (now ChipataDistrict). All these tributary kings owed allegiance to the Paramount Kalonga

The Language Planning Situation in Malawi 81

and paid tribute. However, the bond was later severed. For example, Undi leftfor Mozambique territory and was by 1614 reported to be trading with the Portu-guese. This reduced Kalonga’s position (Pachai, 1973: 8). External factors such astrade, availability of arms and ammunition acquired from the Portuguese andArab traders, gold and ivory trading led to the strengthening of the power of thetributary kings like Undi, Lundu and Mwase-Kasungu (Pachai, 1973).Kabunduli, Chulu, Kaluluma and Kanyenda moved into the Tumbuka-Chewamarginal areas creating a mixed sociolinguistic group of whom the Tonga ofnorthern Nkhota Kota and Nkhata Bay districts are the most obvious (Phiri et al.1992: 622).

Wherever they moved, the Maravi called themselves by the geographical ar-eas in which they settled, to distinguish themselves from other groups. Forinstance, people from the chiefdom of Mkanda in Zambia referred to themselvesas Chewa, Kunda, Nsenga and Ambo; those of the southwestern lakeshore andthe Shire River as Nyanja (meaning people of the lake or people living along thelake). Those of Undi and Mwase Kasungu who settled in the hinterlands ofKasungu, Dowa, Ntchitsi, Mchinji, called themselves Chipeta (Chipeta meanstall grass or savanna). Those of Kaphwiti were known as Mang’anja. ‘These vari-ous dialectal names were no more than regional or geographical designations ofpeople who belonged to the same cultural and language groups, later on devel-oping distinct dialects’ (Schoffeleers, 1972: 96). Of these, the name Chewareferred to the numerically strongest group (Marwick, 1963; Pachai, 1973), ofwhom about 80% live in Malawi and the remaining 20% or so in Zambia and Mo-zambique (Pachai, 1973: 6).

Schoffeleers (1972: 96), unlike other historians, maintains that theChewa-speaking people were never known collectively as Chewa or Maravi butwere known by two names: a specific one and a generic one, the latter beingMaravi. But what is clear from all historical accounts is that the name Maravi (notChewa) stood for an ethnic group or part of it. One would therefore disagree withChilipaine (1985: 3) who stated that all these groups were ethnically Chewa, be-cause ethnohistorical evidence points to the fact that they were ethnically Maravibut dialectally rather differentiated. Although the linguistic affiliation betweenthe Chewa and the Nyanja is still a matter of dispute as to who owns the lan-guage, it is likely that Chewa ethnohistory has involved a cyclic alternationbetween the three groups and Chewa dominance. There is also lack of consensusregarding the name Mang’anja. Banda (1975) and Mchombo (n.d.) maintain thatit is a Portuguese corruption of Nyanja. The Portuguese encounter with SouthAfrican ethnic groups like the Ama Tchangane, Ama Xhosa led them under theinfluence of Portuguese phonology, to velarise the palatal ny /�/ to ng /ŋ/thereby giving rise to a non-existent ethnic group Mang’anja, a people who wereno other than Chewa.

There is little evidence in support of this patriotic statement that needs to beexamined in the light of the available historical and oral evidence adduced bySchoffeleers, who argues that:

we have some evidence in Portuguese documents of the 17th Century thatthe present ethnic designations were already used at that time. The names


Nyanja and Mang’anja occur already, although it is not quite clear whetherthey were also used as ethnic names. (1972: 6)

This statement makes more sense than Banda’s since the Mang’anja aremainly found in the Shire Highlands and not the Lake Shore. Most likely theycalled themselves by a different name like the rest. The dialects Chewa, Nyanjaand Mang’anja are still present in Malawi but not those of Ntumba, Mbo5 andZimba which can be found in Mozambique or Zambia (Henriksen, 1978: 249).According to Pachai (1972), in Malawi these groups mixed with the Ngoni whoare mainly found in the areas these groups once occupied.

Tumbuka (Zone N, Group 20)Tumbuka is a dominant ethnic and regional lingua franca in the northern part

of Malawi. Tumbuka was (1947–68) the northern regional language for educa-tion and broadcasts until Dr Hastings Banda banned it in favour of Chichewa. Ithas the status of a second language for most northerners (Kayambazinthu, 1995).Tumbuka is broadly distributed in three of the five districts in the northern re-gion and, according to the 1966 census, it was a language of 9% of the totalpopulation. The origins and diversity of the language stem from areas of settle-ment and Bryan (1959) identifies eight dialects: Tumbuka, Nkhamanga, Henga,Phoka, Wenya, Fulirwa, Lakeshore and Senga.

The area that covers the Rumphi and Mzimba Districts and extends as far westas the Luangwa valley in the modern Lundazi district of eastern Zambia also ex-perienced a steady influx of Tumbuka migrants from 1700 to the middle 1800(Vail, 1972; Phiri et al., 1992).6 Pachai (1973) suggests that the Tumbuka are theoldest ethnic group in northern Malawi and were basically pastoral andmatrilineal people. According to Vail (1972), and Phiri et al. (1992) the Tumbukawere organised into a loose confederation under their ethnic chief whose eco-nomic and cultural life changed with the coming of traders under their leaderMlowoka. For example, the Phoka inhabit the Nyika Plateau and the fringe landsbetween the Plateau and the lake shore; the Nkhamanga group are found in theNkhamanga Plains, the Henga in the Henga Valley, the Wenya and Nthalire inChitipa District and the Fulirwa between Chitimba and the southern part ofKaronga. Below the Phoka are settled the Lakeshore people, so called becausethey settled along Lake Malawi. Phiri et al. (1992: 612) further state that theNsenga, the present day inhabitants of Lundazi district, seem to have evolvedinto a tribe as a result of interaction between Tumbuka groups and Luba-Lundaimmigrants from the west. Their language is akin to that of the Tumbuka withwhom they share clan names. Like the Maravi, the Tumbuka geographical settle-ment also caused the present distinct dialects that are mutually intelligible.

In the 1780s Tumbuka economic and cultural life changed with the coming ofMlowoka, who had knowledge and experience of external trade. He stayed in thearea and traded with locals in beads, cloth and ivory. Through economic power,Mlowoka established a loose confederation under the Chikulamayembe dynastyat Nkhamanga but his influence was confined to this area and the areas con-trolled by his trading associates (Katumbi, Mwalweni, Jumbo and Mwamlowe)(Vail, 1972).


Tonga (Zone N, Group 10)Functionally, Tonga is an ethnic language of the Tonga inhabiting the present

day Nkhata-Bay District. According to the 1966 census, it had about 1.9% ofspeakers and is one of the minority languages confined to its borders. The Tongainhabit the area between the Viphya range of mountains to the west andnorth-south of the Luweya River. To the north and west of Tongaland, now theNkhata Bay district, are the Tumbuka, while the Chewa are to the south inNkhota Kota District. According to Pachai (1973), the earliest inhabitants werethe Nyalubanga clan, but he also connects the Tonga with the Maravi and theBalowoka. Tonga, according to Vail and White (1989), is similar in grammar andvocabulary to Tumbuka but is a distinct language.

The Ngulube Group(Ngonde and Nyakyusa, Zone M, Group 30; Lambya, Zone N, Group 20;

Nyiha, Zone M, Group 20; Sukwa, Ndali and Mambwe, Zone M, Group 10).7

All these languages can be functionally grouped as ethnic languages usedwithin their ethnic group; in other words, they do not transcend other ethnicgroups and are not documented. The area between the Dwangwa River in thesouth and the Songwe River in the north is the home of many ethnic groups whoformed different linguistic groups. The sixteenth century also saw the coming inof the Ngulube immigrants from the northeast. They founded the states ofLambya, Ngonde, Chifungwe, Sukwa and Nyakyusa (Phiri et al., 1992).

The Ngonde settled in the Songwe area on the northwestern shores of LakeMalawi and border with the Nyakyusa of southern Tanzania to the north, theSukwa and Lambya to the west and the Tumbuka to the south. Kalinga (1985) (aNgonde historian) dates their settlement to around the middle of the fifteenthcentury. Their new land was rich in ivory which they exchanged for cloth, porce-lain and metal work with the Nyika people and those of the Misuku hills. Tradein ivory made their leader, Kyungu, a powerful figure (Kalinga, 1985;McCracken, 1972). Even at the peak of their power the Ngonde did not havemuch influence outside their country of settlement, the present day Karonga Dis-trict. Wilson (1972) comments that the common factor among the Ngonde,Nyakyusa and Lambya is that they all originated from Bukinga country beyondthe tip of Lake Malawi. Wilson (1972: 138) further claims that the Ngonde andNyakyusa had close cultural and historical ties, speaking the same language al-though with a different accent. Kalinga (1985: 1) states the same: ‘they (Ngonde)are more closely related to the Nyakyusa than any other ethnic group in this re-gion. Their language, KyaNgonde is a dialect of KiNyakyusa, and like theNyakyusa, they are great cattle keepers’. From this, one would conclude thatNgonde is a dialect of Nyakyusa8 (see also Tew, 1950: 75), even though in Malawithey are treated as separate or distinct languages (see Table 1).

Another group, the Lambya, under their leader Mwaulambya, is traced backto Rungwe in Tanzania. Ethnohistorical evidence points to the fact that the Nyihawere the earliest inhabitants of the area where the Lambya settled and peacefullyestablished their political authority. Lambya is a dialect of Nyiha (Phiri et al.,1992; Wilson, 1958: 28–9). My own personal communication with a Lambya9

points to the same fact. That is, the Lambya and Nyiha are related linguisticallyand their languages are mutually intelligible. Another Ngulube leader, Kameme,


also settled and established his political power over the Nyiha, west of Ulambya.Phiri et al. inform us that the Mambwe and Namwanga linguistic groups mi-grated into the Kameme chiefdom. The linguistic interaction between theindigenous groups and the migrants clearly summarised by Phiri et al. (1992: 626)who argue that:

the modern language situation reflects something about the numericalstrength of the various immigrant parties who founded chieftaincies aswell as the means by which they assumed power and later governed thepeople. Cilambya and the language of Kameme are dialects of the indige-nous Nyiha while Kyangonde and Kinyakyusa are dialects of the Ngulubepeople’s language. In other words, the Mwaulambya and Kameme andtheir followers were assimilated linguistically while in Ungonde andUnyakyusa, the indigenous people were assimilated by the immigrants.Modern Chisukwa is a dialect of Ndali (a linguistic group north of theSongwe) understood by the Nyiha speakers and relatively easy to learn[sic] by the Ngonde than Nyiha proper. Chisukwa thus forms a bridge be-tween Nyiha and Ngonde languages.

What is interesting and worth noting is that Chitipa (where most of these lan-guages are spoken) is the most linguistically heterogeneous district in Malawi.


Language Number ofspeakers

Projectednumber of

speakers, 1998

% District where spoken

Chichewa 1,644,916 5,263,731 50.2 Dowa, Dedza, Lilongwe,Ntchitsi, Blantyre, Kasungusouth, Chiradzulu,Nkhota-kota, Mchinji, Salima

Lomwe 476,306 1,524,179 14.5 Mulanje, Thyolo, Zomba,Blantyre Machinga, Chiradzulu

Yao 452,305 1,447,376 13.8 Mangochi, Machinga, Zomba,Chiradzulu, Blantyre, Mulanje

Tumbuka 298,881 956,419 9.1 Mzimba, Rumphi, Karonga,Chitipa Nkhata-Bay

Sena 115,055 368,176 3.5 Nsanje, Chikwawa,Khokhola 74,466 238,291 2.3 Thyolo, MulanjeTonga 62,213 199,082 1.9 Nkhata-BayNgoni 37,480 119,936 1.1 Mzimba, Deza, NtcheuNkhonde 31,018 99,258 <1 KarongaLambya 18,646 59,667 <1 ChitipaSukwa 18,300 58,560 <1 ChitipaNyakyusa 3,994 12,781 <1 KarongaSwahili 2,854 9,133 <1 KarongaOtherMambwe 39,538 126,522 ChitipaNdali ChitipaNyiha ChitipaEnglish 209 Chitipa

Table 1 Home languages in numerical order55

My informants from this district reported up to 13 languages being spoken in thedistrict (see also Ntonya, 1998). This might be an exaggeration or confusion of thedifferences between languages and dialects, but it points to the interaction of dif-ferent ethnic groups who have coexisted but maintained their separatelanguages within a small district.

The Sena (Zone N, Group 40)Sena was spoken in Nsanje and Chikwawa by about 3.5% of the total popula-

tion in 1966. In the Lower Shire, the Sena are said to have migrated to Malawifrom Mozambique, their native country, along the lower Zambezi. Tew (1950)views Sena as a group of languages with its main dialects being Sena, Nyungweand Chikunda. The absence of literature or documentation on this ethnic groupin Malawi makes it difficult for one to tell exactly when they migrated into thecountry, especially into the Chikwawa and Nsanje Districts. However, Watkins(1937) states that the Sena language is spoken in the lower Zambezi and accord-ing to Werner (1906) is virtually identical with Nyanja. She also states that thelanguages called Sena and Tete (Nyungwe) are dialects of Nyanja. However, thisassertion needs to be questioned on the basis of knowledge from native speakersand the writer’s own experience in the country. Native speakers of Sena claimthat their language is not mutually intelligible with Nyanja.10 Any Malawiancoming across this language would agree that it is a different language fromChewa or any other language in Malawi.

Phiri et al. (1992) claim that these Malawian people enjoyed a certain degree ofsocial and religious cohesion even though they were politically and linguisticallydivided. Whilst most of the ethnic groups in the north were patrilineal andpatrilocal (except for the Tonga), those in the central and southern part of Ma-lawi, including the Tonga, were matrilineal and matrilocal (see also Tew, 1950).Religious practice for almost all ethnic groups involved ancestral veneration,spirit possession, rainmaking and the control of witchcraft. For the Chewa, theNyau Secret Society was an important vehicle for expressing and dramatisingethnic creation myths, the moral code and so on (Phiri et al., 1992: 613). The raincults were the chief manifestations of a territorial religious experience. TheChikha-ng’ombe and Chisumpe cults of the Tumbuka and Chewa respectivelybelonged to this category. For both ethnic groups the deity took the form of asnake (Phiri et al., 1992).

From the preceding discussion we can see how sociopolitical and economiccircumstances created the seeds of the present language situation in Malawi. Fac-tors such as mass migration, political expansion, decentralisation, trade anddisintegration contributed greatly to the geographical distribution of early eth-nic language groups. Geographical distance later on created dialect distancebetween people of the same language and culture. The migration patterns alsotouch on the possibility of genetic relationships between languages such asChewa, Tumbuka and Tonga on the one hand, and those of the Ngonde,Nyakyusa, Ndali, Lambya and Nyiha on the other. These ethnic groups, throughtime and geographical distance, have developed distinct cultures and languages.It is difficult to speculate on contact languages for this period since there is verylittle documentation. These groups had settled in Malawi for six centuries beforethe coming of the other ethnic groups that are the subject of our next discussion.


Nineteenth century Malawi: 1848–1897This period in Malawian history is treated as one of isolated ethnic migration

of ‘intruders’ (Palmer, 1972) as opposed to the mass migration considered previ-ously. It has its own sociolinguistic trends of coexistence with acculturation ofsmall ethnic groups into the numerically large ethnic groups under different cir-cumstances.

The Ngoni (Zone N, Group 10)Ngoni is another minority language that was spoken by about 1.1% of the pop-

ulation in 1966. Ngoni is a dying language and most of its speakers use Chichewaor Tumbuka except in the few areas where it still survives.

The first group to intrude upon nineteenth century Malawi was the Ngoni, abranch of the Zulu ethnic group in South Africa. Following the death of theirleader, Zwangendaba, in 1848 at the south end of Lake Tanganyika, and due tosuccession disputes, the Ngoni dispersed in different directions. Of significanceto this monograph are the Maseko Ngoni and Mpezeni Ngoni. The former, underGomani, settled in the Kirk Range of Dedza and Ntcheu Districts, whilst thoseunder Chidyaonga settled in Ntcheu, among the Chewa. Another group to settleamong the Chewa was under Gwaza Jere who settled in Dowa district. TheMpezeni Ngoni under Mbelwa destroyed the Chikulamayembe dynasty and set-tled in Mzimba District among the Tumbuka.

McCracken (1972) and Spear (1972) agree that the Ngoni were a militant groupwho imposed their political or state structure upon their subordinates whereverthey went. However, economically and socially, they adopted the agricul-tural-pastoral economy of the indigenous people. This was augmented by localraiding.

The Ngoni settlements produced a number of cultural and societal changes tothe Ngoni themselves as they coexisted, interacted and integrated with the indig-enous people. The cultural and linguistic exchanges between them and theindigenous people took a variety of forms depending on the Ngoni policy of as-similation or the lack of it, coupled with the local conditions. For example,Harding (1966) comments that the Gomani Ngoni who subjugated theNyanja-speaking people in Dedza and Ntcheu spoke the Nguni dialect of Zulu.‘Except for a few words, no trace of Nguni is found in their present dialect hereaf-ter called Chingoni’ (Harding, 1966: 2). Similarly, the Mpezeni Ngoni who settledin Zambia became largely influenced by Chewa and Senga customs and lan-guages and those of Mbelwa were influenced by Tumbuka (see also Mtenje &Soko, 1998).

The process of acculturation that led to language shift among the Ngoni isbetter explained in ‘the lessened prestige and power of the Ngoni and the greaterpersistence of the culture of the peoples who were numerically superior in theirhome territory’ (Spear, 1972: 36). Spear further argues that during what is gener-ally regarded as the ‘march’, or migration period, and prior to settlement, Nguniwas retained as the language because of its prestige and because there was nolanguage competing with it. After settlement, however, the alien group becamethe minority, and due to intermarriages between the Ngoni and Senga, Ngoniand Chewa, Ngoni and Tumbuka, the children spoke the language of their moth-


ers (who belonged to the conquered group). Even during the march, Ngoni wasalready a changed language through the accumulation of ethnic groups thatswelled their armies. The Nguni remained a minority and the captives, the ma-jority. Vocabulary, pronunciation and grammar were all altered in turn byvarious assimilated groups so that the characteristic Nguni clicks were droppedand new vocabulary and prefixes adopted (Spear, 1972). Even though they re-mained Ngoni ethnically, linguistically they became either Chewa or Tumbukaand their languages had a significant impact on the languages they mixed with,leading to distinct dialects. Their settlement patterns followed those of the con-quered but their political structure and names remained (Mtenje & Soko, 1998).

Among the Tumbuka, Ngoni was retained for some time because of the Ngonipolicy of segregation, primarily by the older Ngoni, and in Emcisweni(Mpherembe’s headquarters) Ngoni was retained well into the twentieth cen-tury (Spear, 1972: 31).11 The language however, has undergone someconsiderable changes.

Dialect modifications such as the gradual elimination of the clicks and thesubstitution of ‘r’ for ‘l’, the double consonants ‘dl’ and ‘hl’ characteristic ofNguni language were lost as well, pronoun forms of the verb were alteredand there was large scale borrowing of vocabulary from Tumbuka.(Werner, 1906: 35)

Tumbuka gradually took over because of intermarriage, i.e. there were an in-creasing number of Tumbuka mothers within Ngoni society (Kishindo, 1995;Read, 1936). It is clear from Ngoni historiography (Elmslie, 1899; Fraser, 1914;Read, 1956; Kishindo, 1995; Mtenje & Soko, 1998) that cultural dominance in coreareas other than language was still there. For example, the Ngoni Ingoma danceand war gear, their paying of the bride price, patrilinealism and Ngoni ceremo-nies were still their pride and have continued unabated (Mtenje & Soko, 1998).Whilst they remained culturally Ngoni, linguistically they became Tumbuka.The Ngoni language was basically dead and Donald Fraser (1914: 189) wrote:‘There are large districts in which it is an unusual thing to find even an old Ngoniwho speaks the pure language of his fathers and one seldom hears it from the lipsof a young person’.

Apart from factors like intermarriage and minority group status, one can alsospeculate that the Ngoni did not enforce their language on their subjects. For amilitant group as powerful and aggressive as the Ngoni not to enforce their lan-guage on their captives is surprising. One probable explanation for not doing socan be found in their lack of concern for and promotion of their language, cou-pled with the tenacity of the Tumbuka language. One byproduct of the Ngonipolicy of segregation and lack of control over their subjects in the periphery wasthe breakaway of the Tumbuka. One group settled at the end of Lake Malawi inKaronga District where they dwell to this day, ‘an island of Tumbuka languageand culture in a sea of Ngonde people’ (Vail & White, 1989: 153).

Yao (Zone P, Group 20)The Yao form the third largest ethnic group in Malawi and their language was

spoken by 13% of the total population in 1966. Yao dialectal variation also stems


from geographical settlements and three dialects are identifiable: Mangochi,Machinga and Makanjira Yao (Kishindo et al., 1997).

They were the second group of immigrants to invade Malawi, and derive theirname from the Yao Hill situated near Mwembe (between the Lujenda andRovuma rivers) in Mozambique (Murray, 1922: 45). The Yao were long-distancetraders from Mozambique (where they are found in large numbers) who in the1850s, as a result of either internal disputes or defeat (Alpers, 1972) or drought(Webster, 1978), migrated into Malawi and settled among the Nyanja at thesouthern end of Lake Malawi. They bred strong chiefs who traded with the Arabsand Swahili (as middlemen) in ivory and, later on, in slaves in exchange for cloth,ornaments and firearms. According to Alpers (1972) the Yao became the domi-nant population group of the entire northern half of the southern part of Malawi.Militarily powerful and commercially aggressive, they dominated and subju-gated the Chewa or Nyanja and Mang’anja for the remainder of the nineteenthcentury in the Shire Highlands. Their long contact with Muslim traders influ-enced the majority to profess Islam and adopt Arab dress (Henriksen, 1978: 248).

The Yao came in two groups: the Mangochi Yao who are now settled inChiradzulu, Blantyre, Zomba and Mulanje Districts, and the Machinga Yao whoare settled in the Mangochi, Machinga and Liwonde areas. Murray (1922: 84)comments that there were few if any mixed marriages between the MangochiYao or Liwonde Yao and the Chewa, unlike among those who settled in the ShireHighlands. We learn from Murray (1932: 46–47) that:

The Shire Highlands Yao have lost their pride of race and do not observetheir customs and the young generations do not know the customs of theirancestors and there are a lot of intermarriages between Nguru and Yao, Yaoand Nyanja . . . so that most of them will be Yao in name but linguisticallyNyanja. Even today many of the natives in the highlands are of doubtful or-igin and the majority of the so called Yao have little claim to the name.Amongst them, the Yao language is poorly spoken and shows signs of dis-appearance.

This reveals that through interaction with the Nyanja, the Yao graduallyshifted towards Nyanja culture and language. This owes much to the initial har-monious existence between the peace-loving Nyanja and the Yao, a relationshipthat changed when the Yao took to the slave trade (Phiri, 1978). Even though in-termarriage was one of the causes of language shift, this was also coupled withEuropean employers finding the Nyanja dialect easier to learn and therefore pro-moting it to the detriment of Yao (Murray, 1932: 46).

Whilst the Shire Highlands Yao mixed with the Nyanja and Mang’anja, theMangochi and Machinga Yao, having embraced Islam, were more conservative.Even today, they form the highest concentration of the Yao ethnic group in termsof numbers and lack of integration with other ethnic groups. One should alsonote that the Shire Highlands was an area of great linguistic interaction with thecoming of another group, the Lomwe.

The Lomwe (Zone P, Group 30)The Lomwe comprise the second largest ethnic group in Malawi (14%). The

language is confined to its ethnic group and is the least used language in the


country. Lomwe historiography points to the fact that they migrated in smallgroups and their migration dates back to about 1760 (Rashid, 1978) even thoughtheir main impact was not felt until after 1895 (Vail & White, 1989: 167). TheLomwe derive their name from Lomwe Hill in Mozambique and they are akin tothe Lolo (Boerder, 1984; Soka, 1953). Nurse (1972), from lexicostatistics, suggeststhat the Lolo were the forebears of the Lomwe. Soka also records that the Lomwe,who today inhabit Zomba, Mulanje, Thyolo, Chiradzulu and Machinga Districtsbelonged to five dialectal subdivisions: Muhipiti, Makua, Meeto, Nyamwelo andMihavani. Another group, the Khokhola (people of the woodlands) crossed theRuo River and settled in Mulanje, whilst another section, the Athakwani (namedafter a hill) also settled in the same area.

Rashid (1978), who did research on the relationship between one branch of theLomwe, the Mbewe, and the Yao and Chewa, argues that there was a great dealof interaction between the Yao, Lomwe and Nyanja contributing to a multiethnicsociety, primarily Nguru12 and Nyanja in origin among whom the Yao languagewas gaining popularity. Through interethnic interaction and the ivory trade, theLomwe adopted the

language of a numerically very small but prestigious trading elite … It mayhave been an advantage in state building and assimilation that the lan-guage being adopted was not a lingua franca of one of the major ethnicgroups … its use is linked to economic advantage and prestige. (Rashid,1978: 20)

Even though this was the case in the early nineteenth century, later Lomweimmigrants are generally treated as late arrivals in the Shire Highlands where theMang’anja and Yao had a strong foothold. This probably arose because theycame in not as militants or traders, like the other intruders, but as settlers insearch of land. The Lomwe settled in the Shire Highlands under the terms ofThangata (a feudal system of labour in exchange for land) to both Yao lords andlater on British planters. The Lomwe provided a ready and permanent laboursupply under this system. Acculturation for the Lomwe like the other immi-grants was that of language shift either to Yao or Chewa, as Murray (1932: 56)observes:

The Anguru who have settled in Malawi are rapidly losing their tribal andsocial characteristics. Of the children born in the protectorate, a few boys orgirls have their teeth filed and almost none of the girls have their lipspierced for the lip ring. Most girls later adopt what are accepted as Yaomarkings and wear a nose button and intermarry among the Mang’anja,Anyanja and Yao. The language readily adopts Mang’anja words, some-times in a more or less modified form … a verb within the Lomwe o insteadof ku for the infinitive and with the stress in the wrong place. But the major-ity of the younger generation speak Nyanja or Shire Highland Yao withconsiderable fluency.

From the Lomwe account it can be argued that the Lomwe were not invaderslike the Yao and Ngoni; rather they settled and lived as subordinates to theirlords, a position that has had and is having serious consequences for their lan-


guage and self-esteem. Culturally, the Chewa, Lomwe and Yao are matrilinealand matrilocal whilst the Sena are the only patrilineal group in the south.

Non-Malawian minor languages

Arabic and SwahiliThe Swahili and the Arabs belonged to the East African coast and their first

connection with Malawi was mainly through the ivory and slave trade from the1840s onwards (McMillan, 1972: 263). The Swahili formed the fighting force ofthe Arab slave traders and according to Murray (1922) were never numerous.They established settlements at various centres on the lakeshore of Malawi, nota-bly Karonga, Nkhota-kota and Mangochi Districts. Murray (1922) states thatthrough intermarriage with the local Nyanja speakers their language wasadopted in these areas under their influence but not beyond it. Like other mi-grant groups, they also influenced the languages they interacted with, giving riseto a Chewa dialect that is very different in pronunciation and vocabulary fromthat of the Shire Highlands.

EnglishThe last group of intruders were the British13 who introduced English in Ma-

lawi. Though there were only about 250 native speakers in the country in 1966,the British form another important and interesting part of linguistic history inMalawi. The role played by Scottish missionaries, Shire Highlands’ planters andgovernment administrators is important in both the formulation and shaping ofthe language policy. The discussion here will be brief as a fuller account is givenin Part III of this monograph.

The first British visitors to Malawi were Dr David Livingstone and his party in1858–64 and again in 1866–73, in the name of commerce and Christianity. Thenext group of Europeans were the pioneer parties of the Universities Mission toCentral Africa (UMCA), Livingstonia and Blantyre Missions who settled alongthe lake in 1875 and at Blantyre on the Shire Highlands, respectively. The othergroups, who came later, were referred to as ‘planters’ and were fortune seekerswho acquired huge pieces of land for growing coffee and tea in the Shire High-lands.

The advent of the Europeans brought many changes to Malawian society.First, in a bid to protect her nationals in Malawi, Britain declared Malawi (thenNyasaland) the British Central African Protectorate in 1891. On 6 July 1907, thename was changed to Nyasaland Protectorate. Second, the growth of Christian-ity and its elite challenged the cultural and social fabric of Malawi. Third, it led tothe development of a communication system and imbalanced economic devel-opment that favoured the Southern Region and in particular the ShireHighlands. Cole-King (1972: 88) states that by 1918, the basis of modern commu-nication systems consisting of a rail, road and river route in and out of thecountry for goods and passengers, telegraphic and postal communications withthe rest of the world and a road network linking the administrative centreswithin the country had been established. This infrastructure, the availability ofemployment for the cash economy, the development of urban centres like Zombaas the capital city for administration and Blantyre as a commercial centre, had a


tremendous impact on the mobility of various ethnic groups. People started towork in the tea and tobacco estates. Migration became one-sided, that is, towardsthe southern part of the country in the Shire Highlands and even to the mines inZimbabwe, South Africa and Zambia. Urban migration created the need for a lin-gua franca for inter-ethnic communication. In an area like the Shire Highlandswhich was already linguistically heterogeneous, the situation became even morecomplex. The varied responses of different societies or ethnic groups to thesechanges, discussed later in this monograph, are of crucial importance to the un-derstanding of the current language situation in Malawi.

Demographic distribution of Malawian languagesThis section gives some figures indicating the size of each native speaker com-

munity based on the 1966 Census data (Malawi National Statistics Office Report(MNSO, 1966).14 About 16 languages were investigated. The criteria used for de-termining languages and dialects are not clear. The total population in 1966 wasabout 3,275,181. Table 1 presents the languages and their location (see also Figure1). The problem with the census data, as recognised by many scholars, is the diffi-culty in distinguishing accurately the number of persons of a given indigenousorigin and identity living near traditional territory. Some of the people’s identitycould be considered more official than functional, with the younger generationsforming an insignificant proportion of those who speak the language. This is es-pecially true of languages such as Lomwe and Ngoni whose younger generationrarely, if at all, speak their languages (see Kayambazinthu, 1995; Matiki, 1996/7;Mtenje & Soko, 1998).

As Whiteley (1984) cautions, census data usually uses ethnicity rather than lin-guistic affiliation as a way of identifying people. Since ethnic and linguistic unitsare not comparable, the census figures presented do not give precise informationregarding the number of people speaking the language as their mother tongue oras a second language. Also, as Stubbs (1972) observes, the census made no at-tempt to analyse the extent of cultural assimilation as indications of homelanguages and languages understood, for the four largest language groups inMalawi. The census only asked about the language people usually spoke in thehome and their ability to understand one or more designated languages: Nyanja,Tumbuka, Yao and English. The base figure estimates are outdated and are there-fore being used as a general guideline. The total population in 1966 was3,275,181, while it is being estimated at 12,000,000 in 1998.

Data in Table 1 show that Chichewa was the largest home language. About50.2%15 of the population spoke Chichewa. The next largest group was Lomwe(14.5%) followed by Yao (13.8%) and Tumbuka (9.1%). Quantitatively, these fourare the largest linguistic groups in Malawi. Given the annual growth rate of 3.2%(MNSO, 1996), we can project new figures for these ethnic groups. The projec-tions should, however, take into account the fact that some languages such asLomwe, Ngoni and Yao in that order are dying languages and they might not in-crease at the same rate as Chichewa. On the basis of isolated survey data(Kayambazinthu, 1995; Matiki, 1996/97; Kishindo et al. 1997 — Chiyao Survey;Chitumbuka Survey, 1998) we can project that Chichewa is now spoken by morethan 50% of Malawians, both urban and rural.



Figure 1 Malawian home languages (Stubbs, 1972: 73)

Some observationsThis section has emphasised the emergence of multilingualism as a manifesta-

tion of historical events and the nature of society in Malawian history. From theforegoing historical background we can trace trends of sociolinguistic change.The sisteenth–eighteenth centuries were dominated by the Maravi or Chewa inthe southern and central regions of Malawi whilst other indigenous groups suchas the Tumbuka and other smaller groups dominated the northern part of thecountry. One should look at this period of language contact as one of integrationand synthesis between the immigrants and the earlier inhabitants. Among theimmigrants themselves, it was a period of peaceful coexistence and stability,with little language assimilation or language shift.

The nineteenth century Malawi was economically and politically dominatedby intruders (Yao, Ngoni, and British) who subjugated the indigenous ethnicgroups. What is interesting sociolinguistically is that prior to the advent of Britishrule, there was a trend toward language maintenance by the indigenous groups,due to their being numerically stronger, and towards language shift among theintruders regardless of their political, military and economic power, due to theirbeing numerically small. Factors such as the numerical size of the group, inter-marriages, the nature of migration, the attitude of the immigrants and thefriendliness of the indigenous groups can be put forward as possible causes oflanguage shift. However, the continued existence of most of these immigrant lan-guage groups shows that this was a period of integration without total orcomplete synthesis. There are core areas where Yao, Lomwe, and a few Ngonican still be found and their effect on Chewa or Tumbuka dialects is evident.

Apart from language shift, we can also trace the development of linguafrancas, that is, languages that were adopted and used for purposes of inter-eth-nic communication. These were mainly Chewa, Tumbuka and Yao, eitherbecause they were indigenous and demographically favourably distributed(Chewa and Tumbuka) or because of the economic advantage and the prestigeassociated with them (Yao). The development of distinct regional languages,Chewa in the central and southern regions, Tumbuka in the northern region andYao in the southern region can be observed; as can the development of geograph-ical dialects of the various languages.

The coming of the British and the need for streamlining administration, lan-guage for education and evangelism ushered in a different language — English.This forms a different period altogether. Colonialism created and confined Ma-lawi within its present borders and artificially separated linguistic groups fromeach other, including the Chewa in eastern Zambia and western Mozambiquefrom those of Malawi, and the Yao and Lomwe in Malawi from those of Mozam-bique. The Tumbuka from eastern Zambia were also cut off from those ofMalawi. The British invasion, unlike that of the African groups, was completeand led to total European control over the country and contributed greatly to therise and spread of lingua francas in Malawi and the stratification between Eng-lish and indigenous languages.

Part II: Language Spread in MalawiThis section provides a description of Malawian languages that have spread


beyond their ethnic boundaries to become either a national language (Chichewa)or regional language (Tumbuka). Given their spread and important role, atten-tion will be paid to these two languages whilst the other languages will not betreated in depth.

Conceptual frameworkThe phenomenon of language spread is defined by Cooper (1982: 6) as an in-

crease, over time in proportion to a communication network that adopts a givenlanguage or variety for a given communication function. A distinction is alsomade between increase of spread in number of speakers and number of func-tions. This distinction is important in discussing Malawian languages with fewspeakers but having a wider communication function. As stated by Von Gleich(1994: 77), language policy spread has to be interpreted as a policy by a state orgovernment that aims at fostering the spread of a specific language within andoutside its boundaries in terms of who adopts what, when, why and how. Lan-guages spread for a number of reasons, e.g. military conquest and religiousmissionary activities (Kaplan & Baldauf, 1997: 67; see also Djité, 1988). These au-thors have also observed that language spread can be a natural occurrence eventhough language planners make it an explicit goal (see Ammon, 1992). In lan-guage planning terms, language spread is the attempt to increase the number ofspeakers, often at the expense of another language(s) leading to language shift(e.g. Wardaugh, 1987). However, language spread can also be seen as an un-planned language planning phenomenon (Baldauf, 1994). The discussion thatfollows attempts to contextualise the rise of Chichewa and Tumbuka in Malawiand explains the reasons for their spread. In discussing the spread of these twolanguages the role of language-in-education policy in Malawi is central to the ar-gument of both planned and unplanned language spread.

The current education system in MalawiAs Welsh (1985: 1) points out, there is enough evidence that secondary and

higher education in Africa represents the results of unequal educational oppor-tunity. Also, occupational and educational structures in Africa are tightlyinterwoven, the occupational level attained by an individual being determinedby the level of educational qualifications that s/he has managed to achieve. Theeducational structure started by the colonial regimes in Africa, which has beencontinued by most independent African countries, is a pyramid with a narrow-ing opportunity for advancement at each stage.

The formal education system in Malawi consists of an eight-year primary cy-cle, a four-year secondary cycle and various post secondary diploma and degreeprogrammes. The basic structure can be seen in Figure 2. Primary education hasbeen universal since 1994, but parents are required to pay school fees from sec-ondary school level up to the University. Since 1996, education has been free forgirls under the Girls Attainment of Basic Literacy and Education (GABLE) pro-ject. Wastage is high in the education system because once the students get intothe system, it fails to sustain them.

Access from the primary cycle to the secondary cycle (standard 8 to form 1) ishighly restricted and competitive so that the majority of primary school leavers



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do not enter secondary school. For example, in 1996 the total enrolment in stan-dard 1 was 2,887,107 pupils. Only 2% (N = 57,812) of these pupils made it tosecondary school and 0.13% (N = 3872) continued to the University (Basic Educa-tion Statistics, 1996). Primary education is essential for one to climb theeducational pyramid and enter the ‘modern sector’. However, access to educa-tion and the efficient passage of a pupil through the system also depends partlyon levels of regional development or on stratification factors such as class, ethnic-ity and other reasons. Important issues affecting access and wastage include: sex,household standard of living, parental education, occupation, income and pov-erty (Welsh, 1985). Despite the educational growth rate,16 the government doesnot provide equal opportunities for education for all its citizens in secondaryschools.

If differences in access and wastage in the primary and secondary cycle exist,these should have direct consequences on the basic economic differences be-tween regions, districts, communities, classes, ethnic growth and all other socialvariables used to differentiate between groups in society. Conversely, this toowill affect people’s language learning and use.

Apart from regional disparities, the ratios also depend on whether one lives inurban or rural areas. Those in the urban areas are at an advantage sinceteacher–pupil ratios and education facilities are better than in the rural areas. Thepupils in Zomba, Mzuzu, Lilongwe and Blantyre had a teacher–pupil ratio closeto the 1:70 compared to the rural ratio of up to 1:203 (Basic Education Statistics,1996: 20–21).

If educational statistics are reliable, one could argue that by the time pupilscomplete the primary level, literacy in Chichewa has been established. Also,many people in the north and other areas where literacy is high will have learntChichewa. However, if those who drop out at the primary school level integrateinto their various linguistic groups (as is the case), the level of competence or ac-quisition of Chichewa would be difficult to determine. They may lapse back intotheir own languages and lose competence in the national and official languagesthey have acquired at school, but do not use at home. This is coupled with a lessermotivation for learning the national language which may not be as profitable asEnglish. Also, the nature of the system creates a small minority (3.4%) of an elitegroup of urban dwellers (Malawi National Statistical Office [Preliminary Re-port], 1987: 2) who speak English and or other European languages with varyingdegrees of competence. Adult illiteracy rates stand at 58% for women and 28%for men (World Development Report, 1997).

Language-in-education policy issuesLanguage planning for educational purposes has received much attention in

Africa and elsewhere and the discussion has not been conclusive. According toFaure (1972: 170), cited in Hartshorne (1995: 306), the education policy of anycountry reflects its political options, its traditions and values and its conceptionof the future. Education policy also exists in the context of a particular socioeco-nomic and political order. Education is directed towards the achievement ofcertain goals behind which rest fundamental issues such as philosophies of life,religious beliefs, and ideas about state and society, political ideologies and the


working of economic forces. It is in this context that the language-in-educationpolicy of Malawi will be discussed.

The major question confronting language education planners in post-colonialsocieties such as Malawi, and indeed in Africa as a whole, is what language(s) toinclude in the school system. The question in Malawi (and in other Anglophonecountries) has often hinged on the feasibility of English as a lingua franca for itspractical usefulness for science and technology and world civilisation, as well asthe maintenance of cultural identity as Malawians and ease of communicationwith the masses, since English remains far removed from them. This dilemma of-ten translates into programmatic issues such as what should be the first mediumof communication in school and when should the transition to English be made.Another argument revolves around which language should be used as a subject,which for literacy (Bamgbose, 1984) and when to introduce it. Most educationistsand language planners acknowledge the cultural and educational benefits of us-ing the mother tongue or a vernacular as a medium of instruction (Bamgbose,1976; 1984; Fishman, 1989; UNESCO, 1953). There is general agreement that lan-guage determines what aspects of the culture are transmitted and shouldprovide an essential link to the individual and group roots of personal identityand social continuity. Bamgbose (1976) notes that both children and adults learnto read and write a second language better after first becoming literate in theirown mother tongue. Fishman (1989: 474) argues that the instructional use of dis-advantaged mother tongues may lead to improved academic outcomes andsafeguard the sociocultural and political interests of minority groups. However,UNESCO and Fishman, among others, also acknowledge the financial burdensuch a programme entails in multilingual countries. Other scholars have cau-tioned against total vernacularisation vis-à-vis colonial languages, especially ifthe chosen vernacular is not tied in with immediate important issues in the localpopulation (Eastman, 1983: 71), world events, science and technology, employ-ment and the general upward mobility (Sawadogo, 1990, on Burkina Faso). AsFishman (1989) rightly points out, vernacularisation should be supported by thewhole community for reasons of integration, economics and political power. Theimplication of this discussion is that planners of vernaculars should clearly spellout the economic and cultural benefits of using such languages. There is no pointin elevating a vernacular to a language of teaching if it does not elevate people’ssocial mobility and economic standing. The policy is bound to fail as it did inBurkina Faso (Sawadogo, 1990).

The next section will discuss language planning in Malawi within the frame-work of continuing social-cultural interaction patterns and needs.

Language use in the education sector17

The history of language in education planning in Malawi is characterised bythe dilemma of when to use the vernacular language and when to introduce Eng-lish. The literature reviewed in the previous section was indicative of the need toestablish literacy and numeracy in one’s mother tongue first before introducingEnglish, a language that was seen as vital to one’s socioeconomic advancement.The language(s) used in the Malawian education system varies according to thelevel of education and type of school. The schools can be classified into three cate-gories: government schools, mission but government grant-aided schools, and


private or designated schools. Whilst the government controls the language pol-icy in the former two, the latter category formulate their own policies and Englishis the medium of communication.

In the preschools, there is no official language policy regulating language use.In practice, however, three categories of language use can be identified. The ma-jority of preschools use vernacular languages plus a bit of English. The secondlargest group adopts a bilingual policy and use both English and a vernacularlanguage. The smallest number uses English exclusively for both teaching and asa medium of communication. Rural preschools are likely to use more vernacularthan English whilst semi-urban preschools tend to adopt a bilingual policy andthe elitist preschools use only English, both as a subject and medium of commu-nication.

In the primary schools, the current policy on paper stipulates that from Stan-dard 1 to Standard 4 all teaching should be done in vernacular languagesprevalent in the area except in the two subjects, English and Chichewa which aresupposed to be taught in those languages respectively. From Standard 5 to Stan-dard 8 all teaching is to be done in English except when teaching Chichewa.English becomes the sole language of instruction from Standard 5 up to univer-sity level. The number of hours devoted to the languages varies according to theprestige attached to the language. The number of hours assigned to each lan-guage is presented in Table 2.

Entrance into university demands a credit in English. All teaching is done inEnglish except for French, Latin and Chichewa. English is also compulsory in thefirst year, that is, all first year students have to take an English for Academic Pur-poses skills course for four hours per week in the five constituent colleges of theUniversity of Malawi, and must pass English in order to proceed to the next year.Table 2 illustrates that Malawi adopts a bilingual language policy in educationand that as the students progress into the upper years the role of English in-creases and that of Chichewa diminishes.

Language in the mediaTable 3 presents a weekly schedule for Malawi Broadcasting Corporation

(MBC). According to the controller of programmes, MBC since its inception in1964 has largely broadcast in two main languages, English and Chichewa.Tumbuka was used on a minor scale up to 1968 when Dr Banda banned it on theradio. MBC broadcasts for 19 hours daily and since 15 November 1996 has broad-cast in six Malawian languages mainly for news bulletins: Chichewa, Tumbuka,Yao, Lomwe, Sena and Tonga. Languages such as Tumbuka, Sena, Lomwe, Yaoand Tonga account for only 15 minutes of daily broadcasts or one hour and 75minutes per week of news bulletins. Special broadcasts in each of these minorlanguages are done on issues such as for MASAF, Privatisation, prayers, electioncampaigns and a few sports messages and advertising.18 This accounts for 4.7hours per week. Another 3.3 hours per week are devoted to bilingual broadcasts(Chichewa and English) for commercials, sports, personality shows and specialproductions. It is evident from the data that MBC broadcasts in Chichewa more(58.9%) than in English (41%) or any other language. Chichewa is given moreprominence because radio broadcasting is viewed as the only means of effec-


tively reaching the masses (which are largely illiterate) with importantsocioeconomic messages. However, it is presumed under the monolithic beliefthat most Malawians understand Chichewa, which is not true (Kamwendo, 1994;Ntonya, 1998), that there need only be limited use of other Malawian languages.

The local newspapers also typify bilingual language usage in Malawi (seeChimombo & Chimombo, 1996) but, unlike radio broadcasts, English is the dom-inant language for publications. The data in Table 4 reveals that although somenewspapers publish in both Chichewa and English, English is the dominant lan-


Table 3 Broadcasts in Chichewa and English

Total weekly broadcast hours: 109.5Weekly Chichewa broadcasts Weekly English broadcastsDay No. of hours % No. of hours %Monday 8.9 13.9 5.7 12.7Tuesday 9.7 15 4.9 10.9Wednesday 9.0 13.9 4.8 10.6Thursday 7.5 11.6 7.8 17.3Friday 9.2 14.2 8.2 18.2Saturday 9.7 15.0 7.6 16.9Sunday 10.6 16.4 5.9 13.1Total 64.6 100 44.9 100Total % per week perlanguage

58.9 41

Source: Personal communication with the Controller of Programmes, Radio One, MalawiBroadcasting Corporation (MBC) 22 January 1998.

Table 2 Time allocation for each language depending on level of education56

Standard/level Language No. of periodstaught per week

Time allocated perlesson/lecture in

minutes

Total no. of hourstaught per week

1–2 English andChichewa

9 30 4 hr 30 min.

3–8 English andChichewa

9 35 5 hr 25 min.

Forms 1–4 English 8 40 5 hr 20 min.Forms 1–2 Chichewa,

French, Latin3 40 2 hr

Forms 3–4 Chichewa,French, Latin

4 40 2 hr 40 min.

UniversityYear 1

English(Compulsory toall)

4 60 4 hr

Year 1–4 Classics, French,Chichewa, Eng-lish (by choice)

4 60 4 hr

Source: J.T.K. Banda (Principal Education Methods Adviser for French) 16 January 1998. Ministryof Education.

guage and only those papers or sections of the papers which are geared to ruralpopulation are produced in Chichewa and sometimes a bit of Tumbuka and Yao.The two factors which account for the dominance of English vis-à-vis Chichewaare affordability of the papers and literacy. Newspaper costs are unaffordable foran average Malawian. Secondly, English dominates the spheres of elite Malawi-ans’ everyday life in reading and writing. Most educated Malawians prefer toread and write in English than in Chichewa or any other vernacular language be-cause English (and not the vernaculars) is the language in which grammar andwriting are thoroughly and formally taught in school (Kayambazinthu, 1995).Out of all the papers, only two papers are predominantly in the vernacular, agovernment paper and a church paper aimed at disseminating information in therural areas for free. As in Samoa (Baldauf, 1990: 261) the data show that the printmedia in Malawi foster English language usage.

The predominance of English can also be seen in other media areas such asfilms and the availability in large numbers of books in English in the libraries andbookshops. The illiteracy rate and the affordability of the papers necessitate thatnewspapers cannot be a medium of general information and dissemination ofpolitical ideas among the masses. Both the print and electronic media in Malawi


Table 4 Newspapers in circulation in Malawi

Title Publisher Language(s) published inBoma Lathu Government of Malawi Chichewa onlyThe Enquirer Lucene Publications Predominantly English and

ChichewaThe New Vision New Vision Publications Predominantly English and

ChichewaThe Star Star Publishers Predominantly EnglishThe Statesman Benfin Publishers Predominantly EnglishThe Telegraph Akwete Sande Predominantly EnglishThe Weekend News Government of Malawi Chichewa and EnglishNational Agenda – English and ChichewaCare Magazine Catholic Church EnglishThe Chronicle Jamieson Promotions Chichewa and EnglishThe Daily Times Blantyre Print English onlyMalawi News Blantyre Print Predominantly English and

ChichewaThe Independent Now Publications English and ChichewaThe Mirror Mirror Publications English and ChichewaThe Nation Nation Publications English onlyThe Weekend Nation Nation Publications Predominantly English and

ChichewaOdini Catholic Church Chichewa onlyThis is Malawi Government of Malawi EnglishUDF News UDF Party English and Chichewa

Source: Jamieson, R.A. (1998) Jamieson Promotions (Pvt.) Limited.

favour the highly-educated elite or high socioeconomic class compared to thelower strata that form the core of vernacular users.

Migrant languages in MalawiThe Malawi government is silent on migrant languages. The education system

and the media do not cater for immigrants, assuming that they might have learntor will learn English and Chichewa. Under this category can be included lan-guages such as Greek, Italian, Gujarati, Somali, Lebanese, Urdu and Punjabi.These are among the languages spoken by minority groups within their ethnicgroup communities in Malawi. Statistics on these languages are not available.Migrants from neighbouring countries such as Zambia, Mozambique and Tan-zania are expected to use cross-border languages such as Chichewa. Eventhough the Asians are the oldest immigrants, forming the highest socioeconomicclass in Malawi, there are no language provisions for them in schools apart fromtheir communities. The new immigrants are expected to be absorbed into theirvarious Indian or Asian ethnic communities where their languages are main-tained. Most migrant children will attend private schools, which are all taught inEnglish, and to whom most expatriates’ children go. English-speaking childrengo to designated English only schools such as Sir Harry Johnston, St Andrews,Bishop Mackenzie and Phoenix. All these are prestigious and expensive schoolsthat are strategically distributed in the three main cities (Blantyre, Zomba andLilongwe), to cater for the high socioeconomic groups to which most of these mi-grant groups belong.

Historical origins and processes in the use and spread of Malawianlanguages

The distinctive geographical spread and the functional prominence ofChichewa and English and to some extent Tumbuka seen in both the educationsystem and the media can be traced back to the early language practices and poli-cies applied in both the colonial and post colonial times. The earliest colonialinfluential practices were to maintain the distinction between horizontal andvertical modes of communication (Heine, 1977, 1992). Horizontal communica-tion refers to all written and spoken discursive practices between and among thegoverning structures of a state, while vertical communication is the structure ofinteraction taking place between the authorities and the population. In thosedays, English occupied the horizontal communication role whilst the latter formwas occupied by Chichewa.

During the colonial days English and Chinyanja were the first official lan-guages for both vertical and horizontal communication. Both the missionariesand governments had to consider Malawi’s linguistic heterogeneity that wasseen as an obstacle for operational efficiency. The missionaries’ and the govern-ment’s concern was to find an appropriate medium to communicate with theAfricans. Preference for both missionaries and government was given to Nyanjain the south and centre, as a language of vertical communication. After an initialenthusiasm for Nyanja in the south, it was discovered that its geographicalspread did not include the northern part of Malawi where Tumbuka was favour-ably distributed.19 The supremacy in both colonial and postcolonial times of


Chinyanja over other Malawian languages stems from these nineteenth centurypractices to simplify the country’s linguistic heterogeneity and administrative ef-ficiency by applying different horizontal and vertical modes of communication.

Missionary penetration itself also shaped the spread of Chinyanja andTumbuka, and their usage. That is, the missionary preference for Chinyanja inthe south and Tumbuka in the north actually organised their spread over areaswhere they had never been spoken before and now had to be acquired as secondlanguages. The emergence of Tumbuka was entirely triggered by theLivingstonia Mission. As agents and settlers in the northern part of Malawi, theyused, imposed and spread Tumbuka as the mandatory language of colonial edu-cation in the northern part of Malawi.

The colonial phase 1875-1964A constant question in language contact and language development has been

how a lingua franca arises. Abdulaziz-Mkilifi (1993) and Cooper (1982) suggestthat we study its linguistic, demographic, sociological origins, people’s attitudesto it, the degree of dynamism in terms of development and spread and its linguis-tic and cultural affinity with contact languages. Accordingly, the discussion thatfollows focuses on the rise of Chichewa and other Malawian languages in rela-tion to each other.

The colonial period can be divided into two parts. The period between 1875and 1918 is the laissez-faire phase of unplanned or uncoordinated planning, wheneach missionary body followed its own policy according to its needs and linguis-tic environment. No attempt was made at status planning, but language wasused as a communication tool for religious and educational purposes. The sec-ond phase, between 1918 and 1964 was one of coordinated efforts by both thecolonial government and the missionaries. Of importance, during the colonialperiod is the ideology and objectives of the colonialists, their treatment of variouslinguistic groups and their cultures and how this redefined the relations betweenthe language groups in terms of status and prestige.

The uncoordinated period 1857–1917

Missionary education, evangelism and the rise of Nyanja and TumbukaAs in other African countries (see, among others, Djité (1988) on the rise of

Dyula; Diop (1989) on Senegal and the rise of Wolof; Mukama (1991) on the rise ofthe Baganda and Luganda in Uganda), formal education in its Western form andits twin goals of evangelism and colonialism can be singled out as the dominantforces in language development and language spread. Education was instru-mental in causing new ideals and ideas of perceived social reality (Kashoki, 1990)and in exposing Malawians to a foreign language, English, and its values. Thesignificant development of education together with evangelism are consideredas important social factors that contributed to language spread and later on lan-guage planning.

The advent of missionary work in Malawi and the many languages that mis-sionaries encountered created the need for a language for evangelism andeducating Africans. The various Christian missionary bodies adopted local lan-


guages within their spheres of influence for evangelism and education. Forexample, the Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) in the Southern Re-gion used Nyanja and Yao and so did the Livingstonia Mission Society (LMS).When LMS moved to the northern part of Malawi, they were hoping to useNyanja and English for two reasons: (1) Nyanja was the language in which scrip-tural writing had already been produced; and (2) English was the language of‘the high’ culture (Elmslie to Laws, 1892; see also Rahman, 1995). Thus, as early as1901 Nyanja language was regarded as ‘a common ground or lingua franca, en-riched by such words as may be adopted from other languages’ on grounds of itsliterary heritage (Jack, 1901: 34). Nyanja was already being used by the planters,20

the government and the people themselves in the south. However, the situationin the north was different because of the decline of Ngoni and the rise ofTumbuka. The mission accepted the situation and abandoned the policy of usingNyanja as a neutral way of overcoming linguistic disunity in the north (Turner,1933; Vail, 1981).

The systematic reduction of Malawian languages to writing using the RomanAlphabet, which started with the Christian missionaries, contributed greatly tothe development of some languages. This had the effect of elevating the status ofsome languages which were ultimately chosen vis-à-vis others. As Doke (1961a:52) notes:

apart from some elementary school readers, catechisms and hymn books,the development of Bantu literature in this period was confined to thetranslations of scripture. The Bible translation work … is of immense im-portance. Just as the English vernacular translation of the Bible byCoverdale in 1535 was of inestimable value in the ultimate standardisationof literary English, so have the early Bantu vernacular translations laid thefoundations of literature in a number of these languages.

The translation of the Bible or parts of it using a phonetic or Roman alphabetwere done in Nyanja (western and eastern), Ngoni, Yao, Nkhonde/Nyakyusa,Tumbuka, Lomwe, Nyiha, Tonga. Apart from Bible translations, a number ofpublications also came out during this period (see Kishindo, 1990, 1994;Kayambazinthu, 1995). Both Kishindo and Kayambazinthu note that major lin-guistic analyses were done on Nyanja, Yao and Tumbuka in that order. Thislanguage development had a significant impact on the status of these languages.

Since different missionary bodies translated the Bible or parts of it into dialectsaccording to where they were settled, coordinated efforts began towards a uni-fied dialect of Nyanja.21 In 1900, a joint Bible Translation Committee was formedwith the purpose of coming up with a Union Version of Nyanja that could beused by all missionary groups. The committee chose to unify Chewa andMang’anja dialects and this resulted in the publication of Matthew in 1901, theNew Testament in 1906 and the whole Bible in 1922. A revised version of this Bi-ble was printed in 1936 (Doke, 1961b; Heine, 1970: 62). It is clear that differentmission groups promoted different dialects: the UMCA elevated thelesser-known dialect Nyanja (eastern or Likoma dialect), the Dutch ReformedChurch (DRC) Chewa and the Blantyre Mission (BM) elevated the popular dia-lect Mang’anja.22


Book publishing and distribution was mainly controlled by various missionbodies and their publishing houses.23 The major missionary bodies that contrib-uted to the growth of literature were the International Committee on ChristianLiterature for Africa (ICCLA) set up in 1926 to promote the production, publica-tion and distribution of literature for use in connection with missionary work inAfrica. Another body established for the same purposes was the Society for Pro-moting Christian Knowledge. By 1949 the ICCLA was assisted locally by theNorthern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasa Joint Publications Bureau which had alocal branch in Nyasaland — The Christian Literature Council set up in 1958which has now been replaced by the Christian Literature Association in Malawi(CLAIM). What is significant is that the literature that came out during this pe-riod was mainly published in Nyanja and English and other languages used inthe missions areas of influence, notably Yao and Tumbuka. For example, theLivingstonia Press published in Tumbuka, English and Tonga (school texts)whilst the Hetherwick Press published mainly in Nyanja and English in that or-der.

Language policy in educationAccording to Pretorius (1971) and others, the pioneers of Western type schools

in Malawi (for example, the UMCA, BM, LMS, DRC, among others), used ver-naculars as a media of instruction, and these included Nyanja, Yao, Tumbukaand Tonga. Schools were streamlined into three levels: Vernacular, Lower Mid-dle and Upper Middle. Yao was the medium of instruction in the UMCA schoolsin southern Malawi and Nkhota Kota districts, whilst the two governmentschools among the Yao used Nyanja. Tumbuka, Tonga and Nkhonde were usedin both elementary and Lower Middle schools by the LMS in the northern region.English was the language in the Lower Middle schools. In the Upper Middleschools English became the medium of instruction, but the vernaculars weretaught as subjects (Annual Reports, 1930). By the end of 1902, there were at leasteight missions working in the country, and they had under their managementnearly 300 primary schools, one teacher training school and one superior institu-tion (the Overtoun Institute) (Pretorius, 1971: 72).

The effect of evangelism and education on the ethnic groups andcultural stimuli

The different responses from different ethnic groups to education also im-pacted on the rise and spread of Chichewa and Tumbuka. According to the LMS:

The Henga are a keen, vigorous progressive people, the greater majority ofthe church members are from them, their schools are well attended, the pu-pils alert and the boys and girls in about equal numbers. (LivingstoniaMission Report, 1911: 38, cited in McCracken, 1977: 106)

However, ‘the Ngonde are . . . slow to move, extremely conservative and sus-picious of the new movement going on all around them’ (Livingstonia MissionReport, 1911: 38, cited in McCracken 1977: 106). McCracken maintains that unlikeother ethnic groups, the Tumbuka reacted favourably to Christianity becausetheir religion, the Chikangombe cult, was largely dead (due to the Ngoni inva-


sion), and they were ready to experiment with a new one.24 The Ngoni, on theother hand, invited the mission to stay in their land for political and economicreasons but at the same time feared the possible corrosive power of the word ofGod upon their traditional military ethics (McCracken, 1972). Instead of sendingtheir children to school, they only sent the children of their Tumbuka slaves (Vail,1981; Vail & White, 1989). Through their embrace of an education which had asubstantial English language component, the Henga were well on their way todeveloping an educated petty bourgeoisie with values shaped by Victorian mis-sionary teaching and examples (Vail & White 1989: 154). The Henga became theteachers in the local schools, and by 1909 Tumbuka was being used in localschools in the district, having largely displaced other languages (McCracken,1972: 118). By 1914 the use of Tumbuka was widespread (through imposition) inthe mission’s sphere of influence, apart from the Tonga who continued to usetheir own language.

As the Tumbuka embraced education, their language gained respectability;and as the early elites with new educational opportunities, their language couldno longer be seen as the language of the slaves only. Rather it was the language ofa rapidly expanding group of educated and progressive people (Vail & White,1989: 154). As Vail & White have noted, the mission’s press confirmed the statusof the Tumbuka language by pouring out thousands of texts in Tumbuka. For theTumbuka, this was a psychological symbol of their rising respectability andself-esteem, whilst for the Ngoni, it was their adopted language within a largercontext of competing languages. During the political struggle, Tumbuka becamethe northern regional language (Vail, 1981).

However, the situation in the central and southern part of Malawi was differ-ent: education was less effective. In the south the planters wanted to run theirestates or their workers without government intervention or missionary interfer-ence. Consequently, missionary work was barred from the estates and thenetwork of schools that were established in the north did not develop in the south(Vail & White, 1989: 167). Among the Yao Islam became the main blocking factor.As Alpers (1972: 175) observes: ‘the Yao embraced Islam because they regarded itas the most amenable way of modernising their societies, especially of acquiringliteracy for their people … every Muslim village had its own Koranic schools’. Is-lam in Africa had first offered a way of advance beyond rigid tribalism and stillprovided a possible alternative for the African who sought some status and dig-nity vis-à-vis the Europeans (Shepperson & Price, 1958: 407). Kishindo (1994: 133)argues that the development of schools and consequently of Yao as a linguafranca, unlike that of Tumbuka, was a consequence of complex and shifting atti-tudes of the colonial government influenced by Christian missionaryantagonism to Islam.25 While this is true to a greater extent (especially the periodKishindo quotes (1912) and thereabout),26 this does not explain the favourable at-titude the government had towards the Yao which will be shown later in thismonograph. It can be argued that the linguistic environment itself in the south-ern part of Malawi, coupled with the early development of Nyanja, did not allowfor the development of a competing lingua franca since Nyanja had for a long pe-riod already occupied that position.27 As observed by Greenberg (1972: 201), once


a lingua franca is established as advantageous to know, it rapidly overshadowsother languages existing in the same market.

Education also contributed to the production of the early elites and lobbyistswho documented the histories of their ethnic groups. The documentation of cer-tain ethnic groups’ history inculcated ethnic consciousness and separatism. Vail(1981) singles out cultural brokers like Edward Bote Manda, Andrew Nkonjeraand Cullen Young for the Tumbuka, Kamuzu Banda for the Chewa, Bandawe forthe Lomwe, Abdallah for the Yao and Yesaya Chibambo for the Ngoni. In short,these histories emphasised separatism and the important existence of each ethnicgroup within Nyasaland. The writers glorified the past of the people they wroteabout whom they portrayed as empire builders, people with a culture and tradi-tion.

Although it is difficult to generalise about the consequences of the missionaryor educational impact on Malawian society, it can be noted that the policy of dif-ferent missionary bodies and the reaction of the indigenous people themselves toeducation are important in explaining the language practices that emerged. AsMcCracken (1972: 230–31) argues:

The dynamic response of various northern peoples, when combined withLivingstonia’s own exceptional concern for change, had the effect of mak-ing the northern province the most advanced area in terms of educationalactivity in Central Africa.28

Second, education was selective and open to few people, so society was strati-fied, making English accessible to the few only. Third, the growth of theMalawian elite in a region that had no industries led to mass migration to areas ofemployment in the southern part of Malawi which was predominantly Chewaspeaking. Fourth, education gave this elite bargaining power and led to the de-velopment of political pressure groups. The emergence of political problemsbeyond single self-interested groups to issues that could be put forward to the co-lonial government united their otherwise disparate separate claims. In theprocess of this political evolution, lingua francas were used to articulate theirgrievances. Vail and White (1989) argue that political discontent was viewed dif-ferently by different regions. For the southerners it was the abolition of theThangata system (a system of labour in exchange for land) and access to appropri-ated land. The central region focused on the European monopoly over thetobacco trade that suppressed African involvement. What is worth noting, how-ever, is that all this culminated in the formation of the Nyasaland EducatedAfrican Council which allowed these intellectuals (from the south and the north)to air their views.29 What is also significant is that for the north, Tumbuka becamethe language that united the people whilst in the south no one language did so(Vail, 1981; Vail & White, 1989).

Government contribution 1918–1964Nyanja gained the lead over the other languages for various reasons. Nyanja

was geographically favourably spread in both the central and southern parts ofMalawi. Secondly, the colonial government documented languages that it con-sidered vital in the running of the country. Having settled in an area where


Nyanja was the dominant language and a lingua franca, the government choseNyanja as their language for administration and promoted it through a series ofpublications.30 Thus, Nyanja became the official language of the police and thearmy. Using early-educated Nyanja elites as agents, the language was carried toother areas where it was not spoken in both Malawi and Zambia (Heine, 1970: 61)and Zimbabwe.31 The Nyanja acted as intermediaries between Europeans andAfricans. ‘On account of lack of skilled workers in the neighbouring territories toserve as clerks, overseers, artisans and specialists, the Nyanja soon spread them-selves into Zambia and Zimbabwe, taking the language beyond its borders’(Heine, 1970: 61).

The government also required officers of the colonial agricultural, veterinaryand forest service to have a thorough knowledge of the language for administra-tion. The colonial government reinforced the significant position of Nyanja bymaking it a language for examinations in the civil service. All new entrants tothese posts were to write a higher standard examination in Chinyanja as a prece-dent to the first efficiency bar or proscribed bonus (Kittermaster, 1936a: 4).

Chinyanja also received international recognition when it was included in thesyllabi of the Cambridge School Certificate for both Nyasaland (Malawi) andNorthern Rhodesia now Zambia in the late 1940s: ‘Two of the vernaculars,Chibemba and Chinyanja, have been accepted for about twenty years as subjectsfor the Cambridge School Certificate Examinations’ (Mwanakatwe, 1968: 21).Chinyanja was also being studied at the School of Oriental and African Studies ofthe University of London using Malawians as informants (Kishindo, 1990: 65).Thus Nyanja became widespread as an important lingua franca in both Zambiaand Malawi due to the government policy.

Another language promoted by the government (but not so much as a nationalor regional lingua franca) was Yao. Rashid (1978) argues that the interaction be-tween the Yao, Lomwe (Mbewe group) and Nyanja contributed to a multiethnicsociety which was primarily Nguru and Nyanja in origin, among whom the Yaolanguage was gaining popularity. Through this interethnic interaction and ivorytrade, the Lomwe adopted

the language of a numerically very small but prestigious trading elite … Itmay have been an advantage in state building and assimilation that the lan-guage being adopted was not a lingua franca of one of the major ethnicgroups … its use is linked to economic advantage and prestige. (Rashid,1978: 20)

Thus the rise of Yao can be traced to trade. Politically, the British embraced themost traditional and conservative chiefs, the Yao, as instruments of indirect rule(Vail & White, 1989: 170). These two authors also argue that the colonialists for-mulated ethnic theories and stereotypes of African differentiation. This issubstantiated by the favourable attitude towards the Yao unlike the other ethnicgroups; while to the whites the Lomwe were ‘gangsters, irregular soldiers, cring-ing-starving unclothed refugees … drunken, slothful and vicious … They werecandid bandits, their prey human flesh and blood and having gorged eyes likehyenas, they then returned to Manguru for the most part replete’ (NyasalandTimes, 13 July and 6 August 1942). The Nguru (Lomwe) ‘are represented among


the idle and criminal classes to a disproportionate extent’ whilst the ‘Yaos are in-telligent and quick, making excellent servants, while as soldiers, they haveproved of inestimable value; they also speak perhaps the finest of all Central Af-rican languages’ (Murray, 1922: 55–7, 95). Compared to the Yao the Nyanja ‘areindustrious, quiet and peace loving people but have not the physique nor thebrains of the Yao nor the agricultural perseverance of the Nguru … He is easilyimpressionable’ (Murray, 1932: 83). These stereotyped images of Lomwe, Yaoand Nyanja were to remain powerful, particularly of the Lomwe, into the early1980s (Vail & White, 1989: 173) and contributed greatly to the decline of the lan-guage.

Vail and White argue that after the war official support for the political andeconomic authority of the Yao ruling elite continued to grow and this further ledto the growth of an alliance between the British administrators and the Yao. As amark of respect for a people with real history, in marked contrast to other localAfricans, Abdallah’s The Yaos was published in both Yao and English by the Gov-ernment Press, with the aim of writing ‘a book that would tell all about thecustoms of we Yaos, so that we remind ourselves whence we sprang and our be-ginnings as a nation’ (Abdallah, 1919: Preface). Note that the Yao looked atthemselves as a nation within a multilingual protectorate. This documentationwas certainly not a consolidation of personal power base as Kishindo (1994)might suggest.

The coordinated periodNyanja continued to be recognised as a lingua franca as evidenced by the dis-

courses of the colonial government, the missionaries and the Malawiansthemselves in a more coordinated manner. In 1918, a government administratorproposed that Nyanja be made an official language for use in all schools on thebasis that it was widely spoken in the protectorate. Despite the colonialists’ fearthat such a move would unite the diverse Malawian ethnic groups (MomberaDistrict Annual Report 1918–1919 in File No. S1/1008/19), the government, con-cerned with cutting down on administrative costs, argued for the adoption of asingle official language for unity and economic purposes (Moggridge, 1919: 4). InJune 1930, the Ordinary Committee on Education endorsed the recommendationby making Nyanja a compulsory subject in all assisted schools, not later than thestages of class three in elementary vernacular schools. The Advisory Committeealso adopted the recommendation of its Language and Textbook Sub-Committeethat Chinyanja be introduced as the medium of instruction not later than Class 4in all government and assisted schools (Young H. to Cunliff-Lister, 1934).

However, the LMS, which had already been working with Tumbuka in thenorth and had published a lot of texts in it announced on 15 July 1933 their inabil-ity to accept a ruling that jeopardised their efforts socioeconomically (Turner,1933; Young, 1933). Whilst the Ngonde (Chief Kyungu to District Commissioner,9 November 1932: 18) and Tonga on whom the mission had imposed Tumbukaaccepted the ruling, the Tumbuka themselves, using their cultural broker andeducationist, Levi Mumba, were opposed to the idea, saying it was ‘unfair toforce people to accept a language which they do not wish … People go to schoolto learn their own vernacular books, after which they wish to learn English which


is more profitable’ (NNM1/16/4, Mombera District Council, 1931/39). If any-thing, the language issue resulted in a merger of local Tumbuka and ethnicconsciousness into a new regional coalition glued together by the possession of acommon language in a country of many languages. Tumbuka became the lan-guage for focusing their political discontent with the colonial government (Vail,1981: 165). Faced with this opposition, the new governor Sir Hubert Young, in anattempt to sell the policy to the northern region, met with a varied response. TheNgoni leaders told him, ‘Chinyanja is not wanted in this Tumbuka speakingarea’ and ‘Tumbuka should be preserved for future generations as seed for na-tive produce, domestic and wild animals is preserved for them’ (NN1/2005,Native Administration, Mzimba, 1932, Minutes of Barazas). Levi Mumba, a highranking Tumbuka on the influential Advisory Committee of Education, in agree-ment with the anti-Nyanja forces, argued that it was much too early to have alingua franca in Nyasaland and that if ever one were adopted, it should be Eng-lish (S1/449/32, Minutes of 19 October 1933 and 1936 Round Table Conference inPROCO 525/161). Thus English was held in high esteem and was the language tolearn.

Despite the resistance from LMS, the Tumbuka and the Yao, in 1934 the gov-ernment proclaimed:

After careful consideration, the government of Nyasaland has decided def-initely to encourage Chinyanja as the lingua franca and as the officiallanguage of the protectorate. Competency in Chinyanja would be sine quanon to admission to the native civil service and the missions which workedin areas where Chinyanja was not the mother tongue would be asked to in-troduce and teach it as a subject in all assisted schools beginning in class 3 ofthe village schools. (Young, H., 1934: 7)

The missions were being forced either to comply with the new governmentregulations or lose their government education grant. The LMS however ap-pealed directly to Whitehall officials in London (Turner to Vischer, 1935). SirHarold Kittermaster was ordered to hold a conference and not to implement thepolicy (Kittermaster, 1936b; Bottomley to Sir Kittermaster, 1935). A round tableconference was held in Zomba on 22 June 1936 and resolved that Nyanja be en-couraged as a lingua franca in the protectorate but the free use of other nativelanguages should not be suppressed or discouraged (Public Records Office, Co-lonial Office (PROCO) file no. 25352, CO 525/161 1936: 5–7). In 1947, after WorldWar II, Nyanja and Tumbuka were made official languages (Vernacular Lan-guage Policy, 1947). They were broadcast on the radio, taught and used asmedium of instruction in schools within their regions. The working of the lan-guage policy can best be captured in the following quotations:

Chinyanja is the lingua franca throughout the territory … The request of theTumbuka people has been granted and Tumbuka is the educational linguafranca in the northern province … (Annual Report, Nyasaland EducationDepartment, 1949: 8)

Or in 1951 we are told:

Chinyanja remains the lingua franca of the country but there is an increas-


ing awareness that Tumbuka is the natural language in the northernprovince and the government itself now recognises this language for lan-guage examination purposes. (Annual Report, Nyasaland EducationDepartment, 1951: 11)

Standardisation and implementationPolicy implementation involved the standardisation of Nyanja32 in an attempt

to bridge the differences between the various dialects. A committee was ap-pointed, and its first meeting held in 1931. Among its significantrecommendations was the production of the Chinyanja Orthographic Rules of1931. In 1945, the Phelphs-Stoke Commission took over the work and recon-vened the meeting at the invitation of the African Publications Bureau. In 1953the federal government decreed that all languages with a substantial number ofspeakers should be standardised. As a result, a number of languages were broad-cast on the radio and these were Nyanja and Tumbuka in Malawi.

After viewing the trend that the language issue took during this period, somepertinent questions need to be raised. Why were only Nyanja, Tumbuka and Yaoselected and not the other languages? And why did Tumbuka, a language spo-ken by a minority group, gain such status? In answer to the former question, thegrowing status and spread of Nyanja (apart from being a lingua franca in thesouth and centre) owes much to the following factors:

(1) It was the first contact language between the indigenous people and the mis-sionaries; between the governed and the government which promoted it. Itbecame the first language, through this contact, to have a literary heritage.

(2) It was close to the seat of power and authority. The colonisers having theirheadquarters in the Nyanja-speaking area and using Nyanjas as aides,guides or catechists created prestige for the language. Because of this con-tact they were to constitute the bulk of the first generation elite.

(3) Emergence of new economic poles in towns located mainly inNyanja-speaking areas attracted people from various areas and ethnic ori-gins to look for better opportunities.

Linguistic heterogeneity in the south created the need for a lingua franca andNyanja was the obvious choice because it was already established. It is clear fromthe historical as well as the sociopolitical facts examined that the main outcomeof colonialism was the tremendous boost of Nyanja prestige nationwide due tothese interrelated factors.

Despite the rise of Yao as a trade lingua franca and a language of instruction inthe UMCA schools, it did not achieve regional lingua franca status for the reasonsalready discussed. As for Tumbuka, the alliance of educated Africans as well asthe Scottish missionaries was a vital one. It ensured and promoted Tumbuka’scurrent position. It is clear that, apart from being a language that swampedNgoni, Tumbuka was still a minority language whose regional status can only beexplained in terms of education and the pride of the people themselves. One can-not refute the fact that education gave Africans bargaining power. Withoutinfluential people like Levi Mumba and missionaries like Cullen Young,Tumbuka would not have gained such a status. As much as the mission sup-


ported the people, it also stood to gain from the policy economically. They didnot have to publish new books or train new teachers. So for both economic andeducational reasons Tumbuka stayed.

The advent of colonialism, the introduction of Christianity and education hadthe effect of elevating the status of two indigenous languages as official lan-guages. From a sociolinguistic point of view, this also changed the existingculture and the value of these languages vis-à-vis the rest. Among these lan-guages, Nyanja was an important lingua franca that dominated colonialadministration for vertical communication, setting an important trend as urbani-sation developed, coupled with the fact that industries were located in theNyanja areas. English continued to be an important educational and official lan-guage for horizontal and vertical communication and therefore a language ofhigh educational attainment that consequently led to better employment oppor-tunities.

Exploring the relationship between the imported language and Nyanja, Eng-lish had more prestige than Nyanja. Thus language stratification had alreadytaken root. Firstly, through the attitude of the whites themselves who looked attheir language as a language of high culture, implying that the indigenous lan-guages and their cultures were less prestigious. Thus English became thelanguage of higher education, parliament and law, of the elite, and in general ofsuperiority and power. Secondly, as the indigenes themselves attained educa-tion, the practice was perpetuated as they looked down upon themselves andtheir culture in favour of the foreign language and culture. As Roscoe (1977: 4)has argued:

Colonial conditions produced a situation whereby functional literacy in aEuropean language for all practical purposes came to be equated with theability to speak English. As a result, the African was deliberately made tolook upon his language as ‘primitive’ and to look at the knowledge of Eng-lish as the golden means of breaking out of the old peasant pattern into themoney economy and white collar comfort of the coloniser.

Thus, from the colonial times Nyanja and other languages were a steppingstone to the ultimate goal of acquiring English. When Nyasaland (Malawi)gained independence in 1964, the country inherited that colonial policy.

The post colonial period since 1964

The Kamuzu Banda Phase: 1964–1994Whilst Nyanja was a well-established lingua franca in Malawi, its spread be-

yond its boundaries into the northern part of Malawi was done single-handedlyby Dr Hastings Banda, the first president of the republic of Malawi from 1964 to1994. Banda’s language policy was a deliberate and militant way of spreading thelanguage as can be seen in its implementation and dissemination. During the1968 Annual Convention of the then ruling Malawi Congress Party held inLilongwe, the question of national unity resurfaced and the Convention recom-mended that in the interest of national unity:

(1) Malawi adopt Chinyanja as a national language.


(2) That the name Chinyanja henceforth be known as Chichewa.(3) That Chichewa and English be the official languages of the state of Malawi

and that all other languages will continue to be used in everyday private lifein their respective areas. (Malawi Congress Party, 1978: 6)

Policy implementation and disseminationThe decision to make Chichewa the sole Malawian official language affected

the use of other languages such as Tumbuka on the radio and in the mass mediain general. The second phrase in resolution three in the policy formulation im-plied that other languages could still be used in the country and that Chichewawas going to be used solely for intra-communication and national integration.The other vernaculars could be used in political mass rallies and day-to-day life.Thus the dissemination of Chichewa was constantly expanding and its impliedstatus as a lingua franca was increasingly reinforced. The policy was imple-mented by the education sector and various other organisations set up for itsdissemination.

Ministry of Education and CultureFollowing the convention’s recommendation, Parliament decreed that

Chichewa and English were the only two official languages in the country. Thisdecree was followed by a Ministry of Education and Culture announcement thatfrom the 1969–70 academic year, Chichewa was to be taught in all elementaryschools as well as in teacher-training colleges. English became a mandatory sub-ject and a prerequisite for obtaining any certificate or for educational and generalpurposes up to the certificate level. As a result, in the first three years of primaryeducation, Chichewa served as the medium of instruction whilst English wastaught as a subject. Gradually from the third year, English took over up to univer-sity level. In the last five years of primary education, English became the solemedium of instruction whilst Chichewa became a compulsory subject up to theend of secondary level and an optional subject at university level.

The establishment of the Malawi Certificate Examinations Board (MCEB),now the Malawi National Examinations Board (MANEB), to replace the Cam-bridge Overseas Exam was followed by a change in examinations grading policywhich required both northerners and southerners to obtain higher grades in theirSchool Leaving Exams than those in the central region if they were to qualify forplaces in the secondary schools (Short, 1974; Vail & White, 1989). Also the Parlia-mentary Secretary for Education further decreed that all school children whofailed their required examinations in required courses in Chichewa would be re-quired to resit the exams (Short, 1974). All these stringent measures wereimposed to enhance the status of Chichewa and ensure that other ethnic groupshad no option but to learn it.

Personalities and the role of the Chichewa BoardAccording to Nahir (1977, 1984), language reform is a deliberate manipulation

of language triggered by the need to facilitate language use as well as to serve theunderlying political, socioeconomic, cultural and ideological tendencies of thecommunity at the time. Perry (1985: 295) defines language reform as ‘primarily asociopolitical, not linguistic and cultural, process, though its effects remain tocolour the speech and literature of succeeding generations’. Language reform


during Banda’s era was handled under the Chichewa Board which he estab-lished in 1972 and mandated to look into the expansion of Chichewa and itspurification, befitting its role as a national language in Malawi (see ChichewaBoard 1984 Malawi Congress Party Convention Fliers Ref. No. CD/4/25/104).The Board was set up with the aim of:

• providing a new Chichewa dictionary (see A brief history of the ChichewaBoard (1970–71) Ref. No. ADM/1/40:1) to replace the existing ones whichwere inadequate not only because they were compiled by non-nativespeakers but because they were unrepresentative since they were preoccu-pied with the Mang’anja dialect;

• providing guidance to language users in education, media and publishing;• encouraging as well as carrying out research work with the aim of stand-

ardising the description of Chichewa, the results of which would bereflected in the media publishing and the materials used in the educationalinstitutions (A brief history of the Chichewa Board 1970–1971: 1; Kishindo,1990: 67).

The reform process during Banda’s era can be likened to the Turkish(Dogançay-Aktuna, 1995) and French Academy views of language. In Malawi,however, unlike in Turkey, it was not religious factors, but rather political, aswell as Banda’s personal preferences that prevailed. Reform took the shape ofpurification and the removal of all words that were not in Kasungu Chewa, theChichewa that Banda spoke. Banda saw language as an integral part of nationalbuilding and elevating Chichewa to become the national language was equatedwith the unification of the diverse Malawian population. At the same time Bandadid not believe in authentication of other Malawian languages.

Banda’s interest in Chichewa is traced back to 1937, when he acted as an infor-mant to Mark Hannah Watkins who published A Grammar of Chichewa, a Bantulanguage of British Central Africa in 1937.33 Banda’s continued interest is also seenin the number of lectures he delivered in the early to mid-1970s (1972–1976) atChancellor College, University of Malawi, on various aspects of the language(see Banda, 1975). Banda, who was the ‘highest authority on Chichewa matters’(Kishindo, 1990: 67), took a purist attitude to language preservation or reform.‘Chinyanja would first have to be standardised into a real Chinyanja, a realChichewa’ as it had been spoken in his youth and was still spoken in the villagesof the central region. He did not want the anglicised ‘Chi-mission’ or‘Chi-Heaven or Chi-planter’ which was currently in the town’ (Hansard, 1963:844). Thus the ‘correct’ form of Chichewa was that of the Chewa dialect under-stood by him as opposed to the popular Mang’anja dialect of the southern region.He stressed it in his speeches and public Bible readings. As Vail (1981: 147) hasobserved:

the message in the late 1960s and 1970s was clear. The Chewa people andthe Chewa culture was the core of modern Malawi by right of being themost ancient and least compromised by colonialism, and Malawi culturewould be considered synonymous with Chewa culture.

Like Turkish language reform, Malawian language reform was centralised


(Tollefson, 1981) and government sponsored. The reform essentially consisted oftwo undertakings: changing the orthography and strengthening the use of ‘cor-rect’ Chichewa. The Board first produced the orthography rules (ChichewaBoard, 1973, 1980, 1992), which were supposed to correct the 1931 rules writtenby the missionaries. The Chichewa Board was then to carry out corpus planningdecisions to be codified through dictionaries, grammars and guides. Implemen-tation occurred as a centralised activity supervised by the president.

The role of the University of MalawiBanda further strengthened the spread of Chichewa by directing the establish-

ment of the Department of Chichewa at the University of Malawi to do researchon and describe the language. The department (now African Languages and Lin-guistics) trained Chichewa teachers (Bachelor of Education) and other linguiststo graduate level (Bachelor of Arts). It was not clear if there was any coordinationbetween the two language bodies that Banda set up to strengthen Chichewa, thatis, if the Board incorporated research findings of this department in its decisionsor changes.

The media and publishersAs in education, the media also adopted a bilingual policy even though most

of the published materials were in English, unless they were for rural populationconsumption. This contributed to the prevalence of publications in English andChichewa and no other languages. Periodicals containing news, articles of opin-ion, features and advertising were mainly bilingual. (For a discussion onlanguage for publications see Ng’ombe, 1985). Short stories, plays, novels aremainly in English (Chimombo, 1994). Almost all academic and government pub-lications and other magazines that were not intended for rural consumptionwere published exclusively in English. The Bible Society, however, continued toprint the Bible and hymn books in various vernacular languages.

The Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) also adopted a bilingual policy.The main news bulletin and news briefs were broadcast in both English andChichewa at alternative hours. Kishindo (1990) categorises Chichewaprogrammes into purely musical entertainment, didactic and educational.Programmes specifically designed to promote Chichewa were TimphunzitsaneChichewa (Let’s teach each other Chichewa), where listeners wrote to theprogramme expressing their views about a particular expression, vocabularyitem or syntactic structure. A panel headed by a member of the Chichewa Boardthen discussed their views. At the end of the programme a solution or conclusionwas reached and recommended to the listeners.

The spread of EnglishEnglish plays a vital role in Malawi, though its spread cannot be compared to

Chichewa. Its vital role but limited spread should be contextualised within thefunctional load along vertical and horizontal modes of communication; and theconcepts of elite closure (Djité, 1990; Scotton, 1993) and imperialism (Phillipson,1992). Both of these terms refer to the privilege or domination of one languageover another, its use by the elite of power, culture and money, in so many do-mains as to limit the access of speakers of other languages to positions of power


and privilege. The dominance and limited access to English from the colonialtimes to the present has created an elite group.

The use of English in Malawi can be conceptualised on a proficiency contin-uum. At one extreme of the continuum are members of the small intellectualMalawian elite who have received their formal education to university level orother higher levels of education. Their proficiency in English is near native(Kayambazinthu, 1994).34 According to my 1992 data these elites maintain andregularly use their knowledge of English in their professional environments,where they typically occupy the higher ranks of the political, administrative andacademic institutions. At the other extreme of the proficiency continuum are thecompletely unschooled, who do not use English at all or have limited knowledgeof English in the form of word expressions or trade and joking phrases used by il-literates, especially the vendors at markets and by some comedians.

A wide range of proficiency marks the area between the two extremes.Codeswitching and borrowing in the form of words or phrases is common(Kayambazinthu, 1994, 1998). Since level of education is an important correlate tothe learning of English in Malawi (Kayambazinthu, 1994), the education figuresgiven earlier in the paper are indicative of an education system with a very highdrop out that gives rise to this lack of access to high proficiency in English. Girls areparticularly susceptible under this system. The effects of these historical gender-re-lated asymmetries are seen in men having higher proficiency and use of Englishthan women (Kayambazinthu, 1994). From experience, there is a general outcry inMalawi on the gradual decline of standards and level of expression in English as evi-denced by data in Table 5. Most employing organisations complain about thestudents’ standard of expression as do University of Malawi external examiners’ re-ports. The causes of this drop in standards may be attributed to the education systemitself, lack of resources (textbooks) and the high pupil–teacher ratio.

With respect to the population’s English usage patterns, Kayambazinthu(1994) reports that the number of households in which English served as the ex-clusive means of interaction was negligible (2%), even though use increased withcodeswitching (14%) in the home. One would therefore argue that English has a


Table 5 English performance 1987–9857

Year Distinction Credit Pass1997 0.13 13 711996 0.19 14 681995 0.13 12 551994 0.4 13 561993 0.22 37 711992 0.18 27 601991 0.17 32 701990 0.37 39 71989 0.30 38 811988 0.30 38 801987 0.62 38 90

Source: Malawi National Examinations Board (MANEB, 1998).

very minor role to play in the home context where the Malawian languages flour-ish. Although the spread of English is confined to the few elites, its functionalspread and importance in Malawi cannot be denied.

As already argued, English dominates Malawians’ reading and writing prac-tices, as well as through codeswitching or codemixing. In the 1968 Constitution,English was identified as the country’s official language. As an official language,English is confined to the institutional, formal and written patterns of interac-tion. At the level of horizontal communication, English is the medium ofinteraction in all legislative, administrative and judicial institutions in Malawi. Inthe legislative assembly, English is the medium of communication for debatesand speeches in the Malawian parliament, making it difficult for those whoseproficiency is low to fully and meaningfully participate in the debate. It is also theonly language in which the constitution of Malawi and all other legal texts arewritten. At the administrative level, all written correspondence between officialsas well as oral contacts in formal contexts such as in meetings and the like, are inEnglish (Kayambazinthu, 1994). In the judicial system, all laws and decrees, aswell as written reports, prosecutions and trials are in English. Overall, all formsof horizontal communication at an institutional level are typically the domains ofEnglish. At the formal socioeconomic and political decision making level, Eng-lish is the exclusive language of government matters, only to be abandonedwhen disseminating the information to the masses. By virtue of its confinementEnglish is not a language of mass communication but of power and prestige,hence its limited spread but crucial role in the running of the country. Table 6 in-dicates the domains of official language use during Banda’s era.

English is the main language of the court beyond the lower courts. In the mag-istrates courts and high court, interpretation services for people who do notunderstand English is available. All laws, statutes, decrees, directives, rules andregulations, contracts and documents pertaining to them are written in English,making them inaccessible to the average Malawian and empowering the elite.

The use of classical languagesThe introduction of Greek and Latin in schools again was a single-handed ef-

fort. Their use stems from Banda’s philosophy that ‘no man can truly call himselfeducated’ without learning the Classics (A brief history of the Academy andKamuzu Academy Programme, 1986: 13). Banda opened his own school,Kamuzu Academy (popularly known as the Eton of Africa), in order to reintro-duce Latin in schools after a 15-year absence. Banda declared in the openingspeech at the Academy that ‘if you are not prepared to learn these subjects (Latinand Greek, my own emphasis) you must not come here (because) such subjects asLatin are there to discipline the mind and the brain’ (New Era in Education,1981). The Ministry of Education was forced to reintroduce the Classics inschools and in order to cater for the demand of scarce teachers in classics, they re-hired the old retired teachers. Under the same pressure, the University of Malawiestablished the Department of Classics to accommodate Academy students se-lected to Chancellor College and to produce secondary school teachers ofClassics (Kishindo, 1998: 261). Banda’s rhetoric and enthusiasm about Latin andGreek far outweighed the usefulness of these languages in Malawi. Hence, as


Kishindo (1998) observes, now they are dying a natural death at least within theMinistry of Education programmes.

The foregoing discussion has contextualised the spread of Chichewa and Eng-lish within colonial and neocolonial practices. The dissemination of Chichewacan be seen as a deliberate or explicit policy to promote and spread the language,using education and the mass media as implementation agents. The KamuzuBanda phase shows that direct, forceful and unambiguous decisions were madeabout the language questions without proper consultation (surveys, etc.) orguidance and evaluation of the programme. For fear of its inadequacies in plan-ning, evaluation of the policy was guarded and undemocratic. Amendments tothe educational policy, broadcasting, etc., are clear examples. There was also adeliberate and active denigration of repression of the development of other lan-guages apart from Chichewa (e.g. see the mandate for establishing the ChichewaBoard and Chichewa Department at Chancellor College), hence their restricteduse and spread. This denigration has resulted in language shift, especiallyamong the Yao and Lomwe, as evidenced by the failure of their youth to acquireproficiency in these languages (see Kayambazinthu, 1989/90, 1994, 1995). TheBanda era was also characterised by the neglect of ‘open’ research into Malawi’srich multilingual and multicultural heritage. The study of other Malawian lan-


Table 6 Summary of official language usage in Malawi, 1968–1994

Domains Language usedEnglish Chichewa French Latin Greek

Parliament ++ � � � �

Law/Legislature ++ � � � �

Courts: ++ � � � �

Magistrate ++ � � � �

High ++ � � � �

Lower ++ ++ � � �

Radio ++ ++ � � �

Films ++ � � � �

Newspapers ++ ++ � � �

Advertisements ++ ++ � � �

Magazines ++ ++ � � �

Adult literacy � ++ � � �

Agricultural extensionservices

� ++ � � �

Education medium ofinstruction:

Lower primary � ++ � � �

Standard 5 up touniversity

++ � � � �

Subjects:Lower primary ++ ++ � � �

Secondary up touniversity

++ ++ ++ ++ ++

Internationalcommunication

++ � ++ � �

Source: Kayambazinthu (1995).

guages was hampered and neglected. Also the teaching of these languages assecond languages was prohibited and English which is an exclusive second lan-guage was promoted. The development of Chichewa into a neutral lingua francawas hampered by the purist attitude prescribed by Kamuzu Banda who saw theChichewa of Kasungu as the model Chichewa or the standard variety. Whilst astandard dialect needs to emerge, studies have to be done to establish it.Chichewa needs to be allowed to continue borrowing from other languages inMalawi to broaden its base. The policy decisions made during the Banda phase,though explicit, deliberate and to some extent practical, were politically directedand representative of particular political positions and cultural values of a partic-ular ethnic group, the Chewa. The introduction of other languages on the radiohas come about only because of the current language policy in Malawi that formsthe basis for the discussion in the next section.

Part III: Language policy and planningLanguage planning has been defined as ‘a deliberate language change …

planned by organisations established for such purposes’ (Rubin, 1984: 4) to influ-ence the behaviour of others with respect to the acquisition, structure orfunctional allocation of their language codes’ (Cooper, 1989: 45). As noted byKaplan and Baldauf (1997: 3) language planning undertaken by the governmentis intended to solve complex sociopolitical (my emphasis) problems, even thougha great deal of societal level language planning is different and modest. The dis-cussion that follows puts into perspective deliberate language planningdirectives in Malawi focusing also on important players in decision making andimplications for policy formulation. This section of the paper will also focus onthe political philosophy, Zasintha (things have changed) behind the current lan-guage policy decisions in Malawi. The current decisions should be understoodfrom the conceptualisation of freedom from the autocratic Banda era35 andshould therefore be viewed as politically and pragmatically motivated.

The present phase 1994–Newspaper publications during the pre- and post-referendum period

(1992–94) initially signalled ethnic language resurgence. According to Kishindo(1998: 260) opposition papers such as the United Democratic Front’s UDF Newsand The New Voice started publishing in languages such as Lomwe, Sena,Tumbuka and Yao. This could have been indicative of people’s ethnic aspirationor publishers capitalising on ethnic consciousness for the forgotten languagesduring a period of general protest. The fact that most of the papers that publishedin these languages are defunct or that these languages are no longer used mayalso be indicative of readership apathy towards vernacular languages.

The evolution of the general ethnic consciousness was reflected by that of thecorresponding language policies. Cultural and linguistic activities among Mala-wians were initiated during the referendum period. After the referendum thegovernment took an active policy of linguistic pluralism on the radio andschools. The significance of language movements among the minority or ne-glected languages in Malawi is closely connected to the new wave of ethnicconsciousness that emerged among Malawians.


The 1995 Malawi Government Constitution stipulates in article 26 on culture andlanguage that ‘every person shall have the right to use the language and to partic-ipate in the cultural life of his or her choice’ (1995: 18). The constitution is silent onwhat is the national language and what is the official language. The 1996 UDFGovernment Education Policy Document also is silent on the issue. On the basisof current linguistic practices we can say that the country is still upholding, withsome modifications, the 1968 MCP Convention resolutions cited earlier in thismonograph. The draft National Cultural Policy Plan of Action of 1996 shedsmore light on language issues in Malawi. The document is intended to provideguidelines from which all players can derive short, medium and long-termprogrammes. The overall goal of the policy is ‘to achieve Malawian cultural iden-tity through the preservation of her cultural heritage …’. In this document,culture is defined as ‘the people’s way of life’. Research into and local use of ver-nacular languages is encouraged and the print media are also encouraged todevote some pages to articles in Chichewa or in any other vernacular languages(1996: 8). On languages, the cultural policy affirms the role of Chichewa as the na-tional language but advocates a neutral name because it is a

language that every Malawian understands and speaks though with vary-ing degrees of fluency. The unifying potential of such a language is obviousand if Malawi is to maintain a national language, there cannot be much de-bate about the choice. The debate should perhaps be on what to call it.Reverting to the old terminology of Chinyanja would be ideal in such a situ-ation. That would reflect the international status of the language for it isalso spoken widely in Zambia and in Mozambique. Besides it would be apolitically correct terminology locally. Malawi should also recognise theexistence of other vernacular languages and their local importance in theareas in which they are regularly spoken. Research in all of Malawi’s lan-guages should therefore be encouraged with a view to promoting onecommon language to reflect national unity. (1996: 14)

The cultural policy, which also recommends or embodies the policy the gov-ernment would like to follow, indicates the need to recognise the role of othervernaculars that should be researched and preserved. However, the policyseems to look at this research as a feeder for the promotion of Chichewa. The pol-icy also falls short of recommending the areas in which the vernaculars should beused. That this is left to the Ministry of Education and the president is evidencedby the number of language policy directives the UDF government has issuedsince it came into power in May 1994.

The current language policyThe present situation poses its own problems and idealism resulting from the

Zasintha philosophy. There is an assumption that all Malawian languages can befully utilised or rehabilitated into full use. It has been a period of general protestand political activism where sections of the population have mobilised to agitatefor social reform in the promotion of the lesser-used languages as if the nationhas the resources to sustain such a policy.

The UDF government under Dr Elson Bakili Muluzi came into power on 17


May 1994 through a multi-party general election. Their policy making has beenad hoc and reactive. On 25 June 1994 the president directed that Tumbuka be rein-troduced on the radio without prior identification of resources and training ofpersonnel (Kishindo, 1998). Similarly, on 15 November 1996 the presidential di-rective to introduce Yao, Lomwe and Sena for news broadcast on MBC radio alsopreceded personnel training, as was evident in the failure of a Yao newsreader toread the news.36 On 13 September 1997 the president, at a political rally in NkhataBay, directed the introduction of Tonga on the radio upon a request from ChiefFukamapiri (a Tonga).

On 31 July 1995, a cabinet directive dissolved the Chichewa Board and re-placed it with the Centre for Language Studies (CLS) which came into operationon 1 April 1996. The directive was implemented by the Ministry of Education andCulture and the Department of Statutory Corporations that mandated the Uni-versity of Malawi, Chancellor College establish a Centre for local Malawianlanguages. The Centre was mandated with the responsibility of promoting anddeveloping Malawian languages. The Centre’s objectives are:

• to establish orthographic principles of Malawian languages;• to develop descriptive grammars for Malawian languages;• to compile lexicons of Malawian languages;• to promote and preserve Malawian languages• to teach various languages of socioeconomic and political relevance to Ma-

lawi;• to provide translation, interpretation and editing services and to promote

research in language studies.(Chancellor College ‘Proposal for the establishment of a Centre for

Language Studies’ Ref. No. CC/2/1/3/1)

The Centre therefore provides research and consultancies in both Malawianand relevant foreign languages such as English, German, Portuguese and Span-ish.37 Apart from this, the Centre also offers services such as translation,interpretation, editing, and conducting short courses in both Malawian andnon-Malawian languages in collaborating with foreign research centres. It isdoubtful that the Centre will be able to fulfil its mandate given budget cuts andthe irregular funding it gets (Deputy Director of CLS, 1998, personal communica-tion).

The introduction of all these languages can be accounted for by the new politi-cal orientation or Zasintha political philosophy. Kishindo (1998: 264–5) whobelieves that the introduction of Tumbuka was for political expediency ratherthan serious linguistic concerns, questions the introduction of a minority lan-guage such as Tumbuka, which ranked fourth in the 1966 census, instead of theelevation of Lomwe or Yao which ranked second and third respectively. Accord-ing to Kishindo (1998) the introduction of Tumbuka could only be justified on thebasis that Muluzi was trying to win political favours in the northern regionwhere his party had polled badly (7% of the total votes) during the general elec-tion.38 However, contrary to Kishindo’s argument, Tumbuka though a languageof about 6% northerners, mainly in Rumphi, Mzimba and part of Karonga —since its imposition in schools by the Livingstonia Mission in the 1940s — has and


would have sustained its regional lingua franca status if it was not for its ban in1968 that limited its prospects. Kishindo’s argument is a misrepresentation of thelinguistic situation in Malawi, where neither Lomwe nor Yao are learnt as secondlanguages in their areas, where Chichewa is learnt as the main lingua franca.Lomwe, as evidenced by two surveys, is a dying language and does not have thenumber of speakers indicated in the census (Kayambazinthu, 1989/90, 1994;Matiki, 1996/97). Secondly, Tumbuka in the north is learnt as a second languageby 64% of the population in a linguistically heterogeneous region. Tumbuka isthe only language that has regional lingua franca status in the north as affirmedby the recent Tumbuka survey. In my view, Malawi has only two lingua francazones, that is, the central and southern regions of Malawi are dominated byChichewa whilst the north uses Tumbuka. The political overtones for the promo-tion of Tumbuka cannot be doubted but the pragmatics of it cannot be deniedeither.

A significant directive on education policy came on 28 March 1996, introduc-ing a three plus or minus language formula. The Secretary for Education statedthat:

The Ministry of Education would like to inform all … that with immediateeffect, all standards 1, 2, 3 and 4 classes in all our schools be taught in theirown mother tongue or vernacular language as a medium of instruction.English and Chichewa will however, continue to be offered as subjects inthe primary curricula. In the past Chichewa was used as both a medium ofinstruction and subject, making it very difficult for beginners to graspideas. However, English will be used as a medium of instruction beginningin standard 5. (Secretary for Education’s Letter. Ref. No. IN/2/14.)

The justification39 for this directive is based on hearsay and systematic re-search elsewhere, not in Malawi, as the circular revealed:

You may wish to know that research has revealed that school children learnbetter and faster if they are taught in their own mother tongue or in theirown vernacular language during the first 4 years of their formal educationthan when they are taught in a second language as a medium of instruction.It is for this reason that this policy is being instituted.

This policy typifies a policy-by-decree approach that was not based on any re-search or proper planning despite the fact that it is the only policy document thatassigns a role for the vernacular languages in Malawi other than Chichewa in thenational education system. It should be noted, however, that this directive pre-ceded the training of teachers, preparation of materials and resources andgeneral research into the current language situation and attitudes in Malawi. Be-cause of the impromptu nature of the directive it is not surprising that thegovernment is failing to implement the policy. The ministry continues to postprimary school teachers where they are needed regardless of whether they knowthe language of the community or not, thus contradicting the declaration and itsintentions. The failure of the plan is related to the lack of adequate backgroundplanning before the policy was decreed. The policy also contradicts other rele-


vant provisions against the backgrounds of availability of physical and materialinfrastructure for the successful implementation of such a policy in Malawi.

People’s reaction to the education policyChauma et al. (1997: 38) (see also Kazembe, 1996; Saukani, 1996) have summa-

rised the public’s negative reactions to the directive through their askingpertinent questions and giving reasons ranging from having an inferiority com-plex to the economics of language planning. Examples of these reactions were:

• If pupils from Standards 1 to 4 are to be instructed in local language domi-nant or common in an area in which a school is located, children will getinferior education and will end up drawers of water and hewers of wood.

• It is a political decision because the ruling United Democratic Front doesnot want to be reminded of the former ruling party, the MCP, which madethe teaching of Chichewa in primary schools compulsory …

• The use of the mother tongue will encourage tribalism in the country.Smaller groups of people will want to identify themselves with theirmother tongue.

• What happens to children staying with their parents in areas where theirmother tongue is not dominant? Will they have to transfer back to theirhome district to be taught in their mother tongue? (Malawi News, 22–28 June1996).

• The policy is aimed at saving the face of some teachers who, according tosome people, are not conversant with English.

• New teachers’ guides, textbooks, manuals, pupils’ reading materials in alldialects or vernaculars will need to be produced and printed.

Problems of educational policyUnder this new political orientation, it is obvious that Malawian minority lan-

guages are in a favourable position considering their introduction in schools.However, the intention of the ministry to develop native language skills and na-tional literacies is not an end in itself. One looks at the entire programme as astepping stone to prepare pupils for further instruction in Chichewa and English.The policy does not build in the development and maintenance of reading andwriting skills in the native languages. It will be interesting to find out if in a de-cade’s time people have acquired literacy in these languages. The Ministry ofChildren Affairs and Community Services runs adult literacy classes. The gen-eral policy has been to teach reading and writing skills in Chichewa onlythroughout the country.40

As previously pointed out in this monograph, the process of vernacularisationdoes not improve the linguistic and cultural situation without the accompanyingmeasures of broader socioeconomic impact. The general tendency of viewing theelevation of a language through functional use on the radio or in early primaryschool does not always raise its prestige as much as it might change itssociolinguistic position. Research has yet to be done to ascertain the impact thatthese elevations are having on the languages and how the speakers themselvesview the move towards the preservation of their languages. Another crucial is-


sue is the unilateral emphasis on native languages in schools rather than learningthem in families and during preschool education. It is doubtful that Lomwe chil-dren who do not learn the language in their homes will pick it up in schools.Msonthi’s (1997) BEd dissertation on the vernacular policy in Malawi concludesthat parents are not in favour of vernacular languages in schools. They wouldrather have their children learn English, the prestigious socioeconomic lan-guage. Similarly, the 1996 Yao survey also revealed that parents would favourthe strong use of English (which would make them clever) or Chichewa inschools rather than Yao (see also Bwanali (1998: 10) on Chichewa as a communi-cation tool). Also, the policy seems to treat the issue of mother tongue use as amonolithic problem. In areas where three languages prevail which one will beused and what criteria will be used for selection? Will the teacher’s proficiencydetermine it or its wide usage in the area? How will the system cater for pupilswith insufficient knowledge of the school language?

It is clear from the discussion that the current policy is giving higher priority toideological and prestigious issues rather than practical objectives in planning forlanguage in education. The needs of the communities are parallel with the gov-ernment policy. If the general public is complaining about the decline of thestandards of English (the cherished language) what will happen when the num-ber of hours are reduced because of the proliferation of languages of instruction?The government, which is one of the poorest and most debt ridden in the thirdworld, has to realise that it cannot sustain such a policy, hence its failure to imple-ment it. One would also question whether the standard pattern of creating anddeveloping literacy language (i.e. alphabets, school textbooks, formation of na-tional elites), and popularising them through the media is always the way to go.Probably efforts should be spent on teaching and learning the ethnic language inits oral mode first in the villages or urban schools and creating conditions for thepreservation of the language in its traditional domains before the formal schoolsystem as Chauma et al. (1997) suggest.

National consciousness: Debates in newspapers and languagemovements

Kishindo (1998) states that in the months preceding the National Referendumof 14 June 1993, writers openly debated the language issue in the newspapers.The arguments revolved around Chichewa as a national language vis-à-vis othervernacular languages and what to call the national language. Arguing on the ba-sis of national unity one contributor said ‘the use of one language as a nationallingua franca makes people really feel as one’ (Phiri, 1993). Another argument re-cognising the spread and use of Chichewa stated that:

Chichewa should still be used as a national language … as long as it iswidely spoken. Not of course (because) Chichewa was chosen by MCP as itis Kamuzu’s language … I think people must learn and appreciate that acommon language is the one of the most powerful means of communica-tion. (Mandimbe, 1994)

Counter-arguments against Chichewa wanted equal treatment of all lan-guages because the elevation of Chichewa as a national language was


detrimental to the development of other vernaculars and called for a change inthe name of Chichewa Board to be all-encompassing.

The truth is that the country has only preserved Chewa culture and this isvery unhealthy, and if not checked, our children will question our thinking.The Chichewa Board should change. It should be called the LanguageBoard. I do not see the future of our children where only one language dom-inates the conversation of our nation. This is our dream. Our children shallswitch from Chichewa to Tumbuka, Yao, Nkhonde, Tonga, Sena etc., andour children will never look down upon other language speakers (Timau,1993).

The name of the language also became a contentious issue. Some contributorsfelt that Chichewa was too closely identified with Dr Banda and wanted to revertto the old name Chinyanja for neutrality.

This debate reflects people’s strong feelings against the way Banda elevatedand implemented Chichewa in Malawi. The language policy that Banda fol-lowed (the Chewalisation of the Malawi nation) was seen as divisive. The issue ofusing Chichewa as a tool of communication was not well understood in that cli-mate.

The earliest case of ideologically ethnic based movements was that of the Yao(two journalists and six intellectuals) who formed a ‘Society for the advancementof Chiyao’, formerly known as ‘Society for the preservation and promotion ofYao culture and the language’ in order to promote cultural and literary activitiesin Yao.41 According to the minutes of their first meeting (n.d.), the idea washatched by two journalists in collaboration with a linguist at Chancellor College.Committee members agreed on the need to provide a philosophy as a foundationfor cultural diversity and for divergent views of life, to promote cultural plural-ism and to help establish the basis of national unity. The society was going tofocus on research in Yao, build schools where Yao culture could be taught andcreate a Yao cultural Centre which would preserve and promote Yao. The societywas also going to draft a bill for tabling in parliament with the intention of includ-ing Yao in the MSCE syllabus as an optional subject. The meeting noted that Yaowas becoming more or less extinct (Minutes of the first meeting of members ofthe Likuga lya Chiyao, n.d.). It was also documented in these minutes that Yaowas the official language of deliberations, even though the minutes were written,as usual, in English!

Apart from the Yao group, the Tumbuka formed an ‘Association for the Ad-vancement and Preservation of languages and cultures — Chitumbuka languageand culture sub-division’ — claiming that the movement was nationwide. Theletter mentions the organisation of a workshop involving Tumbuka, Yao,Lomwe, Sena and Nkhonde. A prominent member in this group was M.S.Mkandawire who had been involved in Chitumbuka text production beforeTumbuka was banned in schools. Like the Yao group, they viewed themselves asa forum for all matters pertaining to the preservation of Tumbuka and its intro-duction in the school curriculum (Letter from Secretary of the Association to theSecretary for Education, Science and Technology, n.d.).

Another Association, the Abenguni (or Ngoni) Revival Association was


formed in 1998 by Mr Thole, a Ngoni, who is also the chairperson. The associa-tion has more than 100 members comprising Ngoni chiefs, journalists and someintellectuals. The objectives of the Association are to:

• revive the language which is not being passed on from their forefathers toyounger generations;

• bring unity to the Ngoni from both central and northern region;• foster Ngoni identity.The association’s activities include the drafting of a constitution, revival of the

Ingoma dance using old Ngoni songs as provided by Dr Soko, a Malawian Ngoniand French linguist. The Association runs a club at the Mzuzu museum, whichpractises old songs and also provides entertainment to museum visitors, Ngoniclasses which have produced a handout in Zulu/Ngoni language using twobooks: Learn Zulu by C.L.S. Nyembezi and A Zulu Comprehensive Course by A.T.Cope, both bought from South Africa. Thus, the Ngoni want to go back to theirroots — are taking a purist attitude towards Ngoni revival — instead of concen-trating on Mzimba-Mpherembe-Ekwendeni Ngoni that has survived thecentury.42 The association is hoping to have village-based clubs where Zululearning lessons will be offered and teachers will be identified by the chiefs. Atthe moment they have two volunteer teachers who have learnt Zulu up to O levelin Zimbabwe and South Africa. The association has not liaised with the govern-ment or the Ministry of Education.43

It is well documented that the recent political changes in Malawi have affectedpositively the role of other indigenous languages in Malawi. The sudden wave ofdemocratisation and liberalisation following the collapse of Dr Banda’s MalawiCongress Party machinery stimulated non-Chewa Malawians to raise their na-tional consciousness and to activate their long suppressed ethnic movements.Apart from political movements, the democratisation process has included lin-guistic movements. It is difficult to judge the impact of such movements on thecurrent state of affairs in Malawi. However, concessions from the governmenthave now been obtained in the form of the right to use language in education, onthe radio and in the newspapers. At the same time, the legal functions of theselanguages have increased, allowing official services and documents to be pro-duced and circulated in them. Even so, the lack of official status and all othernecessary supporting institutions such as vernacular language schools, materialsfor teaching, mass media, or norms for linguistic standardisation, makes these ef-forts less worthwhile.

Institutional recognition and semi-official status of Yao, Tumbuka andLomwe

The functional attribution of Tumbuka, Yao and Lomwe to institutional do-mains such as education, administration and jurisdiction gives these languages‘semi-official status’. This status is substantiated by other types of formal and in-stitutional recognition of these languages. However, there are no statements inthe Malawian constitution or Malawian laws that clearly name these four lan-guages as a specific class within the totality of Malawian languages. In educationas well, the only explicit distinction made in the official instructions is between


English on the one hand, and Malawian languages on the other, the latter cate-gory being treated as a block. This lack of direction in a multilingual country likeMalawi strengthens English and gives it a stranglehold in these domains. In ad-ministration; there are no official instructions at all regulating the choice oflanguage in oral contracts, which is similar to the situation in jurisdiction, wherethe instructions only refer to orality, not to the languages to be used in this oralcomponent.

It must be stressed that the absence of any explicit government policy does notimply that language in Malawi is in no way affected by the political realm. Inpractice, there exists a set of linguistic practices applied in domains which are tobe situated outside of the government’s official legislation but which are undeni-ably close to the political authorities and which have a distinctively semi-officialand institutional character.

Chichewa is the working language of the president and all who are involvedin mass communication. The prominence of Chichewa is a product of the interre-lationship between implicit activities and the outcome of a consciously modelledpolicy. This does not imply however, that the unintended results are less tangi-ble. These invisible activities are making quite an impact on Malawian society.For example, both Presidents Banda and Muluzi, though they have not givenTumbuka the official status of a northern region lingua franca, have indicated itsstatus by accepting the use of translation into Tumbuka when in the northern re-gion. In July 1998, a Nkhonde chief who does not speak Tumbuka addressedPresident Muluzi in Nkhonde, and the interpreter interpreted in Tumbuka, a re-gional language he assumed a Chewa and Yao-speaking president shouldunderstand. In other words, Tumbuka’s regionality and interethnicity is furtherentrenched. In the south and the central region, Chichewa is the only languageused in political or presidential discourse.

The Bible Society in Malawi continues to follow its policy of translating the Bi-ble and Jesus Films into various vernaculars in Malawi such as Tumbuka, Yao,Lomwe, Sena, Tonga, Nkhonde and Braille. Other language planning agents in-clude the British Council in Malawi and the French Cultural Centre which areboth engaged in the spread of their languages by providing courses, expertiseand training in English and French respectively. Islam is seeing a revival in Ma-lawi and the Islamic Centre has just completed the translation of the Koran notinto Yao, but in Chichewa (Quran Out, The Nation, 14 July 1998), the language ofwider communication in Malawi.

This section of the monograph has attempted to contextualise the historical,social and political ecology of the current language planning and implementa-tion in Malawi. The section has focused on the evolution of change in Malawi andthe perceptions taken by the government and the people. The next section will fo-cus on language maintenance and prospects in Malawi.

Part IV: Language Maintenance and ProspectsIn a linguistically heterogeneous country such as Malawi, the likelihood of lin-

guistic groups coexisting relatively permanently or some losing their language isexpected. Language maintenance or shift in Malawi may be characterised by anumber of factors with common denominators such as numerical strength, so-


cioeconomic value of the language(s) and migration. The social contacts betweenthe various groups produce stable or unstable bilingualism, codeswitching andloanwords. Where shift is occurring it tends to be unidirectional to Chichewa inthe central and southern part of Malawi and to Tumbuka in the north. This sec-tion discusses the implications of the various language policies followed inMalawi for the maintenance of Malawian languages. Data on Lomwe, Yao,Chichewa and Tumbuka will be used to illustrate the current patterns of lan-guage use and intergenerational transmission of languages from which plannerscan draw some insights for future rational planning.

I am using the term language shift according to Holmes (1992: 65) and Fasold(1984). The former defines language shift as a process by which one language dis-places another in the linguistic repertoire of the community and the result of theprocess, whilst the latter adds a temporal aspect and describes language shift as along-term, collective result of language choice. Language shift means that a com-munity gives up (consciously or unconsciously) its language completely infavour of another (Fasold, 1984: 213). Language maintenance is the opposite oflanguage shift.

The NgoniIn Part I, I indicated that Ngoni is a dying language that is not being transmit-

ted to children in the various Ngoni settlement areas. Only a small pocket ofNgoni speakers can be found in Ekwendeni and Mpherembe in Mzimba district.According to Soko (1998, personal communication), a Ngoni, in these two areas,Ngoni is even spoken by the children. However, as there is no quantitative sur-vey data to give the exact figures on Ngoni, its decline can only be discussedbased on qualitative reports. Both Kishindo (1995) and Mtenje and Soko (1998)attest to the decline of the language, which, as reported by the chairperson of theAbenguni Association, is not being passed on to the younger generation. The cul-tural aspects of the Ngoni, especially the oral traditions, are still alive anddistinguishable (Mtenje & Soko, 1998: 15), but cultural preservation did not in-clude the language. The Ngoni are linguistically either Tumbuka or Chewadepending on their settlement areas. Factors such as intermarriage, nature ofconquest and assimilation of captives; and the fact that Ngoni, compared toTumbuka or Chichewa, was an aristocratic language not available for everydaycommunication (Kishindo, 1995: 52) account for the fact that the language is dy-ing. Hopefully the activities of the Abenguni Association will be properlyfunded and will focus on linguistic research to revive the dying language.

The LomweThe dispersion of the Lomwe from Mozambique and their migration into Ma-

lawi due to Portuguese brutality, their advanced stage of assimilation wherethey settled among the Nyanja and Yao in the Shire Highlands, longstandingnegative attitudes towards the use of Lomwe by both the Lomwe themselves andother ethnic groups, the perceived difficulty of the language, make the Lomwean interesting case study of language shift. Lomwe has been well surveyed andboth rural and urban Lomwe data are presented to show how the Lomwe haveshifted from their language to Chichewa.


The discussion of Lomwe language shift revolves around the interplay of bothexternal and internal factors and the pressures that were brought to bear on thepeople and the language. According to Kulik (1994: 4) shifts in language are notcaused by languages as such, they are rather caused by shifts in the values andgoals of the speakers of the language (see also Holm, 1993). Lomwe historiogra-phy and cultural practices are bases from which to understand their process oflanguage shift. Lomwe historiography has already been presented in Part I ofthis monograph. According to Tew (1950) the Lomwe doubled in number be-tween 1921 and 1931 increasing from 120,776 to 235,616. In 1945, they were379,638, an increase of 144,022 or 61%. According to the 1966 Census report, theLomwe formed the second largest ethnic or linguistic group (14.5%) in Malawiand they stood at 476,306, an increase of 20% over a period of 21 years. Theirgrowth rate had slowed.

The evolution of negative attitudes towards the Lomwe language and theidentity crisis of the Lomwe can be better understood by examining not only thevalues and attitudes of the Lomwe people but also those of the non-Lomwe eth-nic groups. Labov (1966, 1972) defines a speech community as the sharing ofnorms and values and the homogeneous usage of forms and elements. Hymes(1972, 1974) adds that members of a speech community share strong feelings ofbelonging to a local territory and of participating in an interactional network in-side this territory (also see Milroy, 1987). Both historians (Boerder, 1984;Chipendo, 1980/81; Rashid, 1978) and sociolinguists (Kayambazinthu, 1989/90,1994, 1995; Matiki, 1996/97) have confirmed by empirical evidence the evolutionor change in Lomwe usage from the days of settlement to the present situation.The questions that can be raised include: Does there exist a Lomwe speech com-munity? Is there a Lomwe culture that can be attached to language preservationand aspects of identity? What has really distinguished the Lomwe from the otherethnic groups that they settled amongst? Apart from the distinct family sur-names, language, and dances, what were the Lomwe core cultural values(Smolicz & Secombe, 1985)?

According to Chipendo one side effect of mission education, which usedChichewa and English as mediums of instruction was the dying out of theLomwe language. After their arrival and prior to the 1960s the Lomwe languagewas fluently and frequently spoken and meetings were held in Lomwe. How-ever, when writing and doing research in 1980, Chipendo (1980/81) noted that itwas mostly the old people who spoke the language in Mthiramanja area and thatthe youth communicated in Chichewa. Chipendo indicated that this was due tothe fact that the young people learnt everything in English and Chichewa only,and no Lomwe was spoken at school. Chichewa replaced Lomwe even at homebecause it became less and less of an advantage to use and preserve. The Lomwebegan to view their language as a severe handicap to socioeconomic advance-ment, Chichewa being dominant at work, political and commercial activities ordomains. According to one 70-year-old lady, shifting to Chichewa was a way ofweakening the traditional stigmatisation towards themselves and especiallytheir children (1992, personal communication).

Makonokaya (1981: 12), who studied the Lomwe of Lirangwi, reported his re-spondents saying: ‘We teach them Lomwe, but when they go out and meet


friends who speak Chichewa, they easily forget what they had been taught. Mostof the time our children laugh at what we teach them. I do not know what is awk-ward about our language. This prevents them from learning how to speakLomwe’. However another respondent had a different view that sheds light onthe conscious loss of Lomwe: ‘It would be difficult for the children to learnChichewa after acquiring Lomwe as their mother tongue’. To eliminate suchproblems the informant said, ‘we prefer teaching them Chichewa at an earlystage so that they should be able to grow up with Chichewa as their first lan-guage’. The children (N = 39) themselves said they were not interested inlearning Lomwe because ‘most of our friends don’t know how to speak Lomwe.Now for us to have easy communication with them we prefer learningChichewa. Moreover, in our schools, we are not taught Lomwe but Chichewa’(Makonokaya, 1981:12).

Recent data collected at different times by different researchers exemplify lan-guage shift. Kayambazinthu’s 1992 survey44 collected data in three main cities inMalawi (Blantyre, Lilongwe and Mzuzu) and involved 107 Lomwe speakersborn mainly in the southern region of Malawi, in Lomwe-speaking areas but nowliving in the cities. Both observation and survey techniques using a questionnairewere used as data collection tools over a period of three months. Respondentswere purposely selected on the basis of being Lomwe households. Matiki’s 1995study (Matiki, 1996/97) was carried out in rural areas of Lomwe-speaking vil-lages in Thyolo, Mulanje and Chiradzulu; and involved 180 respondents. It alsoemployed observations and the questionnaire was the main data collection tool.Respondents’ age, education and place of birth were correlated with languagecompetence and use. While accepting that each set of data is representative of theparticular groups in question, at that particular time and situation, the twogroups are still comparable in certain important ways. Thus, some similaritiesand contrasts can be observed from the data especially on fluency and frequencywith which respondents used Lomwe. Patterns of language use across four gen-erations and the actual language use in domains was revealing.

Data analysis revealed that the majority of rural (50%) and urban (70%) theLomwe acquired Chichewa as their first language. Data further showed that only40% of rural Lomwe and 9% of urban Lomwe acquired Lomwe as a first lan-guage. Both Kayambazinthu (1995) and Matiki (1996/97) report that duringfieldwork most Lomwe reported having acquired both Chichewa and their eth-nic language simultaneously during childhood within their neighbourhoodsbefore reaching school age. Thus, childhood bilingualism was a common phe-nomenon. Societal bilingualism has been cited as a crucial stage or precursor inthe processes leading to language shift (Lieberson, 1972). Lieberson (1972: 1981)noted that almost all cases of societal language shift came about throughintergenerational switching. Since intergenerational switching requires the ear-lier generation to be bilingual, the proportion of a population that is bilingualconstitutes an ‘exposure to risk’ that one of the languages might eventually belost (Lieberson, 1972: 242), as was and is the case with the Lomwe.

The parental language acquisition pattern was rather different. Rural datashowed that most parents (mothers, fathers and grandparents) spoke Lomwe,whilst urban data showed the reverse. Very few of the urban respondents (16%)


and their parents (father 6%, mother 4%), children (12%) and spouses spoke thelanguage or used it as a home language (14%). Matiki’s data on intergenerationalbilingualism showed that the first generation of parents and grandparents of the50–82 age cohort and parents of the 35–49 age cohort, was monolingual inLomwe (51%) followed by those who were bilingual in both Lomwe andChichewa (37%). Monolingualism in Chichewa was minimal (12%) amongst thisgroup. The second (72%) and third (76%) generation were mainly bilingual inLomwe and Chichewa; and if they were monolingual it was mainly in Chichewa.By the fourth generation, bilingualism in Chichewa and Lomwe was still thedominant pattern (59%) but monolingualism in Chichewa was rising rapidly(41%). By this stage, no one claimed to be monolingual in Lomwe. Matiki(1996/97) observes that from the first to the third generation, the number ofbilinguals in Lomwe and Chichewa increased by a little over 100%. By the fourthgeneration, however, the percentage of these bilinguals decreased by 17%. TheLomwe used Chichewa (76%) more regularly than Lomwe (33%). These data il-lustrate that the Lomwe have overwhelmingly shifted from monolingualism inLomwe in the early twentieth century through bilingualism in Chichewa andLomwe to monolingualism in Chichewa in the late twentieth century. The datashow that Lomwe and Chewa contact did not lead to stable bilingualism but todisplacement.

Data on competence and frequency of use of Lomwe revealed that most re-spondents could speak (41%) and understand (50%) Lomwe but could not read(46%) or write it (54%). Their skills in speaking (69%), understanding (71%), read-ing (59%) and writing (59%) Chichewa were far superior to their abilities inLomwe. It is obvious that the respondents were more fluent and literate inChichewa than in Lomwe. More important is the comparatively high level ofmastery of Lomwe by the rural Lomwe compared to urban Lomwe. The urbanrespondents could not speak (65%), understand (43%), read (71%) and write(79%) Lomwe at all. This pattern reflects the literacy policies followed by both thecolonialists and the neocolonialists who did not provide opportunities for the de-velopment of Lomwe reading and writing skills.

Data on how frequently respondents used Lomwe revealed that Lomwe wasnot used regularly (33%) compared to Chichewa (76%). This tallies with theircompetence in the language as well. Lomwe use was split between very little(31%) and regularly (33%) which means that it was a language that was depend-ent on speakers’ availability. Of the 107 urban Lomwes, 43% claimed never to usethe language or to use it sometimes (43%). Chichewa was usually used (68%).Even though the rural Lomwe show more competence in the language and tosome extent use the language more than the urban Lomwe, they are similar intheir higher competence and use of Chichewa than their language.

Data on respondents’ actual language use in various domains: home, neigh-bourhood, school, religion and media use revealed the significant and dominantuse of Chichewa over Lomwe, whether in the rural or urban areas. Literature onlanguage shift has documented the fact that shift can be detected from the homedomain and if parents are passing or not passing the language to their children.Even in the family domain, the inability of the Lomwe to maintain the home as anintact domain for the use of their language has been decisive in language shift. It


can be observed that respondents in the two surveys reported to speak only ormostly in Lomwe to parents and older relatives. The proportion claiming the useof Lomwe with brothers and sisters or siblings fell substantially among ruralLomwe and was almost non-existent among urban Lomwes. These results arecomparable with the generational decline in Lomwe usage.

Romaine (1995: 42) states that the low usage of an ethnic language in the homedomain is symptomatic of a more far-reaching disruption of domain distributionand pattern of transmission. Fishman (1991) emphasises the significance ofintergenerational transmission. He proposes a scale to measure the degree of dis-ruption and shift which a community has experienced in the use of its language.He calls this the Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS). Fishmanproposes that only when a language is being passed on in the home is there somechance of long-term survival. Otherwise efforts to prop up the language else-where (e.g. school, church) may end up being largely symbolic and ceremonial.The low usage and mastery of Lomwe, especially among urban Lomwes and ru-ral Lomwes, to some extent reflects the low priority given to the language inhomes, community and schools. This tallies with Chipendo’s observation of thenon-reciprocal use of Lomwe between parents and their children. The high use ofChichewa indicates the tolerance Lomwe adults have of Chichewa. They do notmind its use; neither do they reinforce Lomwe with their children. Urban datashowed a similar trend even though it showed a more complete shift towardsChichewa and only few respondents used Lomwe to older brothers and sisters(4%) and older relatives (7%). None of the children were spoken to in Lomwe andthere were no Lomwe exchanges between husbands and wives.

Due to the nature of their immigration, interaction and settlement, the Lomweexperienced stigmatisation. First, they were nicknamed the Nguru,45 a stigma-tised Yao description of those people who lived on the fringes of Yaoland andcould not speak the Yao language properly (Bandawe, 1971). Secondly, due totheir settlement patterns, the Lomwe were seen as less intelligent and more igno-rant than the Yao.46 An attempt to revive this flagging Lomwe image resulted inthe creation of the Lomwe Tribal Association in the 1940s to try to regain the dig-nity of the Lomwe. This dignity unfortunately did not include the revival of theflagging language. Even during this recent period of ethnic consciousness, aLomwe group has not yet been set up.

Right from the settlement days the Lomwe were not a coherent group. Use ofLomwe began to decline slowly, the low status of the Lomwe and the low pres-tige of the language accelerated the process. Urbanisation and industrialisationat the beginning of the twentieth century transformed the communities. Thesedevelopments made it possible for the Lomwe to escape their poverty and findbetter paying jobs and provide their children with educational advantages.These economic and social processes fostered assimilation into the Chewa cul-ture and had negative consequences for the growth of Lomwe language. Theproclamation of Chinyanja as the sole and obligatory lingua franca in Malawiand medium of instruction in schools, alongside English as an official languagesince the 1920s, gave no opportunity for the development of Lomwe script inschools or its extended use in other domains apart from the home. Nyanja domi-


nated the neighbourhood domain as a lingua franca in a Nyanja-speakingenvironment.

The YaoAnother language that has been undergoing shift is Yao. The earliest Yao sur-

vey carried out in the Malindi and Domasi areas in 1987 (Kayambazinthu,1989/90) revealed that Yao was the dominant mother tongue (77%) and most fre-quently used language in the home (72%). However, in both Malindi andDomasi, Chichewa was the main lingua franca outside the home domain and bi-lingual acquisition and use of Chichewa and Yao was the norm. Yao wasconfined to intraethnic communication. The 1992 urban survey however, re-vealed that the Yao were shifting to Chichewa. Of the 112 Yao interviewed, 14%learnt it as their first language and both Chichewa (35%) and Yao (37%) weretheir best languages. Chichewa was also the respondents’ most frequently usedhome language (61%) and that of their children (71%). Thus, in the urban areasChichewa was the dominant lingua franca except when talking to ethnic friends,siblings and neighbours who spoke the language.

Another Yao survey was carried out in 1996 (9–30 April) Kishindo et al. (1997)with the aim of investigating the current attitudes to Yao among Yao nativespeakers of Mangochi, Machinga, Dedza, Salima, Nkhota Kota, Blantyre, Zombaand Chiradzulu. The survey specifically wanted to find out:

• whether native Yao speakers in these Yao-speaking areas would favour theintroduction of Yao as a medium of instruction in primary schools; and

• the Yao speakers’ attitudes to the national language, Chichewa. The surveyalso wanted to find out if Chichewa has made headway since it was madethe national language, as a lingua franca for different ethnic groups or wasever used between members of the same ethnic group.

To test these questions, data were collected from 862 randomly sampled sub-jects from the Yao-speaking districts already named over a period of three weeks.The results showed that 93% of the total sample could speak Yao and that Yaowas the mother tongue of 83% of the respondents. Ninety-five per cent of theserespondents could also speak Chichewa and only 5% were monolingual in Yao.Most of the respondents (66%) used Yao more frequently more than Chichewa(3%) and other languages (4%). Sixty-two per cent of the respondents were in fa-vour of Yao becoming a language of instruction in Yao-speaking areas and theYao in general had a strong and positive attitude towards their own language.However, the results also showed that the least educated were the ones whowere in favour of Yao in schools, unlike the educated who favoured English(Kishindo et al., 1997: 13).

The de facto position of Chichewa as a lingua franca in Malawi is seen in the fol-lowing figures. Respondents (94%) reported that they liked speaking Chichewa.Fifty per cent of the total population interviewed, in response to the question:‘Which language they would prefer as a language of instruction in schools?’,gave a bilingual answer. Fifty per cent chose Chichewa followed by Yao (47%)and English (11%). Yao was selected for the radio by 59% of the respondents, fol-lowed by Chichewa (41%). Overall, Yao was the language the respondents


wanted for reading (54%), radio (41%) and health extension work. In all these ar-eas, Chichewa was the next most favoured language. Age grading, however,showed a different pattern. That is, the younger generation (5–20 years old = 49%and 21–35 year olds = 19%) preferred to speak Chichewa, unlike the older gener-ation of 46+ (17%) who liked to speak Yao.

The TumbukaSurveys done on Tumbuka in urban areas and within its region revealed high

use of the language and its maintenance. The survey I carried out on 400 respon-dents in Rumphi and Karonga Districts in 1991 revealed that Tumbuka washighly used both as a home language and an interethnic language. AnotherTumbuka survey was carried out on 1732 respondents in 1997 by the Centre forLanguage Studies.47 Data was collected through interactive interviews in all fivedistricts in the Northern Region of Malawi: Rumphi, Mzimba, Nkhata Bay,Karonga and Chitipa. The authors observed a high competence in Tumbuka. Thereport indicates that about 76% of the respondents who took a vocabulary andcomprehension test of Tumbuka showed clear understanding of Tumbuka. Thevocabulary test showed a pass rate of 96%. Interviews with teachers showed ahigh approval rating and acceptance (from 59% to 72% in all districts) ofTumbuka as both a subject and medium of communication. This showed that

teachers in the northern region are prepared to teach in Tumbuka and thatTumbuka is a de facto regional lingua franca.

Tunbuka was the language most frequently spoken at school in both Karonga(51%) Rumphi (100%) and Mzimba (94%). In Chitipa, Lambya (41%), Sukwa(29%) and Bandia (29%)48 were commonly spoken. In Nkhata Bay, Tonga (92%)was prevalent. Chichewa was the dominant language for radio broadcasts andnewspaper articles in Nkhata Bay, Chitipa and Karonga, unlike Rumphi whereTumbuka use was the same as Chichewa (50%). This further indicates theregionality of Tumbuka and Chichewa as a national lingua franca. Recognisingthe power of English, most respondents opted for English in Parliament followedby Chichewa then Tumbuka. Most of the pupils interviewed (59%) wanted tolearn in English followed by Chichewa. Their desires seem to reinforce the twolong-standing subjects and mediums of communication, and suggest that theyhave become more established school languages than Tumbuka, which was mar-ginalised for nearly 30 years. The results also showed favourable liking forChichewa in radio, newspapers, church and hospitals especially in Nkhata-Bayand to some extent in Karonga. Tumbuka was favoured for radio, newspapers,church and hospitals in Rumphi, Karonga and Mzimba (Centre for LanguageStudies, 1998).49

ObservationsThe distribution of speakers according to age groups serves as a reliable indi-

cator of the chances for the preservation of a language. The data in all the surveysshowed that the level of competence in the native language was lower among theyounger generation and all the sociolinguistic surveys give that uniform picture.The complete absence of native speakers among children, or among people be-low 30–40 seen in Lomwe reflect the lower use of Lomwe and Yao especially in


the urban areas. However, when considering these figures one should also ac-count for conservative patterns of behaviour and that when people grow olderthey sometimes learn the language. Also to be taken into account is the preserva-tion of languages such as Yao and Lomwe in the rural areas. Despite its ban in1968 Tumbuka is still thriving in both rural and urban areas.

The results of these surveys point to three important issues:

(1) Malawi has two lingua franca zones: Chichewa in the centre and southernregion, and Tumbuka in the northern region.

(2) Of the two lingua francas, Chichewa is the de facto national lingua franca inMalawi and Tumbuka is the de facto northern regional lingua franca by vir-tue of being the language that is best understood by the majority of people inthe region.

(3) The elevation of Chichewa and the teaching of English and Chichewa onlyin schools have had a major impact on coexisting languages such as Lomweand Yao to some extent, which are in decline. Vernaculars continue to fulfilintraethnic communication.

These results have further implications for language planning in Malawi.What Malawian planners need to do is to ascertain the role of minority languagesespecially in the health sector, agricultural extension and community develop-ment.

Future prospectsThis monograph has raised a number of issues that Malawi needs to address

for language planning purposes:

(1) In Malawi, conscious and deliberate language planning in response tosociopolitical and economic problems has been ad hoc and has not been pre-ceded by any research into the linguistic situation. If the move towardspluralism is to be effective, surveys and linguistic analyses need to be doneto determine and establish standard varieties of the languages involved.

(2) Historically, Malawi has planned for trilingualism by deliberately neglect-ing second language education in schools in indigenous languages otherthan Chichewa. Malawi has also practised linguistic imperialism by pro-moting English, associated with social and economic mobility at theexpense of Chichewa and other Malawian languages; and by usingChichewa as a stepping stone to the ultimate goal of acquiring English. IfMalawian planners intend to vernacularise the education system then thereis need to tie vernacular education to job opportunities, which is not done atpresent. Cases of language shift testify to the active and deliberate denigra-tion and repression of some Malawian languages during the colonial andBanda eras.

Language planning in a multilingual and multicultural country such as Ma-lawi is a complex process that needs serious consideration rather than ad hoc orreactive measures. As an emergent underdeveloped country, Malawi needs toaddress national concerns, pedagogical concerns and social or human rights con-cerns. Within the Zasintha philosophy the latter and the former issues are


fulfilled, but the various logistical programmes and pedagogical issues have notbeen fulfilled. While a pluralistic alternative has many appealing features, it alsobrings its own pluralistic dilemmas. Bullivant (1981: ix) argues that even in themost enlightened and tolerant societies, pluralistic options can potentially func-tion as ideal methods of controlling knowledge/power, while appearingthrough symbolic political languages to be acting solely from the best of motivesin the interests of ethnic groups themselves. The government’s commitment tomultilingualism is commendable but is prohibitively costly.

The current recognition of six languages on the radio, the introduction of othervernaculars in schools and the protection of minority languages is a commend-able idea, but it raises a number of questions that remain to be answered.Malawian planners have to realise that status planning decisions will have to bereflected in corpus planning decisions. The implementation of specific languagepolicies will be problematic politically, economically and educationally. Whereshould the line be drawn? If equity is the criterion, then all languages should betreated equally, an undertaking that the government cannot afford. Would thepresident refuse the Ngoni if they agitate for it to be broadcast on the radio? Theemerging picture from the survey of literature on language planning in Malawi,newspaper debates and the various surveys this monograph has reviewedshows that nationally, the selection of Chichewa as national language and Eng-lish as the official language is not in question.

Vernacularisation touches at the core of Malawian authentication of its multi-culturalism and multilingualism. It was evident at the launch of the MalawianNational Long Term Perspective Studies (Malawi Vision 2020) workshop in No-vember 1997, that Malawians do not like their cultures nor their produce,favouring external products. The authentication of Malawian languages andtheir ascendancy to fulfil that role or that status demands that Malawians acceptthat what they have is as good as what they can import, including languages. At-tached to vernacularisation should be the economic benefits for the use ofMalawian languages, breaking the monopoly of English as the catalyst for socio-economic development. However, Malawi also needs to tackle global issues andEnglish will still be needed as a global language.

The roles of both the national language and the official language programmesneed to be clearly delineated, with lexical and orthographic development beingattached to status planning. The popularity of English among both the educatedand uneducated as the language to learn shows that English has a positive profilein Malawi. However, if access to scientific and technological information is em-bodied in English, as is the case now, then one can only hope that the governmentwill check English’s role as a stratifying tool or linguistic boundary, to make itmore accessible to everyone through free primary education.50

Pedagogically, the use of vernaculars in early primary school is both educa-tionally sound and pragmatic. The role of vernaculars as stepping stones allowsthe children to adjust to the school system and helps them to understand con-cepts they would have found otherwise difficult to understand in English (seealso Chauma et al., 1997). So, should the Ministry then post people according totheir district of origin? This would raise political eyebrows as it did in the Bandaera and would also go against teachers’ aspirations and motivation. The Ministry


of Education needs to produce materials, train teachers in these languages andconstantly review the progress of the plan.

The government needs to support linguistic research in the various languagesin Malawi and establish lingua franca zones of mediums of communication. Lin-guists should also be involved in the standardisation, production of orthographyand lexical expansion of these languages to meet the communicative needs of thecommunities. A number of Chancellor College intellectuals51 have called for ver-nacularisation of the school system, a policy that has been adopted in a number ofcountries both in post colonial Africa and world wide. Although UNESCO andother research studies have endorsed the merits of such a policy, it is unlikely toprove popular in the current Malawian setting, given the popularity of Englishand its current status. However, the authentication of Malawian languages hasits own place. Debates in Parliament would be better done in Chichewa thanEnglish. The laws should be translated into the various vernaculars for ordinarypeople to understand52 and Malawi could benefit from learning the Samoanmodel (Baldauf, 1990). One cannot but agree with Djité (1990: 98) that:

It’s hard to believe that there can be or that one can possibly argue for a trueand lasting development under such a policy when so many people do notknow their constitutional and legal rights, cannot understand the develop-ment goals of their governments, and actively participate in them.

The current dominance of English in administration and legislature meansthat nearly 90% of Malawians are excluded from decisions that affect them. It isalso doubtful, given the calibre of our Malawian Parliamentarians, that they areable to understand or follow the bills that they pass in Parliament.53

ConclusionThis monograph has attempted to trace and contextualise the historical, social

and political ecology of Malawian language policy formulation and implementa-tion from the colonial period to the present situation.54 In an attempt to presentthe history of language planning in Malawi I have proceeded to present morethan an overview of the history. The processes, conflicts and the different lobby-ists behind language planning in Malawi are focused upon. Further, thecomplexity of the issues in language planning and the reactive and ad hoc waythat has perversely characterised language planning is shown. During the colo-nial period consultation and lobbying for languages shaped the language policy.However, the post-colonial period is marked by spontaneous planning withoutconsultation and decisions are connected to the socioeconomic and political en-vironment in which they were made. Hopefully the future development oflanguage policy in Malawi will be systematic and directives will be based on realresearch, not on vested interest.

AcknowledgmentsSome of the material in Parts I and II of the monograph was covered in my PhD

thesis submitted to La Trobe University, Australia. I would like to thank PascalKishindo for valuable comments on the earlier draft of this paper and for provid-ing me with valuable sources on language issues during the Referendum Period


(1992–93) in Malawi. Thanks also to Isabel Phiri for providing salient articles. Iam grateful to Moira Chimombo and Dennis Kayambazinthu, in that order, forsuggestions and editorial help.

CorrespondenceAny correspondence should be directed to Dr Edrinnie Kayambazinthu, De-

partment of English, Chancellor College, University of Malawi, P.O. Box 280,Zomba, Malawi ([email protected]).

Notes1. The figure was given at the Malawi population day (11 July 1998) organised by Minis-

try of Health in conjunction with the NSO. The national census was held in 1998, thefirst census in Malawi since the 1966 census to include a question on home languages.The census however, was not expected to find out about ethnic composition for one todetermine language maintenance or shift in the country.

2. Bailey (1995: 34–35) has an interesting discussion of whether one should use the ver-nacular language prefix in English for Bantu languages. He recommends the omissionof the prefix.

3. I am using Guthrie’s (1967) classification of Bantu languages.4. During the colonial period up to 1968, Chichewa was known as Nyanja. In all the in-

formation on languages where Nyanja appears as a language, it should be read asChichewa. This is distinct from Nyanja as a dialect of Chichewa. In Zambia, the lan-guage is still known as Nyanja.

5. Personal correspondence with Monica Masonga, a Zambian.6. Vail (1972: 150) on the basis of Tumbuka cultural differences, states that the Tumbuka

came from three different areas. Those in the south derived from a mixture ofmatrilineal peoples of Chewa origin. The northern zone was peopled either by groupswho immigrated from the patrilineal system in southern Tanzania and northeasternZambia or by those who immigrated from matrilineal areas to the west at a relativelylater date and adopted a patrilineal system of descent and inheritance.

7. Guthrie (1967) does not classify some of these languages.8. According to Kishindo (Personal Communication, 1998), there are two Bibles in the

two ‘dialects’ and the textual comparisons leaves one in no doubt that they are thesame language.

9. Personal communication with Dr Matembo Mzunda, a Lambya speaker and lecturerat Chancellor College, 1991.

10. Personal communication with Peter Lino, a native speaker of Sena. Also, even thoughI am a fluent Chichewa speaker, I cannot understand Sena news items on the radio.

11. Personal communication with Mazganga Lino, a Ngoni.12. Nguru has become a derogatory name for the Lomwe. The use of this term is now

banned in Malawi.13. The British were not necessarily the first Europeans to make contacts with Malawians

since prior to the British the Portuguese had already been trading with the Malawiansbut did not take full control of the country.

14. This discussion is based mainly on the 1966 census data because to date, it is the onlycomprehensive language survey done on Malawian languages. The 1987 census col-lected data on literacy in the official language (English) and the national language(Chichewa) but excluded all other languages.

15. Vail and White (1989: 180) state that the figure was exaggerated. ‘President Banda wasable to lump together the various dialect groups of the southern region — Chipeta,Nyanja and Mang’anja, even Lomwe to produce a national population that was …more than 50 percent Chewa. Banda’s deep concern for a paper majority for theso-called Chewa was demonstrated when he ordered the University of Malawi to nolonger use the services of the University of London’s distinguished linguist, Prof.


Wilfred Whiteley, after he had observed in a report prepared for the University of Ma-lawi that the number of Chewa speakers was clearly exaggerated in official estimates’.

16. In 1964 when the country gained independence about 359,841 (approximately 10.5%of the total population (N = 3,275,181) pupils were enrolled in primary school. By 1996the enrolment rate had grown to 2,887,107 pupils (24.3%) due to free primary educa-tion (Basic Educational Statistics, 1996).

17. Personal communication with the principal education methods adviser for French sit-ting in for the language adviser. Ministry of Education and Culture, 16 January 1998.

18. MASAF is a microlending programme for socioeconomic development of rural com-munities in Malawi. Privatisation refers to programmes announcing whichcompanies are being privatised and when people can buy shares.

19. Dr W.M. Turner of LMS states that historically, the experience of the missionaries wasthat for the first 25 years of its work in Nyasaland, Chinyanja was insisted on as themedium of instruction in schools … It was because it was obvious that the policy wasfailing educationally to reach the mass of the people in the north (my emphasis) that themission council decided to use the local vernacular and pass them on to English. Sincethat decision was taken, the advance made in education has been both rapid and con-tinuous, and the education given in the Livingstonia Mission has won a highreputation not only in Nyasaland but in the adjoining territories. (Turner to Chief Sec-retary, Zomba, 29 July 1933). The discussion on colonial discourses and languagepolicies is based on my archival research, especially File Nos.: S1/1008/19,S1/449/32, S1/235/32, S1/510/30 at the National Archives of Malawi in January 1992and the University of Malawi Library, Chancellor College, Zomba.

20. White fortune seekers who acquired huge pieces of land for growing coffee and tea inthe Shire Highlands in the late nineteenth century.

21. For example, Laws translated Mark’s Gospel in western Nyanja dialect and in 1866completed his version of the New Testament in the same dialect. At the Blantyre Mis-sion David Scott brought out Matthew and Mark in 1892, the Gospels in 1893 andcertain Epistles in 1894 in the Mang’anja dialect (Doke, 1961b: 122). Bishop Mackenzieof the UMCA at Likoma Island translated Mark in 1891 and Archdeacon Johnston thePsalms in 1893 in eastern Nyanja or the Likoma dialect. The New Testament was com-pleted in 1898 and the whole Bible in 1912 by Archdeacon Johnston and Miss K.H.Nixon Smith. This version is still used by this mission (Doke, 1961b: 122).

22. Price (1940: 132) and Heine (1970: 62) note that the move towards union Nyanja didnot gain a foothold because the contrast between the two dialects had already deep-ened far too much and speakers of each dialect felt that each other’s dialect wasrepresented beyond its merit.

23. Local mission presses included the Livingstonia Mission Press (Presbyterian), LikuniPress (Catholic), Montfort Press (Catholic), Malamulo Publishing House (SeventhDay Adventist) Hertherwick Press (Presbyterian) publishing mainly in Nyanja andYao (Pachai, 1971: 55) and the Government Printer. All these helped in the distributionof books to agencies and schools.

24. Vail (1981: 126) states that in 1893 there were 10 schools with 630 pupils, and by 1901,there were 55 schools with an average attendance of 2800 pupils.

25. When the colonialists were deciding on a lingua franca for Malawi, the other two alter-natives, apart from Nyanja, were English and Kiswahili. From the Church of Scotland,James Alexander argued that ‘personally, I would not favour Kiswahili, not merelybecause it would mean uprooting and replacing the vast output of Chinyanja litera-ture put out by the government and various missions, but also because of itsassociation with Mohammedanism (Islam)’. Letter from Church of Scotland Mission,Blantyre, Nyasaland, 12 September 1932. To the Director of Education, A.T. Laceyfrom James F. Alexander.

26. James Alexander of the BMS wrote to the Director of Education T.M. Lancey that ‘inour mission Yao was at first the language always used and of course remains themother tongue of a vast number of natives in these parts but at the beginning of thiscentury the official policy of the mission was to supersede Yao with Chinyanja … Thecontention has been advanced by those responsible for the working of village schools


in our district that were Yao to be the medium of instruction, the women and girlswould come in far greater number to school. A contention that cannot be gainsaid butwhich economically is impossible’ (James Alexander to T. Lacey (Director of Educa-tion) 12 September 1932.

27. Language shift towards Nyanja in the Shire Highlands dates back to early settlementwithout the intervention of the colonial government or missionaries due to the factthat the Yao were a minority among the majority Nyanja (see the 1921 population cen-sus report and Tew, 1950). My urban data collected in 1992 from 450 respondentscomprising Chewa, Yao, Lomwe and Tumbuka speakers in Blantyre, Lilongwe andMzuzu showed that only 3% of the respondents learnt Yao as a second language and6% learnt it as a third language compared to Chichewa’s 49% and 30% respectively.

28. By 1904, 64% of the pupils receiving education in Malawi did so in Livingstonia’sschools, whilst all those obtaining post primary training attended the Overtoun Insti-tution (Alpers, 1972: 215).

29. By 1944, the name changed to the Nyasaland African Congress and in 1960 to the Ma-lawi Congress Party (MCP).

30. For example, Sanderson’s and Birthrey’s An Introduction to Chinyanja was written pri-marily for the increasing number of settlers in Nyasaland both official and unofficial,requiring a working knowledge of Nyanja, whilst Thomson’s Military Nyanja waswritten to provide a skeleton grammar and vocabulary for those engaged in learningthe language for military use, a memory fresher for those who have done so and toserve as a handbook of mainly military terms for those who learn the language in civillife.

31. It should be noted that Nyanja has a speech community in eastern Zambia.32. On problems of standardisation of Nyanja see Young (1949), Mtenje (1980) and

Kishindo (1990). By Chinyanja was meant the Nyanja of southern region of Malawiand central region and it did not include Lake shore Nyanja (Lacey to Chief Secretary,A memoranda 17 April 1936).

33. Banda’s uncle, Chief Mwase of Kasungu, in collaboration with the colonial govern-ment also acted as an informant to the colonial linguists in London when thegovernment was trying to elevate Chichewa as a national language and selecting thedialect to be standardised.

34. Most educated Malawians find it very difficult to express academic and technical is-sues in Chichewa or vernacular languages (see also Gonzalez, 1990, on bilingualeducation in the Philippines). This was evident at the National Long Term PerspectiveStudy Conference (Malawi Vision 2020 Conference) in 1997 when the vice presidentasked the resource persons to present their findings in both Chichewa and English forthe sake of the uneducated chiefs. While the presenters were very comfortable in Eng-lish, they struggled to express the ideas in Chichewa or Tumbuka to the amazement ofthe participants.

35. For a thorough discussion on this era and Banda’s iron fist rule characterised by lack offreedom and lack of dissenting views, see Vail and White, 1989; Chirwa, 1998; Phiri,1988; Chimombo, 1998 and Kishindo, 1998.

36. My personal communication with one MBC worker revealed that they got the direc-tive two days before the three languages went on air. As such they were caughtunawares and were unprepared for the task. That this was a political ploy for the gov-ernment to gain votes in a particular by-election is clear. This decision also affected thetime slot for Tumbuka which used to be aired at prime time, 7.10 pm to 9 pm to the an-noyance of the Tumbuka listeners. The Tumbuka were quick to accuse thegovernment of tribalism and politicking. See for example, Chakachaka, L. ‘Why mis-time Tumbuka’. Letters, The Star, 20 November 1996, and Manda, M. ‘Welcome Yao,Lomwe, but’ Letters to the Editor, Malawi News, 7–13 December 1996. See alsoKishindo (1998).

37. This type of work has not yet been effected. The Centre has so far conducted theTumbuka survey (sponsored by the German Technical Corporation) and produced adraft dictionary of Chichewa, revised Chichewa orthography rules, Malilime: Mala-


wian Journal of Linguistics, teaching manuals for teaching Tumbuka and Chichewa tonon-native speakers.

38. It is well documented in Malawi that the general elections were done along regionallines (see Chirwa, 1998; Kishindo, 1998 among others). The regionalistic and ethnictendency clearly showed when Tom Chakufwa Chihana, a Tumbuka from the northand candidate for the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) won over 85% of the votesfrom the region against his 8% from the centre and 7% from the south. Dr Banda, aChewa from the central region and an MCP candidate got 70% of the votes in his re-gion against 16% from the south and 9% from the north. Elson Bakili Muluzi, a Yaofrom the southern region won 75% of the votes in the southern region against 23% inthe centre and 7% in the north (Kishindo 1998: 265).

39. The secretary for education explained in a press release in The Nation newspaper of 25June 1996: 13 that ‘The fact has however remained that although other languages werebanned as mediums of instruction in Standard 1–4, many teachers teaching in the re-mote rural primary schools, have used and are still using the commonly spokenlanguages in their schools as mediums of instruction in Standards 1 to 4 making learn-ing more meaningful to pupils. The teachers, however, make sure that SchoolInspectors do not find them doing so, otherwise they quickly switch over to Chichewaat the sight of the School Inspectors. The new policy is trying to grant teachers the free-dom to use languages commonly spoken in the area where schools are situated. Yetteachers will be posted according to the need of that particular district or region that isregardless of whether one knows the language or that area or not’.

40. Kishindo (1995: 56) footnotes that in 1994 people in Chitipa were calling for the aboli-tion of literacy classes in Chichewa. They wanted to learn in Tumbuka. ‘Recently,literacy instructors in Chitipa have asked the department of community services toteach adults in Chitumbuka which they claim they understand better than Chichewa’.‘Instructors push for Chitumbuka’, The Nation, 3 October 1994. In another situation,adult learners wanted literacy classes to include English!

41. Pascal Kishindo, lecturer and Head of African Languages and Linguistics Depart-ment, says he initiated this movement with the aim of forming clubs that could discussorthography issues and creative writing in the various languages. However, the initialidea was hijacked and the association turned into a political forum for frustrated Yaopoliticians. When he pulled out, the association also died.

42. According to Dr Soko, an Associate Professor of French and a resource person to theAssociation, Malawi Ngoni is closer to South African Xhosa than South African Zulu.He says that when a praise poet from Mzimba (Malawi Ngoni) presented his epicpoem at a conference, the Zulu delegates understood only half of what he was sayingand a Xhosa delegate understood everything. Dr Soko confirms this from other Mala-wian Ngonis living in South Africa near the Xhosa who also confirm the close mutualintelligibility between Xhosa and Malawian Ngoni. Therefore Malawi Ngoni is closerto original Nguni than Zulu (see also Mtenje & Soko, 1998). Probably the MalawianNgonis need to study Malawian Ngoni rather than using Zulu texts. The early mis-sionaries also mistakenly assumed that Ngoni equals Zulu.

43. The whole movement was initiated by Mr Thole, a senior museum curator at MzuzuMuseum by virtue of being Ngoni, his job and interest in the language and its culture(personal communication with Mr A.W. Thole, Chairperson, Abenguni Revival Asso-ciation).

44. My survey, unlike Matiki’s, took a comparative approach and studied the languageuse of four major linguistic groups in Malawi: the Chewa, the Lomwe, the Yao, and theTumbuka in that order. This should be borne in mind when interpreting the data.

45. The origin and use of this word is still contentious. Some authors such as Tew (1950)referring to it as originating from a hill near where the Lomwe came from and someLomwe claiming it as a dialectical variation of Lomwe (Kishindo, personal communi-cation, 1997).

46. ‘The Anguru are naturally a wild and low-caste race whose ignorance makes them atonce savage and timid. The immigrant Anguru rarely or never form communities oftheir own when settling in British territory but prefer to attach themselves to promi-


nent Yao or Anyanja chiefs in return for whose protection they usually perform acertain amount of menial labour. The status of these Anguru strangers in a Yao orAnyanja village is somewhat peculiar. They are often described by other natives andindeed describe themselves as “akapolo” (slaves), a misleading term … although theirracial inferiority causes them to be held in some measure of contempt and relegatesthem naturally to an inferior position as compared with more intelligent tribes’(Murray, 1910: 107–108).

47. The results of this survey should be understood from the point of view that given thepopulation in the northern region and the sample obtained, on which the results arebased, is far from representative. Given the nature of the project that was undertaken ahigher sample would have yielded more significant and elucidating results than isgiven. The survey interviewed 1105 primary school pupils, 194 primary school teach-ers, and 433 parents/guardians. The sample was skewed towards pupils.

48. A newspaper reporter who visited Chitipa recently says that he was surprised to seethat most people in the district could hardly converse in Chichewa despite havingbeen born and brought up in the country. There were also very few people who dis-cussed issues in Tumbuka. Although there are several dialects in Chitipa (heexaggeratedly cites 20) people are able to understand each other, that is, they do notneed a lingua franca because the various languages are mutually intelligible. The mu-tual intelligibility is questionable but probably, Chitipa being a small district, mostpeople have maintained their languages but at the same time they have learnt eachother’s language to the extent that they can understand each other. His argument ishowever flawed in that he assumes that being born and bred in Malawi means one au-tomatically learns Chichewa. At the same time his article raises the importantquestion of how far spread are Chichewa and Tumbuka and Chitipa in the remote vil-lages of Malawi (Ntonya, 1998).

49. The resistance to Tumbuka by the Tonga and the Ngonde is historical. Refer to the co-lonial debates which also show the two groups resisting Tumbuka and favouringChichewa in their areas. The resistance stems from the rivalry of the two ethnic groupswith the Tumbuka. The Ngonde hated the Tumbuka because the latter collaboratedwith the Arab slave traders (Mlozi) during the slave trade when Mlozi plundered theNgonde villages. For the Tonga, according to Wiseman Chirwa (personal communi-cation, 1998), Tumbuka is associated with the Ngoni who also subjugated the Tongathrough their raids. Later on though, the Ngoni provided ready labour to the Tonga.As such the Tonga do not hold the Ngoni in high esteem.

50. The president’s speeches which used to be monolingual in Chichewa, have of latetended to be bilingual or containing codeswitching between English and Chichewa(Kishindo, 1998, personal communication), probably as a way of signalling his multi-ple identity of being a Malawian (Chichewa) and educated (English).

51. See Kamwendo, 1994; Kulemeka, 1995; Chauma et al. 1997. As Kishindo (Personalcommunication, 1998) rightly points out, Malawian intellectuals harbour contradic-tions at the personal level. Most intellectuals will send their children to exclusiveschools where English is the main language and speaking a vernacular is an offence. Itseems Malawian intellectuals pay lip service to vernacularisation and have no confi-dence in the government school system. The intellectuals also realise that English is aprestigious language they cannot disregard.

52. One of the daily papers reported a meeting where shareholders were angry with theway their constitution was written. The legalese was beyond them and they called forsimple language that they could all understand and participate in discussion. Thesewere not village or uneducated people but educated Malawians. What more with theuneducated?

53. The author runs a communication skills course for the Malawian Parliamentariansunder the sponsorship of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in con-junction with Malawi Parliament. The debates in the newspapers also indicate thatmost MPs do not know why they are in Parliament and their participation leaves a lotto be desired.


54. For more details see Kishindo (1990, 1992), Vail (1981), Vail and White (1989),Kayambazinthu (1995).

55. Tables 1 is based on the 1966 census data.56. The new recommendation from the syllabus committee gives equal number of hours

for English and local languages, i.e. five hours each, to give more time to Chichewaand other Malawian languages (Professor Moira Chimombo, personal communica-tion, 1998).

57. The improvement in 1996–1997 may be due to changes in the evaluation of testing.Students are writing multiple question tests than essay type (Moira Chimombo, per-sonal communication, 1998).

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The Language Situation in Mozambique1

Armando Jorge LopesModern Languages Department, Faculty of Arts, PO Box 257, EduardoMondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique

This paper addresses the language situation in post-independent Mozambique fromboth a language-planning and a language-policy perspective. It begins with a presenta-tion of an up-to-date language profile of the country, as well as a discussion of its highlinguistic diversity. This is followed by an investigation of the language spread dy-namics in education, literacy and media. Then, the paper argues that languageplan-ning activities, which are ultimately derived from the nature of the Mozambicansociety and the consequent language needs, should lead to a maintenance-oriented pro-motion type of language policy in the polity. The final section attempts an evaluation ofthe prospects for an improved cohabitation between the Bantu languages, Portugueseand English in multilingual Mozambique.

IntroductionThe aim of this paper is to provide a preliminary survey of the languageplanning situation in Mozambique. This attempt explores the highly topicalissue of language planning in the particular context of the lingua franca sta-tus of Portuguese in Mozambique, and the political and educationaltensions between this and the commitment to multilingualism by segmentsof society and research institutions. The paper draws on experiences from arange of language institutions, educational bodies, individual researchers,organisations and ministries involved in language planning and languagepolicy activities.

To date, no general book on the language planning situation in Mozambiquehas been published. This is not surprising in a country that became independentonly 23 years ago and since then has had to face enormous challenges with agrave shortage of qualified human resources. Such a context does not mean,however, that nobody has been thinking about language planning issues. In fact,researchers have written papers and participated in several national and interna-tional scientific gatherings in this general field.

Because I have been thinking about and working on the issues for a longtime, and probably dreaming about them too, I accepted the invitation towrite for the series with great pleasure, and at the same time with the under-standing that this was an ideal opportunity to draw up a first compilation onthe matter. However, the whole undertaking came to be more complex than Ihad originally anticipated. Available information was widely dispersed andunsystematic, and insufficient exchange of ideas in published form between re-searchers has somewhat limited my elaborations on a few of the pointsinstantiated in the questions developed by the series editors. As a result, thepaper is a synopsis in some places, although I have been fairly comprehensivein several others. It should also be seen as an invitation to compare and a chal-lenge to query.

I have presented several topics, which are developed in this paper, at severalplaces in recent years: the Maputo LASU Conference (1991) on the role of linguis-

150

tics in the promotion of African languages, the UCLA Symposium on PortugueseTraditions (1993), the 1st World Congress of African Linguistics (1994) in Swazi-land, UEM’s Modern Languages Department Seminar on language policy(1994), the Conference on educational employment of African languages and therole of languages of wider communication jointly organised by the INDE andStockholm University (1994), and the Arrabida Conference on Portuguese as asecond language in Africa, held in Portugal in 1998. These meetings have pro-vided valuable opportunity for discussion and criticism of my work. Thosepreviously discussed topics have now been elaborated, and fresh data provided.Also, the manuscript has drawn inspiration and guidance from Kaplan andBaldauf’s (1997) recent book, Language Planning: From Practice to Theory.

The paper is in four parts. Part I presents the language profile of Mozambique,supported by 1998 figures disclosed by the National Inquiry on Household Liv-ing Conditions. Part II takes us to the areas of education and media, where thedynamics of language spread is discussed. Part III focuses on language planningand language policy legislation, bilingualism and roles suggested for the Bantulanguages, as well as the major activities carried out by language planning agen-cies and their impact on planning and policy matters. Lastly, Part IV deals withlanguage maintenance, with an emphasis placed on the emerging non-native va-riety of Portuguese. This Part equally attempts to outline the imagined contoursof the probable language situation and trends in the future Mozambique. Tables1–5 and Figures 1 and 2 provide relevant information for a better understandingof the language profile and the language spread.

Part I: The Language Profile of MozambiqueLike most African countries, Mozambique is a multilingual and multicultural

country. Apart from Portuguese which is the official language, and the Asian lan-guages, all the other languages spoken in Mozambique belong to the Bantugroup. These are indigenous languages and constitute the major language stra-tum, both with regard to number of speakers and in terms of languagedistribution over the territory.

According to Guthrie (1967/71), the Bantu languages of Mozambique fall intofour zones and eight major language groupings, namely: 1. Zone G–G40: Swahili;2. Zone P–P20: Yao and Makonde, and P30: Makua (+Lomwe, Cwabo); 3. ZoneN–N30: Nyanja, and N40: Nsenga-Sena; 4. Zone S–S10: Shona, S50: Tsonga(Shangaan, Ronga, Tswa), and S60: Copi.2

But such classification further contemplates subzones and additional group-ings of languages as can be seen in Rzewuski’s (1978) addenda to Guthrie’sclassification, in which main dialects are also presented. However, no one was oris capable of stating exactly how many Bantu languages and variants are spokenin the territory, mainly because no large-scale dialectological studies have everbeen conducted in this part of the world. A comprehensive language atlas of Mo-zambique is still lacking, and this makes the situation open to all sorts of readingsand conflicting interpretations. For instance, Marinis (1981) claims that it is possi-ble to reduce the number of the Mozambican Bantu languages to basically fourmajor languages (Makua, Tsonga, Nyanja-Sena and Shona) and four minor ones(Makonde, Yao, Copi and Gitonga). But Yai (1983) identifies 13 languages, and

The Language Situation in Mozambique 151

152 Language Policy and Planning in Africa

Table 1 Mozambican Bantu languages (total Bantu mother-tongue (L1) speakers:15,240,068)

Language and variants Number of speakersEmakhuwa 4,007,010

Emakhuwa 3,754,456Emetto 249,040Esaaka 3,048Echirima 466

Cisena 1,807,319Cisena 1,546,323Gorongoza 123,801Cibalke 90,425Tonga 36,216Phodzo 5,835Mayindu 4,719

Xichangana 1,799,614Xichangana 1,762,867Xibila 36,445Xidzonga 302

Elomwe 1,269,527Elomwe 1,267,966Cingulu 1,561

Echuwabo 1,203,494Echuwabo 644,766Marendje 558,728

Cishona 1,070,471Cindau 785,651Citewe 169,201Cimanyika 71,547Citawara 29,260Cidanda 7,719Cimashanga 7,051Cizezuru 42

Xitswa 763,029Xironga 626,174

Xironga 625,668Konde 506

Cinyanja 607,671Cinyanja 240,740Cicewa 282,340Maganja 84,591

Cinyungwe 446,567Cinyungwe 397,906Cikunda 48,661

Cicopi 405,521Cicopi 403,472Cilengue 2,049

Katupha (1984) — more in line with Marinis — refers to eight, albeit not quite thesame language groupings as those indicated by Marinis. On the other hand, forNgunga (1987), who challenges his predecessors’ association of Nyanja withSena as two dialects of one language, it would be premature to state categoricallyany number of languages said to be spoken in the country.

Given the current state of affairs, and until such time as the whole matter hasbeen clarified and a consensus reached, I have suggested (Lopes, 1997b) that the1989 Report on the Standardisation of Orthography of Mozambican Languages,emanating from the first seminar on the field held at the Eduardo Mondlane Uni-versity (UEM), should constitute the major source of reference. The languagemap presented on page eight of the Report identifies 20 Bantu languages, whichare reproduced here in Figure 1. Several sectors of the society took part in theevent, and the Report was elaborated by experts from different institutions, in-cluding UEM’s NELIMO (Núcleo de Estudo das Línguas Moçambicanas — Unit forthe Study of Mozambican Languages) and INDE (Instituto Nacional doDesenvolvimento da Educação — National Institute for Education Development).

From March 1996 to April 1997, the National Institute of Statistics carried out anational inquiry on household living conditions. The Final Results (INE, 1998) in-clude information on language, especially figures for mother-tongue speakersper province, sex, age group, and the urban/rural divide. The list of languages islong, but it is obvious that many of these languages constitute variants of certainlanguage groups. On the basis of prior language/dialect classifications, and fun-damentally the 1989 Report, I have attempted to rearrange the presentation of theNational Inquiry Results as shown here in the Tables and Figures. The reportedspelling of each Bantu language follows the spelling adopted by the 1989 Report.


Language and variants Number of speakersCiyao 374,426

Ciyao 310,496Jawa 63,930

Shimakonde 371,111Shimakonde 325,223Cimakwe 37,422Shindonde 8,466

Gitonga 319,836Ekoti 102,393Kimwani 29,980Kiswahili 21,070

Kiswahili 14,963Mgao 6,107

Swazi 7,742Cisenga 3,584Zulu 3,529

Source: Inquérito Nacional aos Agregados Familiares sobre Condições de Vida, ResultadosGerais. Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Maputo, Moçambique, 1998.

Table 1 cont.

In the second half of 1997, the government conducted the second NationalCensus (the first was held in 1980), the results of which, it is reported, will bemade public only towards the end of the year 1999. It is reasonable to presume,however, that the language patterns and figures of the census will not be sub-stantially different from those revealed by the National Inquiry.

Of the largest language groups (see Table 2), the language Emakhuwa(4,007,010 speakers) accounts for 24.8% of the country’s total number ofmother-tongue speakers (16,135,403). If Emakhuwa is taken together withElomwe, an association often made by different typologists and linguists whoclaim considerable mutual intelligibility between the two, then


Figure 1 Percentage of mother-tongue (L1) speakers per Province (major Bantulanguages and Portuguese)

Emakhuwa-Elomwe represent 32.7% of the total population. Next in order ofsize are Cisena and Xichangana each with 11.2%.

Given the fact that Mozambique is a country with evidently high linguistic di-versity, it becomes difficult to analyse the situation in terms of concepts used indifferent contexts to classify languages as large-majority and small-minority.The number of speakers per language and the percentage spread over the totalpopulation require finer analytical grids. In this context, Robinson’s (1993: 52–5)treatment of linguistic diversity seems to be quite insightful. He defines high lin-guistic diversity as ‘… a situation where no more than fifty per cent of thepopulation speak the same language’. And he adds that ‘a ranking of degree oflinguistic diversity should not be based on the absolute number of languages in acountry, but rather on the percentage of the population speaking any single lan-guage’.

Grimes’ (1992) data on countries of Africa where no single language group ex-ceeds 50% of the population show that 25 of the total number of African countries(58) fall into this category. The Ivory Coast and Gabon are the two most linguisti-cally diverse countries. The former — with 75 languages — where Baoule


Table 2 Mozambique’s largest language groups (total population 16,135,403)

Language Number of speakers (L1) Percentage of populationEmakhuwa 4,007,010 24.8Cisena 1,807,319 11.2Xichangana 1,799,614 11.2Elomwe 1,269,527 7.9Echuwabo 1,203,494 7.5Cishona 1,070,471 6.6Xitswa 763,029 4.7Xironga 626,174 3.9Cinyanja 607,671 3.8Portuguese 489,915 3.0Cinyungwe 446,567 2.8Cicopi 405,521 2.5Ciyao 374,426 2.3Shimakonde 371,111 2.3Gitonga 319,836 2.0Ekoti 102,393 0.6Kimwani 29,980 0.2Kiswahili 21,070 0.1Swazi 7,742 0.05Cisenga 3,584 0.02Zulu 3,529 0.02Other languages(Asian included)

405,420 2.5

Source: Inquérito Nacional aos Agregados Familiares sobre Condições de Vida, Resultados Gerais.Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Maputo, 1998.

(1,620,100 speakers), the largest language, represents 13% of the country’s totalpopulation (12,070,000); and the latter — with 40 languages — where the largestlanguage, Fang (169,650), accounts for 16% of the total population (1,069,000).Ghana (having 73 languages) is the country with the least high linguistic diver-sity. The largest language, Akan (7,000,000 speakers), represents 46% of Ghana’stotal population (15,310,000). Thus, the comparison across different countriesshows that the country where the largest language represents the smallest pro-portion of population is considered as the most linguistically diverse.

Mozambique, where Emakhuwa accounts for 24.8% of the total population,ranks among the 15 most linguistically diverse countries in Africa. This meansthat, on a numerical basis, no Mozambican Bantu language can claim majoritylanguage status at a national level. This is not in itself a bad thing. Any situationwhere no language group is in a position to exert hegemony over the country as awhole may well constitute a contributing factor to relative political stability. But,of course, Emakhuwa constitutes a significant numerical minority nationally, be-cause no other language comes close to it in size, or is widely spoken in at leastthree out of the country’s 11 Provinces (Figure 1).

It should be understood, however, that high linguistic diversity-based analy-ses are merely attempts to show how prevalent the phenomenon is, and do notattempt to define minority status. The kernel of the traditional majority–minoritymodel, as it has been applied to situations of high linguistic diversity, shouldprobably not be based primarily on numbers, but rather (and perhaps especially)on social and power relationships. Further, it should also take into account the di-mension of language spread beyond national borders, as Liphola (1988: 34) iskeen to remind us:

Ciyao and Shimakonde (Chi-Yao and Chi-Mákonde in the original), amongothers viewed as ‘minority’ languages, could claim majority language rec-ognition, if one were to take account of the fact that these languages‘violate’ geographical borders south of the United Republic of Tanzania.3

Indeed, the notion of ‘minority’ language in a country like Mozambique,which shares linguistic groupings across six geographic borders and where someare quite sizeable is controversial to say the least, and adds little to the ‘major-ity–minority’ language debate, from a language rights viewpoint. The languagesKiswahili and Shimakonde spread north to the neighbouring state of Tanzania.Ciyao spreads to the Republic of Malawi and Tanzania. Cinyanja spreads to Ma-lawi, Tanzania and the Republic of Zambia. Elomwe and Cisena are also homelanguages in Malawi. Cishona spreads to the Republic of Zimbabwe.Xichangana is shared by the Republic of South Africa, where it is known asShangaan (or also Tsonga). The same is true of Zulu. As for Swazi, it is shared bythe Kingdom of Swaziland, where it is termed siSwati.

On the political and legal fronts, Mozambique is an exoglossic state, becausePortuguese rather than an indigenous language has been declared the country’sofficial language (see Article 5 of the 1990 revised version of the Constitution ofthe Republic). Portuguese is the only medium of government-controlled na-tional communication in the areas of administration and education, and has alsobeen referred to as the symbol of national unity. According to the National In-


quiry, Portuguese mother-tongue speakers account for 3% of the totalpopulation, and constitute a substantial percentage of the number of speakers inMaputo City, the country’s capital, which enjoys provincial status (see Table 2and Figure 1). Over 90% of Portuguese first language (L1) speakers are urban,whereas Bantu L1 speakers are mainly rural, and nearly half of the country’smother-tongue speakers are grouped around the age bands 5–19 years (Table 3).Unfortunately, the Inquiry has not included Portuguese second language (L2)data (nor Bantu L2, for that matter), but projections based on the 1980 census,which included Portuguese L2 figures, point to a current estimation of 40% of thetotal population who can speak and understand the official language. Of course,not all of these speakers make the same effective and efficient use of the lan-guage. As for the legal terms ‘de jure national language’ and ‘de facto nationallanguage’, it must now be clear that they cannot be applicable in the language sit-uation of Mozambique. The term national language, however, has often beenused as a synonym for Bantu language, but the term is hardly more than a desig-nation without any legal implications.

As for the term religious language, it is not common to hear Mozambicans refer-ring to any language in this way. Even in the case of Arabic, which is mainly usedliturgically, people tend to refer to it as a ‘language used for religious purposes’.But, in fact, most Bantu languages, which are not as much confined to religion asArabic is, are equally used spiritually. Mozambique is a secular state, as is deter-mined by Clause 1 of Article 9 in the 1990 Constitution of the Republic. ButClause 3 also stipulates that the state values the practices by religious denomina-tions aimed at promoting a climate of understanding and social tolerance as wellas strengthening national unity. The languages Kiswahili, Kimwani and Ekoti(fusion between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa) are associated with the spread ofArabic, which occurred during the period of Islamic expansion from the eighthcentury onwards. Al-Quraan (the Koran) is taught and also memorised in manyschools and neighbourhood locations in the northern region of the country, espe-cially along the coast, where the population is essentially Muslim. But Al-Quraanis equally taught in the central and southern parts of the country, where there areschools and mosques. The largest Islamic school, located in Maputo, belongs tothe Comunidade Maometana, a designation given by the former Portuguese colo-nial authorities.

Portuguese is used by most Christian denominations, but several Bantu lan-guages are also used in the sermons. There is a fairly high number of Catholic andProtestant churches and missionary schools countrywide. Many people readand study the Bible, even where no schools are as yet available. For example,Shrum and Shrum (1998), in a sociolinguistic survey of western Zambezia, reportthat despite the non-existence of biblical schools or seminaries in westernZambezia, a great many people study the Bible either in Portuguese or Cinyanjathrough distance learning theological education (Educação Teológica porExtensão). They also report that in Zambezia, where the Bible and hymn-booksare available in Portuguese, Cinyanja, Elomwe and Echuwabo, church servicesare conducted in these languages and, in some instances, primarily in Portu-guese with translation into the Bantu language spoken locally.4



Table 3 Number and percentage of rural/urban mother-tongue speakers

Language Total no. ofspeakers

RuralNo. of

speakers

% UrbanNo. of

speakers

%

Emakhuwa 4,007,010 3,246,859 81.0 760,151 19.0Cisena 1,807,319 1,602,145 88.6 205,174 11.4Xichangana 1,799,614 1,269,118 70.5 530,496 29.5Elomwe 1,269,527 1,242,972 97.9 26,555 2.1Echuwabo 1,203,494 1,081,599 89.9 121,895 10.1Cishona 1,070,471 810,400 75.7 260,071 24.3Xitswa 763,029 625,451 82.0 137,578 18.0Xironga 626,174 220,584 35.2 405,590 64.8Cinyanja 607,671 588,783 96.9 18,888 3.1Portuguese 489,915 44,797 9.1 445,118 90.9Cinyungwe 446,567 301,307 67.5 145,260 32.5Cicopi 405,521 281,727 69.5 123,794 30.5Ciyao 374,426 282,171 75.4 92,255 24.6Shimakonde 371,111 324,291 87.4 46,820 12.6Gitonga 319,836 153,575 48.0 166,261 52.0Ekoti 102,393 102,181 99.8 212 0.2Kimwani 29,980 29,156 97.3 824 2.7Kiswahili 21,070 17,933 85.1 3,137 14.9Swazi 7,742 7,260 93.8 482 6.2Cisenga 3,584 3,432 95.8 152 4.2Zulu 3,529 1,999 56.6 1,530 43.4Other languages 405,420 372,867 92.0 32,553 8.0

Mother-tongue speakers by sexMale 7,849,267 48.6%Female 8,286,136 51.4%

Mother-tongue speakers by age group0–4 yrs 1,515,793 9.4%5–9 2,761,473 17.1%10–14 2,499,827 15.5%15–19 1,790,431 11.1%20–24 1,421,292 8.8%25–29 1,190,382 7.4%30–34 988,500 6.1%35–39 879,757 5.5%40–49 1,254,222 7.8%50–64 1,356,382 8.4%65+ 477,344 2.9%

Source: Inquérito Nacional aos Agregados Familiares sobre Condições de Vida, Resultados Gerais.Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Maputo,Moçambique, 1998.

As for literacy, Portuguese has enjoyed primacy over other languages. Evenduring the period (1964–74) of the armed struggle for national liberation and In-dependence (conquered in 1975), the Mozambican Liberation Front (Frelimo)used Portuguese in adult literacy activities. Recently, the educational authoritieshave experimentally introduced Bantu languages in adult literacy campaigns aswell as in primary schooling. (A pilot project began in the Provinces of Tete andGaza in 1992 and terminated in 1997.)

Mozambique’s communication with the outside world is basically carried outby means of two languages, Portuguese and English. Through Portuguese, thecountry communicates mainly with the other four Portuguese-speaking Africancountries (Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Príncipe), andwith Portugal and Brazil. An approximate population of 200 million speakersshares this language. With most of the world, the Mozambicans make use of Eng-lish, which is here considered the first foreign language. English is a lingua francain each of the states bordering Mozambique and a common language forinter-communication among them. Both Portuguese and English are the two of-ficial languages of the Southern African Development Community (SADCTreaty, 1992) which integrates 15 countries, but, in practice, English has func-tioned as the major working language. French, which used to be the primaryforeign language in the colonial educational system, is now enjoying a comebackat the pre-university level and could, in the future, become Mozambique’s sec-ond most important foreign language.


Language spread through educationEducation is one of the most important means for spreading language. The

languages taught through the national educational system (SNE) are Portu-guese, English and French.

Portuguese is the exclusive medium of instruction from first grade onwards,as well as a subject in primary and secondary education, thus providing a total of12 years of education. Public primary education, which is free and compulsory,comprises a lower primary level (EP1) from Grade 1 to Grade 5, and a higher pri-mary level (EP2) consisting of Grades 6 and 7. Secondary education (ESG) istaught in two cycles: a first cycle (ESG1) of three years (Grades 8 to 10), and a sec-ond cycle (ESG2) of two years (Grades 11 and 12). These 12 years of educationconstitute the basis for higher education (See Figure 2 for a diagram of the Na-tional Educational System).

The school calendar year consists of 36 teaching weeks. This period corre-sponds to a total of 6120 teaching hours for the primary level (EP1+EP2), and3240 hours for secondary education, first cycle (ESG1). The second cycle of sec-ondary education (ESG2) totals 1512 hours for Group A, 1728 hours for Group Band 1656 hours for Group C (See Table 4 for study plans for both primary and sec-ondary education).

The total time-load for Portuguese, as a subject, in the primary level(EP1+EP2) is 2268 hours, which corresponds to 37% of the total teaching hours inthe study plan for this level. The time-loads allocated to Portuguese in the sec-



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Table 4 Study plan (and weekly hours) for primary education* (Grades 1–7)

Subjects 1 2 3 4 5 6 7Portuguese 12 11 10 10 9 6 5Mathematics 6 6 6 6 6 5 5Natural Sciences 2 2 3Biology 3 4Geography 2 3 3History 2 2 3 3Aesthetic &Working Education

2 3 3 3 3 4 4

Physical Education 2 2 2 2 2 2 3Total 22 22 23 25 27 26 27

Subjects 8 9 10 11 12(Groups for 11 and 12)

Portuguese 5 5 5 4 4English 3 3 3 5/3 5/35h/wGroupAbelowMathematics 5 5 5 5 5Biology 3 3 3 4 4Physics 3 3 3 4 4History 2 2 2 4 4Geography 2 2 2 4 4Chemistry 3 3 3 4 4Drawing 2 2 2 3 3Physical Education 2 2 2 2 2French 4 4 for Group A onlyTotal 30 30 30 combinations under A, B, C below

Group General subjects University courses** Specific subjectA Portuguese, English Linguistics, Portuguese

French, History Law, History, FrenchGeography Diplomacy

English EnglishGeography BiologyPsychology, PedagogyEconomics Mathematics

B Portuguese, English Geology GeographyMathematics Agronomy, MedicineChemistry, Physics Veterinary Science BiologyBiology Biology, Chemistry/Biol.

Physical EducationC Portuguese, English Engineering, Architecture No specific subject

in Group CMathematics/Physics Physics and Chemical SciencesDrawing, Chemistry Mathematics, Physics

Physics, Mathematics

* For 1–2 shift schools** Courses to which access is available.Source: Instrução Ministerial No. 1/97, Ministério da Educação.

ondary level are as follows: 540 hours in ESG1 (17% of the total load in the studyplan), 288 hours in ESG2 for Group A (19%), and 288 hours (17%) for both Group Band Group C.

English is taught at secondary level (both ESG1 and ESG2), totalling five yearsof instruction. It is also a compulsory subject (English for Academic Purposes) inthe first two years (total load: 256 hours) of most courses administered by the De-partment of English of the Eduardo Mondlane University (UEM), the majorhigher education institution in the country.

The total time-load for English is as follows: 324 hours in ESG1, which repre-sents 10% of the total load in the study plan for this level, 360 hours in ESG2 forGroup A (24%), and 216 hours (12%) for both Group B and Group C.

French is taught in ESG2, Group A only, with a total teaching load of 288hours, which corresponds to 19% in the study plan. French is also an optionalsubject (either French or English) in the Social Sciences course at the UEM, andmay eventually be reintroduced at the Faculty of Arts in the near future.

With regard to the Bantu languages, these are taught only at the UEM:Emakhuwa and Xichangana in linguistics (four semesters) and history (one se-mester) degree courses. Experimentally, the National Institute for EducationDevelopment (INDE) has been carrying out a bilingual project since 1993, involv-ing three primary schools in Tete (with the language Cinyanja) and two primaryschools in Gaza (with Xichangana). The adopted ‘gradual transition to L2’ modeluses the Bantu language as medium of instruction in the initial years of primaryschooling, as a stage towards a later introduction of Portuguese-only classes.

Mozambique is a country with a young population. School age Mozambicans(5–24 years) represent more than 50% of the country’s total population. Unfortu-nately, the national educational system is not yet capable of absorbing all thosewho ought to be attending primary education (Grades 1–7), defined by the stateas compulsory. It should be noted, however, that the government has made con-siderable efforts in rehabilitating and expanding educational infrastructures andin training staff with a view to responding to pressing needs and challenges inthe educational sector. The numbers of school children and youths attendingpublic schools in 1997 were as follows (Directorate of Planning, 1997):

2,180,334 in EP1 (Grades 1–5);

199,126 in EP2 (Grades 6–7);

58,048 in ESG1 (Grades 8–10); and

7037 in ESG2 (Grades 11–12).

This represents a real pyramid, and also one in which most EP1 children arerural, most EP2 adolescents are semi-rural, studying mainly in seats of districts,most ESG1 youths attend school in provincial capitals and major provincial dis-tricts, and finally, ESG2 students who can do their schooling only in provincialcapitals (and not even in all yet).

In terms of language exposure, there are thus about 2.5 million pupils who arenow using Portuguese as a medium of instruction, as well as doing this languageas a subject. Of this total, about 65,000 are also learning English, and some 5500learning French. These figures stand for the main public stream (General Educa-


tion), but there are some additional 140,000 students who attend night classes,technical and professional schools, adult education programmes, and also attendprivate education (authorised by a government decree in 1990). There are nowsome 50,000 pupils in primary and secondary private schools but ‘numerically,the pupils attending private education amount to only 2% of the number who arestudying in the public sector’ (Directorate of Planning, MINED, 1996: 57). As forhigher education, there are some 8000 students attending this level, of whichtwo-thirds are at the Eduardo Mondlane University (UEM), a public institutioncreated in 1962 under the name of ‘Estudos Gerais’ and later designated Univer-sity of Lourenço Marques until 1976, when it received its current name. Inaddition to UEM, there are two other public higher education institutions — thePedagogical University, UP (created in 1986) and the Higher Institute of Interna-tional Relations, ISRI (1986) — and three private institutions, namely the HigherPolytechnic University Institute, ISPU (1996), the Catholic University of Mozam-bique, UCM (1997) and the Higher Institute for Science and Technology ofMozambique, ISCTEM (1997). They are all based in Maputo, except for UCMwhich is located in Beira. The UP has established branches in the cities of Beiraand Nampula, and ISPU in the town of Quelimane. A seventh higher educationinstitution, which is to be set up in the town of Angoche in Nampula Province,will be called Mussa Bin Bique University. It has been announced that this futureinstitution will primarily operate as a cultural centre for the teaching of Arabic.

Following the changes in overall national policies and the end in 1992 of the16-year war which devastated the country, including the destruction of 50% ofprimary schools in the rural areas and several teacher training centres, the gov-ernment, with the support of the international community, has embarked onspecific rehabilitation and restructuring programmes. National education policyadvocates an expansion of access to all levels, with a special focus on primary ed-ucation, as well as the improvement in the quality and relevance of the educationoffered. Simultaneously expanding the system and improving the quality of ed-ucation poses a dilemma, and that is why the government has stronglyencouraged various sectors in society to participate in the process. But problemsrelated to coverage, effectiveness and relevance are immense. According to theMinistry of Education (MINED), the average pupil–teacher ratio in primary edu-cation is 50:1, drop-out and repetition rates in the order of 20%. The quality ofeducation is not only prejudiced by overcrowded classrooms, but also by insuffi-cient quantity of school books and teaching materials, and, especially, by theteachers’ poor living conditions and, at times, their inadequate professionaltraining. The quality of education is, above all, a function of the quality of theteacher, since s/he ‘creates the learning environment and mediates between pu-pils and contents’ (MINED, 1994: 15). Fortunately, teacher training and in-servicetraining are being taken seriously by several teacher training centres and theTeachers’ Upgrading Institute (IAP), as well as the Pedagogical Universitywhich is particularly responsible for pre-service training of teachers for second-ary education.

According to MINED sources (personal communication), parents are not call-ing the use of Portuguese as a medium of instruction into question. Furthermore,the drive towards the acquisition of higher-level skills in Portuguese can be testi-


fied by the vast numbers of readers who attend the Portuguese Cultural Centre,as well as by the attendance figures recorded in Portuguese Literature Historycourses held periodically (Lopes, 1995).

The psychological and pedagogical arguments advanced for an hypotheticalscenario of mother-tongue (i.e. Bantu) instruction in Mozambique are not clearlyunderstood by parents, even by middle-class adults (personal communica-tion/MINED authorities). Since Portuguese is the official language, most parentstend to see it as the means to ensure their children’s future, to acquire a profes-sion and to climb socially, as well as a means to link them up with Mozambicanswho speak a different mother tongue. Other views elicited from parents are thatthrough Portuguese their children can gain good grounding in Science andMathematics. This, of course, shows that if the government were to be interestedin introducing a more rational language-in-education policy, it would have toprioritise programmes leading to consciousness raising and improvement of at-titudes towards indigenous languages among parents and pupils. As Lopes hassuggested:

The educational authorities must succeed in explaining to parents, teachersand children the implications of teaching and learning through a certainmedium of instruction (mother-tongue, language of wider communica-tion, or both),and succeed in convincing them of the pedagogical andcultural advantages associated with promotion of mother-tongue educa-tion, and with promotion of individual and societal bilingualism. (1997a:25)

Results of language awareness programmes (as shown by Braz, 1995) and ofbilingual experiments can indeed be positive, as the assessment of views of par-ents whose children have just completed the first level of primary education(Grades 1–5) following a bilingual project reveals ‘the parents are in favour of bi-lingual education, and want it for their schooling-age children’5 (INDE, 1997: 4). Ishall deal with aspects of this experimental project and its recent evaluation byINDE in Part III, under language policy implementation in a context of experi-mentation.

Now, if parents’ views with regard to Portuguese can be understood as beingpragmatic, given the current state of affairs in terms of the existing official lan-guage policy, their views on the importance of English, on the other hand, arecandidly favourable. For example, according to MINED sources (personal com-munication), many parents have voiced their interest in seeing Englishintroduced at a much earlier stage in the educational system. At the same time,parents tend to send their children to specialised schools (mostly private) withintent to strengthen the skills and knowledge of English acquired in the second-ary schools. Willingness in learning and developing the English language is alsomanifested by the enormous demand (youths and adults) for tuition with the In-stitute of Languages (IOL), a public institution created in 1979 in Maputo, andnow with branches in the towns of Inhambane, Beira and Nampula. ‘On average,more than 3000 students enrol for English Language classes at the IOL’ (Nahara,1995: 29). The IOL offers a wide variety of services and is ‘the biggest single em-ployer in the ELT business’ (Nahara, 1995: 30).


Despite counting on more than 30 full-time ELT teachers, further support(which mainly comes not only but particularly through ODA) is needed in termsof human resources, especially native speakers for advanced courses. ‘The re-sults in FCE (Cambridge) exams were not satisfactory — although most studentspassed, nobody got higher than C. We think qualified native speakers wouldhelp improve the standards’ (Nahara, 1995: 32).

Feelings and perceptions with regard to English on the part of students andcivil servants and workers in general are extremely positive. Competency in Eng-lish is a prerequisite for better jobs locally, and an advantage for communicationand interchange with the Southern African region and the world at large. Stu-dents are also sensitive to the fact that this language is a crucial tool for scienceand technology in a context where about two-thirds of the existing literature insome higher education libraries is in English.

The presence of numerous resident foreign nationals in Mozambique hasequally contributed to increasing demands on language provision as well as forforeign language-based education. English is the medium of instruction in sev-eral primary and secondary schools, the major ones being MINED’s MaputoInternational School and the American International School. Portuguese, French,Italian and Swedish schools, amongst others, have also been operating in thecountry.

Language spread through the mediaPortuguese is widely used in the media, and almost exclusively in the print

media. However, history shows that English and Bantu languages were alsoused in the past in the print media, especially at the turn of the present century.

According to Rocha (1996), the first newspaper in Mozambique was printed inboth Portuguese and English in Beira, the second major city, in the year 1893. Itwas a weekly journal entitled Correio da Beira/The Beira Post. Five years later, TheLourenço Marques Advertiser appeared, this time only in English and printed inBarberton, South Africa. The first daily newspaper was The Delagoa Gazette ofShipping and Commercial Intelligence, printed in both English and Portuguese inLourenço Marques (now Maputo) in 1903. This publication was followed by TheLourenço Marques Guardian (1905), a bi-weekly printed in Lourenço Marques inEnglish and Portuguese, and by The Delagoa Bay Gazette (1905), a monthly publi-cation printed in Pretoria, South Africa, originally in English, but later in bothEnglish and Portuguese. O Africano (1911) was the first weekly published in bothPortuguese and Xironga (a Bantu language of Mozambique). This publicationwas followed by O Brado Africano (1918) and by Dambu de África (1921), both alsoin Portuguese and Xironga. These newspapers were printed in Lourenço Mar-ques. With few exceptions, the subsequent years as well as the period afterIndependence (1975) have seen the print media developing essentially in the Por-tuguese language. Today’s Notícias (founded in 1926) and Diário de Moçambique(1950) — the two oldest newspapers — are produced by the biggest (in structure)publishers in the country, the former in the capital Maputo, the latter in Beira, thesecond largest city.

These and other previously state-owned publications now operate autono-mously, the source of their funding being newspaper sales and advertising. Since


the 1990 Constitution under which freedom of the press is guaranteed, and moreparticularly since the 1991 Press Law, the media scenario in the country haschanged considerably. ‘The Government in accordance with the liberalization ofmedia control and ownership, relinquished full control of the previously Stateowned newspapers’ (Palmer, 1996: 5). And also as a result of the Press Law, anumber of private newspapers, with special reference to A4 size publicationsdistributed daily by fax, have emerged and circulate mainly in Maputo. Notícias,the only broadsheet newspaper, and the tabloid-format weeklies like Domingo,Savana, Desafio and Campeao enjoy national circulation, primarily in urban areas.Notícias and Domingo, in particular, are said to be ‘pro-governmental’ in their edi-torial view, whereas Savana, Demos, Fim de Semana and the fax publications arereferred to as ‘independent’. (Table 5 summarises details on the print media.) Thepress, which is essentially an urban phenomenon, makes almost exclusive use ofthe Portuguese language. The sole publications in English are the monthly Mo-zambique File produced by the National News Agency (AIM), and the privatelyowned bi-weekly Mozambique INVIEW.

In 1979 an additional urban phenomenon to that of the press occurred on thescene of local communication: the emergence of television. The first broadcastsby RTE (Rádio e Televisão Experimental) were planned for only five weeks, butwere resumed in 1981 by the then renamed TVE (Televisão Experimental). TVEremained experimental until 1994, the year when TVE became TVM. The na-tional television, Televisão de Moçambique (TVM), broadcasts in three major


Table 5 Main news publications

Name Type Founded Frequency Circulation Editorial lineNotícias Newspaper 1926 Daily 35,000 Pro-govt.Diário de Moçambique Newspaper 1950 Daily 10,000 IndependentTempo Magazine 1970 Weekly 7,000 Pro-govt.Mozambique File Magazine 1976 Monthly * Pro-govt.Domingo Newspaper 1982 Weekly 25,000 Pro-govt.Campo Newspaper 1984 Bi-weekly 5,000 IndependentDesafio Newspaper 1987 Weekly 10,000 Pro-govt.Mediafax News by fax 1992 Daily ** IndependentSavana Newspaper 1994 Weekly 20,000 IndependentMozambique in View Magazine 1994 Bi-weekly 20,000 IndependentImparcial News by fax 1994 Daily ** IndependentDemos Newspaper 1994 Weekly 10,000 IndependentCampeão Newspaper 1996 Weekly 10,000 IndependentCorreio da Manhã News by fax 1997 Daily ** IndependentMetical News by fax 1997 Daily ** IndependentDiãrio de Negócios News by fax 1997 Daily ** IndependentFim de Semana Newspaper 1997 Weekly 15,000 IndependentCorreio Semanal Newspaper 1998 Weekly 8,000 Independent

* By subscription;** By subscription. The number of copies distributed by fax varies between 300 and 500, but totalcirculation figures, which include multiple photocopying, are in the order of a few thousand.

cities, and plans to introduce satellite transmissions in the near future will makevirtually any corner in the country capable of receiving the signal. In 1995 the ‘…populational (signal) coverage was estimated to be around two million people’(de Maia, 1995: 116).

TVM programmes are in Portuguese, with the exception of Portuguese subti-tled foreign films and series, usually in English. Mozambican artists singing inBantu languages are also allocated some time in this public television station.Viewers in the capital city Maputo can also tune to RTK (Rádio Televisão Klint), aprivate Portuguese language station. But, unlike TVM, this Mozambican stationalso broadcasts a few films (mostly in English) undubbed and without Portu-guese subtitles. Worthy of note is RTK’s initial experimentation with majornewscasts in both Portuguese and a Bantu language. Shortly, RTK will also oper-ate in Quelimane, while a third Maputo-based TV station (Televisão Miramar) isdue to start broadcasting in the near future. The estimated number of televisionreceivers in the country is 80,000.

Radio is the most important and effective mass medium in the country. Radiobroadcasting includes coverage of areas that are not reached by other media. Themajor station, Rádio Moçambique (RM) founded in 1933, is public. In fact, RMcontinues to be the largest and most important social communication institutionin the country. RM broadcasts nationally in Portuguese, and locally in Portu-guese and in Bantu languages. There is roughly one radio per 25 inhabitants.

RM is undoubtedly the national institution that has contributed most to thedevelopment and dissemination of the various Bantu languages. The MacomiaNational Conference (Frelimo, 1975) and the 1st National Information Seminar(MINFO, 1977) had emphatically defined the study and dissemination of ‘na-tional’ languages as crucial, as well as the role assigned to RM in using andpromoting them. RM coverage include 12 Bantu languages in addition to Portu-guese, but the Provincial broadcasting stations’ current situation regardinglanguage choice, trained staff, equipment and working conditions requires re-structuring and expansion (Sitoe et al., 1995). Working in collaboration with theInstitute of Social Communication (ICS), these RM Provincial branches have inthe past proved to be equally useful in propagating pedagogical programmesprepared by the Ministry of Education. ICS and RM were also pioneers of thecountry’s first community radio experiment carried out in Xai-Xai in 1983 (deMaia, 1995). ICS has recently been authorised by the Council of Ministers to ex-plore several community radios, namely those located at Ulónguè, Maputo ZonaVerde, Manhiça, Moamba, Mocuba and Mutarara.

In addition to its national service in Portuguese, RM operates a Maputo city ra-dio station (Rádio Cidade) as well as a Radio Mozambique external service inEnglish. There is also talk of an eventual comeback of a rehashed LM Radio,which, in the colonial period, used to serve commercial needs of audiences inMaputo and South Africa — an important source of income for RM. With largeeconomic and social projects now emerging between Mozambique and SouthAfrica, as is the case with the Maputo Development Corridor linking the regionsof Maputo and Witbank, the media, and radio in particular, could equally be-come an important cross-border vehicle of information and leisure. RM should


not lose sight of Mozambique’s position and role within the English-language re-gion of southern Africa (Ronning, 1997).

In the aftermath of the 1990 Constitution (Article 74), a number of independ-ent radio stations have emerged. As RM no longer holds the monopoly of radiobroadcasting, several other entities, both private and cooperative, have regis-tered with the authorities and are operating (a couple still await authorisation),namely Rádio Miramar (Maputo, Beira and Nampula), RTK (Maputo andQuelimane), Rádio Projecção (Maputo), Rádio-Sim (Maputo), CoopimagemRádio (Maputo), Rádio Capital (Maputo), Rádio Terra Verde (Maputo), RádioProgresso (Maxixe), Rádio Maria (Massinga), Rádio Pax (Beira), Rádio Encontro(Nampula), Nova Rádio Paz (Quelimane) and Rádio São Francisco de Assis(Nangololo).

Part III: Language Policy and PlanningThe tenets of Mozambique’s official language policy are expressed in Article 5

of the 1990 revised version of the Constitution of the Republic (República deMoçambique, 1990) in the following way:6

(1) In the Republic of Mozambique, the Portuguese language shall be the offi-cial language.

(2) The State shall value the national languages and promote their develop-ment and their growing usage as vehicular languages and in the educationof citizens.

This was the first time ever that the official language issue was dealt with inthe country’s Constitution (fundamental law). But it is true that practice and oc-casional pronouncements by the authorities had already made Portuguesefunction as the country’s official language since Independence in 1975. As a mat-ter of fact, the absence of constitutional statements in the first 15 years ofIndependence simply meant the continuation of the official policy inherited fromthe colonial regime. But it also meant a continuation of the practice pursued byFrelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front) during the 10-year liberation strugglefor Independence. Portuguese was then chosen to unite nationalist freedomfighters with different language backgrounds — as expressed by Frelimo at aseminar on the theme ‘Influence of colonialism on the artist, his way of life andhis public in developing countries’ held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania in July 1971:

There is no majority language in our country. Choosing one of theMozambican languages as a national language would have been an arbi-trary decision which could have had serious consequences … Thus, wewere forced to use Portuguese as medium of instruction and as means ofcommunication among ourselves.7

After Independence, the option for Portuguese was reiterated by two govern-ment authorities (the Education Minister and the UEM Rector) who addressedthe 1st National Seminar on ‘The Teaching of Portuguese’, held in 1979, in the fol-lowing terms:


… The need to fight the oppressor called for an intransigent struggleagainst tribalism and regionalism. It was this necessity for unity that dic-tated to us that the only common language — the language which had beenused to oppress —should assume a new dimension.8 (Machel, 1979: 6)

And,

… The decision to opt for Portuguese as the official language of the People’sRepublic of Mozambique was a well considered and carefully examinedpolitical decision, aimed at achieving one objective — the preservation ofnational unity and the integrity of the territory. The history of appropria-tion of the Portuguese language as a factor of unity and leveller ofdifferences dates back to the foundation of Frelimo in 1962.9 (Ganhão, 1979:2)

The emphasis at the 1st National Seminar on the Teaching of Portuguese wasnaturally placed on this language. But, obviously, the meeting could have notdown played the relevance and role of the African languages — mother tonguesfor the vast majority of Mozambicans — in the context of Portuguese teachingand learning. The Minister recalled how the different mother tongues had re-sisted and survived throughout time, stressed the potential contribution of theselanguages to the enrichment of Portuguese, and called for the adoption of an L2methodology in the teaching of the official language (Machel, 1979: 10). In fact,such concern with the Mozambican languages echoed sentiments already airedfour years before at the Macomia meeting in 1975. Discussions here had focusedon the need for a greater integration between the radio and the press in nationaldevelopment and, in this context, the need for a greater awareness regarding therole that national languages could play in the media, in harmony with the Portu-guese language (Frelimo, 1975c: 44).

New African nations have in the recent past been confronted with a commondifficult problem — that of reconciling claims of efficiency and claims of authen-ticity (Fishman, 1968). In discussing the language question in sub-SaharanAfrica, Bamgbose (1991: 20) reiterates Fishman’s viewpoint in the followingterms:

Claims of authenticity correspond to the quest for nationalism, while theclaims of efficiency correspond to nationism. In terms of language choice,nationalism, which involves sociocultural integration and authenticity,calls for the adoption of an indigenous language, while nationism, which isconcerned with political integration and efficiency, calls for any languagethat can perform these functions. It would not matter at all if the language isnot indigenous. In fact, the chances are that it will be a language alreadyused in higher education and technology.

Quite expectedly, given post-Independence complexities faced by new na-tions, experience has shown that the scales have tilted towards emphasis on theclaims of efficiency and nationism. In fact, an almost exclusive emphasis, asMazula (1995: 214), though using a different terminology (modernity-tradition)to address the same problem, is keen to say:


Instead of rationally facing the problem of the multiplicity of languagesspoken in their territories, in the general context of the Modernity-Tradi-tion challenge, African countries have not hesitated to adopt the languagesof their former colonisers.10

Nevertheless, in Mozambique, the debate attempting to balance the conflict-ing claims of efficiency/nationism (via Portuguese) andauthenticity/nationalism (via national languages) gained momentum in 1983, ayear which, in this regard, was eventful in two ways:

(1) the holding of Frelimo’s IV Congress; and(2) the circulation through the Office of the Secretary of State for Culture of a

draft paper entitled ‘Contribution towards the definition of a language pol-icy in the People’s Republic of Mozambique’.

As for the former, the section on ‘Culture’ in the 1983 Report of Frelimo’s Cen-tral Committee to the IV Congress highlighted the Party’s view on the nationallanguages.

The decision taken at the Central Committee’s 11th Session on the study ofMozambican languages and on the establishment of a specialised bodyconstitutes a far-reaching cultural measure. This decision deepens the de-bate on culture and opens up important prospects for socialcommunication, education and professional training.11 (Frelimo Party,1983: 61)

But despite the prospects, the creation of the above-mentioned specialised bodyis still awaited to this day.

The draft paper from the Secretary of State suggested the establishment of alanguage policy that should aim at optimal bilingualism. Portuguese would en-joy the status of official language, language of national unity and language ofcommunication among all Mozambicans. Mozambican languages would be cho-sen, by means of research, as national languages. The paper equally called for thestudy, codification and development of Mozambican languages for their use inadministration, social communication, and literacy and perhaps in the first yearsof formal instruction (Honwana, 1983: 19–20).

These documents, together with several other contributions, includingKatupha’s (1988) benchmarks for the definition of an ‘appropriate language pol-icy’, undoubtedly created the climate for the organisation by NELIMO of the 1stSeminar on the Standardisation of Orthography of Mozambican Languages.This event, held at the Eduardo Mondlane University in 1988 (Report publishedin 1989), impacted positively on society and might have influenced a particularofficial occurrence two years later. The 1990 revised form of the Constitution ofthe Republic saw, for the first time, the entrenchment of two clauses on language,whose contents appears at the beginning of the present section.

From a linguistic human rights perspective, Clause 1 alone is an example of as-similation-oriented prohibition. It makes no mention of other languages besidesPortuguese, but would implicitly prohibit their use in functions that are per-formed through an official language. It would force indigenous Africanlanguage speakers to use Portuguese for all official purposes instead of their own


languages or instead of a shared usage between these and Portuguese. Clause 2alone is an example of maintenance-oriented permission. However, Clauses 1 and 2taken together amount to assimilation-oriented toleration in that there is a situationwhere the indigenous Mozambican languages are not forbidden, and their use isindeed permitted and supported, though not in official situations. In brief, thisprovision is still far from a maintenance-oriented promotion type of language pol-icy. The scale used here — ranging from prohibition and toleration, which areassimilation-oriented, to permission and promotion, which are maintenance-ori-ented — is basically similar to a grid developed by Skutnabb-Kangas andPhillipson (1989: 12, 18) which attempts to chart some key dimensions of lan-guage rights in selected countries and covenants. Provision for both officiallanguage status and educational language-related rights in legal covenants andother declarations of human rights constitute the two most important dimen-sions.

In the aftermath of the 1990 Constitution, the most salient language-related of-ficial pronouncements are to be found in the draft document ‘Proposal of aCultural Policy for Mozambique’ (MINCULTJ, 1993a) discussed by the NationalConference on Culture, an event organised in Maputo in 1993 by the Ministry ofCulture and Youth (considerations by Lopes, 1997b). While the adopted Confer-ence General Recommendations (MINCULTJ, 1993b), particularly those ontheme 4.j) entitled ‘Mozambican languages’ are too general and basically littlemore than rephrasings of the principles already stipulated in the Constitution,the ‘Proposal’ document is more specific in policy guidelines. The Conferencehighlighted the need for a cultural policy by consensus and the valorisation ofethnic, linguistic and geographic diversity as prerequisites to achieve nationalunity — fundamental considerations which, echo, in one way or another,Mondlane’s (1967: 79) longstanding viewpoint:

The positive elements in our cultural life, such as our forms of linguistic ex-pression, our music and typical dances, the regional peculiarities of beingborn, growing up, loving and dying, will continue after Independence sothat they may blossom and embellish the life of our Nation. There is no an-tagonism between the realities of the existing various ethnic groups andNational Unity.12

The Cultural Policy Proposal document, in its Section 5.5. entitled ‘Languagesof Communication’, recommends the use of Mozambican languages in publicadministrative offices, and their compulsory introduction in formal, technical,professional and informal education as languages for transmitting knowledge oras languages functioning as optional subjects. Portuguese was reaffirmed as thecountry’s official language. Despite these welcomed statements — which never-theless fall short of a maintenance-oriented promotion type of policy — in morespecific statements, one is, however, confronted with an explicit language rightsenforcement through a discrimination prescription, in that

(1) in order to be appointed for headship positions at the level of a Province,civil servants should have competence in a Mozambican language andknowledge of a local language; and


(2) government and society should strive towards making the majority ofMozambicans adopt Portuguese as a second language.

As for (1), and leaving aside terminological incongruities (after all, aren’t locallanguages also Mozambican?), I cannot, obviously, agree with promotion of anindividual’s multilingualism (Portuguese, ‘Mozambican language’ and ‘locallanguage’) through the proposed line of action, the described purpose of which is‘to create incentives to reward the knowledge and use of Mozambican lan-guages’. In fact, it does look more like a ‘carrot and stick’ type of policy. You canonly aspire to eventually becoming a head in public administration in a Province(i.e. a reward or the ‘carrots’) if you know three languages; but should all thesemultilingual skills not be present in yourself, all you are then likely to get is‘stick’, i.e. you cannot be appointed for headship, even if you are bilingual andmeet professional criteria for eligibility.

As for (2), and though the intention underlying the formulation might havebeen sound, in the sense of aiming for the widest possible spread of the country’sofficial language, it seems to be unfair, restrictive and unpredictable to hint thatthe majority of Mozambicans ought to adopt Portuguese as a second language.While it is certainly true that Portuguese is not a first language for the majority ofMozambicans who can speak it, this condition might not necessarily be the abso-lute and sole outcome with regard to the future generation of children andyouths acquiring (and learning) two languages in parallel — the so-called firstlanguage acquisition bilingualism. Each child will acquire her own social iden-tity and will, within this framework, develop her personal identity. This processmight depend on different variables, including parental influence, age, habitat(rural/urban), tutoring quality and, perhaps most importantly, the child’s learn-ing spontaneity drive. Last, but by no means least, the criteria for ethnic andglossic definitions, from a human rights viewpoint, should not just be validatedby others, by the state or government. The individual should equally have theright to self-identification. That is why a necessary balance must be struck be-tween exo-definitions and endo-definitions, and emphatically so whenauthorities attempt to address far-reaching national issues.

The recommendations of the National Conference on Culture formed the ba-sis of the government’s Culture Programme for 1995–1999 (Conselho deMinistros. República de Moçambique, 1995). The government shall apply a lan-guage policy which ascribes Portuguese with the role of official language andlanguage of national unity, and it also commits itself to codify and standardisethe national languages and to proceed with ongoing studies with a view to intro-ducing them in formal education, in addition to other functions.

This very context has recently led to the approval in the official gazette by theCouncil of Ministers of Mozambique’s ‘Cultural Policy and its ImplementationalStrategy’ (Conselho de Ministros. República de Moçambique, 1997). With regardto the subject of national languages (Section 3.2.6.), the content is, in general, sim-ilar to that presented in the Cultural Policy Proposal document, alluded to anddiscussed above. However, the approved cultural policy is less prescriptive thanthe previously debated proposal of 1993. The policy calls for an intimate collabo-ration between institutions and the relevant departments involved in languageplanning, and defines the following prospective actions:


… social valorisation of languages; support to the existing (or to be estab-lished) Mozambican languages study centres; codification andstandardisation of the orthography of Mozambican languages; and selec-tion of the languages which in each province or region should beintroduced in the National Education System, as well as in political, socialand economic activity.13

This section on national languages further stipulates that incentives shall be at-tributed to projects for production of dictionaries, grammars, handbooks, andliterary and scientific works in national languages. And the section ends by en-couraging the development and expansion of the teaching of the officiallanguage, Portuguese.

Equally in the present decade, the discussion by different circles on the utilisa-tion of national languages in literacy and education, as well as on the question oflanguage officiality has gained a new impetus. In this regard, three conferencesof note were organised locally and in a neighbouring country. One was held inMaputo in 1991 on the theme ‘The role of linguistics in the promotion and effec-tive use of national languages’, and was organised jointly by the EduardoMondlane University and the Linguistics Association for SADC Universities(LASU). This 3rd LASU Conference was attended by Mozambican experts andauthorities and demonstrated a wide spectrum of professional opinion from uni-versities in the 10 (at the time) regional states integrating the Southern AfricanDevelopment Community (SADC). The second event, in which 150 academicpresentations were delivered by delegates from 53 different countries, was the1st World Congress of African Linguistics which took place in Kwaluseni, Swazi-land in 1994, and which was jointly organised by the University of theWitwatersrand and the University of Swaziland. The third international confer-ence, held in Maputo in 1994, focused on the theme ‘Educational employment ofAfrican languages and the role of languages of wider communication’. It was or-ganised by the National Institute for Education Development (INDE) incooperation with the Centre for Research on Bilingualism of Stockholm Univer-sity.

On the other hand, and in addition to the impact caused by meetings such asthe above on local academic circles, the contributions by Machungo and Ngunga(1991) on the role of language in the teaching–learning process, and byHyltenstam and Stroud (1993) in the form of a report and recommendations froman evaluation of teaching materials for lower primary education in Mozambiquewere equally useful in reiterating INDE’s key role in dealing with these mattersover the years. The series of projects and materials developed by teams of lin-guists and methodologists from both the UEM and INDE in the past decade andin the early 1990s have surely paved the way for INDE’s decision to launch andmonitor a mother tongue instruction pilot project, known as PEBIMO, for twoprimary schools (children’s mother tongue: Xichangana) in the Province of Gazaand three primary schools (mother tongue: Cinyanja) in the Province of Tete. Theexperiment covered the period 1993–1997 and involved Grades 1–5, the lowerprimary level in the National Educational System (SNE). ‘The gradual transitionto L2’ was the adopted bilingual model. The medium of instruction in Grades 1–3was the mother tongue, and the medium in Grades 4–5 was Portuguese. In addi-


tion, Portuguese, as a subject, was introduced in the last quarter of Grade 2, andthe respective mother tongues continued to be taught as subjects in Grades 4–5.

According to Matavele and Machaul (1998: 5), the project produced 23 primertitles in mother tongues and 10 titles in Portuguese, 13 other titles (seven inmother tongues) as supplementary readers, and translated handbooks (11 titlesfor Mathematics and one for Natural Science). In November 1997, INDE organ-ised an ample debate to assess the results of the experiment. The report of themeeting includes a good account by Zaida Cabral on the political, psycho-peda-gogic, socioeconomic, sociolinguistic and cultural motivations justifying thebilingual project, a description of major achievements and difficulties experi-enced during the five-year period and, finally, a presentation of possiblesolutions for the detected problems. Here, only two aspects of the assessment —one positive, the other less positive — shall be focused upon.

The global efficacy of the project was 3.5 times higher than the efficacy re-corded for the normal lower primary mainstream in the national system (SNE).14

The Report (1997: 4) states the following:

… the results are very encouraging: the rate of success is good, there is agreat deal of interaction between teachers and pupils, and the level of con-tent learning by pupils is better. Besides, parents are in favour of bilingualeducation and want it for their schooling-age children.15

However, only moderate satisfaction with the project is in order, because theconditions under which the project was implemented were quite different fromthose in SNE’s normal schools. It should not be forgotten that this PEBIMO pro-ject enjoyed a special sponsorship by the UNDP and the World Bank. But it is truethat the Report also addresses a few thorny issues, one of which has to do withthe adopted model, in particular the transition from the L1 to the L2 medium ofinstruction:

One of the difficulties with the adoption of this model relates to the fact thatit has not provided enough oral competence in the L2 so as to permit a grad-ual and well succeeded transition to the L2.16 (p. 4)

And the Report concludes the section on this problem in this way:

The ‘ideal’ model, depicted in the last Figure on Annex C-3, … reveals theteaching, from the beginning, of the second language, the gradual transi-tion from L1 to L2, and the maintenance of L1 as a subject … INDE hassuggested this model as the best for future adoption.17 (p. 5)

Of course, I can only be but pleased to see that my earlier criticism in connec-tion with such problems proved to have been constructive.

A delay of a few years in the use of Portuguese as a medium of instructionmay result in subtracted competence in this language in later grades, andmay prove to be hard to make up, especially in the case of L1 Bantu-speak-ing children … The ‘initial bilingualism model’ stands a better chance inreducing the risks of future Portuguese incompetence eventually incurredby the ‘gradual transition model’. (Lopes, 1997a: 28)


In the ‘initial bilingualism model’, the change-over to the L2 occurs after a pe-riod in which Portuguese, together with Bantu, has already been used asco-medium of instruction. Indeed, a major advantage of the ‘initial bilingualismmodel’ over the ‘gradual transition model’ is that it reduces risks of underachievement in the proficiency of Portuguese in later grades, because this lan-guage is equally used as a medium of instruction, from the beginning of primaryeducation. (Lopes, 1997a: 31)

But at the present stage of the project development, I feel that I would like tocontribute three new elements for consideration with regard to the model:

(1) That programming of Portuguese co-medium of instruction in Grade 1should aim at no less than one-third of the total allocated time for use of andexposure to both Bantu and Portuguese together (i.e. at least, one-third forPortuguese and two-thirds for Bantu as co-media of instruction).

(2) That the use of Portuguese as a co-medium in subjects such as Physical Edu-cation and Aesthetic Education — and however important as they may be—should not be solely restricted to these subjects.

(3) That, as need arises for the project to be also extended to schools where class-mates are predominantly L1 Portuguese-speaking, programming time forPortuguese as a co-medium in Grade 1 should be two-thirds, and Bantuone-third. Of course, when arrived at the point of the changeover to Portu-guese-only classes (Grade 5?), both L1 Bantu-speaking and L1Portuguese-speaking children should reveal identical competence in theircommand of Portuguese. This feature of a potentially widened model, obvi-ously, calls for an appropriate model design and implementation, includingcareful planning of activities.

The roots of the rationale underlying my ‘initial bilingualism’ proposition areto be found in Machel (1979: 13) when she stated:

We know what our objective is: to introduce the child and the adult into anecessary bilingualism, in which the language of unity and the mothertongue may develop side by side.18

In fact, and despite the prevailing strong emphasis on Portuguese at the time,the openness that some authorities evidenced around the bilingualism questionin the 1970s was influential in regard to activities which were then and later de-veloped by educational structures such as the ‘Comissão de Elaboração deTextos’ (CET) — operating as early as 1976 and as a precursor of INDE, foundedin 1980.19 But the first truly large undertaking, which attempted to investigate aparticular form of bilingualism in Mozambican schools, was the G. Meijer-led1982 INDE project on ‘Bilingualism, cognitive development and pre-school ex-perience of Mozambican children’. Baldo’s (1987) study on how children’s L1discourse patterns ought to be taken account of in classroom activities for thelearning of L2 oral skills was one of the several research examples that branchedout of the original project. Today’s INDE, which is possibly the major nationallanguage planning research institution and definitely the key educationalthink-tank, owes a great deal to those early post-Independence efforts men-tioned above.


On the adult literacy planning front, and in the course of the liberation strug-gle, Frelimo used adult literacy as an effective means to mobilise the people in theliberated zones. The 1975 Mocuba National Plenary document (Frelimo, 1975b),produced during the transitional government period before Independence, re-fers to an illiteracy rate of about 90%. On the other hand, the 1975 Ribauédocument on literacy (Frelimo, 1975a), whilst reflecting the objectives, tone andpractice of the liberation movement in the previous decade, also indicated thenew challenges awaiting post-Independence Mozambique: literacy understoodas a means to liberate the creative initiative of the Mozambican people, as well asa means through which the popular masses are to achieve their complete Inde-pendence and initiate national reconstruction. Portuguese had been the mediumused, and such practice was to be emphasised by the late President Machel who,at the launching of the National Literacy Campaign in 1978, delivered the follow-ing words:

The spread of the Portuguese language is an important medium among allMozambicans, an important vehicle for the exchange of experiences at thenational level, a factor consolidating national consciousness and the pros-pects for a common future. In the course of the war, some people asked:‘Why are we continuing with Portuguese?’ Some will say that this NationalLiteracy Campaign aims at valuing Portuguese. In which language wouldyou like us to launch this Literacy Campaign? In Makwa or Makonde, inNyanja, Shangaan, Ronga, Bitonga, Ndau, or in Chuabo?20 (p. 7)

Portuguese-medium literacy planning prevailed until the end of the 1980s,and the results were felt to be mixed. Positive in some instances, but unsatisfac-tory in several others. It is hard to give a balanced assessment of the whole projectbecause most activities were deeply affected by the war. However, it is also quitelikely that the exclusive use of Portuguese in several literacy campaigns mighthave been a major source of a series of failures. In this context, Veloso (1994) hasreported that adult literacy activities through the medium of Portuguese hadhardly been efficient, especially among peasant women, and that, as a result, theMinistry of Education and UNICEF had jointly decided to embark on amother-tongue type of programme, subsequently followed by L2 Portugueseteaching input. The ‘Women’s Bilingual Education Project’, as the new attemptbecame known, took off in 1990 and focused on languages such as Cisena,Xichangana and Cindau.

The project, which produced over 20 manual titles and several other materials,seems to have developed reasonably well. Mother tongue literacy experiencesare a welcome and adequate cultural and cognitive development, and may proveto be more useful to those intervening in the socioeconomic and political facts ofdaily life, particularly to Mozambicans in the countryside, who constitute themajority of the country’s population. It may still be argued, however, that the ra-tionale underlying the various literacy programmes is substantially improvedliteracy skills in Portuguese, i.e. literacy used as a means rather than an end in it-self, as Lopes (1992: 23–4) puts it:

It is thought that by acquiring literacy skills in the mother tongue in the firstplace, their transfer to the official language will be smoother and, hope-


fully, bring about accelerated literacy in this second language. In fact, it ison this premise that the so-called ‘bilingual literacy’ projects andprogrammes are founded.

The country’s present illiteracy rate is estimated at 60%. But in addition tothose efforts that would normally be needed to make more people literate, Mo-zambique is also confronted with the after-effects of a very prolonged war, endedin 1992. Since the signing of the Peace Accord, the country has managed in thepast six years to repatriate and reintegrate into their homes over one million refu-gees from neighbouring countries. Out of these, thousands of adolescents andadults who were, at one time, functionally literate in Portuguese have now be-come post-literate, i.e. they have lost the ability they once had to read and/orwrite. On the other hand, thousands of returned children, born in refugee campsin neighbouring states, find themselves in a preliterate condition, i.e. they cannotread and/or write because they were never taught these skills. They are now tooold to be reintegrated in the pre-primary and the lower primary educationalmainstream. In brief, there are mammoth challenges awaiting intervention bysociety and the government, in particular by the Ministry of Education.

Further, a future compilation of literacy demographics should reflect thecountry’s global situation not just in relation to Portuguese, or even to English inthe case of the Mozambicans who underwent a status change as refugees, butequally in connection with the Bantu languages. Experience in formerly colo-nised situations has shown that literacy in less privileged languages hardly evercounts. In the case of Mozambique, there are individuals who can communicateorally in two languages (e.g. Ekoti and Portuguese), but are only literate in theirfirst language. And some of them are no more than functionally illiterate in theirsecond language (Portuguese), since — to use Kaplan and Palmer’s (1991) in-sights in this regard — their ability to read and write in this language operates ata level below the normative range for the individual’s particular culture. Individ-uals who achieved initial literacy through a Bantu language or Arabic, thoughthey may remain illiterate or functionally illiterate in Portuguese, should also becounted at the time of compiling new literacy demographics.

The ‘Women’s Bilingual Education Project’ was experimental. What the fu-ture holds as to whether planners should continue or not with bilingual type ofliteracy programmes remains an open question. The absence of an official state-ment on the explicit use of languages other than Portuguese has not hinderedtheir utilisation in literacy — a kind of ‘unplanned’ language policy, the effects ofwhich should also merit special attention by planners working in language pol-icy and planning issues, as well as in language-in-education planning activities(Baldauf, 1994).

While it is true that language corpus planning activities have been developingto a considerable extent, the same cannot be said of language status planningmatters relating to decisions on the role of a given language in a country and, notleast important, the roles of several languages in a multilingual country like Mo-zambique. There have been good examples of the former, such as vocabularyexpansion and orthography work undertaken by both NELIMO and INDE, aswell as production of language material such as manuals, primers and supple-mentary readers. But as for the latter, the experiments carried out in the domains


of formal education and literacy have simply remained as pilot projects. Themain problem is that status decisions are primarily political matters, and authori-ties, in general, tend not to move or, at best, to move at a glacial pace when facedwith issues like the maintenance, expansion or restriction in the range of uses of alanguage for particular functions. Disenchantment with this state of affairs waseloquently manifested by both Filmão (1992) in his draft paper, presented to aCoordinating Council at the Ministry of Culture, and Honwana (1994) in his arti-cle published in Jornal de Letras.

The crux of the matter in language status planning in developing and multilin-gual nations lies in official recognition. In spite of the great value attached to thebilingual experiments, languages will only truly be recognised, promoted andhave fundamental rights, if they can enjoy official status. This position was de-fended by Lopes in his address to the World Congress in Kwaluseni in 1994(published in 1997b), by Firmino and Machungo (1994) in their draft paper,which introduced the nuance of regional official status for the Bantu languages,and also by Firmino (1997) who has equally suggested a primary statutory posi-tion for Portuguese.

Today, I still maintain the same view held in 1994, especially manifestedthrough a proposal for an improved type of language policy constitutionally.Such a proposal for the case of Mozambique is based on the following premises:

(1) Language is basic to identity.(2) Fulfilment of basic human needs for development includes the rights of citi-

zens to identify with, and properly learn and use their own mother tongue.(3) The citizens’ right to use mother tongues in official situations and, conse-

quently, all languages spoken natively by Mozambicans should enjoyofficial status.

(4) The right to adequate learning and use of a language of wider communica-tion as a link and unity language at the national level, and as a means ofcommunication with world nations and communities using that language.

(5) The increasing need to intensify learning and use of foreign languages forthe major purpose of responding to regional and international challenges incommunication, cooperation, science and technology.

As for the country’s internal language functions:

(1) Portuguese should retain its statutory function as a link and unity languageat the national level.

(2) Bantu languages should gradually be used co-officially (with Portuguese)in, at least, the following domains: initial literacy, lower and upper primaryeducation (Grades 1–5 and 6–7), adult literacy, culture, public administra-tion, justice (emphatically in court rooms), Parliament, rural developmentand agriculture, health care, child nutrition, family planning, small scale in-dustry, mass media, and religion.

(3) The Mozambicans’ native Asian languages, which must equally enjoy offi-cial language status, should function in prioritised domains.

The following points are suggested as formal and constituent provisions thatwould contribute to improve current Mozambican language policy — a proposi-


tion that would be closer, surely, to a more maintenance-oriented type ofpromotion policy:

(1) The official languages of the Republic of Mozambique shall be Cicopi,Cinyanja, Cinyungwe, Cisena, Cisenga, Cishona, Ciyao, Echuwabo, Ekoti,Elomwe, Emakhuwa, Gitonga, Gujarati, Kimwani, Kiswahili, Memane,Portuguese, Shimakonde, Swazi, Urdu, Xichangana, Xironga, Xitswa andZulu.

(2) The state shall promote Portuguese as the language of unity and linguafranca at the national level.

(3) The state shall introduce mother tongue education for initial literacy, as wellas appropriate and feasible models of bilingual medium of instruction.

(4) The state shall increasingly encourage the study of foreign languages.(5) Portuguese will be used for record purposes or for other special use, and the

other official languages should be developed in order to be equally availablefor such purposes.

(6) A Mozambican Language Board to promote respect for and the study anddevelopment of all the official languages will be established. The Board willalso promote respect for and the study and development of Arabic andother languages used for religious purposes.

The Bantu languages suggested in the proposed point (1) of the above list arethe languages presented in the ‘Seminar Report on the Standardisation of the Or-thography of Mozambican Languages’, 1989 edition by NELIMO/UEM-INDE.The Language Map (p. 8) and the reported analysis identify 20 Bantu languages,despite some indecision on the establishment of some ‘reference variants’. Obvi-ously, as research progresses towards greater refinement of language anddialectal contours, the list of languages in clause 1 would have to be adjusted ac-cordingly. Some functions in connection to those languages that have not as yetgained official recognition are still restrictive in the present proposal, given thecurrent and the eventual medium- to long-term socioeconomic reality of thecountry.

With regard to the foreign languages, and for geographical, political, eco-nomic and practical reasons, English should be introduced in the NationalEducation System at an earlier stage. I would like to suggest its introduction inthe first year (Grade 6) of the upper primary level (EP2). As for the arguments bycertain circles in society that a multilingual type of official language policy mightprove to be expensive to implement, divisive, and premature on the grounds thatBantu languages are not sufficiently developed, it is possible to counter-argue byhighlighting the following:

(1) Use of a given Bantu language in official situations by a certain group of citi-zens is surely considered equally economic for that group speaking it.

(2) The political claim that national unity demands a one-language official pol-icy is a myth. Much in the same way as ecology shows that biologicalsurvival is essentially made possible through a variety of forms, why shouldit be believed that an officially stated multilingual policy could make thecountry more vulnerable and more easily destructible.


(3) Kiswahili in Tanzania or Afrikaans in South Africa were not particularly de-veloped languages when they gained official language status in theirrespective countries. In fact, it can be argued that their status, acquired in thepast, indeed accelerated their development and promotion. On the otherhand, Krio in Sierra Leone, like Kiswahili in Tanzania, was originally a tinylanguage, but promotion efforts have turned this language into a large anddeveloped lingua franca.

Certainly, the test of any new future proposal put forward lies with the abilityof politicians and policy makers to achieve the very difficult task of striking thebest possible balance between goals of efficiency/nationism and those of authen-ticity/nationalism. Or as Webb (1994: 259) puts it with regard to a certain pastproposal in South Africa, it is important to recognise ‘… the extremely difficulttask of balancing the need for effective government with the sociocultural andpsycholinguistic needs of the country’s citizens’. The new South African policyof 11 official languages and the ongoing implementational attempts surely con-stitute a fresh reference point. And in the educational sphere, the work by theCatalan bilingualism planners (e.g. Miguel Strubell) showing how they promoteCatalan, as well as Gaudart’s (1992) account and discussion of bilingual educa-tion in Malaysia could prove to be insightful to Mozambican applied linguists,particularly language planners in national institutions.

Some of the most active language planning agencies operating in the polity arethe Eduardo Mondlane University, especially through NELIMO, the Ministry ofEducation through INDE, and the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sport throughARPAC (Arquivos do Património Cultural). Equally active are RádioMoçambique, several religious denominations — which increasingly translate,edit and publish liturgical texts in different Bantu languages, Summer Instituteof Linguistics/Sociedade Internacional de Linguística-programa deMoçambique (SIL), Friedrich Ebert Foundation, the North-South Austrian Insti-tute and various Mozambican non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Someof these and other Foundations and Associations produce or support productionof materials for civic education and electoral purposes, and pursue adult educa-tion goals. There are equally several cultural organisations, interest groups andreligious denominations which have been involved in aspects of the languageplanning process, mainly for Portuguese, Xironga, Xichangana and Cisena.

Since INDE has already been discussed at some length, the main work under-taken by the other major planning agencies will now be considered.

Under E. Rzewuski’s initiative, and in association with M. Katupha as itsco-founding member, NELIMO was set up within the Faculty of Arts of the Edu-ardo Mondlane University in 1978. At the outset, NELIMO first undertook todraw up a bibliography on the Bantu languages of Mozambique as well glossa-ries of scientific and technical terms in some of those languages for the Ministryof Information, especially the Social Communication Office. Later, it set up a re-search project on the description of Bantu languages with a view to teachingthem in free courses and in a linguistics degree programme at the Modern Lan-guages Department of the Faculty of Arts. In this respect, leitores (teachingassistants) underwent special training, while a series of works were graduallybeing produced for the first experimental courses, namely the Cadernos Tsonga,


the handbook Byi Xile and the Cadernos Emakhuwa. The project on language de-scription also contemplated lexical work that was later to be used in thecompilation of a Kiswahili-Portuguese dictionary and a Xichangana-Portuguesedictionary produced by Sitoe (1996). A major task awaiting further future devel-opments is a detailed dialectological survey, and the subsequent elaboration ofmore sophisticated language maps and an atlas. Lack of human, material and fi-nancial resources hindered the development of a few projected activities in thepast. The future of NELIMO is promising in, at least, human terms, since it cancount now on a group of specialised Mozambican linguists, recently returnedfrom their doctoral training abroad. Finally, it must be reiterated how instrumen-tal NELIMO’s work has been with regard to the 1988 event on thestandardisation of the orthography of several Bantu languages, the articulationwith INDE and the National Directorate of Adult Education, and the collabora-tion with Radio Mozambique.

In addition to INDE and NELIMO, the Archives of Cultural Heritage/ARPACis a language planning agency equally worthy of mention. Linguistics and eth-no-linguistics are two of this institution’s major areas of interest and research.The Organic Statutes of ARPAC, approved in 1993 by the Council of Ministers’Decree 26/93, define national languages and linguistic studies, amongst others,as constituent parts of ARPAC’s area of speciality (Conselho de Ministros, 1993).The dossier-ARPAC on national languages published in 1992 constitutes a usefulcompilation of writings on language that appeared in the press over the period1975–92. ARPAC was one of the major organisers of the country’s First NationalConference on Culture held in 1993. It maintains close working links with bothINDE and NELIMO as well as with regional institutions. Its recent partnershipinvolvement with the South African-based Southern African Migration Project(SAMP) is an example of the latter. SAMP recently commissioned a report as partof a programme to understand the extent to which language rights have been ap-plied to non-South Africans in the new South Africa, and in particular how theyhave been observed by various state departments and officials. Reitzes andCrawhall’s clear-sighted report entitled Silenced by Nation-Building: African Immi-grants & Language Policy in the New South Africa published in 1998 will stimulatedebate and pave the way to the carrying out of similar research in other SouthernAfrican countries, Mozambique included. Given ARPAC’s recent involvementwith SAMP, ARPAC is bound to initiate in the near future pioneering research inan area of critical importance to Mozambique.

Radio Mozambique also undertakes language planning activities in close col-laboration with several agencies, in particular with NELIMO. It is a majorpropagator of both Portuguese and the Bantu languages. RM’s recent languageplanning activities include the 1996 assessment of concepts and language used inradio broadcasts, the groundwork for the 3rd Seminar on Mozambican Lan-guages Broadcasting held in 1996 and the 1997 publication of a Glossary ofPolitical–Social Concepts in 17 Bantu languages and variants. The Austrian Insti-tute for North–South Cooperation contributed actively to this kind of researchwork and the joint publication of the glossary. And for RM’s future development,the consultancy work on ‘Mozambican Languages in RM’ commissioned toUEM’s Modern Languages Department (report by Sitoe et al., 1995) surely con-


tains relevant recommendations for the restructuring and expansion of RM’slanguage planning activities.

SIL, the Summer Institute of Linguistics, also known as Wycliffe Bible Transla-tors, has been operating in Mozambique since 1986. SIL has worked with theEduardo Mondlane University, INDE, some Provincial Education Directorates,local churches and PROGRESSO, a Mozambican NGO. Teams of linguists arenow working in several provinces, particularly in the central and northern re-gions of the country. SIL work in promoting literacy in other parts of the world(e.g. in Melanesia) has won educational awards from UNESCO. But the organi-sation has not been exempt from criticism either, as Mühlhäusler (1996) describesin Chapter 6, ‘Mission languages and language policies’. However, and despitehis contention and arguments, Mühlhäusler takes note of remarks made by Pike(SIL’s President) in a newspaper article and adopts a more moderate stance:

I am prepared to give SIL the benefit of the doubt and accept that most of itsmembers are generally concerned with what they regard as bettering thelot of those they work with … (p. 167)

A Report by SIL (1997) on its activities in Mozambique over the period 1995–97describes how active the organisation has been in providing literacy materials, incarrying out translation work, and in the development of orthographies for lan-guages. Work has been done in connection with the languages Kimwani,Shimakonde, Emakhuwa, Ekoti and Cisena. A few linguistic and sociolinguisticsurveys undertaken in the Provinces of Manica, Tete and Nampula have also fo-cused on several language variants. In the process of work, several Mozambicanshave equally received specialised training (the LIMASHI Project in the Provinceof Cabo Delgado is, in this context, a good example). It is possible to hold a posi-tive view of SIL’s activities in the country, and as long as the organisation provesto be capable of strengthening its links with the local population and authorities,it is bound to impact positively on their lives and contribute extensively to thegoals pursued by national institutions, in particular those by NELIMO. Ulti-mately, it is the Mozambicans who must determine and specify their ownstrategy. And I think the same ought to apply to any external language promo-tion efforts, i.e. the agencies that do not operate in the polity.

The major influences affecting language policy and planning in the countryare essentially exerted by SADC member states regionally, and by Portugal (andBrazil, in some ways) internationally.

Language planning activities in South Africa are likely to influence positivelyMozambique’s future status planning and corpus planning efforts, especially inrespect to the Bantu languages. English, as a lingua franca between the six na-tions with which Mozambique shares its borders, is increasingly used byeducated Mozambicans in their regional (and, of course, international) dealings.Obviously, it was not just the neighbouring language factor, but rather politicalevents that have contributed to Mozambique’s taking its place as a Common-wealth member at the 1997 Commonwealth Heads of State and GovernmentSummit in Scotland, moving into full membership from its 1987 status as ob-server.


The strong ‘exceptional’ case for admitting Mozambique to the Common-wealth was defined from the fact that Mozambique’s suffering hadoccurred largely as a result of its support for democracy and human dignityin neighbouring Commonwealth states, i.e. Zimbabwe and South Africa.Mozambique and the Commonwealth succeeded in assisting to facilitatechange in those countries. (SARDC, 1997: 2)

In fact, Mozambique applied for membership and was accepted as a Com-monwealth member in 1995. This event, which created some concern in Portugaland dismay among French interests, might have contributed as a major impulsetowards the ‘accelerated’ formation in 1996 of CPLP, the Portuguese-speakingCountries Community (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa). Also, thegrowing French influence over Guiné-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony,should not be minimised in this context.

CPLP is formed by Portugal, Brazil and a grouping of the five African statesknown as PALOP countries (Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa). A ma-jor Summit meeting between the Seven, well before their integration into CPLP,was held in 1989 in São Luís do Maranhão, Brazil. Their primary objective was toformalise the creation of the International Institute of the Portuguese Language(Instituto Internacional de Língua Portuguesa, IILP). Da Silva and Gunnewiek’s(1992) account of antecedent efforts by Portugal and Brazil to spread Portuguesethrough agencies such as ICALP (Instituto de Cultura e Língua Portuguesa) andCEBs (Centros de Estudos Brasileiros) is quite interesting. A draft version of theIILP Statutes has now been circulated for discussion among CPLP members,while the Camões Institute of Portugal has been active elaborating terms of refer-ence for projects aimed at promoting Portuguese in international bodies such asthe Organisation of African Unity (headquarters in Ethiopia) and the SouthernAfrican Development Community (headquarters in Botswana). It is likely thatsome good will emerge out of all these actions, if the African voice is respectedand taken into account. The Maputo-based Bibliographic Fund of the PortugueseLanguage (Fundo Bibliográfico de Língua Portuguesa) could surely be, in this re-gard, a major cooperating structure for the dealings of Portugal and Brazil withthe African continent. But above all, the degree of success of Portuguese promo-tion efforts in the so-called PALOP nations will be poor if the African realities arenot really taken into account. As a suitable conclusion to the present section, itseems suitable to recall President Chissano’s (1989) words delivered in a jointpress conference, which marked the end of the São Luís do Maranhão Summitmeeting in Brazil: ‘We ought to consider the other languages and we ought alsoto develop them concurrently as we develop Portuguese’.21

The establishment of the International Institute of the Portuguese Language inthe near future will prove to be instrumental in maximising the Portu-guese-speaking nations’ joint efforts regarding language matters. But, thesuccess of such structure will depend on the kind of approach adopted to investi-gate and study the worldwide varieties of Portuguese. Any tendency to mandatehow the Portuguese language should be ‘properly’ spoken (a prescriptive ap-proach) will certainly constitute a recipe for friction or even disaster.


Part IV: Language Maintenance and ProspectsFrom time immemorial, and from generation to generation, the Bantu lan-

guages of Mozambique have been a major vehicle for the transmission of thefacts of life and of legends, the ancient knowledge of nature, and the arts andcrafts. These languages are the repository of the past, and through them the peo-ple have kept their cultural identity alive. In the more recent past, theselanguages have learned to adjust to the challenges posed by modern society, andhave attempted to cohabit with the language brought in by the Portuguese. Thecolonial situation made this cohabitation extremely difficult, resulting in Portu-guese hegemony to the depreciation and disadvantage of the Bantu languages.

Today, when compared to the inherited and reinforced prestigious status en-joyed by the Portuguese language in Mozambique, we see that that the status ofBantu languages and the present efforts to develop and promote them in societystill have a long way to go. It is a fact, though, that the post-Independence years,unlike the years of colonial control, have witnessed several attempts by authori-ties and language planning agencies to redress this imbalance. But, true languagemaintenance ultimately lies with official status recognition of the Bantu lan-guages and the concurrent implementation of shelter programmes. The presentmaintenance-oriented permission reflected by Article 5.2 of the Constitution isnecessary, but not sufficient for powerless Bantu languages to be maintained anddeveloped. What they need is maintenance-oriented promotion, which necessar-ily implicates the allocation of economic resources to support these languages.The existing pronouncements tend to be vague, and the economic prerequisitesfor promoting the Bantu languages have been deficient. The argument that a bi-lingual (Bantu/Portuguese) Mozambican can use the official language(Portuguese) in official situations is flawed for the following reasons: If lan-guages cannot be used in official situations, they will not be adequately learnedand developed; and if they are not properly learned, how can people fully andconsciously identify with languages which are poorly known, and in some in-stances (still a tiny minority) not known at all? To afford the Bantu languagesofficial rights is, in my opinion, the proper way to revitalise and explicitly pro-mote them within a maintenance-oriented framework. Efforts to treat everylanguage equally and give each equal respect would augur well for the future ofthe country. Any attempt in this direction is not wishful thinking but, naturally,the final decision as to what language is used for what functions in society is a po-litical decision. The duty of humble linguists and language planners is to do thespadework that may lead to improved, rational and systematic language pol-icy-making decisions.

In Mozambique there is no language that one can say is shared by allMozambicans, but by virtue of a set of historical accidents of history Portuguesehas managed to stand out as an indispensable factor in the creation and develop-ment of the new nation. Like it or not, Portuguese is the language of social andeconomic mobility and the key for job opportunities and professional promotion.It is a fact of life. D’souza’s (1996) comment on the ‘supreme’ role of English in In-dia — despite the fact that Indian languages enjoy official rights which Bantulanguages in Mozambique do not have — could, by analogy, be also appropri-


ately applied in connection to the power enjoyed by the Portuguese language inMozambique:

… regardless of policy or plan, people will acquire English. The so-called‘hegemony’ of English stems from no sinister aspect of the language itself,but from the simple fact that humans like butter on both sides of their bread— and if possible a little jam as well! (p. 259)

But while it is true that Portuguese is spoken by increasingly greater numbersof Mozambicans today than it was at Independence, the language is not shared tothe same degree by those who can speak it, nor is it always an obvious choicewhen people from the same Bantu language backgrounds get together. Severalcircumstances may dictate which language will dominate in a given encounter,and often the result is code-switching and code-mixing in which one of the codesused is Portuguese. Also, the meaning of new words is not always perceived andprocessed in the same manner, as Matusse (1997: 546) vividly points out:

… a great number of words came into common use after independence.This led to yet another interesting sociolinguistic change: using extensiveor bombastic terminology was no longer the prerogative of a privilegedfew. However, not everyone is linguistically competent enough to discernthe nuances of some of the new terms coming into use. A popular joke has itthat a certain gentleman arriving late at home asked his wife ‘to mobilisethe fish, channel it into the frying pan and organise it on the table.

Certainly, lexicons of usage and dictionaries are urgently needed. No works ofreference of such types have ever been produced in the country or abroad. Re-search in this direction22 would make a strong case for regarding Portuguese as alanguage with multiple cultural identities and traditions, and would surely con-stitute a useful contribution to both the lexicographic world and the developingfield of non-native language varieties. Initial research emphasis could be placedon loan words, collocations, idiom, register and style.

Given history and the country’s language profile, and with no desire to belittleany language, it is obvious that the spread and consolidation of Portuguese as anational means of communication among all citizens, as well as a language of na-tional unity should be the natural outcome. Mozambique needs to be united andto build a national identity, and both the Bantu languages and Portuguese arekey participants in this process.

Portuguese is no longer a foreign language and has been evolving as a natural-ised variety to serve the needs of Mozambicans. The processes of naturalisationand indigenisation have resulted in the language acquiring new features adapt-ing it to the local realities, including the journalistic and literary registers of use.Of course, the process of evolution of this emerging non-native variety of Portu-guese is of a rather complex nature, as one might expect.

The alterations to the Portuguese language reveal a logic that goes well be-yond the linguistic domain, and translate a different world view andlifestyle. The Mozambicans are in the process of transcending their role assimply users of the Portuguese language and assuming a status in whichthey are co-producers of this means of expression.23 (Couto, 1986)


Several Mozambican novelists and short-story writers have put Mozambiquefirmly on the map of Portuguese-writing literature. Similarly to what has hap-pened to English in India or English in Ghana, the Portuguese language inMozambique has been gradually taking on

the rhythms and harmonics of the languages with which it is in contact andthus has acquired a resonance all its own. These new cadences are as mucha part of the nativising process as are borrowing, code-mixing, etc.(D’souza, 1996: 256)

Portuguese in Mozambique has been modified in several aspects: in pronunci-ation, in areas of grammar and discourse, and perhaps most vividly in lexis,where a certain volume of new words has been introduced and other words areused differently. Indeed, two major developments have been taking place inMozambican Portuguese (MP) lexis, as Gonçalves (1996: 61) is keen to point out:

On the one hand, new words have been created as a result of borrowings(from the speakers’ Bantu mother tongues, or from others like English), oron account of lexical productivity (acting on a borrowing basis or on a Euro-pean Portuguese basis). On the other hand, there is the usage of words thatbelong to the European Portuguese lexis, but which have been ascribednew semantic values and/or different syntactic properties.24

Several attempts have been made to record and analyse MP formal realisa-tions, primarily in syntax and lexis. The roots of early research activities thatinvolved linguists working at the UEM and INDE can be traced to the first yearsafter Independence in 1975. The results of early projects on error analysis werepublished at a later stage (Diniz, 1987; Gonçalves, 1986; Machungo, 1987). Alsoworthy of mention are a few linguistics dissertations (e.g. Dias, 1990; Maciel,1992; Sitoe, 1997) which have attempted to analyse both syntactic and lexical MPrealisations, the latter in the footprints of Lopes’ lexical contribution (1979) forLongman.25

A major problem with the emerging Portuguese non-native variety is thatMozambican learners have to have a norm to which to conform. Over two mil-lion children are now learning Portuguese in primary schools countrywide.Which model can they refer to in the interest of their future communication bothdomestic and international? There has been considerable controversy among lin-guists over the issue of norm and standards. Some, like Kachru (1985), argue thatthe traditional notions no longer apply to non-native language situations. Oth-ers, like Quirk (1984), feel that it should be a matter for consideration whether theproblem is rather one of seeking stability in the face of uncertain grasp and im-perfectly internalised rules, than one of varietal development through anaturally creative social dynamic. In this regard, it seems to me that as long as abaseline is retained for national and international communication, the diversityand creativeness of the emerging MP ought to be nourished. With respect to thepurpose of systematicity, James (1998: 43–4) suggests that the model, which is nec-essary to demarcate institutionalised from random usage, would have to bebased on Error Analysis (EA). ‘If the local variety is to be nurtured or at the veryleast respected, it will have to be monitored, and that is what EA is there to do’.


Lopes (1998b) has suggested elsewhere that the norm broadcast by RM (RadioMozambique) could well constitute such a baseline. RM is one of the most re-spected and prestigious mass media in the country, and its signal reaches mostparts of the territory. The Mozambican Portuguese variety broadcast by RM isappropriately fit to function as a Standard of Mozambican Portuguese, both na-tionally and transnationally, and would most likely meet with widespreadagreement among Mozambicans.

Obviously, there would have to be descriptions of the selected ‘standard’ formfor purposes of a more systematic learning of the language (da Silva, 1993). In thefirst years after Independence, European Portuguese was said to be the modelthat learners would have to aim at in education. But in the course of the followingyears, practice showed that such an idealistic goal was not achievable, and evenno longer desired because it lacked the marks of an emerging national identity.This situation has not as yet been seriously addressed, and as a result school chil-dren learn a norm for which the educational system is unable to plan. Languageplanners and educationalists, in general, ought to consider this matter seriouslyand urgently, and more so in view of the millions of children who are now at-tending school. Also, the long-term effects of the currently laissez-faire policy onnorm and standards may impact negatively on the future status and role of Por-tuguese as a lingua franca and as a language of national unity. The words ofCraveirinha (1993), Mozambique’s greatest poet in Portuguese, seem to carrypart of such implication:

The major problem resides in the primary school, where ground is beinglost day after day … If nothing is done, we may lose this linguistic presencewithin the space of a generation.26 (p. 7)

For various reasons — in addition to didactic, political and financial ones —the national and international press has voiced concern over the future of thePortuguese language in Mozambique, including the possibility of Portuguesebeing overtaken by English. The matter has equally merited some attention in re-search (e.g. Miguel, 1994). Three major reasons have been invoked in order tojustify the hypothesis of an eventual substitution of English for Portuguese: (1)Mozambique’s recent membership in the Commonwealth; (2) Mozambique’ssharing of borders with English-speaking countries; and (3) English is a powerfultool for worldwide communication.

The historical and cultural influence of English-speaking peoples in the regionis visible in the country, and so are the marks of their language on both Portu-guese and the Bantu languages. The language argument may indeed be used torefute claims that the English language has had no tradition in Mozambique(Lopes, 1998a; Magaia, 1997).

Mozambique’s accession to Commonwealth membership should enable bothMozambique and the southern African region to build a future of regional eco-nomic cooperation and integration. It is a fact that Mozambique is completelysurrounded by Commonwealth countries, and it is also true that Mozambique’sapplication for membership was strongly supported by Mozambique’s neigh-bours. These factors stem from no sinister philosophy of the Commonwealth norany evil aspect of the English language itself, but from the simple fact that the


Commonwealth Organisation, as a whole, and Mozambique’s neighbours, inparticular, believe that such membership will enhance and advance regional de-velopment. Of course, such optimism is not shared by every one:

At present, we are surrounded by English-speaking countries from Northto South. It is to their advantage that their language should spread in Mo-zambique, and that we should remain dependent on them. They need ourports, and I hope that we do not find ourselves in a position of having togive ground.27 (Craveirinha, 1993: 7)

As for the argument for using English instead of Portuguese on the groundsthat Mozambique would communicate more efficiently through English withneighbouring states and the world, it is at least a matter for debate. I think that theEnglish as an International Language argument is, in fact, more an argument forteaching the language rather than an argument for its use as a means of commu-nication in Mozambique. It is true that English is the lingua franca of theSouthern Africa Development Community region and that, as the most interna-tional language of commerce, technology and academic exchange, English is ofvital importance to the development of Mozambique. And it is also apparent thatthe acquisition and effective deployment of higher-level skills are increasinglydependent on competency in English. But while it is a fact that the Mozambicanauthorities and managerial elites are keen to develop their English skills, theelites represent only a tiny minority — though a powerful one — who are andwill be involved in regional, continental and overseas communication.Mozambican elite groups — such as politicians, people in foreign trade, diplo-mats, academics and artists — who really need English to communicateinternationally should learn it (and learn it well!) in special courses offered byuniversities and language institutes. Also, given the importance of English in theeducational system, it would be worthwhile pursuing the lines of research (in-cluding that on contrastive rhetoric) initiated by some investigators of English inMozambique (e.g. Lopes, 1985; 1987; Manuel, 1994).

Kaplan (personal communication), has argued that certain factors can exertgreat influence in multilingual Mozambique, in particular the question of regis-ters. It appears that the influence of any language on any other language dependsimportantly on the registers it occupies. If an external language captures a keyregister (e.g. home language, religious language), the internal language is injeopardy. And so long as key registers are retained in Portuguese and/or theBantu languages of Mozambique, it is unlikely that English can have any signifi-cant impact. At the same time, to the extent that key registers are captured byEnglish, then Portuguese and/or Bantu languages can be in jeopardy. The regis-ter of religious ritual in Mozambique has been partially captured by Bantulanguages vis-à-vis Portuguese. The registers of business in the formal market aregradually being captured by English vis-à-vis Portuguese, whilst in the informalmarket the registers of business have been captured by Bantu languages vis-à-visPortuguese. But the key registers of administration, formal instruction and themedia have exclusively been retained in Portuguese. So long as these registersare retained in Portuguese, or eventually shared in Portuguese and Bantu in the


future, it is difficult to imagine how English could take the place of Portuguese inMozambique.

Furthermore, two hundred million speakers around the world have turnedPortuguese into a pluricentric and dynamic language, thus creating pressuresthat apply in all directions in the considerably extensive ecological system of Por-tuguese. The Portuguese language in Mozambique is necessarily part (and notan isolate part) of a complex ecological system, which extends through the Portu-guese-speaking states of Africa and reaches into the Portuguese-speaking statesand communities in Europe, America and Asia. Surely, the influence of Englishin Mozambique will increasingly be greater but, the interests of the elite, particu-larly the business elite, in promoting English for their interaction with theoutside world will always be balanced by their continuing attachment to Portu-guese as a language of national unity, and the Bantu languages as symbols ofethnolinguistic identity and ties.

CorrespondenceAny correspondence should be directed to Professor Armando Jorge Lopes,

Modern Languages Department, Faculty of Arts, PO Box 257, EduardoMondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique ([email protected]).

Notes1. I wish to express my gratitude to Professors Robert B. Kaplan and Richard B. Baldauf,

Jr, the series editors, who kindly invited me to collaborate on their impressive lan-guage planning project. I trust the reader will find this introductory study useful.Thanks also to the following friends, former students, colleagues and authorities whohave assisted me throughout the 15-month period of research: Anwar Latif, ArlindoFolige, Aurélio Simango, Delfina Mugabe, Julieta Langa, Samima Patel, Teresa Alfaro,Vasco Nhussi, Directorate of Planning at the Ministry of Education (Director VirgílioJuvane), National Institute for Education Development (Director Miguel Buendia andstaff) and National Institute of Statistics (Vice-President Manuel Gaspar). And, obvi-ously, I am particularly indebted to Alda Costa and Jeremy Grest who gave the draftmanuscript a close and very educated reading. I, of course, accept full responsibilityfor the translation of citations in the text, and for any errors that may occur in this vol-ume.

2. Guthrie (1967/71) established language zones, as well as language groups within lan-guage zones, for the purpose of grouping and classifying languages sharing commonphonetic and grammatical features. Fifteen zones, each identified by a letter of the Al-phabet (A to S) were defined and each group of languages was assigned a number (e.g.G40 stands for the Kiswahili Group which includes the languages Kiswahili andKimwani). The Zones in Mozambique have been defined by the letters G, N, P, and S.Bantu languages can be found from the Cameroon mountains in West Africa down tothe River Tana in East Africa. Zone A languages are located in the northwestern regionof the continent. The term Bantu usually refers to typological and genetic relation-ships and means men, peoples, persons. The Bantu family has been classified as beingamong the major language families of the world. The term was first used by Bleek(1862–69) who used a noun class system as a key distinguishing feature of a Bantu lan-guage. All non-Bantu languages of South Africa, e.g. Khoisan, lack that specificfeature.

3. Chi-Yao e Chi-Mákonde, entre outras tidas como línguas ‘minoritárias’, poderiamreclamar o seu reconhecimento de línguas maioritáras se se tomasse em contra o factode que essas línguas ‘violam’ as fronteiras geográficas a Sul da República Unida daTanzania.


4. The translations of the Christian Bible used in Western Zambezia originated in Ma-lawi. The Bible was translated mainly by Catholic Missionaries from English intoCinyanja. In the major Milange district, the Cinyanja Bible as well as sets of catechismbooks in Cinyanja are widely used. Furthermore, Protestant leaders in Zambeziawould also like to have their own Cinyanja version of the Bible. Cinyanja is a languagewith a long literary and educational history. In Malawi, it is possible that more bookshave been published in Cinyanja than in English. Over two-thirds of Malawians canunderstand and speak Cinyanja, Malawi’s major language — also known or referredto as Cichewa.

5. Os pais estão a favor do ensino bilingue e querem-no para seus filhos em idade escolar.6. (1) Na República de Moçambique, a língua portuguesa é a língua oficial. (2) O Estado

valoriza as línguas nacionais e promove o seu desenvolvimento e utilização crescentecomo línguas veiculares e na educação dos cidadãos.

7. Não existe língua de maioria no nosso País. Escolher uma das línguas moçambicanascomo língua nacional seria uma opção arbitrária que poderia ter sérias consequências… Fomos por isso forçados a utilizar o Português como a nossa língua de ensino e paracomunicação entre nós.

8. A necessidade de combatermos o opressor exigia um combate intransigente contra otribalismo e o regionalismo. Foi esta necessidade de unidade que nos impôs que aúnica língua comum-a que servira para oprimir-assumisse uma nova dimensão.

9. A decisão de se optar pela língua portuguesa, como língua oficial na República Popu-lar de Moçambique, foi uma decisão política meditada e ponderada visando atingirum objectivo — a preservação da unidade nacional e a integridade do território. Ahistória da apropriação da língua portuguesa, como factor de unidade, nivelador dasdiferenças, veio desde a criação da Frelimo em 1962.

10. Em vez de enfrentar racionalmente o problema da multiplicidade das línguas faladasnos seus territórios, no âmbito geral do desafio da Modernidade-Tradição, os paísesafricanos não hesitaram em adoptar as línguas de antigos colonizadores.

11. A decisão da 11a. Sessão do Comité Central sobre o estudo das línguas moçambicanase sobre a criação de um órgão especializado constitui uma medida de grande alcancecultural. Esta decisão aprofunda o debate sobre a cultura e abre perspectivasimportantes à comunicação social, à educação, à formação profissional.

12. Os elementos positivos da nossa vida cultural, tais como as nossas formas deexpressão linguística, as nossas músicas e danças típicas, as peculiaridades regionaisde nascer, crescer, amar e morrer, continuarão depois da Independência para florir eembelezar a vida da nossa Nação. No há antagonismo entre as realidades daexistência de vários grupos étnicos e a Unidade Nacional.

13. A valorização social das línguas, o apoio aos centros de estudo das línguasmoçambicanas existentes ou a estabelecer; a codificação e padronização da ortografiadas línguas moçambicanas; e a selecção das línguas que, em cada província ou região,deverão ser introduzidas no Sistema Nacional de Educação, assim como na actividadepolítica, social e económica.

14. In the SNE, out of a sample of 1000 pupils in first grade, only 63 graduated from firstlevel primary eduaction five years later (i.e. 6.3%). In terms of the PEBIMO Project, 38out of 170 pupils in first grade managed to complete the five-year cycle of primary in-struction (i.e. 22%), and without repeating any grade.

15. Os resultados são muito animadores: o aproveitamento é bom, há muita interacçãoentre professores e alunos, os alunos apreendem melhor os conteúdos. Por outro lado,os pais estão a favor do ensino bilingue, e querem-no para seus filhos em idade escolar.

16. Uma das dificuldades da adopção deste modelo relaciona-se com o facto de não terprovidenciado um desenvolvimento oral suficiente na L2 para permitir uma transiçãogradual e bem sucedida para a L2.

17. O modelo ‘ideal’, representado na última figura no anexo C-3, … descreve o ensino dalíngua segunda desde o início, a transição gradual da L1 para a L2 e a manutenção daL1 como disciplina … Este modelo foi proposto pelo INDE como o melhor a seradoptado no futuro.


18. O nosso objectivo sabemos qual é: introduzir a criança e o adulto num bilinguismonecessário, em que a língua de unidade e a língua materna se desenvolvam lado alado.

19. I count myself among the fortunate ones who were privileged to contribute modestlyto the dramatic changes in education that occurred immediately after Independence.

20. A generalização da língua portuguesa é um meio importante entre todos osmoçambicanos, veículo importante de troca de experiência a nível nacional, factor daconsolidação da consciência nacional e da perspectiva do futuro comum. Algunsperguntaram durante a guerra: ‘Para quê continuarmos com a língua portuguesa?’Alguns vão dizer que a Campanha Nacional de Alfabetização é para valorização dalíngua portuguesa. Em que língua é que vocês gostariam que nós desencadeássemos aCampanha de Alfabetização? Em Macua ou em Maconde, Nyanja, em Changana,Ronga, Bitonga, Ndau, em Chuabo?

21. Temos que considerar as outras línguas e temos que desenvolvê-las também aomesmo tempo que desenvolvemos o Português.

22. It is proposed that there be:(1) compilation of a Lexicon of Mozambican-Portuguese Usage designed to be usedfor reference purposes; and(2) elaboration of a Concise Multilingual Portuguese–Bantu–English and Eng-lish–Bantu–Portuguese Pocket Dictionary (with MP variants) designed as a pocketcompanion for the student, the teacher and the reader, in general.The goals of the proposed research would be to describe certain features of Portu-guese usage which are uniquely characteristic of the Portuguese of Mozambicanspeakers (lexicon), as well as to record in dictionary format both the non-common coreand the common core parts (especially the most frequent usages) of Mozambican-Por-tuguese. The aims of the Lexicon of Usage would be to provide general readers,teachers and students with a work of reference on Mozambican-Portuguese (MP), andto develop their awareness of differences between MP and European Portuguese(contrastive dimension). The aim of the Concise Multilingual Pocket Dictionarywould be to provide both Mozambican and English-speaking readers with a system-atic list of the most frequent words in Portuguese (MP variants included) as used inMozambique. The proposed research is qualitative and corpus-based and shall pri-marily make use of library resources, in particular the literature on non-nativelanguage variety, lexicology and lexicography. The Lexicon should contain innova-tions recorded among MP speakers’ writing and speech, including descriptions ofsome infrequent items, especially if they exemplify a certain trend or pattern. The pro-posed Lexicon should only consist of those MP items whose form and/or function aredifferent from European Portuguese (EP) items. That is to say, the non-common corepart of MP. A rough estimate of this part is 300–400 items, and the scope of the workwould be both microlinguistic (syntax, semantics and lexis) and macrolinguistic (dis-course, rhetoric and idiom). The Concise Multilingual Pocket Dictionary would bedesigned as a pocket companion for the student, the teacher and the general reader.The dictionary would consist of one list of the most frequent Portuguese words in Mo-zambique — both the common core and the non-common core parts of MP — one listof the corresponding Bantu language items, and one list of English items compiledinto a handy volume, providing each of the lists with equal recognition. My estimatefor the original list is 5000 items. The items would be dealt with in Portuguese, Bantuand English in such a way as to require no specialised knowledge of the grammars ofthe languages involved in order to be able to use the dictionary. The format would bestraightforward and easy to understand, with directive words given in brackets, to in-dicate the particular shade of meaning associated with the particular headword. Theselected content areas of the dictionary would specifically include such themes as for-mal and informal economy, primary health care, family planning, gender, literacy,education, culture, democracy, and topics in connection with water, housing andcommunications.

23. As alterações da língua portuguesa têm uma lógica que ultrapassa o domíniolinguístico e que traduzem uma outra apreensão do mundo e da vida. Os


moçambicanos estão a superar a condição de simples utentes da língua portuguesapara ascenderem ao estatuto de co-produtores desse meio de expressão.

24. Por um lado está a criação de novas palavras, resultantes de empréstimos (às LB/L1’sdos falantes, ou outras como o Inglês) ou devidas à produtividade lexical (actuandosobre bases-empréstimo ou sobre bases do PE). Por outro lado, está o uso de palavrasjá pertencentes ao léxico do PE, às quais são atribuídos novos valores semânticos e/oudiferentes propriedades sintácticas.

25. Lopes’ research was carried out during the period 1978–9. His 1979 contribution (pub-lished in 1980) was sent for inclusion in a bilingual dictionary, following a request bythe Longman English Language Teaching Division Publisher to assist in adding someMozambican-Portuguese variations, where they existed, to a bilingual dictionary thatwas then being compiled. The dictionary — intended principally for the speaker ofPortuguese not the speaker of English — was primarily aimed at the Brazilian market.The original text was an English–English dictionary at an intermediate level — that isfor learners with between three and five years of learning English — to which Portu-guese glosses had been added. Where the Portuguese word differs in Brazilian (BP),European (EP) and Mozambican Portuguese (MP) this has been indicated. The dictio-nary consists of 10,000 English headwords with English definitions and examplesfollowed by a translation of the headword in the meaning being defined in BP, EP andMP.

26. O grande problema está na escola primária, onde se está a perder terreno todos os dias… Se nada for feito, podemos perder esta presença linguística no espaço de umageração.

27. Neste momento estamos cercados desde o Norte até ao Sul por países de línguainglesa. Convém-lhes que a sua língua avance em Moçambique e que nós fiquemosnuma posição dependente. Eles precisam dos nossos portos, e espero que nãofiquemos em posição de ter que ceder.

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The Language Planning Situation in SouthAfrica

Nkonko M. KamwangamaluUniversity of Natal, Durban, South Africa

This monograph examines the language planning situation in South Africa, wherelanguage has been instrumental in the country’s transition from colonialism to apart-heid to democracy. In particular, it addresses, diachronically and synchronically, theissues of language spread and use, language policy and planning, and language main-tenance and shift. The monograph is divided into four parts. The first part presentsthe language profile of South Africa to provide the background against which theaforementioned issues will be discussed. The second part discusses language spreadand use, with a focus on language-in-education and the media. The third sectionlooks at language policy and planning, with a focus on South Africa’s new languagepolicy and on attempts currently being made to implement it. It shows that there is amismatch between the language policy and language practices, with the formerpromoting additive multilingualism, and the latter showing a trend towardsunilingualism in English in virtually all the higher domains of language use. Theimplications of this trend for the current language policy and for language mainte-nance and shift are discussed in the final part, with special reference to the country’sofficial languages.

As its name suggests, the Republic of South Africa is located at the southernmosttip of the African continent. The country covers a total area of 1,219,080 km2(470,689 sq. miles) – slightly smaller than Alaska, Peru, and Niger; slightly largerthan Colombia or the Province of Ontario, Canada. It shares borders with sixAfrican countries: Namibia in the north-west; Botswana in the north; Zimbabwe,Mozambique and Swaziland in the north-east; and Lesotho in the east. To thesouth, South Africa is surrounded by two oceans, the Indian Ocean in thesouth-east, and the Atlantic Ocean in the south-west.

South Africa is known to the rest of the world mostly for its now defunct,divide-and-rule apartheid system, on the basis of which South Africa wasruled from 1948 to 1994 and whose legacy is likely to haunt the country foryears to come. The ideology of rule, ‘apartheid’ or ‘separateness’, wasdirected at ensuring that Baasskap, which the Dictionary of South AfricanEnglish on Historical Principles (Penny et al. 1996: 36) defines as ‘domination,especially by whites, of other groups’, remained in the hands of an Afrikanerelite controlled by the secret society known as broederbond ‘sworn brother-hood’. The latter’s mission was to protect and develop white economic, socialand cultural interests while dividing and ruling the majority African people,the Coloureds, and the people of Asian descent (Indians and Chinese) (Prah,1995). The architects of the apartheid system believed strongly that ‘culturalattainments were racially determined and races were inherently unequal’(Omer-Cooper, 1999: 974). To them, skin colour formed what Prah (1995: 36)calls the physiognomic index for social stratification. Each racial group had tohave its own territorial area within which to develop its unique culturalpersonality.1 This notion led to the partition of South Africa into what came beknown as tribal, mostly language-based, homelands for the African popula-

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tion on the one hand; and separate, skin-colour-based areas for the Coloureds,the Indians and the Whites (including the Chinese who were consideredhonorary Whites), on the other. In regard to the homelands there was, forinstance, a Zulu tribal homeland for isiZulu speakers; a Ndebele homelandfor isiNdebele speakers; a Xhosa homeland for isiXhosa speakers; and aVenda homeland for Tshivenda speakers. With this fractionalisation of theAfrican population into the tribal homelands, or ‘nations’ as the architects ofapartheid called them, the notion of ‘an African majority’ officially became afiction (Alexander, 1989; Prah, 1995). The homelands were reintegrated intoSouth Africa when apartheid died and a new South Africa was born in 1994.The new South Africa comprises nine provinces: i.e. the North West province,the Northern province, the Western Cape, the Eastern Cape, the NorthernCape, the Free State, Mpumalanga, Gauteng, and Kwa-Zulu Natal (Figure 1).

According to the 1996 census figures, South Africa has an estimated multira-cial population of 40,583,573 made up of Africans2 (76.7%); Whites (10.9%);Coloureds (people of mixed race: 8.9%); Asians (2.%) and unspecified/other(0.9%) (The People of South Africa Population Census 1996, 1998: 9). The 1996 censusdoes not make any projection about the population’s future growth. However,according to the 1991 census figures, South Africa’s population is expected togrow to 49.5 million people by 2005, and to 53.4 million by 2010 (Sadie, 1993). Inmaking these projections the 1991 census did not take into account the AIDSpandemic, which is ravaging South Africa and so has serious implications for thecountry’s population growth. According to press reports, in South Africa aboutone in nine people is HIV-positive (Mail & Guardian, 27 July to 2 August 2001, p.34); every day an estimated 1600 people are infected with the AIDS virus (DailyNews, 7 September 2001, p. 10) and about 150 children are born HIV-positive. Allthese people add to the number of those who are already infected with thedisease. Currently it is estimated that there are four million people living withAIDS in South Africa and these people account for a sizeable slice of the country’ssexually active population. Therefore, contrary to the 1991 census projection, by2010 AIDS-related deaths are expected to cut the population forecasts to 47instead of the 53.4 million projected under a no-AIDS scenario (Sunday Times, 29July 2001).

One of the characteristic features of South Africa is its linguistic diversity, afact that previous governments, and the apartheid Government in particular,utilised to justify and legitimise their divide-and-rule policies, such as thecreation of ethnic homelands for the Blacks. This monograph addresses issuesrelating to this diversity, with a focus on language spread and use, languagepolicy and planning, and language maintenance and shift and prospects espe-cially for the country’s official languages. The discussion of these issuesdraws in part on my previous work on language planning issues in SouthAfrica (Kamwangamalu, 1995, 1996, 1997b, 1998a,b, 2000a, b, 2001a, b) and onthe feedback on the papers presented on these issues at various professionalconferences.3

The Language Profile of South AfricaThe population of South Africa is not only multiracial but it is also multilin-


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gual. It is estimated that about 25 languages are spoken within South Africa’sborders. Of these languages, 11 have been accorded official status, includingEnglish and Afrikaans – formerly the only two official languages of the state –and nine African languages,4 Sepedi, Sesotho, Setswana, siSwati, Tshivenda,Xitsonga, isiNdebele, isiXhosa and isiZulu, all of them newcomers to the newSouth Africa’s official languages map (see Table 1). These were chosen becausethe majority of South Africans, probably more than 98%, use one of theselanguages as their home language or first language (Department of Education,South Africa’s New Language Policy: The Facts, 1994: 4). Demographically, isiZulu(23%) and isiXhosa (18%) are the most commonly spoken first home languages in

The Language Planning Situation in South Africa 199

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Figure 1 Map of South Africa, showing the post-apartheid provinces



South Africa. The 1996 census reveals that Afrikaans (14.4%) and English (9%),while widely spoken in all provinces, are less frequently used as first homelanguages than some of the indigenous languages (The People of South AfricaPopulation Census 1996, 1998: 14).

The estimated 25 languages spoken in South Africa fall into three majorgroups: European languages, African languages, and Asian languages. In thediscussion that follows each of these language groups will be described. Also, Ishall discuss briefly the pidgin languages that have emerged as a result ofcontacts among the language groups under consideration, namely: Fanagalo,Tsotsitaal and Iscamtho.

The European languagesThe European languages spoken in South Africa include two of the country’s

11 official languages, namely English and Afrikaans, and six immigrantlanguages: Dutch (7.89%), French (4.26%), German (27.05%), Greek (11.28%),Italian (11.15%) and Portuguese (38.36%), the de jure national language in neigh-bouring Mozambique (see Table 2) (Lopes, 1998). As already observed, Englishand Afrikaans are widely spoken throughout the country. The immigrantlanguages, however, are mostly concentrated in some of the country’s largercities, Cape Town, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Durban. They functionmainly as a medium of in-group communication within their respective commu-nities. Some communities, e.g. the German communities in KwaZulu-Natal, orthe Portuguese communities in Gauteng and Cape Town, have a well-developednetwork aimed at maintaining their languages (South Africa Year Book, 1998).These networks comprise private schools offering these languages as subjectsand/or as a medium of learning; as well as after-school activities, cultural activi-ties and church services conducted exclusively in these languages. Speakers of


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Table 1 The official languages of South Africa

Language Number of speakers Percentage Geographical areas of concentration

Afrikaans 5,811,547 14.3 W. & N. Cape, Gauteng

English 3,457,467 8.5 KZ-Natal, WC, Gauteng

IsiNdebele 586,961 1.4 Gauteng, Mpumalanga

IsiXhosa 7,196,118 17.7 Eastern Cape

IsiZulu 9,200,144 22.7 KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng

Sepedi 3,695,846 9.2 Gauteng, N. Province

Sesotho 3,104,197 7.7 Free State, Gauteng

Siswati 1,013,193 2.5 Mpumalanga, Gauteng

Setswana 3,301,774 8.1 North West, Gauteng

Tshivenda 876,409 2.2 Northern Province

Xitsonga 1,756,105 4.3 Gauteng, N. Province

Other 583,813 1.4 Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal

Total 40,583,573 100

Source: The People of South Africa Population Census 1996, 1998: 12–3.



immigrant languages, particularly the older generations, are generally bilingualin their respective languages and English. Table 2 presents the estimated numberof speakers of the immigrant languages.

EnglishEnglish came to South Africa via the British occupation of the Cape of Good

Hope, now Cape Town, in 1795, to the detriment of Holland, to control the strate-gic Cape sea-route between Europe and Asia (Lass, 1995). In 1802 the Britishreturned the Cape to Holland, which had occupied it from 1652 until the Britishinvasion in 1795. But during the Napoleonic wars (1805–1815) the British occu-pied the Cape again and embarked at once upon the creation of a colony that wasBritish in character as well as in name (Warwick, 1980: 12). This they did by,among other things, intensifying the policy of Anglicisation they had introducedearlier to the Cape during their first occupation of the territory. The policy ofAnglicisation ‘sought to replace Dutch by English in all spheres of public life’(Davenport, 1991: 40). All official posts were reserved for the English speaking.As Reitz (1900: 10) points out, ‘the Boers5 were excluded from the juries becausetheir knowledge of English was too faulty, and their causes and actions had to bedetermined by Englishmen with whom they had nothing in common’. By 1814,English was firmly established as the official language of the colony (Lanham,1978). Dutch, and later its offspring, Afrikaans, were suppressed by the BritishGovernment for ideological reasons. In education, for instance, Dutch childrenhad to be taught in English rather than in their first language, Dutch. In thisregard, Malherbe (1925: 414) notes that

The struggle for the recognition of the Dutch language and of the principleof mother-tongue instruction has had a very long history in South Africaneducation .... From the times of the founding of the English school of LordCharles Somerset (1822), of the establishment of Government Schools(1839), of the 1865 grants-in-aid Regulations, the Dutch-speaking child wasat a disadvantage in the school with regard to his mother-tongue.

The Governor of the Cape, Lord Charles Somerset, conceived it as their honestduty to anglicise the colonists as soon as possible because


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Table 2 The European immigrant languages in South Africa

Languages Number of speakers Percentage

Portuguese 57,080 (38.36%)

German 40,240 (27.05%)

Greek 16,780 (11.28%)

Italian 16,600 (11.16%)

Dutch 11,740 (7.89%)

French 6,340 (4.26%)

Total number of speakers 148,780 (100.%)

Source: Language Atlas of South Africa (Grobler et al. 1990: 17).



they were only a little over thirty thousand in number, and it seemedabsurd that such a small body of people should be permitted to perpetuateideas and customs that were not English in a country that had become partof the British Empire. Already Sir John Cradock had issued a notice that noone who did not understand the English language would be appointed toany post in the Civil Service. (Malherbe 1925: 57)

In furthering this aim to Anglicise the colonists, in 1822 Lord Somerset issueda proclamation requiring the use of English for all official documents from 1825,and for all proceedings in courts of law from 1828. Also, as Warwick (1980: 351)notes, state-funded schools were required to use English as the medium ofinstruction, teachers were expected to use their best efforts to promote Afrikaneracceptance of British rule, and imperial history formed a large part of the curricu-lum. The policy of Anglicisation struck at the heart of Afrikanerdom. TheAfrikaners resented this policy for they saw it as a threat to their language,culture and identity. To counter this policy, they set up private schools whereDutch or Afrikaans (as it was called from 1925) was the medium of instruction.For the Afrikaners, as Hexham (1981: 132) puts it, maintaining their language,Afrikaans, was essential to preserve their national identity. To them, the futuredepended upon which language and culture would triumph in South Africa.Also, it was felt in some sections of the Afrikaans-speaking white communitythat Afrikaans was a gift from God to its white speakers, a view which vanRensburg (1999: 86) says ‘is abundantly clear in Afrikaans dictionaries’; and thatGod had not allowed them (the Afrikaners) to become Anglicised (Watermeyer,1996). Afrikaner resistance against Anglicisation is, among other factors,6 said tohave contributed to the Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902, which the British won (seee.g. Moodie, 1975). British heavy-handedness in South Africa is said to havestrengthened Afrikaner resistance (Skinner, 1998: 239). It is noted further thatcontemporary Afrikaner oppression of other ethnic groups often simply mirrorsearlier British treatment of Afrikaners. The policy of Anglicisation lasted, intheory, until 1910, when the Union of South Africa was formed, giving Englishand Dutch7 equal status as the co-official languages of the Union. In practice,however, the British never accepted parity between Dutch and English, espe-cially in education. The British Government policy, for both political andeconomic reasons, had laid down that English was a prerequisite for state aid ineducation (Hartshorne 1995: 310). Also, according to a British official, quoted inHeadlam (1931: 514), ‘the principle of the equality of the two languages [Dutchand English] had consistently been rejected by us [the British] from the first’.Thus, it is not surprising that the Afrikaners complained that their language,Dutch, did not receive the recognition guaranteed to it by the law, particularly ineducation. Malherbe (1925) remarks that, in 1915, the Education LanguageCommission was appointed to inquire into the working of the language Ordi-nance of 1912 (by which Dutch and English were made the official languages ofthe Union). The Commission found that ‘the law was not carried into effect, andthat the Dutch-speaking child was the sufferer’ (Malherbe, 1925: 415). This situa-tion changed only after the Afrikaners came to power in 1948. The status of Afri-kaans after 1948 will be discussed below.

English has a special status in South Africa both as a native language for some


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(e.g. the younger generation of South African Indians and a segment of the whitepopulation) and as a non-native language for others (e.g. the black population).According to the 1996 census statistics, English is spoken as home language by3,457,467 (9%) of the people including 1,711,603 (39%) Whites, 974,654 (94.4%)Asians, 584,101 (16.4%) Coloureds and 113,132 (0.4%) Africans. It has a widerdistribution than most official languages, but the majority of its speakers areconcentrated in metropolitan and urban areas. Two provinces, Gauteng andKwaZulu Natal, each have more than a million English speakers; these arefollowed by the Western Cape province with more than half a million speakers.In post-apartheid South Africa, English enjoys far more prestige than any otherofficial language, including Afrikaans. Its fortunes date back to the heyday ofapartheid, and especially after the Bantu Education Act of 1953 and the ensuingSoweto uprising of 16 June 1976. These two events, to which I shall return later,saw English become, in the minds of the majority of South Africa’s population,the language of struggle against, and liberation from, the apartheid system,whereas Afrikaans came to be perceived as the language of oppression, becauseof its association with apartheid (Barkhuizen & Gough, 1996; Shingler, 1973). Inthe new South Africa, English is the medium of instruction at most schoolsthroughout the country, except at historically Afrikaans-medium schools anduniversities, where it competes for space with Afrikaans to accommodate Blackstudents’ demand for English-medium education. English is widely used in theprint media, on the radio, the television, and the Internet; it is the language ofscience and technology, of job opportunities, of interethnic and internationalcommunication and is the language most used for the conduct of the business ofthe state. It is seen by many as the language of power, prestige and status, and asan ‘open sesame’ by means of which one can acquire unlimited vertical socialmobility (Samuels, 1995). In short, English is, as some people put it, ‘a languagethat can take you anywhere’ (Virasamy, 1997); and it is, in the words of Pakir(1998: 104), ‘a language with no sell-by date attached to it’. Despite all its positiveattributes, in South Africa (and in other former British colonies on the Africancontinent), English has been accused of being a double-edged sword for thefollowing reasons.

(1) Although it provides access to education and job opportunities, it also actsas a barrier to such opportunities for those who do not speak it, or whoseEnglish is poor (Branford, 1996: 36).

(2) It is an important key to knowledge, science and technology, but it isincreasingly being seen as the major threat to the maintenance of indigenouslanguages (Masemola & Khan, 2000: 11), as a remnant of colonialism and acause of cultural alienation (Schmied, 1991: 121), and as a vehicle of valuesnot always in harmony with local traditions and beliefs. (de Klerk, 1996: 7)

The implications of the multiple functions of English in South Africa (asdescribed above) for the maintenance and promotion of the indigenouslanguages will be considered in the final part of this monograph.

AfrikaansAfrikaans is spoken as a home language by 5,811,547 (14.4%) people including

2,558,956 (58%) Whites, 2,931,489 (82.1%) Coloureds, 217,606 (0.7%) Africans and


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15,135 (1.5%) Asians (The People of South Africa Population Census 1996, 1998: 12).The majority of Afrikaans speakers are concentrated in metropolitan areas andurban centres in the Western, Eastern, and Northern Cape provinces. Pretoria,the capital city of South Africa, also has a relatively higher density of Afrikaansspeakers (Grobler et al., 1990).

Although, like English, Afrikaans is described here as a European language,its history is not quite the same as the history of English (Webb & Sure, 2000).Unlike English, Afrikaans evolved from an ex-colonial language, Dutch, on theAfrican continent. In this sense, Afrikaans is not a European language in the wayEnglish is. Although its major source is Dutch, Afrikaans is not (and never was)spoken outside the African continent. As Skinner (1998: 239) observes, culturallyif not philologically, then, it might even be considered an ‘African’ language,rather as Afrikaners can regard themselves as the ‘white African tribe’. Severalsources associate the presence of Afrikaans in South Africa with the arrival inCape Town in 1652 of approximately 180 Dutch settlers headed by Jan vanRiebeeck; they came to erect a re-supply station between Europe (Amsterdam)and South-east Asia (Batavia) for the ships of the ‘Dutch East India Company’(Vereenigde Oostindische Companie, VOC) (Maartens, 1998; Ponelis, 1993; Roberge,1995). According to Grobler et al. (1990: 9), Afrikaans, as it is known today, origi-nated from various 17th and 18th century Germanic languages that came intocontact on the Cape. Combrink (1978: 70) disputes this view, for its proponentsconsider Afrikaans as a spontaneous development from the interaction ofGermanic languages only. Drawing on research into the evolution of variousaspects of Afrikaans, Combrink attributes the origin of Afrikaans to severalsources, among them the Dutch dialects, which constitute more than 90% of thestructure of Afrikaans; and several foreign influences (e.g. Khoi (also spelt asKhoe) and Southern Bantu languages, French, German, Portuguese, Malay, andEnglish). Against this background, Combrink argues convincingly that ‘we arenow in a position to declare that Afrikaans was born of a polygamous shotgunmarriage involving several Dutch dialects, albeit under pressure of variousforeign influences’ (1978: 70). Like Combrink (1978), Roberge (1995) and Webband Sure (2000) also support the view that Afrikaans has a heterogeneous origin.In Roberge’s (1995: 68) view, three physically, culturally, religiously and linguis-tically distinct groups were primarily responsible for the formation of Afrikaans:these include European settlers (from 1652), the indigenous Khoikhoi (also speltas Khoekhoe), and enslaved peoples of African and Asian provenance (from1658). Similarly, Webb and Sure (2000: 39) point out that, because the Dutchpossessed the necessary regional power in the Cape, their language became thedominant language and had to be learned by anyone who needed to deal withthem. Out of this, Webb and Sure note, grew Afrikaans, a form of Dutch foundmainly in the mouths of Dutch soldiers, sailors, Khoikhoi herders and labourers,and the slave community of the Cape.

Afrikaans is characterised by a long history of struggle for its sociopoliticalrights, a history8 which cannot be covered within the scope of this monograph.Suffice it to say that two developments at the turn of the 19th century have radi-cally affected the political, economic and social context of the Afrikaans speechcommunity. These are (1) the shift in the economic base from farming to miningafter the discovery of diamonds (1870) and the hugely productive main gold reef


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on the Witwatersrand (1886); and (2) the Anglo-Boer war of 1899–1902 (Hexham,1981, Warwick, 1980). As a result of these developments and the Anglo-Boer Warin particular, the ideological battle between English and Afrikaans that hadstarted in the course of the 19th century intensified, and Afrikaans became thefocus of Afrikaner nationalism and competing ideologies (Ponelis, 1993: 52). Forthe British and their English-speaking supporters, economic and political controlwas the ultimate prize. For the Boers, their very survival as a distinct people wasat stake, and in the process of fighting the war, a national identity was forgedwhere previously local attachments had been paramount and a sense of commu-nity diffuse and ill-defined (Attwell, 1986: 56). Put differently, the war renewedand strengthened ties of kinship between Cape Afrikaners and their brethren inthe north of the country (Moodie, 1975: 39); it replaced an older fragmented polit-ical order with a unified state (Ponelis, 1993: 53); it gave the Afrikaners a muchsharper image of themselves as a distinct people (Attwell, 1986: 79); and itbrought British imperialism sharply into focus as the single entity that the Afri-kaner nationalism sought to mobilise against. The major unifying factor in theAfrikaners’ struggle against British domination was the Afrikaans languageitself. Before the war, and indeed for some time afterwards, Afrikaans wasregarded as inappropriate for educated discourse (Moodie, 1975: 40). Rather,Afrikaans was described derogatorily as ‘a kitchen language’ or kombuistaal(Attwell, 1986; Watermeyer, 1996); as ‘a bastard jargon, ... the present atrociousvernacular of the Cape’ (Ponelis, 1993: 60), used and suitable for communicationmainly between the Boers and their servants. Ponelis (1993: 60) reports that in aleading article, published on 19 September 1857, an advocate for Dutch (whichwas then the official language of the Cape) describes Afrikaans as follows:

The poverty of expression in this jargon is such, that we defy any man toexpress thoughts in it above the merest common-place. People can hardlybe expected to act up to sentiments which the tongue they use fail entirelyto express. There can be no literature with such a language, for poor as it is,it is hardly a written one.

These enduring sentiments, notes Ponelis, were the focus of the Afrikanerethnic movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries that would strive toattach to Afrikaans positive ideological content. The first meeting that laid theground for Afrikaans to replace Dutch took place in 1875 and was organised by ‘arebel society’ called the Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners (GRA) (The Fellowship ofTrue Afrikaners) (Combrink, 1978: 69). This meeting constitutes the foundationof what came to be known later as the First Afrikaans Language Movement. Itsaims were to promote the interests of Afrikaans (Webb & Kriel, 2000: 21) and tolay the basis for the political unity among white speakers of Afrikaans (vanRensburg, 1999: 80). The years following the Anglo-Boer War saw varioussections of the white Afrikaans-speaking community (the clergy, journalists,academics) rally to the cause of, and argue for, Afrikaans to be elevated to thestatus of a language of culture. The rally for Afrikaans came to be known as theSecond Afrikaans Language Movement. This was part of a general defensivereaction aimed at preserving Afrikaans as well as Afrikaner values and tradi-tions from destruction by conquering power, Britain (Hexham, 1981: 128). Thecase for the elevation of Afrikaans was made more forcefully by a leading Afri-


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kaner academic, Dr Malan, at a meeting of the Language Movement inStellenbosch in 1908:

Raise the Afrikaans language to a written language, make it the bearer ofour culture, our history, our national ideals, and you will raise the People toa feeling of self-respect and to the calling to take a worthier place in worldcivilisation . . . A healthy national feeling can only be rooted in ethnic [volks]art and science, ethnic customs and character, ethnic language and ethnicreligion and, not least, in ethnic literature. (Pienaar, 1964: 169, 175–6)

The Afrikaans Language Movement therefore involved elevating the status ofthe language beyond a kombuistaal (i.e. kitchen language), using the intellectualbase of the movement as a method of giving the Boers a sense of their own uniqueidentity and of rallying them politically (Attwell, 1986: 66). As a result of theefforts of the Language Movement, in 1909 the Zuid-Afrikaanse Akademie voorTaal, Letteren en Kuns (The South African Academy for Language, Literature andthe Arts) was established (later to be renamed and restructured as DieSuid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns or The South African Academyfor Arts and Science) (van Rensburg, 1999: 80). The Akademie, through itsLanguage Commission, devised the standardised Afrikaans orthography, thefirst edition of which was published in 1917 (Ponelis, 1993: 54). In 1925, Afrikaanswas added to Dutch as an official language. The Language Movement, togetherwith Afrikaner nationalism, procured official recognition for Afrikaans and, inthis way, contributed to the spread of the language over the whole spectrum ofSouth African society (Hexham, 1981; Moodie, 1975; Ponelis, 1993). The develop-ment of Afrikaans took centre stage during the apartheid era (1948–1994). Theapartheid system turned the language into an instrument of social control overthe majority of South Africa’s population, the (black) Africans (see LanguageSpread, below). During this period, Afrikaans was invested with almost mysticalstatus (Skinner, 1998: 240) and enjoyed more privileges than any other languagein the land. It was used extensively in all the higher domains including themedia, government and administration, the army, education, economy, science,to list but a few. It was a compulsory subject for high school matriculationthroughout the country. Knowledge of Afrikaans was a prerequisite for employ-ment and proficiency in the language was required for positions in the civilservice, teaching, the media, and in positions dealing with the public, such as thatof receptionist (van Rensburg, 1999: 81).

Today, as a result of the demise of apartheid in 1994, Afrikaans has lost someof the privileges it had during the apartheid era. For instance, Afrikaans is nolonger required for matriculation at all high schools in the country and is gradu-ally being replaced by English as the language of the army (de Klerk &Barkhuizen, 1998). It shares television air time not only with English but alsowith nine African languages. Despite these changes, Afrikaans remains both ‘aprominent transactional language in South Africa’ (Ponelis, 1993: 58) and theonly language that competes for territory against English in most of the higherdomains of language use. In the public sector, for instance, forms, identity cards,letterheads, public signs and road signs are written in Afrikaans and English,much as they were in the apartheid era. Similarly, written business transactionsare conducted exclusively in Afrikaans and English; the text on the country’s


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bank notes is written in English and Afrikaans. Afrikaans is no longer used inpassports alongside English as it was in the apartheid era. Rather, the languagehas been replaced by French. In spite of this, the transactional use of Afrikaans isvery well established in the workplace as well as in all the higher domains oflanguage use. In this respect, it is not surprising, as van Rensburg (1999: 90–91)puts it, that more than any other language in South Africa, Afrikaans has takenon the functions of a lingua franca. It is noted further that, in many parts of SouthAfrica, Afrikaans is widely used on factory floors and farms, in constructionwork, shops, and other places. These remarks suggest that, despite what somecall ‘the fall of Afrikaans’ (Maartens, 1998: 32) as a result of the demise of apart-heid, Afrikaans remains a vibrant language.

The Asian languages of South Africa: Indian and ChineseThese languages fall into two major categories: on the one hand there are the

Indian languages, Gujarati (25,120 speakers), Hindi (25,900 speakers), Tamil(24,720 speakers), Telugu (4000 speakers) and Urdu (13,280 speakers); and on theother hand the Chinese languages (Hakka and Cantonese) (2700 speakers). Thespeakers of Indian languages, estimated to be 93,020 in 1990 (Grobler et al., 1990:18), are concentrated mainly in the province of KwaZulu Natal, where there is thelargest population of Indian-language speakers outside India – about onemillion. The Indians first came to South Africa in 1860 as indentured labourers towork in sugar plantations in Natal. Initially they used their respective languagesfor in-group communication and learned the pidgin Fanagalo for communica-tion with outsiders. Mesthrie (1996: 80) points out that, when they came to SouthAfrica some 140 years ago, the vast majority of Indian immigrants (perhaps 98%)had no knowledge of English. Since then, however, the Indian population inSouth Africa has undergone extensive language shift and now uses English forin-group as well as inter-group communication. In the 1960s and 1970s, Englishbecame the first language of a majority of Indian school children (Mesthrie, 1996:81). The shift from Indian languages to English was caused by a combination offactors, among them the instrumental value of English, apartheid discriminatorylanguage policies (Malherbe, 1925; Shingler, 1973), the attitudes of the Indiansthemselves towards education in their own languages (Prabhakaran, 1998), andwhat Mesthrie (1996: 81) terms a ‘closed cycle of reinforcement’ in language shift;that is, ‘in the homes parents learnt English from the youngest children ratherthan vice versa’. As a result of this process of language shift, today Indianlanguages are mainly used for religious purposes and are taught as subjects espe-cially at the University of Durban-Westville, which, in the apartheid era, wasdesignated as an exclusively ‘Indian’ university. Indian languages do not haveany role in public life in the South African society. However, the new Constitu-tion provides for their protection, as it does for other minority languages. Also, anumber of community-based cultural organisations have been set up to maintainthese languages. Maharaj (1974) identifies a number of organisations,9 which,according to Prabhakaran (personal communication, January 2001) are currentlyactive for the Hindi-speaking community. The South African Indian Muslimcommunity, says Maharaj, also has its own cultural organisations.10 There areother organisations,11 not listed in Maharaj (1974) but which, according toPrabhakaran (personal communication) also aim to promote Indian languages


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and cultures in South Africa. The reasons for the ability of Indians and otherSouth African Asians (e.g. Chinese) to establish such organisations, whichempower them to maintain their languages, are religion and affluence. In termsof religion, most of these organisations use their respective communitylanguages (e.g. Tamil, Hindi, Telugu, etc.) to teach religion to the younger gener-ations. For instance, Natal Tamil Federation teaches Tamil through, among othermedia, the study of the Thevaram, that is, Hindu religious texts written in Tamil. Ishall return to the issue of language and religion later. In terms of affluence SouthAfrican Asians are, after the Whites and to some extent the Coloureds, arguablyamong the most well-off ethnic groups in South Africa. Therefore, they are ableto set up organisations or schools that promote their respective languages. Forinstance, Hindi Sikha Sangh teaches Hindi reading and writing skills; GujaratiKhathiawad Association teaches Gujarati language and culture in Gujarati patasalas(schools). In spite of all these organizations, as a result of discriminatorylanguage policies and of contact with economically more viable languages suchas English and Afrikaans, the Indian languages do not seem to have a brightfuture in South Africa. Although the older generation of South African Indiansmay be conversant in some of the Indian languages and use them as homelanguages, the younger generation is largely monolingual in English.

The other segment of the Asian population in South Africa consists of theChinese, especially Cantonese speakers, who came to South Africa soon after thesecond Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) to work in the gold mines (South Africa YearBook, 1999). It is not known whether, like the South African Indians, the SouthAfrican Chinese have undergone complete language shift. However, it wouldseem that the older generations are bilingual in English and Chinese, and use thelatter mostly for in-group communication. The majority of South AfricanChinese are concentrated in Johannesburg, Witwatersrand and Port Elizabeth. Inaccordance with current official language-in-education policy (see LanguagePolicy and Planning, below), schools in these metropolitan centres that have asignificant number of Chinese children offer Chinese as a subject in the schoolcurriculum.

The African languages of South AfricaThe African languages of South Africa comprise mainly the Bantu languages,

of which four distinct groups can be distinguished: (1) the Nguni languages(isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele, and siSwati); (2) the Sotho languages (Sepedi,Sesotho and Setswana); (3) Venda and (4) Tsonga. As the 1996 census figuresshow (see Table 1), the Nguni language group is the largest with about 18 millionspeakers, followed by the Sotho group with a little over 10 million speakers, theTsonga group with almost 2 million speakers, and the Venda with nearly amillion speakers. (Also, see Lopes’ (1998) discussion of Bantu languages inMozambique.) There is a clear relationship between linguistic affinity and thegeographic distribution of these language groups. The Nguni languages arefound mainly in the east and along the coast; the Sotho languages in the west andon the inland plateau; the Venda group in the north; and the Tsonga group inMpumalanga (formerly Eastern Transvaal) (Schuring and van der Merwe, 1990:73). All four language groups belong to what Doke and Cole (1961) call thesouth-eastern zone12 of Bantu languages, which covers a large part of southern


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Africa, including South Africa, Lesotho, Botswana, Swaziland, Zimbabwe andsouthern Mozambique.

Like other Bantu languages, the Bantu languages of South Africa are thoughtto have originally spread from the West African transitional area of eastern Nige-ria and Cameroon (Cole, 1937: 309, cited in Schapera & Comaroff [1953] (1991);Wald, 1987: 285). From this area, Bantu languages were carried eastward andsouthward in several waves of migration starting no later than the early centuriesof the first millennium CE. The term ‘Bantu’, which means people, was first coinedin 1856 by W. H. I. Bleek, a German philologist, to refer to a vast ‘family oflanguages’, i.e. Bantu languages share certain common features (Guthrie, 1948: 9;Silverstein, 1968: 112). These include agglutinative morphology (i.e. extensiveuse of prefixes and suffixes together with stems in the formation of words), aconcord of the pronouns with the nouns to which they respectively refer, and theresultant distribution of the nouns into classes or genders. So characteristic arethese features for the large number of languages from roughly the Cameroons tosouthern Africa (excluding the Khoisan area in the south-west) that Bantulanguages have often (in part) been genetically defined in terms of these features(Fivaz, 1981: 4). Although it is used widely in African language studies, the term‘Bantu’ has been controversial, especially in South Africa, where the apartheidsystem used it as a racial epithet and official population designator (Herbert,1993: ix). Accordingly, attempts have been made, but have not gained academiccurrency or acceptance both locally or internationally, to replace the term ‘Bantu’with ‘Kintu‘ or ‘Sintu‘ (see, for instance, Khumalo, 1984; Mfenyana, 1977) or toavoid it altogether (Poulos, 1990: 2). Thus, in African language studies, the termBantu remains the most generally used term to describe a family of languagesthat share the aforementioned features.

The Bantu languages of South Africa were first reduced to writing in the 19thcentury, and until 1860 their literatures were confined to translation of scripture(Lanham, 1978: 16). The first printed text appeared in isiXhosa in 1823; this wasfollowed by a dictionary in 1826, a grammar in 1834 and a translation of the NewTestament in 1846 (Schuring, 1990: 27). The Bantu languages are primarily usedfor everyday oral communication and enjoy limited use in some higher domains,particularly in the media and education. In education, for instance, the officialBantu languages are used as a medium of instruction only in the first four yearsof primary education at predominantly black schools; after that they are taughtin some schools, often in English, as optional subjects throughout the remainderof the educational system, including secondary and tertiary education.13 The offi-cial Bantu languages are also used in the media, especially on the radio and to alesser extent on the television and in the print media (see Language Spread,below).

According to the 1996 census figures, the speakers of Bantu languages, most ofwhom reside in rural areas, represent over two-thirds of South Africa’s entirepopulation. That most of these speakers reside in rural areas should be under-stood against the background of the then apartheid regime’s notorious ‘passlaws’, whose main goal was to restrict the movement of black people not onlyfrom the rural areas to the urban areas, but also from one area of urban concentra-tion to another (Omer-Cooper, 1999: 975). As a result of the demise of apartheid,increasing numbers of black South Africans have been flocking to urban areas in


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search of employment and better living conditions. Consequently, the urbanpopulation of speakers of Bantu languages is likely to increase in the years ahead.In the next section, I shall briefly describe the Bantu language groups outlinedpreviously, with a focus on the Nguni, Sotho, Venda and Tsonga, drawingmostly on Schuring (1990). But first, it is worth noting that besides these Bantulanguage groups, a number of other languages, including Bantu and non-Bantulanguages, are spoken in South Africa. Mention can be made for instance ofBantu languages such as Shona and ciChewa, spoken by migrant workers fromneighbouring African countries (e.g. Zimbabwe, Malawi); of pidgins such asFanagalo, Iscamtho, Tsotsitaal, which are the product of contacts between indig-enous languages, English, Afrikaans, and the languages spoken by migrantworkers; and of non-Bantu languages such as Khoi-San (also spelt Khoisan orKhoesan) languages, of which only Nama is spoken in South Africa. Lanham(1978: 14) remarks that the Khoi-San distinction is a cultural one associated withsalient differences between a socially and economically more complex society ofnomadic cattle keepers (Khoi, meaning ‘humans’ and San, ‘hunter-gatherers’).The majority of Khoisan, especially Nama speakers, are concentrated in Namibiaand Botswana, but a few can be found in South Africa’s Western Cape Province,where they are identified as ‘Coloured’ (Lanham, 1978: 15). The new Constitu-tion of South Africa provides for the protection and development of the Khoisanlanguages. Nama is offered as a subject in schools that have a high population ofNama speakers. Recently the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC)launched a radio station in the Northern Cape Province to promote the Khoisanlanguages: Nama, Xu and Khwe (Daily News, 12 September 2000).

The Nguni languagesThe Nguni language family includes isiZulu, isiXhosa, isiNdebele and

siSwati. Each of these languages has its own history (for details see Schapera,1937; Schuring, 1990) and all have, in their development, been influenced by thelanguages with which they came into contact, among them the Khoisanlanguages and later Afrikaans and English. The scope of this monograph doesnot lend itself to covering the history of each individual Nguni language. It issufficient to note that the ancestors of the Nguni-speaking people migrated fromcentral Africa and have settled on the east coast of South(ern) Africa since at leastthe 16th century (Ownby, 1981). Here, they came into contact with the Khoisanpeople, whose languages (most of which are now extinct) have left their mark inthe Nguni languages. In particular, the presence in Nguni of the click sounds isevidence of the Khoisan influence on the Nguni languages. Linguistically, theNguni languages can be divided into two groups: Zunda Nguni and ThekelaNguni (Schuring, 1990: 25). IsiXhosa, isiZulu and (Southern) isiNdebele belongto the Zunda group, while siSwati and (Northern) isiNdebele belong to theThekela group. The main distinguishing feature between the Zunda Nguni andthe Thekela Nguni is the use, by the former, of /z/ instead of /t/ and vice versa,as in isiXhosa imizi versus Siswati imiti (villages). Despite this difference, theNguni languages are to a large extent mutually intelligible. The majority of SouthAfrica’s population have one of these languages as a home language.

In Bryan’s (1959: 152) classification of Bantu languages, the Nguni languages,isiXhosa, isiZulu, siSwati and isiNdebele, are placed in Zone S.41, S.42, S.43 and


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S.44 respectively (also, see Guthrie, 1971). The term ‘Zone’ refers to a group oflanguages ‘which have a certain geographical contiguity and which display anumber of common linguistic features as well’ (Guthrie, 1948: 28; for a summaryof these features see Guthrie, 1948: 67–70). Thus, linguistically there is no reasonto treat isiXhosa (S.41) as distinct from isiZulu (S.42), siSwati (S.43) or isiNdebele(S.44); they could easily be regarded as a cluster of dialects (Guthrie, 1948: 29). Asa matter of fact, it is on these grounds that, about 60 years ago, a proposal wasmade and recently revived that the two main language groups, the Ngunilanguages and the Sotho languages (discussed below) should each be harmo-nised internally (Alexander, 1989). That is, a single written variety common to allthe languages within each language group should be developed for use in schooltextbooks and to facilitate closer unity between the language communities. Thelanguage communities concerned (i.e. the Nguni and the Sotho) rejected harmo-nisation on three grounds.

(1) They felt that developing a new language through harmonisation wouldresult in the loss of their respective native languages and sociocultural iden-tity (Webb & Sure, 2000).

(2) Speakers of smaller languages within each group (e.g. Swati and Ndebelefor Nguni and Tswana for Sotho) saw harmonisation as a malicious attemptto undermine their languages and assimilate them into the larger languagecommunities.

(3) Purists in each language group rejected harmonisation for, in their view, itwould erode the ‘purity’ of their respective languages. Besides, some criticshave characterised ‘harmonisation’ as ‘neo-Bantu linguistic engineering’,arguing that ‘no sizeable group of people has ever been willing to learn anartificial language which is not already the language of a speech commu-nity’ (van den Berghe, 1990: 59).

Others see ‘harmonisation’ as arising from a fear or distrust of multi-lingualism, thus projecting the latter as a problem rather than a resource (Heugh,1996: 46).

The Sotho languagesThe Sotho languages constitute the second largest Bantu language group in

South Africa. This group consists of three major languages: Sesotho, Sepedi andSetswana, also known as Southern Sotho, Northern Sotho and Western Sotho,respectively. Sepedi (i.e. Northern Sotho) is the largest of the three Sotholanguages, with 3.6 million speakers; it is followed by Setswana with 3.3 millionspeakers and Sesotho with 3.1 million speakers. All three varieties have devel-oped from several Middle Sotho dialects. Like the Nguni language group, theSotho languages (except, to some degree, Southern Sesotho) are also mutuallyintelligible. Setswana and Sesotho have official status in Botswana and Lesotho,respectively; they are spoken, each in their region, as first language by the major-ity of these countries’ respective populations. Setswana is a written language ofthe Middle Sotho dialects, as are Sepedi and Sesotho. Geographically, the mainareas of concentration of the Sotho languages include, for Sesotho: the Free State,Transkei, Lesotho; for Sepedi: Mpumalanga, Lebowa (Northern Province),northern Gauteng; and for Setswana: Northwest Province, Northern Cape,


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Mpumalanga, and Botswana (Nyati-Ramahobo, 2000). Linguistically, the Sotholanguages differ from the Nguni languages in that the former have fewer nasalclusters than the latter (Schuring, 1990). The first printed text in a Sotho language,a catechism, appeared in 1835 and was written in (Southern) Sesotho (or simplySetswana according to Breutz (1989: 10), who uses ‘Setswana’ as a cover term forall the Sotho languages). It was followed by a translation of the New Testamentinto Setswana in 1840, and readers in Sepedi in 1870 (Schapera & Cameroff,[1953] 1991: 11; Schuring, 1990: 29–30).

The TsongaThe Tsonga language group consists of Ronga and Tshwa, both spoken in

Mozambique, and Xitsonga, spoken in South Africa. The Xitsonga speakers inSouth Africa come originally from Mozambique, where Tsonga tribes have livedsince at least the 15th century (Schuring, 1990: 31). The Tsonga are said to be avery enterprising, innovative and mobile people, travelling and settling longdistances away from their original home. The Xitsonga language itself is said tobe a result of code mixing between Zulu and the original Tsonga dialects. A highconcentration of Xitsonga speakers can be found in Gazankulu (Northern Prov-ince), Mpumalanga, and Gauteng. Some pockets of Xitsonga speakers are alsofound in Zimbabwe. Like the other official indigenous language (e.g. Tshivenda,isiNdebele, isiZulu, etc.) in South Africa, Xitsonga is used as a medium of learn-ing in lower primary education, especially in Xitsonga-speaking areas, and as anoptional subject in upper-level education including secondary school anduniversity. Also, like Tshivenda and other minor official indigenous languages,Xitsonga is used in radio and television broadcasts, but not to the same extent asthe major official languages such as isiZulu, isiXhosa, and Sesotho, let aloneEnglish and Afrikaans. Compared to the Nguni and Sotho languages which werewritten down much earlier, Xitsonga was put in writing by missionaries onlytowards the end of the 19th century.

The VendaThe Venda people migrated from Zimbabwe and settled in the Northern

Province of South Africa at the beginning of the 18th century. Their language,Tshivenda, spoken by less than a million persons, is related to Shona of Zimba-bwe and is the smallest of all the official indigenous languages in South Africa.Tshivenda shares common linguistic features, as already discussed, with theother official indigenous languages. However, it is not mutually intelligible withany of these languages. Schuring (1990) describes Tshivenda as a relativelyhomogenous language, with little dialectal variation. According to Poulos (1990:8), the following are the only known dialects of Tshivenda, with the first consid-ered to be the standard dialect of the language: Tshiphani, Tshiilafuri, Tshironga,Tshimbedzi, Tshilembethu and Tshitavhatsindi. Like Xitsonga, Tshivenda wasgraphised towards the end of the 19th century.

Contact languages: Fanagalo, Tsotsitaal, IscamthoThe South African linguistic scene includes not only the language groups

described in the previous sections, but also the following pidgin languages:Fanagalo, Tsotsitaal and Iscamtho. Brown (1995: 312) considers Fanagalo (alsospelt Fanakalo) to be of uncertain genesis; while Cole (1953) describes it as a


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mixture of isiZulu and English initiated by Indian indentured labourers on thesugar plantations in Natal from approximately 1860. Cole attributes the origin ofFanagalo to the Indians, because the Zulus referred to Fanagalo as isikhulu (thelanguage of the ‘coolies’ – a derogative term for Indians). Mesthrie (1992, 1995a)disputes this view and argues that Fanagalo predates the arrival of Indians inNatal, describing it as ‘a pidgin language of Southern Africa’ (1995: 142), ‘stablefor over a hundred years, showing the effects of contact between Germaniclanguages (Afrikaans and English) and South East Bantu languages (specificallythe Nguni languages – isiZulu and to a lesser extent, isiXhosa)’ (Mesthrie, 1992:57). The discovery of gold and diamonds in the 1880s led to the proliferation ofmineworkers in Johannesburg and Kimberly respectively. The plethora oflanguages spoken by the mineworkers, some from as far afield as Zambia andMalawi, necessitated a common medium of communication. Fanagalo providedthis medium. It seems that since then Fanagalo has gradually been replaced byAfrikaans, especially in the mines. The shift from Fanagalo to Afrikaans is said tohave gained momentum after the election of the National Party Government in1948. Whatever the factors in the development or the arguments over the originsof Fanagalo, most studies do at least concur that in South Africa Fanagalo is anurban, out-group language used mainly for communication between whiteemployer/master and black employee/servant (Calteaux, 1996: 54; Makhudu,1995: 298; Mesthrie, 1992: 57). In the black communities, Fanagalo is generallyseen as a language of exploitation (Makhudu, 1995: 298), as an insulting languagein which the white employer orders the black employee around (Lynn, 1995: 57),and as a language which the Africans (especially the educated ones) invariablyassociate with racist attitudes (Calteaux, 1996: 55; Ntshangase, 1993: 116).Despite all these negative attributes, there is ethnographic evidence, discussed inAdendorff (1995: 188–91) and in Calteaux (1996: 67) that, at times, Blacks useFanagalo to express solidarity with one another and to reinforce interpersonalrelationships, or to communicate with one another if no other common mediumis available.

Tsotsitaal, also known as Flaaitaal (i.e. ‘fly language’, from the English verb ‘tofly’ and the Afrikaans noun taal ‘language’) is mainly an Afrikaans-based pidginwhich emerged early in the 20th century from contacts between a non-standarddialect of Afrikaans and Nguni languages (especially isiZulu) in the black town-ships in Johannesburg (e.g. Sophiatown) and Pretoria (e.g. Lady Selborne)(Ponelis, 1993: 61). Etymologically, the name ‘Tsotsitaal’ consists of the Sothomorpheme tsotsi (con, thief, city-wise) and the Afrikaans morpheme taal ‘lan-guage’. Iscamtho is an isiZulu/Sesotho-based pidgin arising from code switchingbetween English and these two languages. Unlike Fanagalo, both Tsotsitaal andIscamtho are in-group languages associated with criminality and commonlyused in the townships for interaction among equals, especially younger urbanblack males or ‘townies’ (Ponelis, 1993: 59), to mark urbanism, slickness, progres-siveness, sophistication, city-wiseness, modernity and in-group solidarity(Calteaux, 1996: 58, 73–5; Makhudu, 1995: 301; Ntshangase, 1993: 18; 1995: 292,295). Calteaux (1996: 64–76) provides a sociolinguistic profile of each of thepidgin languages considered here, including their origins and developments,linguistic make-up, variations, domains of use, interlocutors, status, and func-tions in black communities.


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Language and religionSouth Africa is not only a multilingual and multiracial country, but also it is

religiously plural. Besides the indigenous religions commonly known as AfricanIndependent or Traditional Religions, South Africa is also home for nearly everyreligious tradition that constitutes what has often been referred to as ‘worldreligions’: Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism,Confucianism, Zionism, Zoroastrianism (Parseeism), etc. There are four majorreligions in South Africa. These are, in numerical order, Christianity, AfricanTraditional Religions, Hinduism and Islam. Table 3 presents the number of


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Table 3 Membership of the various religions as a percentage of the total

Religion 1980 census 1991 census

Christian churches 77.0 66.4

Hinduism 1.8 1.3

Islam 1.1 1.1

Judaism 0.4 0.2

Other faiths 0.1 0.1

No religion 2.1 1.2

Nothing/object 3.1 29.7*

Uncertain 14.4*

* The people in these two categories are believed to include many members of the Africantraditional religions.

Table 4 Membership of the Christian churches as a percentage of the total(Kritzinger, 1993)

Churches 1980 census 1991 census

African Independent churches 26.6* 33.5*

Dutch Reformed churches (NGK) 17.9 15.6

Roman Catholic 12.3 11.4

Methodist 11.4 8.8

Anglican 8.4 5.7

Lutheran 4.6 3.8

Presbyterian 3.2 2.2

Apostolic Faith Mission 1.5 2.0

Congregational 2.5 1.9

Dutch Reformed churches (NHK) 1.5 1.3

Baptist 1.3 1.2

Dutch Reformed (GK) 1.0 0.8

Other Apostolic churches 2.5 2.8

Other Pentecostal churches 2.6 2.3

Other churches 2.7 6.9

*These figures include members of the Zion Christian Church, whose following rose from2.7% of all Christians in 1980 to 7.4% in 1991.



members of the various religions practised in the country and Table 4 themembership of the Christian churches. Subsequently, data will be presentedabout the languages in which the various religions are practised.

In spite of this religious pluralism, in the apartheid era South Africa waspersistently declared a Christian country, underwritten by a particular Protest-ant, national understanding of Christianity. The country’s inherent religiousdiversity was not officially acknowledged, nor was its linguistic diversity, exceptwhere this was convenient for the purpose of dividing and thus having politicalcontrol over the majority of the country’s population, the Blacks. Christianity,says de Gruchy (1995: 28), developed in South Africa along two distinct paths. Inthe first instance, it was the established religion of the European powers, bothDutch and later British, who colonised the Cape from the mid–17th centuryonwards. The second strand in the development of Christianity came as a resultof missions to the indigenous peoples of South Africa, peoples who were thoughtnot to have any religion at all (see later), and to those who had been brought to theCape as slaves from the east. The discussion that follows examines the role of thechurch and religion in language promotion in South Africa, with a focus first onDutch, Afrikaans and English; and then on the African languages.

Dutch/Afrikaans, English and religionThe first white settlers to arrive at the Cape, the Dutch, were Protestants and

belonged to the Nederlandse Gereformeerde Kerk, or Dutch Reformed Church(DRC). Their commander, Jan van Riebeeck, a ship’s surgeon by profession,regarded the establishment and promotion of the Reformed religion as part of hismandate. Reformed Christianity, which derived from the Swiss Reformation ledby John Calvin in the first half of the 16th century, had already become the estab-lished religion in Holland by 1579, after that country had won its independencefrom Catholic Spain (Chidester, 1996: 29). Against this background Jan vanRiebeeck and the company he headed, the Vereenigde Nederlandsche Ge-Octroy-eerde Oost-Indische Companie, or the United Netherlands Chartered East IndiaCompany, expressly forbade the practice of Roman Catholicism in the Cape. So,the Dutch Reformed Church became the established church at the Cape of GoodHope. Throughout the era of ‘Dutchification’ (see Language Policy andPlanning, below), Dutch was not only the language of administration in thecolony, but it was also the language of the Dutch Reformed Church. It providedthe medium through which church services and activities were conducted. Aswill be pointed out in Part III, the status of Dutch changed when the British tookcontrol of the Cape from them first in 1795 and then effectively in 1806; theybanned Dutch especially from administration and education and imposedEnglish (hence ‘Anglicisation’) throughout the colony. The British authorityused what Sundermeier (1975) calls the myth of the Chosen People to justify Brit-ish imperialism in the colony. One advocate of this imperialism, Cecil Rhodes,justified it religiously as follows:

Only one race ... approach God’s ideal type, his own Anglo-Saxon race;God’s purpose then was to make the Anglo-Saxon race predominant, andthe best way to help on God’s work and fulfil His purpose in the world wasto contribute to the predominance of the Anglo-Saxon race and so bringnearer the reign of justice, liberty and peace. (Sundermeier, 1975: 25)


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In other words, the mythology of the Chosen People served, among other factors,as justification for Anglicising the conquered territories. English was thelanguage not only of administration but also of the Anglican Church. With theCape now in British hands, the way was opened for a steady inflow ofEnglish-speaking Christians belonging to various denominations including theAnglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational, Catholic, and Baptistchurches (Prozesky, 1995a: 9). Anxious to promote English and to further reducethe influence of Dutch, Lord Charles Somerset, governor of the Cape from 1814 to1826, brought out Scottish Presbyterian ministers to serve in Dutch Reformedchurches and Englishmen to teach in country schools (Moodie, 1975: 5). Despitethese efforts, says Ponelis (1993), Dutch remained the language of the DutchReformed Church, which was then the most powerful Dutch church in the Cape.After the Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902), the ideological battle involving Englishand Dutch (later Afrikaans) intensified and, as was pointed out above, Afrikaansbecame the focus of Afrikaner nationalism. On the religious front, the battleagainst Anglicisation was led by the ‘Doppers’, that is, conservative members ofthe Dutch Reformed Church who considered themselves Christian Afrikanerswhose whole development came from, and was the fruit of, Christian principles.Willem Postma, who introduced the term Doppers in his book of the same namepublished in 1918, explains that the term comes from the Dutch domper, thedevice used to extinguish candles. Like this device, the Doppers earned theirnickname because they fought to extinguish the ‘new light’ of the Enlightenment(i.e. new ways of life introduced in South Africa by British imperialism throughits agents, e.g. missionaries, soldiers, settlers and officials) which threatened todestroy Afrikanerdom. Accordingly, the Doppers were with heart and soulanti-English. For them, the threat of Anglicisation meant destruction of their reli-gion, culture and language. They shared the view, expressed by Professor W. J.Viljoen of Stellenbosch, that, as a result of the defeat of the Boers by the British inthe Anglo-Boer War, ‘The Republics (i.e. the Orange Free State and the SouthAfrican Republic) have fallen and with them their independence, but our auton-omy as a South African nation has been retained ... in two things: our Church andour Language’ (Hexham, 1981: 135). The two republics, now lost to the BritishEmpire, inspired and became a rallying point for young Afrikaner writers,constantly challenging them to true patriotism. This is discussed, in religiousterms, by Dunbar Moodie who says that ‘The Republics, like Christ, had comeand yet were to come. Even as Christ’s resurrection was the promised first fruitsof the final resurrection, so the Orange Free State and the South African Republicwere the first-fruits of a republican second coming’ (Moodie, 1975: 14). As far as‘language and religion’ was concerned, Hexham (1981: 135–6) adds that ‘whilethe return of the Republics was awaited, Afrikaans became the Holy Spirit of therepublican movement, the Doppers. It was their comforter; a symbol and seal ofthe promised fulfilment’, and the sole instrument they had to ensure the survivalof their nation and religion.

So, the necessity of developing Afrikaans was seen by the Dopper leaders as anessential part of their struggle to maintain a distinct Afrikaner identity and thuspreserve their own religious community. Put differently, to preserve their identityas a religious community the Doppers realised how essential it was to preserve thelanguage, Afrikaans, which set them apart from the English. A Dopper writing in


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the student magazine Fac et spera (Act and Hope) declared, ‘for our nation tosurvive our language must survive’ because ‘it is our language which makes ournation a separate nation’ (Hexham, 1981: 123). Another Dopper, writing in HetKerblad (lit: The Journal of Knowledge) (4 January 1905), summed up these rela-tionships between the church, Afrikanerdom and language as follows: ‘We strug-gle for the preservation of Afrikanerdom, our Nationality, our Religion, and ourLanguage’. To maintain Afrikaans was, therefore, not merely a national duty but areligious one as well: ‘The soul of our private religious lives is our language’ (W.Postma, in The Vriends des Volks (The Friends of the People (28 October 1910)). Thekey to preserving their language was therefore religious: Postma adds, ‘Take awayour language and we will become Englishmen and accept their (i.e. the English)religion’. The language, Afrikaans, would express the Afrikaners’ unique charac-ter as a people, or volk, with its own culture, history and religion, since no national-ity could be created without its own language (Giliomee, 1989: 34). Reaffirmingthis religious legitimisation of the volk in 1944, the chairman of the Broederbond, J.C.van Rooy, asserted that God created the Afrikaner people with a unique language,a unique philosophy of life, and their own history and tradition in order that theymight fulfil a particular calling and destiny here in the southern corner of Africa(Moodie, 1975: 110–11; Thompson, 1985: 29).

The Doppers‘ preoccupation with and view of themselves as a distinct race,separate from the British and the Blacks, is said to have laid the seeds forafschieding (separation), later to become known as apartheid (Moodie, 1975;Villa-Vicencio, 1988). They were staunch advocates of this ideology of apartheid,with some arguing for its implementation from 1905 onwards (Hexham, 1981:180). Accordingly, the Doppers advocated teaching biblical history in conjunctionwith national history so that one would succour the other and help create astrong national consciousness among Afrikaners. The church, which until thenexclusively utilised Dutch rather than Afrikaans, was won over in the course ofthe decade 1910–1920 and gave its approval to the translation of the Bible intoAfrikaans. In this regard, Ponelis (1993: 54) notes that a draft translationappeared in 1922, followed by the final version in 1933. The church’s endorse-ment of Afrikaans was followed, in 1925, by the recognition of Afrikaans as oneof the official languages of the state alongside Dutch and English.

The official recognition of Afrikaans prompted the state to begin systematicand widespread translation into Afrikaans, which presupposed extensive termi-nological research. A central bureau for translation and terminology was insti-tuted in the civil service, assisted by similar bureaux in a host of governmentinstitutions (the Departments of Transport, Postal Services, Mining, Defence,Geological Survey, etc.) and parastatal organisations (the Broadcasting Author-ity, the Energy Supply Commission (ESCOM)) (Ponelis, 1993). The DutchReformed Church, and the Doppers in particular, saw themselves, as far as racialmatters were concerned, as the mouthpiece for all Afrikaners. In this capacity,they declared: ‘It is the conviction of the majority of Afrikaans-speaking SouthAfricans and the majority of the Dutch Reformed Church that the only way ofinsuring the continued survival of the nation is by observing the principles ofracial separation’ (Strassburger, 1974: 190). As might be expected, after theNational Party came to power in 1948, those principles of racial separationsupported by the Dutch Reformed Church were legislated in the Mixed


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Marriages Act (1949), the Population Registration Act (1950), the Group AreasAct (1950), and the Immorality Amendment Act (1950). Also, the DutchReformed Church became more militant than the Government in demandingtotal racial separation (Chidester, 1992: 199).

Conventionally, Protestant churches in South Africa have been separated bylanguage (Hofmeyr & Cross, 1986). Churches speaking Dutch, and later Afrikaans,have been distinguished from English-speaking churches. The largest and mostinfluential English-speaking churches have been the Anglican and Methodistchurches (Hinchliff, 1963). Other churches that belong in this category ofEnglish-speaking churches include the Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Baptistsand Lutherans. Afrikaans-speaking churches include the Nederduitse GereformeerdeKerk (i.e. Dutch Reformed Church), the one with the largest followings; and twoReformed churches, the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk (founded 1853) and theGereformeerde Kerk (founded 1859, also known as the Doppers) (de Gruchy, 1995:28–32). The Reformed denomination churches remain the stronghold of Afrikaans,but that language is poorly represented among Roman Catholic churches, which inthe main are English speaking. English is also said to be much stronger in the Charis-matic denominations that are growing rapidly among Afrikaans speakers(Hinchliff, 1963; Ponelis, 1993). Afrikaans-speaking churches, though small, lentconsiderable support to the development of the ideology of white supremacy, Afri-kaner nationalism, and apartheid. As a matter fact, Chidester (1996: 75) says that ‘theDutch Reformed Church was organized as a branch of government. It rejected socialequality of Blacks and Whites in South Africa, and promoted social differentiationand spiritual or cultural segregation’. The following section looks at the role of thechurch and religion in the development and promotion of African languages.

African languages and religionIn this section, the European traders and missionaries’ view about the people

of South Africa and their religious beliefs is presented to provide the backgroundagainst which language and religion interacted in this part of the world. This willbe followed by a discussion of the emergence and development of independentchurches and of the impact of missionaries on the development of Africanlanguages in the region.

Earlier contacts between Europeans and the indigenous people of South(ern)Africa began not with the first European settlers in the Cape, the Dutch of ‘DutchEast India Company’, but rather with the Portuguese navigators in 1488, espe-cially Bartolemeu Dias, whose raising of a cross at Kwaaihoek on thesouth-eastern coast is the first known Christian act in South Africa (Prozesky &de Gruchy, 1995). Almost a decade later, in 1497, another Portuguese sailornamed Da Gama gave a Christian name to the eastern coastal area, Tierra da Natal(Land of the Nativity), for he sighted the area, the present-day Province ofKwaZulu-Natal, on Christmas day (Prozesky, 1995b). According to publishedresearch, these early contacts between Europeans and Africans had nothing to dowith religion (e.g. Beck, 1989; Du Plessis, 1965; Greetz, 1973; Prozesky, 1995a). Ifthe account given by Du Plessis (1965) of how the Dutch East India Company wasfounded is anything to go by, the contacts were based on commercial enterprise:

In 1648, the Dutch East Indiaman ‘Haarlem’ was stranded on thenorth-eastern shore of Table Bay. The crew reached the shore in safety, and


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made their way to the spot on which Cape Town was subsequently built.On their return to Holland five months later, two of the wrecked marinersnamed Leendert Jansz and Nicolaas Proot, drew up a document which theyentitled: ‘Remonstrance, in which is briefly set forth and explained theservice, advantage and profit which will accrue to the United Netherlands Char-tered East India Company, from making a Fort and Garden at the Cabo de BoaEsperance’ ... The man to whom was entrusted the task of carrying out thisimportant project was Jan van Riebeeck, a ship surgeon by profession, aman who thus became the founder of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.(du Plessis, 1965: 19) (emphasis added)

It seems that, as Prozesky (1995a: 7) puts it, the European impact on SouthAfrica was, neither in its origins nor in its subsequent main line of development,primarily motivated by religious conviction, and not especially by any greatmissionary concern for the soul of Africa. Reporting back home on their contactswith the indigenous people of South(ern) Africa, Portuguese, Dutch and Englishtraders asserted that Africans had no religion (Chidester, 1996: 15). This assess-ment was echoed by early missionaries to South Africa. The London MissionarySociety, for instance, assumed that Africans provided a natural focus for Satan’sattention, and saw them as ‘essential sinners, as people of wild birth and darkcolour who, in the order of things, lived like children unknowingly close to evil’(Landau, 1995: xvi). Landau observes further that African worship of fetisheswas described, in the words of Godefroy Loyer in 1714, as neither a cult, nor areligion, nor rational, because ‘not one of them [the Africans] knows his religion’.As the Wesleyan missionary William J. Shrewsbury put it, the indigenous peopleof southern Africa lived ‘without any religion, true or false’ (Chidester, 1996: 13).J.T. van der Kemp wrote back to London in 1800 about Xhosa-speaking people hestayed with in the eastern Cape: ‘I never could perceive that they had any reli-gion, nor any idea of the existence of God’ (Van der Kemp, 1804: 432). Twentyyears after van der Kemp, the Methodist missionary to the Xhosa, William Shaw,argued that they (i.e. the Xhosa) ‘cannot be said to possess any religion’, while inthe north, the Methodist T. L. Hodgson reported that the Tswana ‘appear to haveno religious worship’, ‘with no idea of a spirit’ (Cope, 1977: 155, 367). Like theXhosas, the Tswanas and other South(ern) Africans, the Zulus were also believedto have no religion. For instance, the survivors of the shipwreck of the Stavenisee,as reported by Simon van der Stel, the Cape Governor to the Netherlands in 1689,had discovered an absence of religion among people in the eastern coastalregion: ‘During the two years and eleven months which they passed amongstthat people (i.e. the Zulus)’, the Cape Governor recorded, ‘they were unable todiscover amongst them the slightest trace of religion’ (Chidester, 1996: 118–19).Further, Chidester notes that during the 16th and 17th centuries, travel reportsfrequently coupled the lack of religion with the absence of other defining humanfeatures, such as the institution of marriage, a system of law, or any form of politi-cal organisation. In many cases, the diagnosis of an alien society without religionwas delivered bluntly in the assertion that such people were brutes and beasts incomparison to Europeans (1996: 13).

This initial, sweeping denial of African religion, says Chidester (1992: 38),represented South Africa as if it were totally open for missionary activity and


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Christian conversion. Soon enough, however, Europeans began labelling aspectsof southern African behaviour in religious terms. Looking at BaTswana, forexample, what might otherwise be called ‘invoked ancestors’ became demons,and dingaka (priest healers) aware of the ancestors’ presence were termed ‘sorcer-ers’ (Geertz, 1973). By the 1850s, Christian missionaries had been forced by theirengagement with African resistance to conversion into acknowledging, grudg-ingly, that Africans did in fact have a religion, but one which, in the words of thegovernment agent, J.C. Warner, in the eastern Cape, ‘ [was] a regular system ofsuperstition which answers all the purposes of any other false religion’(Chidester, 1996: 13). They discovered that the Africans did indeed believe in aSupreme Being, a God, and that this God had a name: Modimo in Setswana andSesotho, uNkulunkulu in isiZulu and siSwati, Mudzimu in Tshivenda, xiKwembuin Xitsonga, uZimu in isiNdebele, Qamatha in isiXhosa, etc. This Supreme Being isclosely associated with natural phenomena. The essence of mystery, It evokes asense of awe. It represents the ultimate source of man’s well-being, but is notdirectly involved in the affairs of the living. Its influence is mediated through theancestors, badimo in Setswana, amadlozi in isiZulu, makhulukulu in Venda,izinyanya in isiXhosa, etc. One missionary after another suddenly found evidenceof this once ‘unknown God’ among the many language groups in the region. W.JColenso found it among the Zulu in the 1850s, Henry Callaway among the Xhosain the 1870s, and D.F. Ellenberger among the Sotho-Tswana at the beginning ofthe 20th century (Beck, 1989; Cope, 1977). In brief, the missionaries found that allAfricans in south(ern) Africa, simply by virtue of birth, actually had a religion, acommon, generic religious system that could be identified as Bantu religion. Thediscovery that black South Africans had a God was not an accident. Chidester(1996) explains that this discovery came about after the European colonialauthorities, in collusion with the church, had achieved their initial goal toconquer and impose their power over the African people. Put differently, thediscovery of an indigenous religious system in southern Africa depended uponcolonial conquest and domination. Once conquered, dispossessed and containedunder colonial control, the African people, who supposedly lacked any religionat the beginning of the 19th century, were all credited with having the same reli-gious system at the century’s end (Chidester, 1992, 1996; Cobbing, 1988; duPlessis, [1911] 1965; Geertz, 1973; Hofmeyr & Cross, 1986).

An assessment of the impact of missionaries in South Africa must acknowl-edge both good and ill. Indeed, Christian missions in South Africa were inter-linked with the economic, social, and military advance of European colonialinterests. In different ways, and with different intentions, Christian missionariesappeared as agents of conquest (Majeke, 1952). The implication of Christianmissions in conquest gave rise to the common aphorism that ‘when the whitemen came to Africa, the black man had the land and the white man had the Bible,[but] now the black man has the Bible and the white man the land’ (Zulu, 1972: 5).Although in some ways they were destructive, the missionaries also broughttangible advantages. Perhaps most comprehensive were literacy and education(Ashley, 1974, 1980, 1982; Lye & Murray, 1980: 67). From the start, they foundedschools, which remained the basis of local educational systems. The churchbecame the first context where the indigenous languages were used as writtenlanguages. Put differently, the educational system of South Africa developed out


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of the work of the churches. So the kind of language used in church and schoolbecame the ‘standard’ among the new elite. Kritzinger (1995) points out that ofthe larger churches, only the Dutch Reformed Church family (NGK) has an abso-lute majority of speakers of a specific language, Afrikaans. The Anglican Churchfamily (AC) has 50% of its members speaking either English or Afrikaans ashome language. The Zulu speakers, as the largest language group, have a strongrepresentation (more than 1 out of 3) in churches such as the African TraditionalChurches (ATR), Roman Catholic (RC) and Lutheran Churches. In general, everychurch has (on a national level) sizeable representation of ten or more languages.At the local level, especially in the rural areas, there are however many monolin-gual congregations.

When missionaries first arrived in South Africa, they did not speak any of thelocal languages, so it was difficult for them to convert the Africans to Christian-ity. Initially they utilised a wide range of material means, goods and services,which might help promote this aim. However, they soon realised that to reachout to the indigenous people and preach the word of God to them, they had tolearn local languages. The Protestant missionaries believed people had to get theBible in their own language (Petersen, 1987). They were convinced that the expe-rience of Pentecost, when everyone heard the message of the great deeds of God‘in his own language’ (Acts 2), also had to become real for this new languagegroup (Kritzinger, 1995). That is why so much effort was put into the reduction ofthe language into writing, and the subsequent translation of the Bible into thevarious African languages. By the turn of the 20th century, complete Bibles hadbeen published in five South African indigenous languages: Setswana (1857),isiXhosa (1859), Sesotho (1881), isiZulu (1883) and Sepedi (Northern Sotho)(1904). The Setswana Bible of Robert Moffat was not only the first in any Africanlanguage, these five were among the first eight to be published (Kritzinger, 1995).According to Human Science Research Council (HSRC) (1985: 20–24), in 1984among South African Blacks there were 2,419,000 Methodists (11%); 2,022,000Roman Catholics (9.4%); 1,300,000 Dutch Reformed (6.1%); 1,224,000 Anglicans(5.7%); 948,000 Lutherans (4.4%); 516,000 Presbyterians (2.4%); 297,000 Congre-gationalists (1.4%); and 141,000 members of the Apostolic Faith Mission (0.7%).

European missionaries were later joined in their effort to spread the word ofGod by African independent churches that emerged and proliferated in numberfrom the early 20th century onwards. In this regard, Oosthuizen et al. (1989: 5)note that from an estimated 32 independent denominations in 1913, indigenouschurches had multiplied to 800 in 1948, 2000 in 1960, and nearly 5000 differentdenominations by 1990 with an estimated following of about 9,000 000 adherentsor 30% of the black population of South Africa (Oosthuizen, 1987, 1989). AfricanTraditional churches are known for their strong emphasis on healing. Thisemphasis appears to be one of the main reasons for the phenomenal growth ofthese churches. One of the most prominent independent churches that attracts ahuge following mainly because of its emphasis on healing is the Church of theNazarites, started in 1911 by the Zulu prophet and healer, Isaiah Shembe. By thetime of Shembe’s death in 1935, the Church of the Nazarites had a following ofnearly 30,000 members, almost completely comprised of Zulu-speaking converts(Sundkler, 1961: 133). Today, one can estimate that the Shembe church has afollowing of about two million adherents in southern Africa. Table 5 provides the


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Table 5 The home languages of African Traditionalists (ATR), Hindus and Muslimsin South Africa, 1980 (in thousands and percentages)

Language ATR Hindu Muslim

Afrikaans 1 135

% 0.2 38.2

English 464 168

% 88.0 47.6

Gujerati 10 18

% 1.9 5.1

Hindi 21

% 4.0

Tamil 19

% 3.6

Telegu 2

% 0.4

Urdu 1 7

% 0.2 2.0

N.Ndebele 50

% 1.4

N.Sotho 861 1

% 24.9 0.3

S.Ndebele 42

% 1.2

S. Sotho 175

% 5.1

Swazi 121 1

% 3.5 0.3

Tsonga 339 1

% 9.8 0.3

Tswana 130

% 3.8

Venda 66

% 1.9

Xhosa 421

% 12.2

Zulu 1224 2

% 35.4 0.6

Total 3456 527 353

% 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: Republic of South Africa (RSA) (1985). Population Census 1980. Social characteris-tics. Report no. 02–80–12. Pretoria: Government Printer.



figures about the home languages of African Traditionalists (ATR), along withHindus and Muslims. As one might expect, African Traditional Religion is wellrepresented among most of the black language groups, while Hinduism is foundamong South African Indians.

Hinduism is to a large extent practised in one or other of the Indian languages.However, as a result of the language shift from the Indian languages to English,by far the majority of the South African Hindus are actually English speaking.South African Islam offers an interesting case study. Its official language isArabic, the language in which their holy book, the Quran, was written, but classi-cal Arabic is not a spoken (i.e. community) language and no form of Arabic isspoken in South Africa. This creates a formidable barrier to understanding. Onthe other hand, almost 40% of South African Muslims are Afrikaans speaking,and are generally credited to be original Afrikaans speakers (Kritzinger, 1995). (Itis known that the earliest written Afrikaans was in Arabic script). Apart from theofficial use of Arabic, therefore, the Holy Book is also translated into Afrikaansand English and these languages are used in general instruction and personalworship.

To conclude this discussion on language and religion in South Africa, let mereiterate that the country has a long history of language struggle, a history inwhich religion has been deeply embedded. On the one hand, religion has beenimplicated in forces of dehumanisation in South Africa. It has been entangledwith economic, social and political relations of power that have privileged some,but have excluded many from a fully human empowerment (Chidester, 1992: xi).Some of the European missionaries who settled in South Africa worked as spiesfor the colonial authorities (Cochrane, 1987; de Gruchy, 1995: 62) and so played amajor role in the oppression to which the African people were subjected. On theother hand, by introducing literacy and education in South Africa, among otherthings, the missionaries have contributed substantially to the development of thecountry and its linguistic heritage.

Language SpreadThis section discusses language use and spread in the media and education.

With regard to the media, the focus will be on language use in the medium of tele-vision, the radio and the print media. With respect to education, I shall examinelanguage spread in three historic periods, the pre-apartheid years, the apartheidyears, and the post-apartheid years. Each of these periods has its own distinctcharacteristics. The pre-apartheid years are marked by the struggle of theAfrikaners against the British policy of Anglicisation. The apartheid years aremarked by the policy of Bantu education, which, among other things, sought tobring Afrikaans to equality with English by using both of these languages as amedium of instruction in black schools. This policy and its legacy are discussedlater in this section. The post-apartheid years are marked by the dismantling ofthe administrative structure of apartheid-based education and the adoption of anew education system, the outcomes-based education, also called Curriculum2005. The section that follows describes language spread through education inthe aforementioned three historic periods.


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Language spread through education

The pre-apartheid yearsIn order to understand language spread through South Africa’s present

education system, it is important to look back at the country’s past educationsystem, and especially the legacy of colonialism and apartheid-based education.This is so because, although they often do, education systems do not alwayschange just because there is a change of government (Hofmeyr & Buckland, 1992:15). Also, as Archer (1984: 3) rightly observes, once a given form of educationexists, it exerts an influence on future educational change. In the pre-apartheidyears the South African education system reflected, in the main, the struggle ofthe Afrikaner people to escape the domination of the policy of Anglicisationintroduced in the earlier part of the 19th century by British rule (Engelbrecht,1992: 498). The British rule and with it English domination subsided, in theory,with the formation of the Union in 1910, when the parties involved agreed tobring English to equality with Dutch and to recognise the two languages as offi-cial languages of the newly formed Union:

Both the English and Dutch languages shall be official languages of theUnion, and shall be treated on a footing of equality and possess and enjoyequal freedom, rights and privilege. (Union Constitution, Article 137,quoted in Malherbe, 1977: 8–9)

Accordingly, Dutch served as the medium of instruction in Dutch schoolsuntil 1914, and then its offspring, Afrikaans, took over unofficially as themedium of instruction. The change over from Dutch to Afrikaans as a medium ofinstruction in schools and colleges was ratified by Parliament in 1925 (Malherbe,1977). The African languages had no place in the state’s educational system,whether as a medium of instruction or as a subject. Rather, the languages weremarginalised along with the political marginalisation of their speakers (McLean,1999: 12). In the early 1930s, missionaries requested that African languages beused as a medium of instruction in the early years of schooling. In this respect,Hartshorne (1995: 308) notes that by 1935 in all four provinces of South Africa‘vernacular language was a compulsory subject or a prerequisite for success injunior Certificate (Grade 10) or Senior Certificate (Grade 12)’. In regard to themedium of instruction, Hartshorne summarises the policy as follows for African(black) education:

the pupil’s mother tongue was to be used for the first six years of schoolingin Natal, for the first four years in the Cape and the Free State, and for thefirst two years in the Transvaal. Thereafter an official language – in practicealmost always English – was to be used as medium [of instruction].(Hartshorne, 1995: 308)

For the Afrikaners, the continued domination of English in education consti-tuted a barrier to the spread of Afrikaans and was perceived as a threat to Afri-kaner culture and identity. As Malherbe (1977: 3) observes, the Afrikaners feltthat ‘the language of the conqueror (English) in the mouth of the conquered (theAfrikaners) was the language of slaves’. Against this background, the Afrikanersunder the leadership of the movement The Afrikaner Broederbond (sworn broth-


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erhood) started what came to be known as the taal stryd (the language struggle)(Lanham, 1996: 25) against die vyand se taal (the language of the enemy), English(Branford, 1996: 39). In education this struggle expressed itself in a commitmentto separate schools, and in a rigid mother-tongue education policy (Hartshorne,1995: 309). In 1953, that is five years after the Afrikaners took the reins of govern-ment in 1948, this policy of mother-tongue education culminated in what came tobe known as the Bantu Education Act. I shall discuss this controversial piece oflegislation in a subsequent section. But first, let me give a brief introduction to theadministrative structure of the apartheid-based education system.

The apartheid years (1948–1994)In the apartheid era, South Africa had 19 distinct departments of education:

one national and four provincial departments for White education, one depart-ment for Indian education, one for Coloured education, and 12 for Black educa-tion, including one department each for the various black ethnic groups thatwere then divided into the so-called ‘ethnic homelands’. Each department ofeducation had its own language policies and was responsible for determiningassessment policies as well as the content of the curriculum. While it is beyondthe scope of this monograph to describe in detail the language-in-education poli-cies of each individual department of education, under each a child was exposedto 12 years of general education comprising, seven years for primary and fiveyears for secondary education. The educational system as a whole was dividedinto four phases: (1) the junior primary school phase (grades 1–3); (2) the seniorprimary school phase (grades 4–6); (3) the junior secondary school phase (grades7–9); and (4) the senior secondary school phase (grades 10–12). At the end of thelast year of secondary education (grade 12), each department of educationrequired pupils to sit a written public examination, known as the matriculationexamination. This examination determined access to tertiary education.

The ethnic segregation of the apartheid educational system was in keepingwith apartheid thinking that education was an ‘own affair’, that is, that eachethnic group had to look after its own interests including education (Hofmeyr &Buckland, 1992: 38). Accordingly, language, and first language in particularbecame central to apartheid-based education. For white education, English orAfrikaans was the medium of instruction throughout and beyond the 12 years ofgeneral education. In other words, there were English-medium and Afri-kaans-medium white schools, with the latter being attended mostly by theAfrikaners, that is to say, South African Whites of Dutch descent. Education wassegregated not only at the primary and secondary level, but also at the tertiarylevel. Separate institutions – both universities and colleges of education – wereset up for Black, Coloured, Indian and White students. Like primary and second-ary schools, white universities were also divided into Afrikaans- andEnglish-medium universities to cater for the education of Afrikaans- andEnglish-speaking Whites, respectively. That division exists to this day. However,it must be noted that in the current context the division is aimed at meeting theneeds not only of the Whites, but also of the Afrikaans-speaking andEnglish-speaking population at large. To cater for this population, most histori-cally Afrikaans universities are increasingly becoming dual-medium institu-tions, offering tuition in both English and Afrikaans.


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For ‘Indian’ education, as a result of the language shift to English in the Indiancommunities as described in The Language Profile of South Africa, above,English was used as the medium of instruction for primary, secondary andtertiary education. For ‘Coloured’ education, Afrikaans was, in general, themedium of instruction, since the majority of those racially classified as ‘Col-oured’ speak Afrikaans as a first language. Thus, for each of the ethnic groupsmentioned, education was provided exclusively through the medium of thegroup’s first language, English for Whites of British descent and the Indiancommunities, and Afrikaans for the Afrikaners and the majority of Colouredcommunities.

Education for the Black people was different from that for other ethnic groupsin many respects. First, in black schools, an African language was used asmedium of instruction for the first four years of primary education, years duringwhich, from grade two onwards, English and Afrikaans were taught as subjects.Second, English became the medium of instruction in the fifth grade. The switchfrom an African language to English as medium of instruction resulted in highrates of failure and extensive drop-out, and was attributed in part to the inade-quate linguistic preparation of the pupils in the second language prior to theswitch in the medium of instruction (Musker, 1993; Walters, 1996: 215). In thisrespect, Macdonald and Burroughs (1991: 15) observe that at the end of the fourthgrade, the pupils may have acquired up to 800 words in English but the fifthgrade syllabus required them to have at least 5000 words. According to Macdon-ald (1990) the disjuncture between the level of competence expected in thesecond language in the fourth grade and the adoption of this second language asthe medium of instruction in the fifth grade placed too great a burden on pupils.Also, pupils learning any L2 will be assisted by linguistic contact with nativespeakers of the target language. However, in South Africa the policy of separatedevelopment made it very difficult for black pupils to have contact withmother-tongue speakers to practise their English. These pupils, being barely ableto communicate in English, could not cope with the demands of the curriculumand so simply dropped out of school.

The face of ‘Black’ education changed drastically with the advent in 1953 of theBantu Education Act, which has had far-reaching implications for languageeducation in South Africa. The following section provides the background to theBantu Education Act and points out that this policy has impacted negatively onblack South Africans’ attitudes towards the use of African languages as media ofinstruction.

The Bantu Education ActAt the heart of the Bantu Education Act was the notion of ‘mother-tongue

education’. UNESCO ([1953] 1995) defines mother-tongue education as ‘educa-tion which uses as its medium of instruction a person’s mother tongue, that is, thelanguage which a person has acquired in early years and which normally hasbecome his natural instrument of thought and communication’. The concept of‘mother tongue’ is essentially vacuous. As Ferguson (1992: xiii) observes, ‘muchof the world’s verbal communication takes place by means of languages that arenot the users’ “mother tongue”, but their second, third, or nth language, acquiredone way or another and used when appropriate’. This point can be illustrated


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with the following extract from Mesthrie’s (1995b: xvi) interview with a23-year-old student from Germiston (Johannesburg) about the languages he isproficient in:

My father’s home language was Swazi, and my mother’s home languagewas Tswana. But as I grew up in a Zulu-speaking area we used mainly Zuluand Swazi at home. But from my mother’s side I also learnt Tswana well. Inmy high school I came into contact with lots of Sotho and Tswana students,so I can speak these two languages well. And of course I know English andAfrikaans. With my friends I also use Tsotsitaal.

It is not clear what the mother tongue of the student who produced this text is.Ferguson (1992: xiii) suggests that the whole mystique of ‘mother tongue’ shouldbe dropped from the linguist’s set of professional myths about language. Theconcept of ‘mother-tongue’ is being used here because it was central to the apart-heid government’s language-in-education policies, particularly mother-tongueeducation. The campaign for mother tongue education was driven by the churchand by the apartheid government’s philosophy of Christian Nationalism. TheChristian Nationalism philosophy propagated notions of the separate identityand development of each volk (people) and of the God-given responsibility of theAfrikaner volk to spread the gospel to the native inhabitants of Africa and to act astheir guardians (Shingler, 1973). Engelbrecht (1992: 499) observes that the basicvalues of this philosophy – among them the promotion of a Christian philosophyof life with the emphasis on Calvinistic beliefs; support for the principle ofnationalism (a national ideal, traditions, religion and cultures); mother-tongueinstruction and parental involvement in education – reinforced the doctrine ofseparate provision of education for groups of people with different languages,religion and cultures. In support of this philosophy and especially the notion ofmother-tongue education, the church preached that ‘God had willed it that there[should] be separate nations each with its own language and that, therefore,mother tongue education was the will of God’ (Malherbe, 1977: 101). With thechurch’s backing, the apartheid Government saw to it that every ethnic groupwas educated in its own mother tongue. So, language became a yardstick forsegregated education: isiZulu mother-tongue speakers had to be educated inisiZulu-medium schools; isiXhosa mother-tongue speakers had to be educatedin isiXhosa-medium schools; the Whites of British descent had to be schooled inEnglish-medium schools; their Dutch counterparts had to be schooled in Afri-kaans-medium schools. What distinguished mother-tongue education for theWhites from mother-tongue education for the Blacks was that the former was aneducation with a difference: it was intended to promote white interests, to ensurethat the white segment of South Africa’s population had access not only to thelanguages of power, English and Afrikaans, but also to the privileges with whichthese languages were associated.

To achieve these objectives, the apartheid government introduced legislationknown as the Bantu Education Act no. 47 in 1953. The Act, also dubbed ‘SlaveEducation Act’ (Grobler, 1988: 103), superficially had two main objectives. First,it was aimed at ensuring equity between English and Afrikaans by using themequally as a medium of instruction in black schools. Second, it was intended toextend mother-tongue education from grade 4 to grade 8 in black schools to


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promote the philosophy of Christian Nationalism as described previously. Itcould well be argued that studying in one’s first language is cognitively advanta-geous and so extending first-language education up to grade 8 was in the interestof the learners (for a discussion of the advantages of first-language education, seeAkinnaso, 1993, UNESCO, 1995, Walker, 1984). However, the subsequent politi-cal events in South Africa suggest that there was more to the Bantu Education Actthan its above-stated objectives (see e.g. Alexander, 1997; Heugh, 1995a;Malherbe, 1977; Prah, 1995; RESA (Research and Education in South Africa),1988; Shingler, 1973).

First, for Dr Verwoerd, who engineered the apartheid system and its laws, theaim of the Bantu Education Act was

to teach a black child that he [was] a foreigner when he [was] in White SouthAfrica, or at best stateless; that equality with Europeans was not for him;that there was no place for him in the European community above the levelof certain forms of labor . . . For that reason it [was] of no avail for him toreceive a training which [had] as its aim absorption in the Europeancommunity. (Malherbe, 1977: 546)

Second, it seems that in the apartheid era, one of the motives behind the drivefor mother-tongue education was linguistic nationalism, i.e. the identification oflanguage with national or group self-interest. Thus, as Malherbe (1977: 72)observes,

for the Afrikaner the Afrikaans language became the symbol of the strugglefor national identity and in the course of time the State school was seizedupon as the means to foster that consciousness of ‘a nation with aGod-given destiny’.

This struggle was aimed at achieving one prize, to make Afrikaans the sole(official) language of South Africa. This is clear from the following statement byMr J.G. Strijdom, a one-time Prime Minister of South Africa: ‘Every Afrikanerwho is worthy of the name cherishes the ideal that South Africa will ultimatelyonly have one language and that language must be Afrikaans’ (Malherbe, 1977:72). The thinking behind this statement was the myth of one-nation-one-language – for the ruling Afrikaners, Die taal is gans die volk (Language and nationare wholly one) (Webb & Kriel, 2000: 45ff). Also, in their view, ‘wherever a sepa-rate language is found, there a separate nation exists which has the right to takeindependent charge of its affairs and to govern itself’ (Williams, 1994: 5). Thismyth of one-nation-one-language, which in the apartheid era led to the creationof language-based ethnic homelands for the Blacks, resonates in today’s SouthAfrica. Since the country became a democracy in 1994, some leading politiciansin the Afrikaner community have been lobbying the Government for the creationof a separate homeland – volkstaat – for the Afrikaners, one in which Afrikaanswould play a central role.

Third, it is clear, again from Malherbe’s work, that first-language educationwas an exercise in acquisition planning (Cooper, 1989: 33), for it was intended toincrease the number of users of Afrikaans. The apartheid government felt thatrequiring black pupils to have Afrikaans as medium of instruction wouldcontribute to the demographic growth of the language. This is evident from a


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paper entitled ‘Threatening Cultural Dangers’, published in 1937 by the Federasievan Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) (Federation of Afrikaans CulturalOrganisations):

We must see to it that the Natives learn Afrikaans . .. If we should speak tothe Kaffir (sic!)..., what language is to be used? I believe that it should beAfrikaans. That gives us another seven million people which will make ourlanguage the strongest and the preponderating one in this part of the world. .. If every Kaffir in South Africa spoke Afrikaans, the economic power ofAfrikaans would be so strong that we should no longer need an F.A.K. towatch over our cultural interests. The Native will in future be a muchbigger factor in the development of our country than is the case at present,and we must shape that factor so that it serves our purpose, assures ourvictory, and perpetuates our language, our culture and our volk . . . TheKaffir who speaks Afrikaans . . . can be our cultural servant as he is our farmservant. (Malherbe, 1977: 73–4)

Fourth, by extending first-language education to grade 8, the apartheidsystem intended to restrict Africans to menial status and poorly-paid occupa-tions (Prah, 1995: 68), to allow them limited access to the languages of power(English and Afrikaans), and to ensure that the majority of them failed to matchthe academic achievements of native speakers of English and Afrikaans (Heugh,1995a). As Research and Education in South Africa [RESA] puts it, the ultimategoal of the Bantu Education Act was:

to protect white workers from the threat of African competition for skilledjobs which emerged as a result of economic expansion coupled with Afri-can rural-urban migration during the Second World War; [to provide theAfricans with limited skills in English and Afrikaans] to meet the demandsof white farmers for unskilled African labor; and to produce a black popu-lation not only educated to a level considered adequate for unskilled workand subordinated, but which would also accept its subordination and infe-rior education as natural, as fitting for a ‘racially inferior’ people. (Researchand Education in South Africa (RESA), 1988: 1–2, 6)

Finally, the following quotation from a Christian National Education (CNE)pamphlet illustrates further the ideology behind the Bantu Education Act.

We believe that the teaching and education of the native must be groundedin the life and world view of the whites, most especially those of the Boernation as the senior white trustee of the native, and that the native must beled to a mutatis mutandis yet independent acceptance of the Christian andNational principles in our teaching. We believe that the mother tonguemust be the basis of native education and teaching but that the two officiallanguages must be taught as subjects because they are the officiallanguages, and to the native, the keys to the cultural loans that are neces-sary to his own cultural progress. (Article 15, CNE pamphlet, cited in Rose& Turner, 1975: 127–8)

The Bantu Education Act had serious implications for the languages of learn-ing and teaching in black schools. Black children had to receive education


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through three languages, Afrikaans, English, and their first language; while fortheir white, coloured, and Indian counterparts education was dispensed exclu-sively in Afrikaans or in English, depending on whether one was Afrikaans- orEnglish-speaking.

The black pupils resisted first-language education, as promoted by the BantuEducation Act, because they recognised it for what it was: one of the strategiesused by the apartheid Government to deny the Blacks access to higher educationand thus restrict their social and economic mobility (Kamwangamalu, 1997b:243). The black pupils saw education in their own mother tongue as a dead-end, abarrier to more advanced learning, a lure to self-destruction and a trap designedby the apartheid Government to ensure that the black pupils did not acquiresufficient command of the high-status languages (English and Afrikaans), forsuch education would enable them to compete with their white counterparts forwell-paying jobs and prestigious career options (Alexander, 1997: 84). The resis-tance to first-language education was a resistance to Verwoerdian instruments ofrepression, intended to limit access to the mainstream of political and economiclife (Nomvete, 1994). The resistance to Afrikaans was a resistance to what wasperceived as a language of oppression, as well as a desire for greater access toEnglish. The black pupils’ resistance to the Bantu Education Act, and the apart-heid Government’s determination to impose it, led to the bloody Soweto upris-ing of 16 June 1976, which marked the end of Afrikaans as a language of learningand teaching in black schools and concomitantly boosted the status of an alreadypowerful language, English, not only in these schools, but also in the blackcommunities as a whole. Thus, for the black people English became the languageof liberation, despite the fact that prior to the rise of Afrikaans both the Boers andthe Blacks viewed English as an instrument of domination. The Boers’ feelingstowards English need not be explained any further. For the Blacks, the view thatEnglish was an instrument of domination was reiterated by the current rulingparty (the ANC) as recently as 1992, when the organisation referred to English as‘a shackled language’:

English is in many ways a shackled language in the sense in which anylanguage that has been used for exclusion, division or domination is ashackled language: it becomes trapped in the interests of money makersand power makers. (ANC, 1992: 7)

In response to the pupils’ resistance against first-language education, theapartheid Government amended the Bantu Education Act in 1979 and reintro-duced African languages as the medium of learning for the first four years ofprimary school, after which parents could choose one of the then two officiallanguages – English or Afrikaans – as the medium of instruction. This policy wasentrenched in Act 90 of 1979, which included the following clause on the mediumof instruction:

that the universally accepted education principle of the use of the mothertongue as a medium of instruction must be observed: Provided that thisprinciple shall be applied at least up to and including Standard Two (i.e.,grade 4): Provided further that wishes of the parents shall be taken intoconsideration in the application of this principle after Standard Two, and


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also in the choice of one of the official languages as a medium of instructionwhere the mother tongue cannot be used as a medium of instruction afterStandard Two. (Hartshorne, 1995: 313)

In spite of the language choice offered by the policy, and against the back-ground of the events of 16 June 1976, the black population opted for English asthe medium of instruction in their schools (Cluver, 1992: 119). This situationprevails to this day. Hartshorne (1987: 92) points out that African opinion neverbecame reconciled to the extension of first-language medium beyond Standard 2(i.e. grade 4). Thus first-language education, at least for the black population,became stigmatised in South Africa, even after Bantu Education was largelyabolished. Along these lines, Heugh (1995b: 342) notes that the rejection of Afri-kaans as a medium of instruction in 1976 has had the uncalculated effect ofadvancing the position of English, not only over Afrikaans, but also over Africanlanguages. Attempts to promote the indigenous African languages are seen withsuspicion and are considered as a neo-apartheid strategy designed to separateWhites from Blacks and, even more importantly, to split Blacks (Makoni, 1997:15).

The legacy of the Bantu Education Act foreshadowed current negative atti-tudes towards the use of African languages as languages of learning and teach-ing. This is a stumbling block in efforts to promote these languages. It is againstthis background and in an attempt to break with past language-in-educationdiscriminatory policies that the current multilingual language policy was devel-oped and enshrined in the country’s new Constitution. The new policy isdiscussed under Language Policy and Planning, below. For now, let me turn tolanguage spread through education after apartheid.

The post-apartheid years (1994-)As a result of the demise of apartheid, a number of changes have taken place in

the South African education system. First, during the apartheid era educationwas not compulsory for all population groups. But there was, as a matter ofgovernment policy, ten years’ compulsory schooling for white children (vanRensburg, 1999: 84). For black children, the struggle for liberation against apart-heid took precedence over education. In post-apartheid South Africa, however,education is compulsory for all population groups including children betweenseven and 15 years of age (Department of Education, 1997: The South AfricanSchools Act 84).

Second, a single, unified and non-racial education system14 has been estab-lished. Instead of the 19 departments of education of the apartheid era, SouthAfrica now has a single national and nine provincial education departments.Since segregated education15 has ended, pupils are free to attend any school andto be taught in a language of their choice. The schools are, in theory at least,expected to grant the pupils’ wish and promote multilingualism. With this inmind, from grade 3 onwards all pupils are required to study the language inwhich they are taught plus at least one other approved language, i.e. minoritylanguages such as the Indian languages (Tamil, Hindi, etc.). A pupil who fails alanguage subject cannot be promoted to the next grade (South Africa Year Book,1999: 339). According to the National Department of Education, there are 30,000public schools (grades 1–12) in South Africa. In 1998 the number of students at


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these schools was estimated to be 11,921,948. The average pupil-teacher ratiovaries considerably, depending on whether a school is located in an urban or arural area, whether it was formerly a ‘White’, ‘Indian’, ‘Coloured’ or ‘Black’school. Whatever the case, it is common knowledge in South Africa that formerlywhite schools have the lowest pupil-teacher ratios, (approximately 30: 1),whereas formerly black schools have the highest pupil-teacher ratios, (approxi-mately 60: 1 in urban areas, and about 100: 1 or more in rural areas).

The third major change in the South African education system is the newnational curriculum based on the principles of outcomes-based education, whichwas introduced in all grade 1 classes in January 1998. The new curriculum,known as Curriculum 2005, is described in the next section. For now, let me saythat despite the changes outlined above, in terms of the medium of instructionand, to a large extent, the assessment policies, the South African educationsystem has remained relatively unchanged. I shall first consider the issue of themedium of instruction. In this respect, South African schools at all levels includ-ing primary, secondary and tertiary institutions fall into two language-basedcategories, much as they were during the apartheid era. There are theEnglish-medium schools on the one hand, and the Afrikaans-medium schools onthe other. In regard to the English-medium schools, in the apartheid eranon-English-speaking background students were required to learn English as asecond language (L2). However, in the new South Africa the distinction between‘English as a first (L1) and/or second (L2) language’ has been called into ques-tion. For instance, Young (1988: 8) argues that the ‘apartheid’ labels L1 and L2should be discarded because they imply that Blacks are not able to assimilatewestern language and culture. Policy makers voice a similar view, i.e. that theterm ‘second language’ implies a ‘deficit view of language competence’ (ANC,1992: 2) and that ‘the aim of a fully bilingual education system is rather to achievea single level of language proficiency by the end of compulsory schooling’(Barkhuizen & Gough, 1996: 459). In 1993 a Core Syllabus Committee for Englishwas set up to look into this issue. The committee noted that the use of the termsEnglish as a first- and/or second-language is complicated by the fact that mostsecond-language learners, even those in rural areas for whom English can bedescribed as a foreign language, use English as their medium of instruction.Therefore, the committee proposed that:

these terms [English as a first or second language] be replaced with the termEnglish. Nevertheless, the principle of equity demands some acceptableand brief way of acknowledging the verifiable differences . . . betweenmother-tongue and non-mother-tongue learners of English. For thispurpose then, it is proposed that a growing international practice of refer-ring to all learners for whom English is not their mother-tongue as bilinguallearners of English, be adopted. (Murray & van der Mescht, 1996: 258)

Since then, there seems to be a trend (as yet to be documented) for everyone inEnglish-medium schools, irrespective of home language, invariably to learnEnglish as L1 and Afrikaans or an African language as L2. In Afrikaans-mediumschools everyone learns Afrikaans as L1 and at least one other language, in prac-tice most commonly English, as L2. Unlike in English-medium schools, in Afri-kaans-medium schools there seems to be no need to distinguish between


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Afrikaans as a first and/or as a second language since these schools are attendedmostly by native speakers of Afrikaans.

Whether the school is an English- or an Afrikaans-medium school, Englishand Afrikaans have the same time allocation. At the primary school level, afirst-language subject (English or Afrikaans or an African language) is taught forfive–30-minute periods per week, or a total of 150 minutes per week. What thismeans is that since in South Africa a school year is 41 weeks long, inEnglish-medium primary schools, pupils have 205 periods of 30 minutes eachduring which they study English, i.e. a total of 103 hours per school year. At thesecondary school level a first-language subject is taught for five periods of 50minutes each per week, i.e. a total of 250 minutes per week or 171 hours perschool year. A language taught as L2, such as Afrikaans in an English-mediumschool or English or an African language in an Afrikaans-medium school, is allo-cated four periods of 50 minutes each per week, i.e. a total of 200 minutes perweek or 137 hours per school year. Recent developments in education, such asthe Curriculum 2005, suggest that the amount of time allotted to languageinstruction was not sufficient. According to the 1997 language-in-educationpolicy, 70% of class time is now to be spent on language instruction (and maths).

In predominantly black schools, especially those located in rural areas, Afri-can languages continue to be used as the medium of instruction for the first fouryears of primary school, much as they were in the apartheid era. However, recenttrends in language education suggest that, in these schools, even where no quali-fied English teachers are available, English is increasingly being used, in what-ever form, as the medium of instruction from grade one onwards. Preference forEnglish as a medium of instruction is mainly due to economic considerations. AsBendor-Samuel (quoted in Eggington & Baldauf, 1990: 100) points out, alanguage must ‘fill a hole’ in the community for the teaching of that language tobe viable and meaningful. Accordingly, most black parents are opting forEnglish-medium education from day one of schooling because of the instrumen-tal value of the language. They consider education in an African language as‘miseducation’16 and useless, for it has no cachet in the broader socioeconomicand political context. Along these lines, black parents who can afford to do sosend their children to formerly white schools (commonly known as ‘Model Cschools’) to expose them early to English and quality education, since theseschools remain the best equipped both in terms of facilities and teacher qualifica-tion. This state of affairs has not helped the new language policy (see below) toachieve its goal of promoting additive bi-/multi-lingualism in education. On thecontrary, even in predominantly black schools, there seems to be a general trendtowards the use of English as the sole medium of instruction from grade oneonwards.

A number of questions arise as a result. How does one promotemultilingualism in education if African languages are not used as a medium ofinstruction throughout the entire educational system? How does one promoteAfrican languages as the medium of instruction against the stigma left by theBantu Education Act? If the distinction between English as L1 and/or L2 is notmaintained, how does one prevent the emergence of a society in which, as Peirce(1992: 6) warns, power is concentrated in a minority of speakers of standardEnglish? Should the country reintroduce first-language education despite its


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close association with apartheid, or should it promote English-medium educa-tion despite its elitist nature and the high failure and dropout rates, especiallyamong black learners. Future language-in-education policies must address theseissues if attempts to implement multilingualism in education in South Africa areto succeed.

Assessing language subjects in South African educationIn South Africa, assessing language subjects is a very complex process, espe-

cially at the senior secondary school level (i.e. grades 10–12). Unlike in primaryschool and junior secondary school, in senior secondary school pupils arerequired to choose at least six subjects for the Senior Certificate Examination. TheDepartment of Education (1999: 9) describes the Senior Certificate Examinationas serving a critical role in the current education system. It is the culmination of12 years of educational endeavour and serves as the entrance into higher educa-tion by accrediting school leavers with a certificate of achievement.

The six (or more) subjects for the Senior Certificate Examination must includeat least two languages, one of which must be the medium of instruction (that isEnglish for English-medium and Afrikaans for Afrikaans-medium schools). Theother four (or more) subjects can be chosen one each from the following,non-exhaustive, lists: (1) science/biology; (2) geography/history/drama/art;(3) Afrikaans L2/Zulu L2 (or English L2 for Afrikaans-medium schools); (4)science/drama/home economics; (5) mathematics/typing/business economics.Some subjects, such as science and drama, appear in more than one list to givestudents more options in choosing their subject package.

Each of the subjects, including the language subjects, may be taken on eitherthe Higher Grade or Standard Grade level.17 But the Matriculation Boardprescribes that at least three subjects must be passed on the Higher Grade for alearner to qualify for admission to university. A subject taken on the HigherGrade level is studied in depth and is more difficult than a subject taken on theStandard (or Lower) Grade. Accordingly, there is a different syllabus for eachlevel at which a subject is studied; and there are different examinations, one eachfor the various syllabi. Each provincial department of education sets its ownmatriculation examinations for all the subjects. As Barkhuizen and Gough (1996:465) aptly point out, this means that the range of language assessment in SouthAfrican education is extremely broad, and the quality of assessment enormouslyvariable. The only link between the various ranges of assessment is that they allaim at one goal: to decide by means of the Senior Certificate Examinationwhether or not a learner qualifies for entrance to university or technikon. In eachprovince, the matriculation examinations are assessed anonymously by grade 12teachers appointed by the province’s Department of Education on the basis oftheir academic qualifications and teaching experience at the grade 12 level. In arecent press statement the Minister of Education, Professor Kader Asmal, hasindicated that by 2005 all these various matriculation examinations will bebrought under one roof; that is, there will be only one matriculation examinationfor all grade 12 pupils throughout the country (Daily News, 11 September 2001, p.3).

There are 22 full-fledged universities and 15 technikons in South Africa. Thetechnikons are tertiary institutions that provide vocational education to supply


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the labour market with individuals who have particular skills, as well asadequate technological and practical knowledge in a specific field (Rauntenbach,1992: 358). In South Africa, vocational education usually starts after the age of 16and follows a general preparatory education. Seventeen of the universities areEnglish-medium institutions and five formerly Afrikaans-medium universitieshave largely become English/Afrikaans-medium institutions. Like Afrikaans-medium secondary schools, since the end of apartheid, Afrikaans-mediumuniversities have also opened their doors to black students. Note that the major-ity, if not all, of these students are not native speakers of Afrikaans. Accordingly,all Afrikaans-medium universities, whose population includes a substantialnumber of black students, offer an English-medium stream to accommodate theneeds of these students. It seems that, in future, Afrikaans-medium universitiesare most likely to operate on a dual-medium system, thus offering tuition in bothAfrikaans and English. This is likely to occur, especially in the light of the strongcompetition among the universities to attract students from previously disad-vantaged communities.

Language education in the outcomes-based Curriculum 2005As observed earlier, the Ministry of Education introduced a new national

curriculum in 1998, Curriculum 2005, which is to gradually replace the curricu-lum the country has inherited from the apartheid-based education system. Thenew curriculum was initially scheduled to be implemented in grades 1–9 by theyear 2005, hence the name ‘Curriculum 2005’. However, due to the difficulties ithas encountered in its efforts to implement the outcomes-based education (OBE)system (see below), the Department of Education has decided not to implementthe plan by 2005 but to aim at a later date. It is now projected that the revisedcurriculum will be implemented by 2008. The rationale for introducing the newcurriculum is that, under the previous system, learners of different racial groupsdid not get the same quality education. Curriculum 2005 is based on the conceptof OBE.

According to Spady (1995), who is regarded as the founder of OBE, outcomesare what learners can actually do with what they know and have learned; that is, thetangible application of what has been learned. An outcomes-based education is alearner-centred, results-orientated approach to education based on the expecta-tion that all learners can learn and succeed (Department of Education, 1998b).One of the key characteristics of OBE is the acknowledgement of, and supportfor, the learners’ use of their primary languages for acquiring knowledge,whether or not such languages are the formal languages of the school for learningand teaching. Other characteristic features of the OBE system include the follow-ing. Learning is considered an interactive process occurring between the teach-ers (educators) and the learners, with the latter playing a central role in thelearning process, and the former serving as facilitators. The focus of learning ison what learners should know and do – the outcomes. A strong emphasis is puton cooperative learning, especially group work on common tasks or activities.The learner’s progress is determined on the basis of continuous assessment,rather than on year-end examinations or on the accumulation of a series of tradi-tional test results (Gultig et al., 1998).

OBE may be a new concept in the South African context, but it has been imple-


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mented in many first world countries, such as Australia, New Zealand, theUnited States, and the United Kingdom, most often in training. In South Africa,the idea of OBE seems to have come about after the members of the Congress ofSouth African Trade Unions (COSATU) visited Australia and New Zealand inthe early 1990s and were impressed with OBE as a model for training (Depart-ment of Education, 1997).

Since its announcement in 1997 and its subsequent launch in 1998, Curriculum2005 has received a mixed reaction from the stakeholders. To my knowledge, andexcept for a lone three-day conference on OBE organised by the Western CapeDepartment of Education in December 1999, there has been very little academicdebate on OBE in South Africa (e.g. Gultig et al., 1998). The argument for oragainst OBE has been aired mostly in the local newspapers. The opponents ofOBE, among them a mix of journalists, members of opposition political partiesand right-wingers, have said that OBE is a ‘very dangerous experiment in socialengineering’ (Sunday Times, 22 June 1997). According to its critics, OBE has been adisaster in the first world countries where it has been implemented. The criticssee it:

as a system aimed at producing ‘confident illiterates’, a system whichrefutes the need for competition and its essential element: individual excel-lence. It is based on the group and seeks not so much to endow childrenwith skills as to make them feel good and to raise their self-esteem. (SundayTimes, 1 June 1997)

In contrast, the proponents of OBE, including the current ruling party (TheAfrican National Congress) and their associates, refer to the achievements of theOBE system in the very same first world countries where, according to the critics,OBE has been a failure. For instance, in a newspaper article, van der Horst andMcDonald (1997) remark that:

having studied the instructional systems of some states in the UnitedStates, Australia, South America, the United Kingdom (including the Scot-tish system), various European countries as well as Singapore and Japan, itbecame clear to us that outcomes-based education has a place and functionin South Africa at this time. (Sunday Times, 22 June 1997)

The proponents of OBE argue that those who oppose OBE have ‘allegiance tothe elitist, inequitable and fragmented status quo which protects their privilegeswhile condemning millions to a life of poverty, illiteracy and ignorance’ (SundayTimes, 15 June 1997). It may be too soon to comment on the merits or demerits ofOBE for South African education. Just because OBE has succeeded or has failedin the first world context does not necessarily mean that it will succeed or fail inSouth Africa. Only after OBE has been implemented at least partially in the lattercontext would we be able to tell which way the pendulum might swing. In thisregard, a recent study (Holman, 2001: 8) assessing OBE in 65 schools in Johannes-burg, indicates that thus far OBE has been successful. In particular, the study setout to examine learner performance in these schools. It was based on the OBEstandards test that enables schools to compare their learners’ performance withan average obtained by all participating schools. The study summarises its find-ings as follows:


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learners are performing as well as under the previous system, and some-times even better. The ability of children to think and solve problems isimproving. There are, however, some problems that require immediateattention, especially in the areas of literacy, mathematics, and groupwork.

With regard to literacy, Holman (2001) observes that teachers appear toconcentrate more on vocabulary, verbal skills and language structure at theexpense of reading. This, Holman explains, is perhaps due to misinterpretationof the OBE instruction that says, ‘let learners find their own answers’. This doesnot necessarily mean that teachers cannot assist the learners, particularly theweak ones, when the need arises. With regard to mathematics, the study showsthat there seems to be too much emphasis on measuring to the detriment of basicarithmetic and number patterns. Finally, Holman (2001) says that teachersmistakenly equate OBE with group work. As a result, weak pupils tend to relytoo much on the group rather than strive for individual achievement. Teachersshould ensure that all learners understand the language of tuition.

The latest input on Curriculum 2005 is that it will be streamlined according tothe recommendations of a group of academics who reviewed it recently at therequest of the Minister of Education (Sunday Times, 20 August 2000). As far aslanguage is concerned, 70% of classroom time will now be allocated to languageteaching/learning and mathematics in grades 1 to 3 and 50% from grade 4onwards. The complex jargon of OBE will be eliminated so that the discourse onOBE can become accessible to the stakeholders. Other changes are envisaged,among them the following:

� a plan to translate the English-language policy documents into Afri-kaans, Sotho and an Nguni language (isiZulu, isiXhosa, Ndebele orsiSwati: it is not as yet clear which one of these languages will be chosenand why); and

� a clear statement of what pupils should achieve, and how they should goabout it.

In this regard, it is noted that by the end of grade 9, pupils should be able tocommunicate effectively; solve problems through critical thinking; organise andmanage activities responsibly; work with others; collect, analyse, organise andevaluate information; use science and technology; and understand how theworld functions as a whole (Sunday Times, 5 August 2001, p. 7). Put differently,the revamped, much improved and leaner-centred Curriculum 2005 aims toensure that no pupil will leave school at the end of grade 9, which is the cut-offgrade for compulsory schooling in South Africa, unable to read, count and write.In spite of all the changes highlighted here, the key features of OBE as describedearlier will remain at the core of Curriculum 2005. According to the Departmentof Education, the retention of the main features of OBE is a rejection of the apart-heid philosophy of Christian National Education (Sunday Times, 20 August2000). Table 6 presents a summary of curriculum reform in South Africa since theBantu Education Act of 1953 as well as the various stages in the development ofCurriculum 2005 (Potenza, 2001).


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Language use in the mediaThe sociopolitical history of South Africa has played a major role in language

use in the country’s media: television, newspapers and radio. By all accounts,and because of its instrumental value, English is by far the most widely usedlanguage in the media in South Africa. It is followed by Afrikaans and the Africanlanguages, in that order. In this section, I describe18 language use in these three


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Table 6 South Africa’s Curriculum reform timeline

1953–1994: Bantu Education1953 andChristian National Education 1967

2003: Implementation of C2005 in itsexisting form in grade 6. Training ofteachers in the National CurriculumStatement. Development of textbooks andother learning support materials based onthe National Curriculum Statement.

1995: National Education and TrainingForum (NETF) prepared the way for thedevelopment of a core interim syllabusand removed content of an offensive andinaccurate nature from the schoolcurriculum.

2004: Proposed implementation of theNational Curriculum Statement in theFoundation Phase (grades R–3). Ongoingtraining of teachers and development oflearning support materials based on theNational Curriculum Statement.

1996: Constitution of the Republic ofSouth Africa. SA Schools’ Act establishedone national educational system andoutlined the powers of the nationaldepartment and the provinces; it alsoestablished School Governing Bodies andgave them power to determine aspects ofthe curriculum at school level

2005: Proposed implementation of theNational Curriculum Statement in theIntermediate Phase (grades 4–6). Ongoingtraining of teachers and materialdevelopment as specified above.

1996/7: The process of designing C2005 2006: Proposed implementation of theNational Curriculum Statement in grade7. Ongoing teacher training and materialdevelopment as specified above.

1997: C2005 becomes national policy forall schools. Piloting of C2005 in grade 1

2007: Proposed implementation of theNational Curriculum Statement in grade8. Ongoing teacher training and materialdevelopment as specified above.

1999: Implementation of C2005 in grade 2.Piloting of C2005 in grade 7.

2008: Proposed implementation of theNational Curriculum Statement in grade9. Ongoing teacher training and materialdevelopment as specified above.

2000: Implementation of C2005 in grade 3and grade 7. The review of C2005.Piloting of C2005 in grades 4 and 8.

2009: Possible review of the NationalCurriculum Statement?

2001: Implementation of C2005 in itsexisting form in grades 4 and 8.Development of the National CurriculumStatement, i.e. a revised, streamlinedversion of C2005 specifying learningoutcomes and assessment standards on agrade-by-grade basis.

Source: Potenza (2001).



media. The first experimental radio broadcast in South Africa was undertaken inJohannesburg in 1923 by a railway company, the Western Electric Company.Subsequent developments include the establishment of the current South Afri-can Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) in 1936; that was followed by radio broad-casting services in both English and Afrikaans in 1937, and in African languagesin 1942 (South Africa Year Book, 1999: 470). Today, the SABC has 16 radio stations,broadcasting for a combined air time of 300 hours per week to an audience ofsome 28 million listeners daily. In addition, the SABC also has an externalservice, Channel Africa (formerly The Voice of South Africa), established in 1966.It broadcasts 217 hours per week in four languages, English, French, Kiswahiliand Portuguese to millions of listeners in Africa and the Indian Ocean Islands(Europa World Year Book, 1999, II: 3227). Its programmes include news, music,sports, and social, economic and political issues, etc. Some 12 private and about90 community radio stations complete the network of radio broadcastingservices in South Africa. The majority of these radio stations broadcast in Englishand Afrikaans. There is, however, at least one radio station for each of the nineofficial African languages. The radio remains the most powerful medium oflanguage use in South Africa, reaching as it does all South Africans in urban, aswell as remote rural, areas in the language they understand. However, the samecannot be said about the television or the print media, for they cover mostlyurban areas and major cities.

Compared to the radio, TV broadcasting is a relatively recent event in SouthAfrica. The country launched its first television channel in January 1976 (AfricaSouth of the Sahara, 1999: 1007), six months prior to the Soweto uprisings of 17 Juneof that year. Today, SABC has three television channels, SABC1, SABC2 andSABC3. About 50% of all the programmes presented on SABC are producedlocally. Another 50% consists of programmes imported from overseas, especiallyfrom the United Kingdom and the United States. It is estimated that some 14million adults of all ethnic groups watch SABC television daily. Currently mostof the programmes, both local and imported, are in English. Thus, English has thelion’s share of air time for all the three SABC channels combined. This is evidentfrom Table 7, taken from a study in which Kamwangamalu (2000a) examined thedistribution of the total weekly air time of the 11 official languages on the SABC’sthree channels. Briefly, the data for the study was collected from a TV guide forthe week of 10–16 May 1998. The TV guide indicates that, for that week, the 11official languages had 126 hours, or 7560 minutes of air time per channel, that is, atotal of 22,680 minutes for all three channels combined. Also, the TV guide liststhe various programmes, as well as the languages in which they are presented.Therefore, except for multilingual programmes, it was relatively easy to deter-mine the amount of air time allocated to each individual language. The studyshows that the distribution of air time on SA television is strikingly uneven, withEnglish taking up to 20,855 minutes or 91.95% of the total weekly air time; Afri-kaans 1,285 (5.66%) and all nine African languages sharing a mere 520 (2.29%)minutes, or an average of 0.25% of air time collectively. Note that, in Table 8,some African languages such as Tshivenda, isiNdebele, siSwati and Xitsonga aremarked (00)?, because the TV guide shows that they have no share of air time atall for the week of 10–16 May 1998, on which the study was based. (For furtherdetails see Kamwangamalu, 2000a: 54–5.)


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A subsequent survey, also by Kamwangamalu (2001a) but on a relativelylarger sample (90 days from April-June 2001) supports the conclusions of the firstsurvey that, for all three SABC channels combined, English has more air timethan any other official language. Table 8 shows that, for the period surveyed, all11 official languages had a total of 4664.52 hours of air time to share, including1356.5 hours for SABC 1, 1727.02 hours for SABC 2, and 1581 hours for SABC 3. Ofthe overall air time for the three channels combined, English alone takes up to3954.5 (85%) hours; followed by Afrikaans with 484 (10%) hours, and the Africanlanguages with a combined air time of 226.02 (5%) hours, or 25 (0.5%) hours perlanguage. Note that unlike in the week of 10–16 May 1998, in the period coveredby the second survey, the TV Guide lists only eight of the 11 official languages,

240 Current Issues in Language Planning

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Table 7 Weekly air time distribution on SABC in minutes: TV guide 10–16 May 1998

Languages Channels Total air time(22,680 minutes)SABC 1 SABC 2 SABC 3

Ndebele (00)? (00)? (00)? (00)?

Swati (00)? (00)? (00)? (00)?

Tsonga (00)? (00)? (00)? (00)?

Venda (00)? (00)? (00)? (00)?

Sepedi 00 35 00 35 (0.15%)

Tswana 00 65 00 65 (0.28%)

Xhosa 90 00 00 90 (0.39%)

Zulu 120 00 00 120 (0.52%)

Sotho 30 200 00 230 (1.01%)

Afrikaans 30 1255 00 1285 (5.66%)

English 7290 6005 7560 20,855 (91.95%)

Source: Kamwangamalu (2000a: 254).

Table 8 Monthly air time distribution in hours on SABC: TV Talk , April-June 2001

Languages Channels Total air time:4664.52 hrsSABC 1 SABC 2 SABC 3

isiNdebele 0 5.52 0 5.52

SiSwati 0 0 0 0

Xitsonga 0 0 0 0

Tshivenda 0 0 0 0

Sepedi 0 32 0 32

Setswana 0 27 0 27

IsiXhosa 34 0 0 34

IsiZulu 53 0 0 53

Sesotho 0 74 0 74

Afrikaans 0 483.5 0 484.00

English 1269 1104.5 1580.5 3954.00



excluding the smaller languages, siSwati, Xitsonga, and Tshivenda. In otherwords, except for their occasional use in multilingual programmes, these threelanguages are not given any specific time slot of their own on any of the three TVchannels. No explanation is given for this state of affairs. It seems that the cost ofbroadcasting programmes in all 11 official languages is gradually taking its toll.Consequently, in a few years from now SABC might cease providing services inminor official languages such as those mentioned above. So, in terms of theperformance and despite the constitutional principle of language equity (seeLanguage Policy and Planning, below) smaller languages such as Tshivenda,isiNdebele, siSwati and Xitsonga are becoming less and less visible as comparedto their majority counterparts, especially in the higher domains such as themedia.

Besides the SABC channels, there are two private television channels (satelliteTV not included): the M-Net, a private pay-TV19 service launched in 1986; andMidi Television, a private but free-to-air TV service launched in 1998 and operat-ing a channel called E.TV (Entertainment Television). The M-Net channel hasover 1.23 million subscribers. It broadcasts 24 hours per day in English to some 41countries across the African continent, and in English and Afrikaans withinSouth Africa. In South Africa, the M-Net’s audience consists mostly of whiteviewers and some wealthy urban blacks (in the generic sense of this term – Indi-ans, Africans, and Coloureds). The programmes presented on the M-Net channelinclude movies, sports, dramas, magazines, music, and specialised communityservices for the local Indian, Portuguese, Italian, Jewish and Christian communi-ties. Like the M-Net channel, the E.TV channel also broadcasts 24 hours per day,mostly in English in South Africa. Its estimated audience is over 600,000 viewers.But unlike the M-Net channel, in addition to programmes such as movies, sports,dramas and music, the E.TV channel also broadcasts news bulletins in English,Afrikaans and some official African languages (e.g. isiZulu, isiXhosa, andSesotho).

With respect to the print media, the first known newspaper, a governmentgazette entitled Cape Town Gazette, appeared in the early 19th century togetherwith a commercial advertiser, African Advertiser/Kaapsche Stads Courant enAfrikaansche Berigter (South Africa Yearbook, 1998: 435). Three Sunday newspapers,Sunday Times, The Sunday Independent and Rapport are considered national newspa-pers. The first two are published in English and the third is published in Afrikaans.Of these three (and other Sunday newspapers – e.g. City Press), the Sunday Timeshas the largest circulation (452,461 copies in 1998), followed by Rapport, which hasa circulation of 376,101 copies. Besides these national newspapers, there are 17daily newspapers, 8 weeklies, about 200 weekly tabloids, almost 300 consumermagazines, and hundreds of neighbourhood newspapers known as‘knock-and-drops’ or ‘freebies’ (Europa World Year Book, 1999, II; South Africa YearBook, 1998). Except for the three main Afrikaans dailies (Beeld (The Portrait), DieBurger (The Citizen), Die Volksblad (The People’s Paper)) and weekly magazines(Huisgenoot (You Magazine), Sarie (Suzanne (a women’s magazine)) Rooi Rose (RedRoses)), most of the dailies, weeklies and magazines with a relatively wide circula-tion are published in English. Among the dailies, in 1999 The Sowetan had the larg-est circulation (217,324 copies), followed by The Citizen (125,966) and two of thethree main Afrikaans dailies, Die Burger (112,844) and Beeld (107,965) (South Africa


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Year Book, 1998, 1999). While some newspapers and magazines are published inEnglish or Afrikaans, the tabloids and the ‘freebies’ are published mostly inEnglish, except for those that cater exclusively for Afrikaans-speaking communi-ties. Table 9 presents the main dailies (D) and weeklies (W) in South Africa,together with information about circulation and language of publication. Table 10presents the country’s other, mostly weekly, newspapers.


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Table 9 The main newspapers in South Africa

Name Frequency Language Circulation in 1999

Beeld D Afrikaans 111,958

Business Day D English 41,000

City Press W English 259,374

Daily Dispatch D English 39,000

Diamond Fields Advertiser D English 8,000

Die Burger D Afrikaans 112,844

Die Volksblad D Afrikaans 28,000

EP Herald D English 30,000

Evening Post D English 19,000

Ilanga Twice W Zulu 117,000

Imvo Zabantsundu W English/Xhosa 31,000

Mail & Guardian W English 32,510

Natal Witness D English 28,000

Post W English 42,203

Pretoria News D English 25,500

Rapport W Afrikaans 353,000

Sunday Independent W English 39,456

Sunday Times W English 458,000

Sunday Tribune W English 113,000

The Argus D English 85,000

The Cape Times D English 53,000

The Citizen D English 125,966

The Daily News D English 71,600

The Independent on Saturday W English 77,500

The Mercury D English 42,000

The Sowetan D English 225,000

The Star D English 162,316

Transvaaler D Afrikaans 40,000

Umafrika W English/Zulu 60,000

Vista Twice W English/Afrikaans 35,119

Note: D = daily; W = weekly.Sources: Compiled from South Africa Year Book 1998: 434–437, 1999: 476–479; The EuropaWorld Year Book, 1999 (II): 3223–3225; and Africa South of the Sahara, 1999: 1003–1005.



Language Policy and PlanningKaplan and Baldauf (1997: 3) define language planning as a body of ideas,

laws, and regulations (language policy), change, rules, beliefs, and practicesintended to achieve a planned change (or to stop change from happening) in thelanguage use in one or more communities. It is, in the words of Fishman (1987:49), the authoritative allocation of resources to the attainment of language statusand language corpus goals, whether in connection with new functions that areaspired to, or in connection with old functions that need to be discharged moreadequately. In South Africa, language planning has historically been whatTollefson (1991: 13) calls an arena for struggle, where the white segment of thecountry’s population has sought to exercise power over other ethnic groups,hence the term baasskap (‘domination, especially by whites, of other groups’; seethe second paragraph of this monograph), through control of language. It hasbeen more so because, as Wiley observes (1996: 104), decisions about languageoften led to benefits for some and loss of privilege, status, and rights for others.

Not much is known about language policy and planning in South Africa priorto the arrival in the Cape in 1652 of white settlers led by the Dutch colonist Jan vanRiebeeck, as discussed in The Language Profile of South Africa, above. From thistime onwards the history of language policy and planning in South Africa can bedescribed in terms of the following four important eras: Dutchification(1652–1795, 1803–1806), Anglicisation (1806–1948), Afrikanerisation (1948–1994),and language democratisation (1994-present). Dutchification refers to the officialpromotion and use of the Dutch language in all the higher domains, such asadministration, education, trade, etc. by the Dutch officials of the Dutch East


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Table 10 Other newspapers in South Africa

Name Frequency Language Circulation in 1999

African Jewish Newspaper W Yiddish N/A

Afrika News Press W English N/A

China Express Tu/Fr Chinese N/A

Die Afrikaner W Afrikaans 10,000

Eikestadnuus W Afrikaans/English 7,000

Ladysmith Gazette W Afrikaans/English/Zulu

7,000

Noord Transvaaler W Afrikaans 12,000

Noordwes Gazette W Afrikaans/English 35,000

Northern Review W Afrikaans/English 10,300

P & V Herald W Afrikaans/English 5,000

Rustenburg Herald D English/Afrikaans 11,000

The Herald Times W English 5,000

Vaalweekblad W Afrikaans/English 16,000

Vrye Weekblad W Afrikaans 13,000

Note: D = daily; W = weekly; Tu/Fr = published on Tuesday and Friday.Sources: Compiled from the same sources as Table 9.



India Company who settled in South Africa after 1652. During the century and ahalf of the Dutch occupation of the Cape from 1652 to 1795, only knowledge ofDutch served as a catalyst for access to resources and employment in the civilservice. Anyone who wanted to do business with the Dutch authority had todisplay knowledge of Dutch. The indigenous population of the area, the Khoiand the San, lost their languages entirely (language death) and acquired aninterlanguage form of Dutch, so that today the descendants of all these people areAfrikaans- (or Sesotho-, isiXhosa-) speaking. The Dutchification of the Capecame to an end in 1795, when Britain first took control of the Cape of Good Hope(now Cape Town) to prevent the territory from falling into the hands of theFrench, who had already laid claim to Holland during the Napoleonic wars(Watermeyer, 1996: 101). However, Dutchification continued in the north of thecountry, where the Boers had established the Boer Republics of the Free State andthe Transvaal. The latter was later renamed the ‘South African Republic’.Anyone who lived in the Boer Republics and especially in the South AfricanRepublic, including the Uitlanders (foreigners, mostly British immigrants) weresubject to Dutchification. The Uitlanders’ request to Britain for protection againstDutchification in education and for franchise in the South African Republic issaid to be one of the contributory factors to the Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902.Thus, education became politicised. As Malherbe (1925: 287) notes,

it [education] was seized upon by politicians as one of the instances inwhich the rights of the Uitlanders were infringed, and was made a contrib-utory cause to the [Anglo-] Boer war. For instance, in a dispatch fromH.M. Government, dated 10 May, 1899 to Government of South AfricanRepublic on 13 June, 1899, Mr Chamberlain wrote: the education systemwas ‘more directed to forcing upon the Uitlander population the habitualuse of Dutch language than to imparting to them the rudiments of generalknowledge’.

After the war, which the British won, the policy of Anglicisation continued, asdiscussed earlier (Moodie, 1975; Ponelis, 1993; Warwick,1980). This policy endedonly in 1948, when the Afrikaners took the reins of government. With the powernow in their hands, and in the interest of Afrikanerdom, the Afrikaner politiciansreplaced Anglicisation with Afrikanerisation. The Afrikaans language tookcentre stage in the administration of the state, and, as Webb and Kriel (2000) putit, the use and power of Afrikaans increased dramatically.

All government-controlled institutions, the state administration, the radioand television, the education sector, the defense force and semi-state insti-tutions gradually [became] almost wholly Afrikaans. The [white] Afri-kaans-population was in total control, and Afrikaans was considered tohave earned, and was thus given, a monument: the gigantic languagemonument on a hill in Paarl, a town near Cape Town, where one of theorganized movements for the promotion of the language, [the Genootskapvan Regte Afrikaners (GRA) (Society of Real Afrikaners) had its roots. (Webb& Kriel, 2000: 22)

Knowledge of Afrikaans became a requirement for entry into the civil service.The state invested heavily, both politically and financially, in the development of


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Afrikaans and often praised the language as a gift from God. In this regard, Webband Kriel (2000) quote the following from former state president P.W. Botha’saddresses to Parliament and celebratory ceremonies marking the achievementsof Afrikaans:

We pay homage to the cultural leaders of the past, but we also standhumbly before the Creator of all languages and all nations [volkere], gratefulfor this miraculous gift to our soul. (Webb & Kriel, 2000: 42)....

Langenhoven ... referred to Afrikaans as the expression of the soul of SouthAfrica ....We believe that a human being has a soul, and that a volk and a nationhas a soul .... Afrikaans is the God-given instrument used by millions of people inAfrica when performing their daily task ... but also when praying ... when serv-ing their Creator. (Webb & Kriel, 2000: 42)

Efforts to promote Afrikaans led the apartheid Government to enact drasticpolicies, such as the Bantu Education Act (see above). The end of apartheid andthe subsequent birth of democracy in South Africa in 1994 created a new era forAfrikaans. The change from apartheid to democracy brought about the officialrecognition that South Africa is a multilingual rather than the bilingual country ithad been assumed to be in the apartheid era. This recognition has translated intoa new, multilingual language policy, hence language democratisation. It is to thisnew language policy that I now turn.

The new, multilingual language policyThe new language policy accords official status to 11 languages: English, Afri-

kaans and nine African languages. The policy itself is stipulated as follows inSouth Africa’s 1996 Constitution:

The official languages of the Republic (of South Africa) are Sepedi, Sesotho,Setswana, siSwati, Tshivenda, Xitsonga, Afrikaans, English, isiNdebele,isiXhosa and isiZulu. (The Constitution, 1996, Chapter 1, Section 6(1))

All official languages must enjoy parity of esteem and must be treated equita-bly. (The Constitution, 1996, Chapter 1, Section 6(2))

A number of questions have been raised concerning this policy. Why 11 offi-cial languages? Why not settle for English only? What language will be used asthe medium of instruction? These questions are addressed in section 3 of theInterim Constitution (1995). According to the Interim Constitution, South Africahas chosen 11 languages:

(a) to ensure and guarantee the freedom and human dignity of all South Afri-cans under a new dispensation,

(b) to recognise the country’s linguistic diversity as well as the fact that themajority of South Africans – probably 98 per cent – use one of theselanguages as their home or first language, and

(c) to ensure that the process of democratization is extended to language-related issues as well (The Department of Education: South Africa’s NewLanguage Policy: The Facts, 1994: 4, 6).


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Similarly, South Africa has not declared English the only official language, asit is a minority language, spoken as first or home language by only 9% of SouthAfrica’s population. Also, it is worth noting that South Africa has opted for amultilingual language policy in order not to re-ignite the long-standingethnolinguistic rivalries20 among the speakers of the various African languageson the one hand, and between English-speaking and Afrikaans-speaking Whiteson the other. As Webb (1994: 255) observes, the incidence of ethnic nationalism,for instance among the Afrikaans-speaking Whites and within the Zulu-speaking community, is language related and has a high potential for inter-group conflict. The Afrikaans-speaking Whites, the Afrikaners, have foughtagainst English domination for the past 300 years and, therefore, they would nothave accepted English (let alone any of the African languages) as the sole officiallanguage of the state. Similarly, speakers of the various African languagesconsider their respective languages as symbols of cultural identity. Accordingly,it would have been inconceivable, especially for the speakers of major languagessuch as isiZulu, isiXhosa or Sesotho, to accept any one of these languages as thesole official language of the state.

With regard to the question of the medium of instruction, the new Constitu-tion of South Africa stipulates that:

matters such as the medium in which a pupil’s instruction takes place andthe number of languages that are to be compulsory school subjects may notconflict with the language clause in the Constitution [Section 3] nor withsection 32, which provides that every person shall be entitled to instructionin the language of his or her choice where this is reasonably practicable [authoremphasis].

I have highlighted the phrase ‘where this is reasonably practicable’ to under-line the ambivalence, vagueness and non-committal nature of the policy. Forinstance, who decides what is ‘reasonably practicable’21 and what criteria areused in making this decision?

One of the main objectives of the new multilingual language policy has been topromote the status of the nine official African languages against the backdrop ofpast discriminatory language policies. Accordingly, the new Constitution statesthat ‘recognizing the historically diminished use and status of the indigenouslanguages of our people, the state must take practical and positive measures toelevate the status and advance the use of these languages’ (The Constitution,1996, Chapter 1, section 6 (2)). The Constitution also makes provision for theestablishment of a Pan South African Language Board (PANSALB) with theresponsibility to, inter alia: ‘promote and create conditions for the developmentand use of these (African) and other languages’ (The Constitution, 1996, Chapter1, section 6 (5a)). Building on the aforementioned constitutional principles, in1997, the Minister of Education announced a language-in-education policy whosemain aims are:

(a) to promote additive multilingualism, that is, to maintain home language(s)while providing access to and the effective acquisition of additionallanguage(s);

(b) to promote and develop all the official languages;


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(c) to counter disadvantages resulting from different kinds of mismatchesbetween home languages and languages of learning and teaching;

(d) to develop programs for the redress of previously disadvantaged lan-guages. (Department of Education, Government Gazette no. 18546, 19 Decem-ber 1997).

The policy also mandates the schools, through their respective governingbodies, to stipulate how they will promote additive multilingualism through theuse of more than one language of learning and teaching, and/or by offering addi-tional languages as fully-fledged subjects, and/or applying special immersion orlanguage maintenance programmes.

It is clear from the constitutional clauses cited above that the thrust of the newlanguage policy is to promote additive multilingualism through mother-tongue22 education – that is, by using the official indigenous languages as mediaof learning and teaching. However, not much progress has been made yet inattempts to implement the policy, especially with respect to the issue ofmother-tongue education. Rather, the status quo prevails: English and Afrikaansremain the chief media of learning in English-medium and Afrikaans-mediumschools respectively, much as they were in the apartheid era. Put differently, ifanything has changed at all in terms of the language practices, it is that Englishhas gained more territory and political clout than Afrikaans in virtually all of thecountry’s institutions, including the legislature, education, the media, and thearmy. Language practices in the media have already been discussed (see above).The discussion that follows will focus on the language practices in the remaininginstitutions, beginning with the legislature.

Commenting on language practices in the legislature, Gunning (1997: 7)remarks that most provincial legislatures use English. He explains that: ‘politi-cians seem to prefer English over other languages, practical circumstancesdictate its use, it [English] is used to avoid confusion, it is the main language ofdocumentation’. Pandor (1995) makes a similar remark in regard to languagepractices in the country’s Parliament. She observes that in 1994, 87% of thespeeches made in Parliament were in English, less than 5% were in Afrikaans,and the remaining 8% were in one of the nine official African languages – that is,less than 1% in each of the languages, despite the fact that about 80% of themembers of Parliament are Africans, the majority of whom are fluent in at leasttwo of the official African languages. Besides being prevalent in the majority ofthe speeches made in Parliament, English has also been proposed as the solelanguage of Hansard, the Parliament’s historical record of proceedings, formerlypublished in both English and Afrikaans. The proposal was, understandably,prompted by the prohibitive cost of publishing Hansard in all 11 languages.23 Asimilar proposal was made recently by the Minister of Justice. Parliamentapproved the idea that English should become the sole language of record in thecourts (The Daily News, 20 October 2000). The implications of these proposals forlanguage practices in the higher domains are obvious. The proposals contributeto the further exclusion from these domains of both Afrikaans and the previouslymarginalised languages, the African languages. Along these lines, in its investi-gation into language practices in public institutions, the Language Plan TaskGroup (LANGTAG, 1996: 47) found that:


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some cabinet ministers and directors-general refuse to respond to docu-ments unless they are in English; at the provincial level, correspondencebetween Provincial Governments and the Central Government isconducted mainly in English; at local Government level, City and TownCouncil meetings are held monolingually in English because some council-ors refuse to let other councilors speak in any other language.

With respect to the language practices in the army, English has increasinglybecome the de facto language of the army’s administration and training (de Klerk& Barkhuizen, 1998). In their study of language use on a military base in theWestern Cape, de Klerk and Barkhuizen (1998: 68) found a strong shift from theuse of Afrikaans to the use of English. They explain that English has become alingua franca on the base, because it is seen by most staff and troops as a ‘neutral’code, a language best understood by the greatest number, including formermembers of the liberation armies who have been incorporated into the NationalDefense Force, and the only language that can be used for inter-ethnic communi-cation.

In education, besides being used as the medium of instruction in ‘black’schools and ‘Model C schools’,24 English is also increasingly being used, along-side Afrikaans, as the medium of instruction in (traditionally) Afrikaans-medium schools and universities, to accommodate black students who attendthese institutions of learning. In a recent newspaper article, for instance, theVice-Chancellor of the University of Stellenbosch, an Afrikaans-medium univer-sity, described by the newspaper as one of the last enclaves of white Afrikanerintellectualism, states that ‘Stellenbosch would become “language-friendly”’,that is, in addition to Afrikaans, Stellenbosch would start offering an English-medium stream to accommodate black students. This is aimed, in the Vice-Chancellor’s words, at ‘shedding the image of [Stellenbosch as] an institutionthat is unwelcoming to black people’ (The Daily News, 4 September 2000). Otherhistorically Afrikaans-medium universities have already embarked, or are in theprocess of embarking, on a dual-medium system to meet the educational needsof black students.

Language practices in these higher domains (the legislature, the media, thearmy, and education) show that Afrikaans has lost a lot of the ground it used tohave in the apartheid era. It is not surprising that, in its capacity as officiallanguage, Afrikaans is currently described as being in ‘a state of demise’ (Webb &Kriel, 2000: 23). In spite of this loss, Afrikaans remains the only language thatcompetes with English for territory in these other domains of language use.Thus, some sort of ‘slanted’ English-Afrikaans bilingualism, or what Clyne(1997: 306) would call asymmetrical bilingualism, where English is the Highlanguage and Afrikaans is the Low language, reigns supreme by default inpost-apartheid South Africa. This state of affairs should not be surprising, espe-cially if one takes a closer look at some of the language-related clauses in thecountry’s Constitution. For instance, Chapter 1, section (3) of the Constitution(1996) stipulates that:

the national government and provincial governments may use any particularofficial languages for the purposes of government, taking into account usage,practicality, expense, regional circumstances and the balance of the needs


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and preferences of the population as a whole or in the province concerned;but the national government and each provincial government must use atleast two official languages (author emphasis).

It is clear that there is a loophole in the clause under consideration, namely, thelack of specification about the official languages that must be used at the provin-cial and national level for the purpose of government. And since the Constitutiondoes not specify which official languages should be used in which province or bythe national government, both provincial and national governments have tacitlyopted for the status quo and thus use English and Afrikaans as the languages ofadministration, much as was the case in the apartheid era. If the policy is couchedin sufficiently general terms, says Bamgbose (1991: 113), it may go down well,since it will be a ‘catch-all’ formula that may be interpreted in a flexible manner.And because the policy is vague and so is subject to multiple interpretations, ithas hardly been implemented, especially with respect to the African languages.In 1998 the lack of progress in attempts to promote the African languagesprompted the Government to embark on a year-long multilingualism awarenesscampaign. Drawing on the tenets of the 1997 language-in-education policy asdescribed earlier, the campaign was aimed at, among other things:

(a) promoting multilingualism so that South Africans will view multi-lingualism as a valuable resource;

(b) bringing about an appreciation that, in a multilingual society, knowledge ofmore than one language is an asset both in an immediate economic senseand in the larger social sense;

(c) breaking down the legacy of apartheid by means of the promotion of Afri-can languages. The elaboration, modernization and development of theselanguages are important requirements for the attainment of social andeconomic equality and justice for the majority of South Africans. (Depart-ment of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, 1998: 20)

As Kamwangamalu (2000b) observed elsewhere, it is too soon to tell whateffect, if any, this campaign will have on language practices in South Africa.What is clear, however, is that language practices in most of the country’s institu-tions flout the principle of language equity enshrined in the Constitution: ‘Allofficial languages must enjoy parity of esteem and must be treated equitably’(The Constitution, 1996, section 6 (2)). The language practices support theLanguage Plan Task Group (LANGTAG) and its research findings that ‘despitethe constitutional commitment to multilingualism, . . . there seems to be a drifttowards unilingualism [in English] in public services’ (LANGTAG, 1996: 31);and that ‘all other languages are being marginalised’25 (LANGTAG, 1996: 47).What role, then, do the indigenous languages play in South Africa in their capac-ity as official languages? What does the term ‘official language’ mean for theselanguages and their speakers? Walker (1984: 161) defines an official language asone designated by government decree to be the official means of communicationof the given state in government, administration, law, education and generalpublic life. Eastman (1990: 71) sees it as one used in the business of government.A true official language, says Fasold (1984: 74), fulfills all or some of the functions


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listed in (1)-(5), below, to which Fishman (1971: 288) would add those in (6) and(7). The official language is used:

(1) as the language of communication for government officials in carrying outtheir duties at the national level;

(2) for written communication between and internal to government agencies atthe national level;

(3) for the keeping of government records at the national level;(4) for the original formulation of laws and regulations that concern the nation

as a whole;(5) for forms such as tax forms;(6) in the schools; and(7) in the courts.

Current language practices in South Africa, as described in the foregoingdiscussion, show that only Afrikaans and English perform some or all of thesefunctions. The inclusion of the nine African languages in the Constitution seemsto be merely symbolic, to say the least. It is obvious from the description of thelanguage practices in the higher domains (e.g. the media, the army, the legisla-ture, education) that government structures have failed in their mission to imple-ment the proposed multilingual language policy. Accordingly, it has becomealmost impossible to convince parents and pupils that multilingualism is aresource, that African languages can be used as a medium of instructionthroughout the entire educational system. It is not surprising, therefore, that,when presented with the following models26 of literacy, parents overwhelminglyopt for the third model.

(1) Initial literacy in the mother tongue followed by a shift to English.(2) Initial biliteracy in English plus an indigenous language.(3) Literacy only in English throughout the entire educational system (e.g. de

Klerk, 2000b; Heugh, 1995a; Roodt, 2000).

As pointed out earlier, the choice of English over the African languages has tobe understood against the background of the negative attitudes people havetowards the African languages, an obvious consequence of the legacy of apart-heid-based Bantu-education. Also, English is perceived to be materially morerelevant than African languages. For instance, citing a 1992 ANC’s languagepolicy document, Heugh (1995a: 341) reports that ‘large sections of black urbancommunities have already pressurized primary schools into beginning withEnglish as the medium of instruction from day one’. In a more recent survey onthe choice of the medium of instruction in the Pretoria area, Roodt (2000) alsofound that ‘98% of black parents want their children27 educated in English, 1%prefer Afrikaans and only 1% an indigenous African language’. He concludesthat many non-English speakers, be they Zulu, Xhosa, Tswana, Sotho, Venda,Tsonga, Afrikaans, etc. are choosing to abandon their mother tongue by speakingEnglish to their children. De Klerk (2000b) draws a similar conclusion in herinvestigation into language practices in isiXhosa-speaking communities inGrahamstown. The study reveals that Xhosa parents not only choose to sendtheir children to English-medium schools, they also encourage them to speakEnglish rather than isiXhosa at home. The following extracts from interviews


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between de Klerk and Xhosa parents are telling. They show that, for mostlyeconomic reasons, parents prefer English to isiXhosa for the education of theirchildren:

� there is a tradition between me and my children that if they catch oneanother speaking Xhosa (see Note 3 concerning the spelling of the names ofAfrican languages), they use two clicks to remind the other to speakEnglish;

� they (the children) hardly speak Xhosa . . . all the time they like English. Idon’t encourage them to speak Xhosa, not at all;

� it’s fine to let it (Xhosa) die. We have never teach (sic!) our son any Xhosa;� I don’t think there will be a need to be a Xhosa-speaker later on;� I am a Xhosa, but I can’t use it anywhere else; Xhosa cuts you off (de Klerk,

2000b: 93–94, 103).

The implications of this state of affairs for the maintenance of Africanlanguages will be discussed in Language Maintenance and Prospects, below.These extracts suggest, however, that unless the black communities28 value theirown languages, as the Afrikaners have valued theirs since the era of Angli-cisation, the Government will be powerless to enforce change and so top-downefforts to promote the indigenous languages will not succeed. In the next section,language planning agencies are described. In the subsequent section, some of thefactors that influence language policy and planning in the polity, with a focus onmarket forces, the legacy of apartheid education, elite closure, and linguicism arediscussed, followed by a discussion of literacy.

Language planning agenciesOver the years a number of agencies, both governmental and non-govern-

mental, have played a significant role in shaping South Africa’s language plan-ning. Most of these agencies are listed in Webb (1994: 261). They include:

� government ministries;� government-sponsored bodies such as the National Terminology Services,

the State Language Services, among others;� language bureaux of major corporations such as postal and telephone

services, the Electricity Supply Commission, the South African Broadcast-ing Corporation;

� universities, the Department of Art, Culture, Science and Technology;� National and Provincial Language Committees; and� professional language associations, such as the Linguistic Society of South-

ern Africa (LSSA), the African Languages Association of Southern Africa(ALASA), the South African Applied Linguistics Association (SAALA), theSouth African Association for Language Teaching (SAALT), the EnglishAcademy, and Afrikaans-based associations such as the Stigting vir Afri-kaans (Foundation for Afrikaans) and the Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie virWetenskap en Kuns (the South African Academy for Arts and Science).

Besides these language planning agencies, other recent individual andgovernment-sponsored language planning bodies include: the Project for theStudy of Alternative Education in South Africa (PRAESA), the Language Plan


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Task Group (LANGTAG) and the Pan South African Language Board(PANSALB). PRAESA is an independent research and development unitfounded in 1992 by Dr Neville Alexander of the University of Cape Town. Itemerged from the struggle against apartheid education, to which it sought toprovide an alternative. Its main goals are to:

� further an additive approach to bilingualism and biliteracy in education;� raise the status of the (official) African languages, with a focus on isiXhosa

in the Western Cape Province;� assist teachers in coping with the challenges of working in multilingual

classrooms; and� contribute towards a database of research relating to language policy, plan-

ning and practice (PRAESA, 1999a: 3).

The Language Plan Task Group (LANGTAG), the precursor to PANSALB,was a policy advisory body appointed in 1995 by the Minister of Arts, Culture,Science and Technology. Its brief was to produce a report that would provide thethen Government of National Unity with guidelines for:

� the realisation of language policy and planning across all social sectors;� the promotion of multilingualism and, more specifically, the development

of the African languages; and� combating the trend towards unilingualism resulting from the perception

by many South Africans that multilingualism is a problem (PRAESA,1999b: 13).

LANGTAG completed and submitted its report, entitled Towards a NationalLanguage Plan for South Africa: Final Report of the Language Plan Task Group to theMinister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology in August 1996. The reportcontains discussions of, recommendations for, and data on, various aspects oflanguage policy and planning in South Africa, among them language equity,language development, language as a resource, language in education, languagein the public service, to list but a few.

PANSALB is an independent statutory body appointed by the Senate andenshrined in the country’s new Constitution. Its aims, as stipulated in the 1996Constitution, Chapter 1, section 5, are:

[to] promote, and create conditions for the development and use of (i) allofficial languages; (ii) the Khoi, Nama and San languages; and (iii) signlanguages; and (b) promote and ensure respect for (i) all languagescommonly used by communities in South Africa, including German, Guja-rati, Hindi, Portuguese, Tamil, Telugu and Urdu; and (ii) Arabic, Hebrew,Sanskrit and other languages used for religious purposes in South Africa.

PANSALB has as yet to achieve the goals for which it was enshrined in theConstitution. Financial constraints and the lack of political support have made itdifficult for PANSALB to execute its constitutional mandate to promotemultilingualism. Besides the language planning agencies already discussed,there are several interest groups involved in language planning activities, espe-cially for Afrikaans and English. Apart from PRAESA, which concentrates its


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activities on isiXhosa in the Western Cape, there exist very few language plan-ning organisations involved with the remaining African languages.

Factors influencing language policy and planning in the polityThe language planning agencies highlighted in the previous section support

the new multilingual language policy and would certainly want to see it imple-mented. There are, however, quite a number of factors that interact in complexways to impede policy implementation, especially in regard to the Africanlanguages. Some of these factors include, for instance, (1) the legacy of apartheideducation, (2) market forces, (3) elite closure, and (4) linguicism.

I have already commented on the legacy of apartheid education, noting that ithas rendered indigenous African languages instrumentally valueless and hasforeshadowed current negative attitudes towards the proposal that theselanguages be used as languages of learning, save in the lower grades in predomi-nantly black schools. As explained earlier, generally, education in an Africanlanguage is seen as a dead end aimed at denying one access to English, thecurrent language of the ruling classes and one in which, as Lynn (1995: 55) puts it,the elite reproduces itself.

As far as market forces are concerned, there is no sustained demand for multi-lingual skills in the African languages for academic, economic, administrativeand employment purposes. The lack of this demand has ensured that Englishand to some extent Afrikaans remain central to virtually all the higher domains oflanguage use. As Verhoef (1998: 192) remarks, the demand for multilingual skillsin the African languages would contribute towards raising the status of theselanguages and change the way in which the languages are perceived by the vari-ous language communities. Several studies have shown, for instance, that blackSouth Africans have ambivalent attitudes towards their own languages: theyvalue the languages highly only as symbols of ethnolinguistic identity and asvehicles for intergenerational transmission of indigenous cultures and tradi-tions; but they prefer English for all the higher-level functions and for personalupward social mobility (see Slabbert, 1994; Verhoef, 1998; Virasamy, 1997).

Elite closure (Scotton, 1990) refers to ‘linguistic divergence’ created as a resultof using a language which is only known to or preferred by the elite, in this caseEnglish. This divergence may be purposeful, as a measure of control. Laitin(1992) observes that the elite use the preferred language for intra-elite communi-cation and a different lingua franca for communication with the masses. In SouthAfrica, however, the linguistic behaviour of the elite is characterised by an almostexclusive use of the preferred language, English, irrespective of whether theyinteract among themselves or with the masses who have little or no knowledge ofthe language. This does not mean that the elite make no effort to converge.However, such effort is often stage-managed and purposeful. At election time,for instance, the elite tend to use code switching involving English and locallanguages when addressing the masses; but they rarely do so at any other times.Also, the literature indicates that, in order to preserve the privileges associatedwith knowledge of the preferred language, the elite tend to resist any languageplanning efforts which seek to promote the languages of the masses (seeBamgbose, 1991; Kamwangamalu, 1997a; Schiffman, 1992). Elsewhere in Africa,such resistance has been deliberate rather than innocent, as is the case for the elite


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in Tanzania (Mafu, 1999). Mafu notes that, while expressing official support forSwahili-medium instruction, the Tanzanian elite generally send their own chil-dren to ‘English academies’, that is, to private English-medium schools that havemushroomed in Tanzanian urban centres. In South Africa, the mismatchbetween the new language policy and language practices (as described above) inthe higher domains resembles the Tanzanian trend, although the indigenousSouth African languages do not have the high sociolinguistic profile that Swahilidoes in Tanzania. Also, by adopting English as the sole language of Hansard andcourt records, the South African elite are, perhaps consciously, resisting the newlanguage policy.

Linguicism refers to ‘ideologies and structures which are used to legitimate,effectuate and reproduce an unequal division of power and resources betweengroups which are defined on the basis of language’ (Skutnabb-Kangas, 1988: 13;see also Phillipson, 1988, 1992). It is an ideology according to which the languageof the politically or economically dominant group or class is given a higher socialstatus than the indigenous languages. That view is self-evident in South Africa,where English and Afrikaans have historically been assigned a higher status thanAfrican languages. Because of linguicism, Western donors, for instance, tend tosupport educational programmes that promote subtractive and transitionalbilingual programmes, where African languages are used in early years ofschooling, and subsequently a world language (English) takes over as themedium of instruction. In this regard, Heugh (1995a: 343) observes that foreigndonors, including World Bank officials, who visited South Africa in 1992, made itclear that additive bilingualism was not on the World Bank’s agenda and thatfunds would not be available to support such programmes. As Kamwangamalu(1998a, b) has observed elsewhere, foreign aid, in part, constitutes one of the chal-lenges to implementing the new language policy in, say, education, especially ifdoing so is geared towards additive rather than subtractive bilingualism; notonly do foreign donors influence language-in-education policy by providingfunds, they also often serve as government advisors on that very policy. Thus,Popham (1996: 39, as quoted in Master, 1998: 717) is right when he notes that‘while the engine of colonialism [and apartheid in South Africa] long ago ran outof steam, the momentum of its languages and legacies is still formidable, and it isagainst their tyranny that the smaller languages fight to survive’. Therefore,pupils who are, or who become, bilingual in English and an African language, asis the case in de Klerk’s (2000b) study, must, in practice, become monolingual inEnglish, that is, follow monolingual usage in order to succeed in life. Accord-ingly, bilingualism, and by extension the bilingual learner, is viewed in deficitterms, a problem to overcome, rather than a resource to be promoted (Landon,2000).

LiteracyMany definitions of literacy can be found in the literature. However, Herbert

and Robinson (1999: 248) note that there has been a radical shift away from thedominant view of literacy as a neutral, technological skill unaffected by socialcontexts (or what Street (1995) calls the ‘autonomous model’) towards a broaderview, the ‘ideological model’, whereby material and social conditions determinethe outcome. Anticipating the latter model, Street (1984: 28) defines literacy as ‘a


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social construction, not a neutral technology, . . . [whose] uses are embedded inrelations of power and struggles over resources’. This view of literacy cannot beemphasised enough in the South African context, as will be evident later from thestatistics about the distribution of literacy in the country. Literacy arrived inSouth Africa with the establishment, in 1652, of the Dutch re-supply station at theCape for the ships of the Vereenigde Oostindische Companie (Dutch East IndiaCompany), which I have alluded to earlier. However, as French (1988: 27) notes,literacy was introduced to many of the peoples in the country only in the 19thcentury by missionaries, the extension of white colonisation and the industrialrevolution centring on the discovery of diamonds and gold.

During the apartheid era, literacy in the indigenous languages was rigorouslypromoted; the languages that now count among the official languages of SouthAfrica were each allocated their own language board. But as Bhola (1992: 251)points out, promoting literacy in these languages was a mechanism ofmarginalisation and exclusion of the black people from the economy and frompolitics, domains that required English and Afrikaans. In the new South Africa,the right to education and literacy has been entrenched in the country’s 1996Constitution. According to section 29(1),

everyone has the right to (i) a basic education, including adult basic educa-tion; and (ii) to further education, which the state, through reasonablemeasures, must make progressively available and accessible.

In section 29(2) the Constitution stipulates that:

everyone has the right to receive education in the official language orlanguages of their choice in public educational institutions where thateducation is reasonably practicable.

These constitutional principles are bold in theory but they have, in practice,remained unimplemented. For instance, despite an increase in enrolment ofblack pupils in formerly White, Indian and Coloured schools, there has not beena comparable change in the schools’ language policy, with respect to the mediumof instruction. And, as a reviewer observes, why should there be a change in theschools’ policy because it is the very policy that attracted the students in the firstplace. The problem here is the mismatch between the schools’ inherent policyand the new language-in-education policy. Most of these schools do not offertuition in an African language, whether as a medium of learning or as a subject.The heritage of apartheid-based Bantu education makes it difficult for parentsand politicians alike to support literacy in any African language (i.e. mother-tongue education) even in the first few years of school, or to maintain additionalbilingualism later (Reagan, 1995: 324). Most black parents consider Africanlanguages as irrelevant in the education process (Msimang, 1993: 38) because,unlike English- or Afrikaans-medium education, education in an Africanlanguage is not rewarding. Against this background and the legacy of apart-heid-based Bantu education, the stigma associated with education in the Africanlanguages lingers. Consequently, the pupils who cannot cope with the demandsof learning in a foreign language, in this case English, simply drop out of school,thus adding to the high rate of illiteracy in black communities.

In South Africa, a person is described as literate if he or she has completed


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grade 7. However, and against the backdrop of apartheid-based education, theLANGTAG report (1996: 143) recommends that a more realistic measure of liter-acy is completion of grade 9, which is also the cut-off grade for compulsoryschooling in South Africa. It must be noted, however, that completion of a givengrade, in this case grade 9, may not be a good measure of literacy for every learnerin South Africa. Due to a lack of adequate facilities, a learner who has completedgrade 9 at a rural school may not be as literate as his or her counterpart in awell-equipped urban school. Viewed from this perspective, literacy is not merelythe ability to read and write; it is the ability to use reading and writing to achievesocietal goals (Kaplan, 1992: 289), to develop one’s full potential and to partici-pate in the social, economic and political life of the country through lifelonglearning (Bock, 1996: 32). Along these lines, Hillerich (1976: 53) states that:

a person is literate when he (sic) has acquired the essential knowledge andskills which enable him to engage in all those activities in which literacy isrequired for effective functioning in his group and community and whoseattainments in reading, writing and arithmetic make it possible for him tocontinue to use these skills towards his own and the community’s develop-ment.

The statistics about literacy/illiteracy in South Africa vary from one study toanother. However, they all do have one feature in common: they all testify that avery large number of South Africans, the majority of them Blacks, are illiterate;white and Indian South Africans have the highest rate of literacy, 99% and 93%respectively (Ellis, 1987; LANGTAG, 1996; The Population of South Africa Census1996, 1998: 41; van Zyl Slabbert et al., 1994). Ellis (1987: 17) puts the number ofadult Blacks who were illiterate in 1980 at five million people or 55% of the over-all adult population. It is worth noting that at that time the number of illiterateBlacks must have been much higher, especially as Ellis’s study does not includethe black populations that then resided in the former independent homelands.According to the 1991 census figures, 49% of the black youth between 15 and 24years of age do not speak, read, or write English (van Zyl Slabbert et al., 1994: 109).A recent report by the current Minister of Education, Professor Kader Asmal,indicates that 12 million South Africans are illiterate and that about 20 millionothers, mostly schoolchildren, are not fluent readers in any language (The SundayTimes, 16 April 2000). I would like to emphasise, once again, that all these figuresabout literacy refer mostly to black communities. In the latest survey on literacy,the Pan South African Language Board (PANSALB) reports that about 50% ofnon-English-speaking South Africans (read mostly black South Africans) do notunderstand statements or speeches made in English by government officials (TheStar, 8 September 2000). The distribution of literacy reflects the profile of inequal-ity in South Africa and prejudices the use of African languages in many domains.In Language Maintenance and Prospects, below, suggestions will be made as tohow literacy in the indigenous language can be promoted to enable the masses toparticipate actively in the development of the state.

A number of literacy agencies, including governmental and non-govern-mental agencies, have been established to promote literacy, especially in blackcommunities. The first South African (adult) literacy organisation, The Bureau ofLiteracy and Literature, was initiated in 1946 (French, 1988: 27), that is, two years


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before the apartheid Government came into power. This organisation is creditedwith publishing course books in the majority of South(ern) African indigenouslanguages and running training courses for literacy instructors. One of the mostrecently established literacy agencies is the South African National LiteracyInitiative (SANLI), a government-sponsored body, whose brief is to reduce adultilliteracy through, among other things, the mobilisation of voluntary services insupport of a nationwide literacy campaign, development of training pro-grammes for volunteer educators, evaluation, development and procurement ofreading and resource materials for use in the nationwide literacy campaign,recruitment of learners and the servicing of their needs (Sunday Times, 12November 2000). Other literacy agencies include the churches, SABC TV andradio (literacy) programmes, newspapers, Trade Unions (COSATU) literacyprojects, universities, the South African Association of Literacy and AdultEducation, which has close ties with the International Council of Adult Educa-tion, as well as the National Literacy Cooperation and Project Literacy, each ofwhich has at least one regional branch in each of the nine provinces. Most of theseagencies produce learning materials for adults and provide training in basicmethods for literacy instructors.

Language Maintenance and ProspectsIn the last part of this monograph, I shall consider the implications of the

current multilingual language policy and language practices for language main-tenance and shift, with a focus on South Africa’s official languages. Currently,these languages coexist in what may be characterised as a hierarchical, three-tier,trilingual system, one in which English is at the top, Afrikaans in the middle, andthe African languages at the bottom. Following Clyne (1997: 306), this trilingualsystem can be described as asymmetrical multilingualism, for at least one of thelanguages, English, has more prestige than the others. The system reflects theroles that the official languages perform in the South African society. These roles,already discussed in The Language Profile of South Africa and to which I shallreturn below briefly for ease of reference against the background of the multilin-gual language policy, are vital in determining language maintenance and shiftand prospects for the country’s official languages.

Joshua Fishman, a pioneering scholar of language maintenance and shift,defines the field as:

the relationship between change (or stability) in language usage patterns,on the one hand, and ongoing psychological, social or cultural processes,on the other hand, in populations that utilize more than one speech varietyfor intra-group or for inter-group purposes. (1972: 76)

The term ‘language shift’ is invoked here in the sense of Fishman (1991: 1),who uses it to refer to ‘speech communities whose native languages are threat-ened because their intergenerational continuity is proceeding negatively, withfewer and fewer users (speakers, readers, writers and even understanders) oruses every generation’. The opposite of language shift is language maintenance.The literature indicates that many factors are responsible for language mainte-nance and shift, the most important among them being generation, the numerical


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strength of a group in relation to other minorities and majorities, language status,socioeconomic value, education, and institutional support/government policies(see Fishman, 1991; Paulston, 1987; Romaine, 1995; Sridhar, 1988). These factors, Iargue, do not operate independently of one another, but they interact in complexways in determining language maintenance and shift. For instance, quite anumber of scholars maintain that generation is the single most vital factor oflanguage maintenance and shift (Fishman, 1991; Gupta & Yeok, 1995; Sridhar,1988). It is argued that the ability and desire of parents to transmit the ancestrallanguage to their children (Gupta & Yeok, 1995: 302), or the extent to which thelanguage is used among the younger generations (Sridhar, 1988: 83), constitutethe litmus test for language maintenance and shift. It is worth noting, however,that individuals’ decisions to transmit or not to transmit the ancestral languageare often influenced not by generation alone, but also by other factors, such as thestatus of the ancestral language in the wider society, government’s languagepolicy vis à vis the ancestral language in question, community support, etc.(Tollefson, 1991). A case in point is the shift from Indian languages to English inthe South African Indian community. Prabhakaran (1998: 302) describes the shiftas a conscious choice that Indian parents made for their children. She explainsthat parents forced their children to learn English and discouraged them fromlearning Telugu or any other vernacular, because, first, the social identity associ-ated with English was more desirable than that associated with Indian languagesand, second, the Government’s language policies did not assign the Indianlanguages any role in the South African society. In what follows, I examine howthe factors highlighted in this section, particularly education, socioeconomicvalue, generation and language policy impact on language maintenance andshift and prospects for South Africa’s official languages: English, Afrikaans, andthe nine previously marginalised indigenous languages.

EnglishThe new Constitution of South Africa does not accord English any special

rights or advantages over the other official languages. As a matter of fact, insection 3(2), the Constitution stipulates that ‘any person may communicate inwriting or orally with a government department in any official language’, andthat ‘any attempt by the government to act in any linguicist manner or to allowany language/languages to dominate others would be unconstitutional’ (TheConstitution of South Africa, 1996). Other constitutional measures, alreadydiscussed under Language Policy and Planning, also call for parity of esteemamong, and equity in the use of, the official languages. Despite all thesemeasures, language practices in the country’s institutions point to a differentreality – that English has a special status in South Africa. This is evident from thelanguage practices in the higher domains such as the media, the legislature,education and the army, as discussed above. It is also evident from the languagepractices for political events, such as the inauguration in 1994 of Nelson Mandelaas the first democratically elected president of South Africa, the annual openingsof Parliament, the signing ceremony on 10 December 1996 of South Africa’s newConstitution, and various official announcements or press releases. In SouthAfrica, most official events, including those mentioned above, are conductedexclusively through the medium of English.


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The hegemony of English can be explained in terms of the key factors inlanguage maintenance and shift outlined earlier: status, generation, socioeco-nomic value, numerical strength, education, Government language policy. Interms of the status and socioeconomic value, and because of the multiple func-tions it performs in South African society (see The Language Profile of SouthAfrica, above), English ranks higher than any of the country’s other officiallanguages. Because it is seen as the key to upward social mobility, English is thelanguage in which the majority of South African parents want their children to beeducated. This reality explains why, when apartheid ended in 1994, and with itschool segregation, the country witnessed an influx of speakers of Africanlanguages into formerly White or Indian schools in their quest to be educatedonly through the medium of English. In terms of generations, English receives alot of support not only from the minorities (e.g. South African Whites of Britishdescent and South African Indians, who speak it as a native tongue) but also frommany Afrikaans-speaking parents, who believe that their children’s future lieswith the global language, English, and from all black South Africans, who speakEnglish as a second or third language and value it more highly than their ownindigenous languages. We have seen, for instance, that African members ofParliament make their speeches almost exclusively in English, and that someprovincial authorities do not respond to letters and administrative memorandawritten in languages other than English. The language practices of the membersof Parliament and other authorities add to the hegemony of English. Finally, interms of the new language policy, English has covertly been put on a pedestal.For instance, when the policy says that ‘the national government and eachprovincial government must use at least two official languages‘ (author emphasis)for the purposes of government (see previous discussion), this is in generalunderstood to mean that one of the required two official languages must neces-sarily be English. Accordingly, multilingualism in the new South Africa in prac-tice means English plus any other languages, and not the use of any twolanguages without English (i.e. an English-knowing bilingualism as in Singa-pore; see Pakir (1998)). Thus, in the new South Africa, English reigns supreme,and its hegemony is felt country-wide, especially in the higher domains, to theextent that none of the other official languages can match it. The multiple rolesthat English performs in South African society indicate that the language is notlikely to come under any threat from the other official languages. If anything, theother official languages, especially the African languages, are likely to see someof their traditional domains (e.g. the family) taken over by English, particularlyin urban communities. A discussion now follows about the prospects for Afri-kaans followed by a discussion of language shift and the prospects for indige-nous languages.

AfrikaansAfrikaans is the only language that could present a challenge to the hegemony

of English in all the higher domains, except diplomacy. And this despite the factthat Afrikaans has lost most of the privileges and political prestige it had duringthe apartheid era. It is no longer a compulsory school subject in the country’seducational system, it no longer receives the special financial support it hadduring the apartheid era, it is no longer the sole language of the army and is grad-


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ually being replaced by English in this domain to accommodate the members offormer liberation armies who have been incorporated into the new South AfricanNational Defense Force (de Klerk & Barkhuizen, 1998; Barkhuizen & de Klerk,2000). Furthermore, Afrikaans is struggling to shed its tarnished image as thelanguage of oppression, an image it has acquired because Afrikaner politiciansassociated the language with apartheid. Of the determining factors in languagemaintenance and shift outlined earlier, generation, education and socioeco-nomic value stand out as the key for the maintenance of Afrikaans. With regardto generation, Afrikaans is the symbol of Afrikaner identity and culture, and ofexclusivity and separateness. It is the core, if not the single vital feature, of what itmeans to be an Afrikaner29 (that is, a white South African of Dutch descent). It isused in every domain of public and private life in the country, and it occupies acentral place in the Afrikaner community, where it is used for daily communica-tion, cultural ceremonies, church services, leisure and sports, especially rugbyand cricket. The community-based support for Afrikaans guarantees the trans-mission of the language from one generation to the next.

Besides the Afrikaner community, the majority of the so-called ‘Coloured’people do also contribute to the intergenerational transmission of Afrikaans,which they speak as a native language. There are, however, some in the ‘Col-oured’ community who have turned their back on Afrikaans due to its associa-tion with apartheid oppression (McCormick, 1989) although their number is notsignificant enough to impact negatively on the language. Note also thatMcCormick’s study is now quite old. Many English-orientated Coloured peoplemay have changed their attitudes towards Afrikaans since then. New researchmight shed light on language use and language attitude in the target Colouredcommunity. With respect to education, like English and unlike the Africanlanguages, Afrikaans has a fully developed infrastructure. Its rich literature andits use as a medium of education at all levels of schooling (primary, secondaryand tertiary), as well as its use in virtually all the higher domains, ensure that thelanguage retains much of the vibrancy developed during the apartheid era. Asvan Rensburg (1999: 92) puts it, it seems that Afrikaans’s negative image is beingcast off. Its speakers are too interwoven in the future of South Africa to warrantany substantial decrease in the role played by Afrikaans.

The vitality of Afrikaans is maintained through various initiatives, such aspreparations for the establishment of Afrikaans private schools, universities, andtelevision stations; and the establishment after 1994 of a Volkstaat Council(people-state council), a political body investigating the possibility of self-determination (i.e. the creation of a separate homeland) for the white Afri-kaans-speaking community (Webb & Kriel, 2000: 44). Besides generation andeducation, the Afrikaners constitute the largest and most economically powerfulminority group in South Africa. For instance, in a statement on SABC TV (1 May2001) by an advocate for Afrikaans, it was said that the Afrikaners control at least52% of South Africa’s economy. In the statement the speaker accused theGovernment of being anti-Afrikaans. He urged the Afrikaners to use their holdon the economy to maintain Afrikaans and their standard of living. Thus theAfrikaners are, as Romaine (1994) would put it, in a better position by dint ofnumerical and economic strength to make themselves prominent and to mobilisethemselves in support of their language. As a matter of fact, Afrikaans emerged


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on the South African linguistic scene as a result of Afrikaner mobilisation for thelanguage against the British Government’s oppressive policy of Anglicisation,which banned Afrikaans from the public service in the 1880s. Prior to its rise toprominence with the coming to power of the National Party in 1948, (Dutch-)Afrikaans had survived 300 years of British oppression. Under the currentGovernment, Afrikaans is, like all other official languages, protected by theConstitution. Therefore, although as a result of the demise of apartheid, Afri-kaans no longer receives special treatment from the state and has been reduced toone of the 11 languages in the country’s official linguistic heritage, the languageis not likely to come under any threat of attrition, in spite of the territory it has lostand is likely to lose to its historical rival, English, in the higher domains, such asthe government and administration, the media, the army, the court, to list but afew. On the contrary, I would like to postulate that the continued rivalry betweenEnglish and Afrikaans might lead the Afrikaners to mobilise again for theirlanguage which, as Webb and Kriel (2000: 20) note, they profess to ‘love’ and forwhich they are prepared to make material sacrifices to ensure its continued main-tenance. If the press statement referred to above is any indication, the seed for theThird Afrikaans Language Movement might have already been sown.

The official indigenous languagesAs a result of past language policies, and particularly the Bantu Education

Act, most African people attach a higher value to English than to their mothertongue, which they believe to be deficient and unsuitable for use in a modernsociety (Maartens, 1998). This point is echoed in Nyamende (1994: 213–14), whodescribes isiXhosa speakers’ attitudes towards their own language as follows:

Not only are [isi]Xhosa variants denigrated today, but even [isi]Xhosa, thestandard dialect, as a school subject or university course, is looked downupon by school people as a subject for the simple-minded and or rustics.

These two factors, the hegemony of English and people’s negative attitudestowards the indigenous languages, must be addressed if efforts to develop theindigenous languages are to succeed. Access to English should not translate intothe demise of the indigenous languages. Furthermore, people’s attitudestowards the indigenous languages might change if the languages were in someway economically important in the community. This last point will be discussedfurther in the last section of this monograph. The discussion that follows high-lights the formal steps that have been taken by government-sponsored agenciesto modernise the African languages.

The new language policy provides for the development of the official indige-nous languages, so that the languages can function beyond the traditionaldomains of the home, family and immediate community, in domains such as themedia, education system, and science and technology (see, for instance, Depart-ment of Education, 1994a; Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology,1996). Also, research shows that there is a high failure rate in science and mathe-matics at the end of grade 12, and that the failure rate is much higher in schoolswhere science is taught via English rather than via the mother tongue of thelearner (Carstens, 1997: 1). So, there is a real need to develop the indigenouslanguages so that students can access science and technology via the medium of


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their native languages. In the current South African context, developing theindigenous languages entails, in particular, the elaboration and modernisationof their vocabulary, especially in the field of science and technology. This, asGodman and Veltman (1990: 196) put it, has the economic benefits of makingscience and technology and other higher domains accessible in the indigenouslanguages. In this regard, Cluver (1996) notes that lexicographers must betrained to embark on the task of creating a scientific lexicon for each official indig-enous language. Also, African language practitioners must be trained to facili-tate the dissemination of information in the official indigenous languages. Theseare all top-down and costly undertakings, which the Government alone cannotafford for all the indigenous languages. The main challenge will be for eachlanguage community, in cooperation with government structures, to take thelead in developing their own language so that they will have access to scienceand technology through that language. A number of language developmentprojects, including lexicography projects and electronic corpora for all the offi-cial languages, have been initiated by linguists in collaboration with scientists atvarious South African universities. One such project is the multilingual dictio-nary for students of chemistry, initiated by Dr A. Carstens of the Department ofAfrikaans at the University of Pretoria and the Chemistry Division of the SouthAfrican Academy for Science and Art in 1998. The project, titled QuadralingualExplanatory Dictionary of Chemistry, aims to provide access to new or incom-pletely learnt special-field concepts by means of the first language of the user.Carstens (1997: 2) describes the project as ‘designed to be a multilingual explana-tory special-field pedagogical dictionary with English as the source languageand Afrikaans, isiZulu and Sepedi as target languages’. Its emphasis is oncomprehensible definitions in plain English of scientific terms, provided by thechemists, plus translation equivalents and definitions of these terms in theremaining three languages: Sepedi, isiZulu, Afrikaans. It is noted that, by offer-ing linguistic and encyclopaedic information in English, Afrikaans, Sepedi andisiZulu, the concepts of the subject field are made accessible not only via thelanguage(s) of wider communication, English, but also via the mother tongue ofthe student, Afrikaans, Sepedi, or isiZulu. To date the dictionary has compiled1000 scientific terms. The government and language activists must sensitise thecommunities to the benefits of projects such as the one described here, for theyboth contribute to language development and ensure language maintenance.

In terms of the key factors in language maintenance and shift discussedearlier, two factors – namely numerical strength and generation – constitute the life-line for the survival of the major official indigenous languages, such as isiZuluand isiXhosa, which have a little over nine million and seven million speakers,respectively. Minor official indigenous languages, such as Tshivenda andisiNdebele, which have less than a million speakers each (see Table 1), face a seri-ous threat from English, especially in urban areas. Their chances of survival inthese areas are comparatively slimmer than those of, say, any other indigenouslanguages, including isiZulu and isiXhosa. Also, in terms of performance in thehigher domains, minor official languages are becoming increasingly far less visi-ble than the major indigenous languages, as is evident from the data on languageuse in the media and other domains. Recent research shows that, in urban areas,English is steadily intruding into the family domain for daily communication,


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particularly among the younger generations (Bowerman, 2000; de Klerk, 2000b).Domain intrusion, observe Appel and Muysken (1987: 39, 41) is a clear warningsign of language shift. Romaine (1994) points out that language shift generallyinvolves bilingualism (often with diglossia) as a stage on the way to mono-lingualism in a new language. She goes on to explain that

typically, a community which was once monolingual becomes bilingual asa result of contact with another (usually socially and economically morepowerful) group and becomes transitionally bilingual in the new languageuntil their own language is given up altogether. (Romaine, 1994: 50)

Along these lines, as Fishman (1989: 206) puts it, ‘what begins as the languageof social and economic mobility ends, within three generations or so, as thelanguage of the crib as well, even in democratic and pluralism-permittingcontexts’. Fishman’s and Romaine’s remarks reflect what has happened withinthe Khoisan and the Indian communities in South Africa. As a result of contactswith economically more viable languages, in this case Afrikaans and English, theKhoisan and the Indian communities are now mostly monolingual in either Afri-kaans or English, respectively. Against this background and with Englishincreasingly infiltrating the home domain in urban African communities, thequestion arises as to whether these communities are on their way to mono-lingualism in English. Pauwels (1988: 12) observes that the maintenance of anethnic language in its communicative function appears to be largely dependenton the number of speakers in that community who cannot rely adequately onEnglish for their communicative needs. At present the majority of black SouthAfricans live in rural areas and rely on the indigenous languages for their dailycommunication needs. Therefore, if these languages are to give in to English,they are likely to do so in urban rather than rural areas, as two recent studiessuggest (see, Bowerman, 2000; de Klerk, 2000a). Bowerman (2000) undertook astudy of language use in urban black communities in the Western Cape Province.Two aspects of the study are relevant for our purpose; namely, language use ininteractions with family members and with neighbours and friends. The studyshows that the respondents use an African language, rather than English, in theirinteractions with older family members, irrespective of the latter’s degree ofproficiency in English. However, they use English regularly for interactions withfamily members around the same age as themselves; and this number, the studyconcludes, ‘increases significantly (to more than a third of the (31) respondents)when it comes to communicating with family members of younger generations’(Bowerman, 2000: 138). The author draws a similar conclusion with respect tolanguage use in interactions with neighbours and friends: ‘[if] the neighbor/friend interlocutors are of the younger generation, ... there is significant spread ofEnglish dominance over these interactions’ (pp. 157–158). de Klerk’s (2000a)report is on the influx of speakers of isiXhosa into English-medium schools in theEastern Cape Province. In particular, de Klerk aims to investigate parents’reasons for sending their children to these schools and the linguistic andpsycho-social effects of the move on the children and on the long-term situationof their native tongue, isiXhosa. The study shows that language shift fromisiXhosa to English is currently taking place among the wealthier and more privi-leged members of the isiXhosa-speaking community, both on a practical level


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and on a socio-psychological level. Another finding of de Klerk’s study showsthat there is considerable internal conflict in the minds of both the parents andchildren undergoing the shift as to the future role of isiXhosa language andculture in their lives. If the trend towards language shift as described in both deKlerk’s and Bowerman’s studies continues, one can project that, in the next twogenerations or so, the indigenous languages, especially the minor ones (e.g.Tshivenda, isiNdebele, etc.) are most likely to be replaced by English, especiallyin urban black communities. Should this happen, the result will be whatSkutnabb-Kangas (2000) has termed ‘linguistic genocide’. By this term,Skutnabb-Kangas means that, just as physical genocide occurs when people aresystematically killed, so linguistic genocide, in her words, occurs when (indige-nous) languages are systematically killed as a result of contact with more power-ful languages. Education will play a vital role in stopping or guaranteeinglinguistic genocide in the indigenous languages. As observed earlier, educationhas often been cited as one of the key factors in language maintenance and shift(Walker, 1984). For instance, Lee (1982) argues that people with a higher educa-tion and socioeconomic status, such as described in the de Klerk study, havegreater resources to maintain native traditions such as language. Demos (1988),however, argues the opposite. In a study of ethnic mother-tongue maintenanceamong Greek Orthodox Americans, he concludes that educational attainment isa vehicle of social and geographical mobility and that college education is partic-ularly likely to encourage the development of critical values incompatible withmaintenance of traditional forces such as language (Demos, 1988: 67). Currentlanguage practices in South Africa’s urban African communities as described inde Klerk (2000a) and Bowerman (2000), lend support to Demos’s study. The prac-tices suggest that a higher level of education has a negative effect on ethnicfirst-language retention, particularly in urban African communities. In thesecommunities, parents consciously choose English for the education of their chil-dren at all levels of schooling, including primary, secondary, and tertiary educa-tion. For instance, recent press reports indicate that the number of studentsstudying African languages at universities has been declining by half each yearsince 1996. According to the University of South Africa (UNISA), the only institu-tion that offers courses in all official African languages, ‘the number of under-graduate students registered for these courses has dropped from 25,000 in 1997to 3,000 this year (i.e. 2001). The number of postgraduate students has alsodecreased, from 511 to 53 in the same period’ (Sunday Times, 4 March 2001, p. 2).The implications of these facts for the retention of the indigenous languages, andfor language policy, are as yet to be fully investigated. As Kamwangamalu(1998b: 122) has remarked elsewhere, unless these communities make a deliber-ate effort to maintain and promote their own languages, the chances are that thelanguages will face the same fate as the Indian and the Khoisan languages did –attrition and eventual death. In this respect, the suggestion that Lopes (1997)makes about consciousness raising and improvement of attitudes towards indig-enous languages among parents and pupils in Mozambique applies to thelanguage situation in South Africa:

The educational authorities must succeed in explaining to parents, teachersand children the implications of teaching and learning through a certain


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medium of instruction (mother tongue, language of wider communication,or both), and succeed in convincing them of the pedagogical and culturaladvantages associated with promotion of mother tongue education, andwith promotion of individual and societal bilingualism. (Lopes, 1997: 25)

A similar view is expressed by Luckett (1992), who says that

until educational resources in the African languages are developed to ahigher conceptual level and not unless these languages are perceived tofacilitate access to the wider society and economic advancement, the attrac-tion of English as opposed to the African languages will continue to beoverwhelming. (Luckett, 1992: 18)

The section that follows concludes this monograph by addressing the implica-tions of the aforementioned trend in language shift for the current languagepolicy. The main point to be made is that if this trend is to be reversed, SouthAfrica must review its language policy with a view to revalorising ethnic firstlanguage. This can be done by extending the use of these languages to all thehigher domains and rewarding multilingual skills in these languages. Thediscussion will focus on one such domain, education, and will make the case formother-tongue education in African languages. It is worth noting at this pointthat in the absence of serious language modernisation, there seems to be littlehope of raising the African languages to genuine equality with English and Afri-kaans. Therefore, the demand for English in particular is most likely to continueunabated, especially in urban black communities (but see note 28).

Language policy and planning: The way forwardOne of the key issues that this monograph has highlighted, and that I would

like to focus on in this section, is the mismatch between South Africa’s multilin-gual language policy on the one hand, and language practices on the other. Thelanguage policy promotes additive multilingualism, or what Phillipson andSkutnabb-Kangas (1996) would call the ‘ecology-of-language paradigm’, whilethe language practices promote unilingualism in English or what the authorswould call the ‘diffusion-of-English paradigm’. There is strong evidence, asshown in this monograph, with regard to the language practices in education, themedia and other higher domains that, in South Africa, the diffusion-of-Englishparadigm is gaining momentum in virtually all of the country’s institutions. Ihave explained that the mismatch between the language policy and languagepractices derives, in the main, from three key factors, comprising the status andinstrumental value of English as a global language, the ambivalent language-related clauses in the country’s Constitution, and the legacy of apartheid’slanguage-in-education policies, especially the Bantu Education Act. Thesefactors, together with vested interests and market forces, have been a stumblingblock in the country’s efforts to promote the status of African languages in thehigher domains, including education.

English has been used officially in South Africa for at least the past 200 years.And yet its distribution remains restricted to a minority elite group. Efforts tomake English accessible to the masses have been resounding failures. The major-ity remains on the fringe. Language-based division has increased, economic


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development has not reached the majority (Alexander, 1997: 88), and the illiter-acy rate, especially among the black population, remains high. Although peoplewill always want to learn English, particularly because of its instrumental value,there is a need for extending the use of the indigenous languages to all the higherdomains and especially to the entire educational system. Using indigenouslanguages in such higher domains as education is vital, not only for an efficientpromotion of those languages, but also for the rapid and massive developmentand spread of literacy among the populace to empower them to participateactively in the social, political and economic development of the state.

Promoting the indigenous languages also requires policy revision on the onehand, and ridding the languages of the legacy of the Bantu Education Act on theother. With regard to the former, the language policy must state unequivocallywhich official languages must be used in which province for what purposes. It isnot enough to have legislation in place that accords recognition and equal statusto all the official languages. One needs a sustaining rather than a laissez fairepolicy (see Kaplan & Baldauf, 1997: 210–213 for discussion). This is because, asSchiffman (1992) points out, egalitarianism in language policy does not necessar-ily result in equal outcomes; nor does it necessarily entail language promotion.Language policy is more than a language clause in the Constitution; rather it is, asDjité (1990: 96) points out, ‘the realisation and the consciousness raising aboutlanguage as a cultural heritage and as a primary factor of socioeconomic devel-opment, the calculated choice of the language(s) of education and administra-tion, and the actual implementation of that policy’. Unless the loopholes inherentin the current language policy are closed, efforts to promote the indigenouslanguages will be doomed to fail. Fortunately, the question of policy revisionnow appears to be one of the top priorities of the Minister of Education, ProfessorKader Asmal. In a recent newspaper article, the Minister remarks that ‘languagepolicy “is not working for all” [the official languages]’ and so it ‘requires animmediate review’ (Daily News, 8 May 2001). He points out that

Although the language policy promulgated in 1997 was theoreticallysound, it had not really worked on the ground. ... Some school governingbodies refuse to comply with all the provisions of the language-in-education policy because of racism and use explanations as varied as schoolculture, corporate vision, capacity and resource availability as covers fortheir actions. (Daily News, 8 May 2001)

It is not clear what amendments will be made to the language policy, but theyshould be informed by the findings of current research, discussed in this mono-graph, into why the policy has not worked in the first place (e.g. Kamwanga-malu, 1997a, 1998b; LANGTAG, 1996; Verhoef, 1998). Most importantly, theamendments should be geared towards making the indigenous languages ‘fill ahole’ in their respective communities, as explained below.

Finally, the legacy of apartheid30 education not only has rendered the indige-nous languages instrumentally valueless, but it has also led black South Africansto equate education in the indigenous languages (their own languages) with infe-rior education. Therefore, for the indigenous languages to become competitivevis à vis English- or Afrikaans-medium education, they must be ‘cleansed’ of thestigma of inferiority they have been carrying for decades (Kamwangamalu, 1996,


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1997b). This cleansing can be achieved by investing the indigenous languageswith some of the advantages and perquisites that are currently associated onlywith English and/or Afrikaans. For instance, a certified knowledge of the indige-nous languages should become one of the criteria for upward social mobility, forpolitical participation, and for access to employment in the civil service, much aswas the case during the eras of Dutchification, Anglicisation and Afrikanerisation(Kamwangamalu, 2000a, 2001b). The black communities will not accept educa-tion in the medium of an African language and will ‘trade in’ their own languagefor English unless they are convinced that the outcomes of education in an Afri-can language will be as rewarding as those of English or Afrikaans-mediumeducation. Put differently, would education in the medium of an Africanlanguage enhance the target population’s standard of living? Would it give thema competitive edge in the employment market? What benefits would individualsactually reap, particularly in the labour market, because of their skills in an indig-enous language? And how, as Grin (1995: 227–31) asks, would these benefitscompare to the benefits deriving from the skills in English or Afrikaans?

A related question is, who must ensure that an indigenous language becomeseconomically viable? Language communities tend to rely on the Government todevelop their respective languages. But the Government does not have theresources to develop all these languages, nor, as the Soweto uprising has shown,does it have inherent power to impose a particular language on the population.Whether a language becomes economically viable or not is largely dependent onits users. As the studies by Heller (1995) in Canada and Woolard (1988) inCatalonia have shown, fundamental shifts in language values come with move-ments where a substantial proportion of a population is mobilised around aparticular language, as an emblem of identity and citizenship. Along with thisidea, language activists should mobilise speakers of the indigenous languagesaround their respective languages both to bring about shifts in the values of andattitudes towards these languages and to stave off the threat of linguistic geno-cide (Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000). Language activists have mobilised their respec-tive communities against harmonisation, a language planning exercise thatsought unsuccessfully to develop a standard variety for each of the Nguni andSotho languages, because they saw in it a threat, real or potential, to their culturesand languages. Therefore, there is no reason why similar efforts would notsucceed if the activists sought to bring about shifts in the values of theirlanguages. Bringing about such shifts does not entail saying farewell to Englishand Afrikaans. Rather, it means staving off the current trend towards languageshift from the indigenous languages to English, especially in urban blackcommunities, and creating conditions in which English and Afrikaans and thepreviously marginalised indigenous languages can function alongside eachother in all walks of life.

AcknowledgementsI am grateful to Vic Webb for his insightful comments and suggestions on an

earlier draft of this monograph and for pointing me to key references on ‘Lan-guage and Religion’.


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CorrespondenceAny correspondence should be directed to Prof. Nkonko M. Kamwangamalu,

Howard University, Department of English, 248 Locke Hall, 2441 6th Street, NW,Washington, DC 20059, USA ([email protected]).

Notes1. This idea that each racial group must have its own territory continues to be voiced in

today’s South Africa by the Freedom Front, an Afrikaner political party which seeksself-determination; that is, a separate region or homeland, volkstaat, for the Afrikaners.

2. I am using the term ‘Africans’ to refer specifically to black South Africans. In SouthAfrica, politicians sometimes use this term to refer to all so-called ‘non-whites’ includ-ing Indians, Coloureds, and Blacks.

3. These conferences include The 15th Southern African Applied Linguistics Association(SAALA) conference on Constitutionally Enshrined Multilingualism: Challenges andResponses (Stellenbosch, South Africa, 1995), The Workshop on Post-colonialLanguage Problems and Language Planning: Assessing the Past Half Century(Utrecht, The Netherlands, 1996); The Panel on Sociopragmatic and SociolinguisticApproaches to Multilingualism, 6th International Pragmatics Conference (Reims,France, 1998); Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics(Washington, DC, 2000), and The University of Natal’s 17th Conference on LanguageDevelopment and Language Use (Durban, South Africa, 2000). Also, in writing thismonograph I have used as a guide the 22 questions provided by the series editors,Robert Kaplan and Richard B. Baldauf, Jr, and the monographs on the language-planning situation in the neighbouring countries of Malawi (Kayambazinthu, 1998)and Mozambique (Lopes, 1998).

4. As in the new Constitution of South Africa, in this monograph I have used a prefix inthe spelling of the names of the indigenous languages, e.g. isiZulu, isiXhosa,isiNdebele, siSwati, Xitsonga, Tshivenda, etc. The prefix serves to distinguishbetween a language (e.g. isiZulu, siSwati, Tshivenda) and its speakers (e.g. Zulus,Swatis, Vendas). Note, however, that the names of the indigenous languages are alsocommonly spelt without a prefix, e.g. Zulu, Xhosa, Ndebele, Swati, Tsonga, etc.

5. A descendant of Dutch settlers in South Africa was known during the 19th century as aBoer, which means farmer. By the early 20th century such people were calling them-selves Afrikaners, which means people of Africa. Their language is Afrikaans, alocally evolved form of Dutch (Attwell, 1986: ix)

6. The war was triggered by a combination of factors, among them the discovery of thegold in the Witwatersrand in 1886, which precipitated a collision between the Boersand Uitlanders, that is, the new immigrants, mainly British; the denial by the Boers ofthe political rights to the Uitlanders; and the desire of Britain to federate South Africaand bring the whole country under the control of the British Empire.

7. The stipulation of Dutch, and not Afrikaans, in the constitution, or Act of the Union as itwas called, provoked conflict among the parties to the Union. In 1925, Article 137 ofthe Act of the Union, by which English and Dutch were given equal status as officiallanguages of the Union, was amended to state explicitly that reference to Dutch alsoincluded Afrikaans (Maartens, 1998: 29)

8. For an in-depth discussion of the development of Afrikaans, see Ponelis (1993), vanRensburg and Jordan (1995), and Webb et al. (1992).

9. These organisations include the South African Hindu Maha Sabha, the Natal TamilVedic Society, the Andhra Maha Sabha of South Africa, the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha ofSouth Africa, the Kathiawad Hindu Seva Samj, the Surat Hindoo Association and theShree Sanathan Sabha of Natal.

10. For the Muslim community, some such organisations include the Islamic PropagationCentre, the Juma Musjid Madressa Trust, the Darul Uloom Trust and the OrientIslamic Educational Institute.

11. The other organisations involved in promoting Indian languages are: Hindi SikhaSangh (teaches Hindi reading and writing skills); Gujarati Khathiawad Association


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(teaches Gujarati language and culture in Gujarati patasalas (schools)); Natal TamilFederation, a sister organisation to the Tamil Vedic Society of South Africa, (teachesTamil through dances, songs, and through the study of Thevaram (i.e. Hindu religioustexts written in Tamil)); and the Institution for Indian Languages, a new organisationestablished in 1995 by some concerned academics at the University ofDurban-Westville to fight for the rights of Indian languages in South Africa.

12. A distinguishing grammatical feature of the south-eastern languages, including thenine official indigenous languages of South Africa, is that locatives and diminutivesare formed by noun suffixes, while most other Bantu languages employ prefixes(Schuring, 1990: 25). Two of the nine official indigenous languages, namely Sesothoand siSwati, also serve as official languages in the neighbouring kingdoms of Lesothoand Swaziland, respectively.

13. Some of these languages, particularly Zulu, are taught at a number of overseas univer-sities, e.g. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Yale University, University ofCalifornia at Los Angeles.

14. The idea that South Africa should aim for a single non-racial education system wasrecommended in 1981 by a Human Science Research Council Committee appointedby the apartheid Government to conduct an in-depth investigation into the crisis trig-gered by the 1976 Soweto uprisings. The committee’s report, named the De LangeReport (after its chair, Professor Pieter de Lange), recommended, inter alia, that:

there should be only one education department responsible for the provision ofeducation in South Africa at the first or national level; that education managementat the second level should be organised on a regional basis; that the greatest possi-ble degree of autonomy should be given to the institution that is closest to theparents and the teachers, viz. the school; and that parents and teachers should havea major share in decision-making at this level. (Engelbrecht, 1992: 510)

15. Although school segregation has ended, former white schools have gate-keepingmechanisms, such as lengthy waiting lists and high fees to ensure that the status quoremains or is, at best, slightly changed by accepting only very small numbers of blackstudents. For instance, in a study of schooled literacy at a Durban pre-school,Adendorff and Nel (1998: 211) found that discrimination in South Africa now takes adifferent and less easily discernible form. Restrictive mechanisms limit the possibilityof access to elite discourse practices to numbers sufficiently small not to threaten thestatus quo, demonstrating the way in which the status quo is upheld, even after theofficial mechanisms, such as separate education for Blacks and Whites, have beendismantled.

16. Andrew Gonzalez (1990: 322) uses the term ‘miseducation’ to describe the attitudes ofFilipino students towards the use of English instead of their native tongue, Filipino, asthe medium of instruction. The students consider the use of English in the Philippineeducational system as a continuation of cultural and linguistic imperialism by theUnited States. Unlike in the Philippines, in South Africa, because of the legacy of theBantu Education system, it is the use of the indigenous languages in education ratherthan English that the pupils and parents consider as ‘miseducation’.

17. Until recently, three levels were distinguished, the Higher, Standard and LowerGrade.

18. The description draws mostly on the following sources: South Africa Year Book, 1998,1999; Europa World Year Book, 1999; Africa South of the Sahara, 1999.

19. Everyday M-Net broadcasts to the general public, known as open-time viewers, fortwo hours 5–7 p.m.) free of charge.

20. Ethnolinguistic rivalries are not unique to South Africa. As Laitin and Mensah (1991)point out, the promotion of any indigenous language for official use often yieldsopposition, not only from those doing technical work, but also from leading politi-cians of the ‘non-chosen’ languages. This is illustrated in the following statement byChief Anthony Anahoro of Nigeria, an Edo speaker, in which he opposes the choice ofHausa as the official language of the state:

as one who comes from a minority tribe, I deplore the continuing evidence in this


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country that people wish to impose their customs, their languages, and even theirway of life upon the smaller tribes .... My people have a language, and thatlanguage was handed down through a thousand years of tradition and custom.When the Benin Empire exchanged ambassadors with Portugal, many of the newNigerian languages of today did not exist. (Laitin, 1992: 96)

21. In 1997 the Department of Education qualified the phrase under consideration to read:

It is reasonably practicable to provide education in a particular language of learn-ing and teaching if at least 40 in grades 1 to 6 or 35 in grades 7 to 12 learners in aparticular grade request it in a particular school.

However, at the same time it added the following, also non-committal andopen-ended clause, to the policy:

The provincial education department must explore ways and means of sharingscarce human resources. It must also explore ways and means of providing alter-nate language maintenance programmes in schools and or school districts whichcannot be provided with and or offer additional languages of teaching in the homelanguage(s) of learners. (Government Gazette, 17 July 1997)

22. The term mother-tongue is being used here in the sense of UNESCO ([1953] 1995), asalready described under Language Spread. It is worth noting that the mother-tongue‘need not be the language which a person’s parents use; nor need it be the languageone first learns to speak, since special circumstances may cause one to abandon thislanguage more or less completely at an early age’ (UNESCO, [1953] 1995).

23. In accordance with this proposal, the other official languages, including Afrikaans,are currently being used as the languages of record on a rotating basis each month (TheSunday Times, 31 May 1998).

24. In the apartheid era, the term ‘Model C schools’ was used to refer to ‘whites-only’schools, especially white English-medium schools.

25. Incidentally, current language practices in regard to English can be traced back to thelanguage policy proposal made by the ANC, now the ruling party, in 1993. The firstclause of that proposal reads as follows:

No language must be constitutionally designated as an official language.However, one language may be designated through legislation as the language forgovernment record purposes at the national, regional, and local levels of govern-ment. At the national level, this language will probably be English.

Compare this proposal with the one made a year earlier by the English Academy ofSouthern Africa:

Although it is desirable that all eleven languages normally recognized as the mainlanguages spoken in South Africa should have equal status, the only practicablesolution is to make one language the language of wider communication. The otherlanguages should all have official status at various levels of public life, in variouscircumstances, and possibly on a geographical basis, to be laid down in broadterms in the Constitution and spelled out in more detail in corresponding legisla-ture. (English Academy of Southern Africa, 1992: 3)

Note that the English Academy does not name the language it says should be made thelanguage of wider communication. But it is obvious that the language in question isand must be English.

26. The language research group of the National Education Policy Investigation (NEPI)(1992: 4–16) offers an in-depth discussion of various policies for the medium ofinstruction, their advantages and disadvantages, and the necessary conditions forthem to succeed.

27. In an article aptly entitled ‘When mother tongue education is not preferred’, Gupta(1997: 506) makes a similar remark about resistance to mother-tongue education inTamil by the urban middle-class Tamil parents of Malaysia. In particular, and citingSchiffman (1996), Gupta points out that the parents ‘declared that they would not put


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their children in Tamil schools in Malaysia because Tamil schools are a dead-endprofessionally and socially’.

28. According to press reports, one language community, the Tshivenda-speakingcommunity, appears to have taken the threat of English to its language to heart. In aneffort to roll back what the community terms ‘cultural imperialism’ associated withEnglish – one that breeds ‘cultural genocide’ – a group of Tshivenda-speaking peoplehave started a movement to establish a school in Johannesburg which would teachTshivenda and Venda culture to Venda children (The Star, 25 September 2000). It is notsurprising that the Tshivenda-speaking people are the first to undertake such aninitiative. They are the smallest among the indigenous language communities inSouth Africa and so, in terms of language and culture loss, they feel more vulnerablethan any of the other indigenous language communities.

29. Vic Webb (personal communication, 2001) says that the term ‘Afrikaner’ is definedmore narrowly by many, viz. as (1) support of self-determination/apartheid /sepa-ratism (politically), (2) white (racially), (3) membership of the Dutch ReformedChurch (religion), (4) a sense of a glorious past (historically) and (5) particular values,attitudes, and norms (culturally).

30. There is no denying that apartheid is certainly the root of many evils in South Africa. Itis worth noting, however, that language planning situations in the rest of Africa,which did not have apartheid, are so similar to that in South Africa that other factors,such as colonialism, slavery, and Christianisation must also have had their impact onthe language situation in South Africa.

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Biographical Notes on Contributors

Armando Jorge Lopes took his doctorate at the University of Wales, and iscurrently Professor of Applied Linguistics at the Eduardo Mondlane Universityin Mozambique, where he has served as Pro-Vice-Chancellor for PedagogicAffairs. He has also served as Editor-in-Chief (1990–1995) of the LinguisticsAssociation for SADC Universities. He has undertaken a number of consultancyassignments for the Commonwealth and the Organisation of African Unity inAddis Ababa. He has published two books and some two dozen articles in refer-eed journals and as chapters in books. His research interests include discourseanalysis, contrastive rhetoric, and language planning and language policy.Nkonko M. Kamwangamalu is currently Associate Professor of English andLinguistics at Howard University in Washington, DC. He has taught linguisticsat the National University of Singapore, the University of Swaziland, and theUniversity of Natal in Durban, South Africa, where he was Professor and Direc-tor of the Linguistics Program. He holds a PhD in Linguistics from the Universityof Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and has also received a Fulbright award. Hisresearch interests include multilingualism, code-switching, language policy andplanning, language and identity, New Englishes, and African Linguistics. He haspublished widely in these areas. He is the author of the recent monograph TheLanguage Planning Situation in South Africa (2001, Multilingual Matters), and hasguest-edited special issues on this and related topics for The International Journalof the Sociology of Language (Vol. 144, 2000), Multilingua (Vol. 17, 2–3, 1998), andWorld Englishes (Vol. 21, 1, 2002), and Language Problems and Language Planning (inpreparation).Dr Edrinnie Kayambazinthu holds a PhD from LaTrobe University, Australiaand is a Senior Lecturer in the English Department at Chancellor College,University of Malawi. She has published a number of articles in the field ofsociolinguistics and language planning in Malawi. Her major work on thelanguage situation in Malawi first appeared in the Journal of Multilingual andMulticultural Development in 1998. Her other publications such as ‘SociolinguisticTheories: Some Implications from Malawian Data, Codeswitching andCodemixing’ have appeared in the Journal of Humanities and one on ‘Patterns ofLanguage Use in Malawi in the Journal of Contemporary African Studies.Professor Lydia Nyati Ramahobo obtained her PhD in Applied Linguistics atthe University of Pennsylvania in 1991. She served as head of the Department ofPrimary Education at the University of Botswana from 1996 to 1999. She iscurrently the Dean of the Faculty of Education, a position she has held since 2000.Professor Ramahobo was Coordinator for the Educational Research Network inEastern and Southern Africa from 1992 to 1995. Her major publications includethe book titled The National Language: A Problem or Resource (Pula Press), The GirlChild in Botswana (UNICEF) and a recent extended journal article titled ‘From aPhone Call to the High Court: Wayeyi Visibility and the Kamanakao Associa-tion’s Campaign for Linguistic and Cultural Rights in Botswana’ in the Journal ofSouthern African Studies 28 (4). Her areas of interest are language in education,language and ethnicity, educational research and female education.

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