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    What Else Do We Say When We Say "Music Evolves? World of Music 48(3) (2007)

    Matt Rahaim

    Abstract: Whether speaking of musical ancestors, development, adaptation, or survival,music scholars implicitly draw connections between the change in biological and musical forms overtime. These connections do not amount to rigorous applications of evolutionary theory. Instead, theyfunction as metaphors used creatively to account for musical change. I see two broad systems ofevolution metaphors, which I call progressive and situated evolution. Progressive evolution(informed by metaphors of development and linear motion) sees musical forms gradually improvingover time. Situated evolution (informed by metaphors of fitting into place) sees musical formsadapting to dynamic local conditions. Each metaphorical system carries entailments about the future,value, and proper place of music. I argue that evolution metaphors, while sometimes useful, carrypolitical implications that can easily be made explicit.

    The title of Victor Grauer's recent article, "Echoes of our Forgotten Ancestors" no

    doubt made many ethnomusicologists grit their teeth. Skimming the article quickly and

    finding the unfashionable language of human genetics and evolutionary biology would have

    only heightened their anxiety. Would the "echoes of forgotten ancestors" turn out to be

    echoes of Social Darwinism? Was this to be a retelling of the story of modern Europe's

    heroic musical ascent above the rest of the world?

    Not at all. Grauer, in fact, tells the opposite story. He undermines the evolutionist

    notion that music naturally progresses over time from simple to complex, using cantometric

    data to provide counterexamples. Instead, he says, "[musical] complexity was there from the

    beginning"(36). He suggests that the basic shape of the complex Pygmy/Bushman vocal

    style that he describes may have endured for millennia without evolution or any other kind

    of change.

    But there is another, equally significant, way that Grauers paper is a break from the

    old school of evolutionist music history: he is clear about the political stakes of his argument.

    The article is not only about an ancient music survival; it is about a system of values

    embodied by a certain way of singing. The singing reflects cooperation as opposed to

    competition; gentleness and mutual support as opposed to aggression and violencea

    legacy of interactive play, pleasureand joy (44). Furthermore, if Grauer is right, this is a

    socio-musical legacy held in common by all humanity, from hunter-gatherers to computer

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    programmers, regardless of race or nation. This picture of human musical history and

    political potential contrasts dramatically with the competitive, racialist, territorialist picture

    painted by traditional accounts of musics evolution from primitive origins.1

    Whether or not one is persuaded of Grauers specific claims, it is remarkable that his

    vision of music history would have such deep political ramifications. If his paper is a sign of

    a new, rigorous consideration of evolutionary models in music scholarship, it is not a return

    to a time when science is seen as purely objective and politically innocent. Evolution has

    been assigned various political labels in the past fifty years. When evolution is a tool of

    anthropological analysis, as the opposite of diffusionism or area studies, it is conservative.

    It implies Social Darwninism, racism, and radical laissez-faire economic policy. But when

    evolution is a subject taught in biology classrooms, as the opposite of creationism, it is

    liberal. It implies secular humanism, multiculturalism, and a state responsibility forchildren that overrides that of the family. In each case, an evolutionary picture of human

    history implies something about governance, belonging, and civic life.

    Evolution has done several jobs in music scholarship as well. Music scholars2 have

    had recourse to at least two very distinct kinds of "musical evolution" over the last hundred

    years or so, each with very different implications. The first kind shows music spontaneously

    developing from simple to complex; the second shows music adapting to temporary, local

    contexts. Neither one, as I will show later, is a direct application of evolutionary theory.

    Instead, I see each version of evolution as a coherent, effective metaphorical system invoked

    to account for musical change. These metaphors structure our understanding of the history

    of musical practices, and also contain hidden prescriptions.3

    For example, what if, like Grauer, we want to describe a non-evolutionary situation.

    How can we describe the process by which the some aspect of a musical practice has

    remained the same for centuries? Although nobody has ever lived to hear the continuity of a

    musical tradition over the course of centuries, we may imagine its continuity through one of

    many metaphors. To take three common cases, we might speak as though a musical1 See e.g. Parry 1930, Sachs 19432

    I'm referring here specifically to scholars writing about the evolution of musical forms and practices.

    There is an entirely different stream of music research that focuses on the evolution ofhumansfor

    example the evolution of neural structures of musicking.3 There is no clearer way to see this than to see how metaphors operate in classroom discussions. I am gratefulto my high school biology and undergraduate ethnomusicology students for their fine attention to nuances offigurative language, gesture, and tone of voice. Conversations with these students served as the basis for thispaper.

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    tradition is an echo (as Grauer does,) a tree, or a stream. Here are some instances4 of these

    metaphors, in Lakoff and Johnsons (1980) notation:

    A MUSICAL TRADITION IS THE STILL-REVERBERATING ECHO OF AN ORIGINAL SOUND

    We are still hearingechoesof our forgotten ancestors. The music of Amir Khusro isstill resoundingin our halls. That old hornpipe still ringsin the streets of Boston.

    A MUSICAL TRADITION IS A TREE WITH ROOTS IN A TIME AND PLACE

    The blues is rooted informs of West African music that are free of both Islamic andEuropean influences. The harmonium threatens to uprootIndian music. Bluegrasshas deep rootsin Ireland.

    A MUSICAL TRADITION IS A STREAM FLOWING FROM PAST TO PRESENT

    The songs of his ancestors flowthrough him. The tradition runs deep in their family.Jazz has been influencedby many smaller tributaries, such as the music of marching

    bands and church hymns.

    These metaphors are not mere descriptions of musical continuity, however. They all

    tend to carry a subtle prescription as well: the tradition oughtto be preserved. The kind of

    change that is possible even under the most optimistic description of confluence or

    influence still entails a necessary connection with two past streamsor else we are left

    with a muddy rivulet. If we speak of echoes, what change can there be except for a gradual

    dying out? And what, after all, happens to a tree if it is uprooted from its native soil? For

    good or ill, these metaphors are often used in service of folk revivals and nationalism, linkingpeople and place, past and present, generation to generation.

    And yet, we all continue to use these metaphors every day. I am not suggesting we

    do without them. This critique of evolution metaphors is not a rallying cry to cleanse our

    speech of their corrupting presence, allowing some pure, perfect metaphor to claim its

    rightful place. As I will show, analogies between musical and biological evolution are very

    sketchy, and require some intellectual squinting, some imagination, and a temporary

    suspension of disbelief. But this is a sign that we are grappling with difficult problems and

    using a wide range of poetic tools to render them thinkable. My hope is to highlight some

    unspoken assumptions and implications that attend evolution metaphors in

    4 All such examples in this paper are paraphrased from written and spoken examples, without citation. I appealto the readers familiarity with these ways of speaking

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    ethnomusicology, so that we may know better what we tacitly say when we talk about

    evolution.

    Evolution and Music History

    Students of music historiography are familiar with evolution primarily through the

    work of historical musicologists like Hubert Parry as well as comparative musicologists like

    Curt Sachs. Broadly, this view held that music progresses through increasingly sophisticated

    stages over time. To take a familiar example: expressive howling, savage music, folk

    music, melodic art music (including the art musics of Asia), and, finally, the pinnacle of

    musical evolution: European harmony. This metaphor is commonly used not only as a

    descriptive device to arrange various kinds of musical form, but also as a prescriptive value

    ranking of the musics of the world in which the West is the most developed. Other musics

    are then seen as relatively childlike and primitive. Western classical music is celebrated assophisticated, inevitable, and victorious, as the homo sapiensamong Neanderthal musics. It is

    a statement about racial superiority as much as a statement about music history.

    This is not, however, the only possible use for progressive evolution. With some

    tweaking, the model can be used in the service of various nationalist agendas. For example,

    Swami Prajnananda, among the most influential of 20th century Indian music historians,

    adapted this evolutionary model for his histories of Indian music (1963, 1973). Following

    Sachs, he asserted the evolution of scales from few notes to many, flutes from one hole to

    many, veenas from a single string to many, etc.

    These evolution metaphors remain with us in the 21st century. Prajnanandas

    hypothetical progression from a three-note "Vedic scale through a seven-note Samavedic

    scale to the scales of modern ragas has become a common sense history among Indian

    musicians. In Western musicology, as Richard Crocker has observed, the view that

    polyphony must evolve from melody has been remarkably persistent, even if no longer

    tenable (Crocker, in preparation.) Ethnomusicologists and popular music scholars, too, still

    draw upon evolution metaphors in their descriptions of musical change (Jairazbhoy 1995,Eddy 2005.)

    This is perhaps most obvious when teaching survey classes such as, say, "Music of

    The Middle East," or even "Music of the World," that attempt to touch on a dozen or more

    genres in the course of a semester, in which we may feel compelled to give short, testable

    blurbs about the histories of various practices. As ethnomusicologists, we may be skeptical

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    about using evolution as a model. Most of us can marshall theoretical resources to critique

    glib claims to roots, origins, and evolution. But as teachers, we often find ourselves in

    situations that require us to say something in shorthand about their origins, and have few

    models at hand apart from evolution. Thus, even with the best of intentions, we hear

    ourselves saying that khyal evolved from dhrupad, or that ars novacounterpoint evolved

    from organum, or bebop from swing.

    However, there is something peculiar about the uses of the word evolution. It is

    certainly not the same kind of process that evolutionary biologists now talk about. The

    pigeons of Notre Dame, for example, did not evolve noticably while counterpoint was

    changing so dramatically between the 13th and 15th centuries. More importantly, "younger"

    species of pigeon are not necessarily any better than their older cousins. The evolution

    of musical genres generally happens very quickly, has some murky relationship with humanagency, and, most significantly, it carries with it an implication of progress.

    Progress (or directedness) is the primary criterion that I use to distinguish two kinds

    of evolution in music history. The notion that life forms are on a one-way track to

    improvement has for the most part been abandoned by contemporary biology. But it still

    forms the basis of what most music scholars think of as evolution. Non-progressive

    evolution is what I will later call situated evolution. The evolution of music from simple

    to complex is what I will call progressive evolution.

    Progressive Evolution

    Progressive evolution involves the mixing of metaphors of two distinct biological

    processes. The first kind of process is now called "development" by biologists. This

    includes, for example, the growth of a redwood tree from a seed, the metamorphosis of a

    caterpillar into a moth, and the growth of a human child into an adult. The other process is

    usually simply called "evolution" by biologists (though I will later call it situated evolution

    to distinguish it from progressive evolution.) This includes, for example, the gradual

    differentiation, over millions of years, of scaled reptiles from thin-skinned frogs, the adaptiveradiation of mammals to fill niches left open by reptile extinctions, and the speciation of

    several species of finch to fill various ecological niches on various islands. It refers to

    gradual changes in a population, over time, to maximize fitness for a way of making a living

    in an ecological nichethat is, a way of eating, staying warm, reproducing, etc.

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    Development takes place (depending on the creature) over a span of days, years, or

    decades. Evolution takes place over a span of thousands or millions of years. But typically,

    music historians in search of metaphors for musical change are dealing with a span

    somewhere between these ranges: say, hundreds of years. These traditions outlive human

    beings, but are faster than the evolution of species by several orders of magnitude. The

    mixing of metaphors, then, can be partially explained by the absence of an intuitive organic

    metaphor that takes place within the span of centuries.

    The evolution of species, moreover, can be incredibly boring. Nothing else used to

    put my biology students to sleep faster. Evolution as we know it violates every rule of good

    stories. It is slow, boring, and counterintuitive. Most of evolutionary history consists of

    long, dreary millenia of ecological equilibrium during which virtually nothing changes.5 Even

    during the periods of rapid, catastrophic speciation, evolutionary action takes place in a mostun-Hollywoodish time frame. Nearly all of it consists of the inconsequential reshuffling of

    traits from one generation to the next or failed, fatal mutations. While everyone has seen a

    child grow into an adult, almost no one has ever seen the evolution of even a single species.6

    Worst of all, while the development of an individual wasp has a beginning (fertilization), a

    middle (development), and an end (death), the evolution of Order Hymenoptera has no clear

    beginning or end.

    Development, on the other hand, makes a great story. The daily changes in an

    orchid bud reveal an unfolding of nested structures that has a plot, a telos, and an inner

    logic. Complexity emerges spontaneously from simplicity. It is easy to feel an affinity with

    developing creatures, seeing in them the same processes at work in our children, and, indeed,

    in ourselves. These are beautiful, intuitive processes; even my drowsiest biology students

    would crane their necks to watch the daily growth of our pet wasp larvae.

    And so, from the point of view of entertainment value, it is understandable that

    music historians (like other social scientistssee Nelson 2006) who use metaphors of

    progressive evolution of music end up borrowing so many metaphors from development. Avariegated, sparkling mixture of evolution and development makes a much better story than

    pure, grinding, Darwinian natural selection. Isolated historical data about various species

    of music are far more interesting if organized into a developmental drama, as snapshots of a

    5 i.e. punctuated equilibrium6 With the possible exception of antibiotic-resistant bacteria.

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    single developing organism. An origin moment of conception or birth gives the story a clear

    beginning. And a developmental end (i.e. telos) gives the story direction: complexity

    develops from simplicity, or abstract form from embodied expression, or, when convenient,

    the full bloom of youth degenerates inexorably into infirmity and death (cf. Solie 1980).

    Entertainment value aside, though, metaphors of progressive evolution have had

    strong political implications. To say that one's favorite music is highly evolved is to say

    that it is natural, inevitable, and superior to all others. Musical evolution can be presented as

    a model for national progress, as Swami Prajnanada did: The history of Indian music

    shouldbe an authentic record of progress and development of music of the Indian

    people (1960, 6). Progressive evolution (unlike the more conservative metaphor of

    tradition-as-roots, for example) produces a frame that is optimistic about the future. The

    next generation, after all, will evolvefartherthan this one.

    Figure 1: An imaginative visual conflation of evolution and development (Romanes 1892).

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    But what appears to be a description of progressive evolution can also become a

    prescription for a particular trajectory of development. To speak of trajectories,

    directedness, or even progress (in its most concrete sense) invokes another metaphorical

    frame, in which an object moves along a linear path. This is most dangerous when the

    trajectory is arrangedas it often isso that its architect is furthest along.7 For the wealthy,

    the notion of linear human progress by means of survival of the fittest can justify the

    abandonment of social welfare programs. Colonialists and imperialists may fancy themselves

    as forces for human evolution by destroying what are seen to be less evolved lifeways,

    forcing the game of catch-up on those seen to be lagging behind. Taken to its extreme,

    certain formulations of progressive evolution can provideand has provideda

    justification for genocide that appears to have the mandate of science.Situated Evolution

    It is somewhat relieving, then, to know that the strongest forms of these models

    have fallen out of favor in evolutionary science. As Stephen Jay Gould, the most outspoken

    critic of progress in evolution, puts it:

    To Darwin, improved meant only "better designed for immediate , localenvironment." Situated environments change consistently: they get colder or hotter,wetter or drier, more grassy or more forested. Evolution by natural selection is nomore than a tracking of these changing environments by differential preservation oforganisms better designed to live in them: hair on a mammoth is not progressive inany cosmic sense (Gould 1976, 93.)

    This version of evolution, which I am calling situated evolution, emphasizes the

    fitness of an organism with its local environment rather than its position on an absolute line

    of development. Rather than saying that a cheetah is simply more evolved than a fish, we

    would say that a cheetah is fit for carnivorous life on the savannah (as opposed to, say,

    underwater life.) Just as metaphors of progressive evolution draw on familiar processes ofdevelopment and linear motion, situated evolution borrows from the familiar physical

    7 Thus suiting it perfectly for the time-honored research program of (in the words of Biostatistician Paul

    Edlefsen) "Why Am I So Great?"

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    experience of fitting (adapting) something into place (niche.)8 Ecological niches (unlike

    niches in a wall or the stable poles of "simple" and "complex") are always changing. Not

    only is the climate and chemical makeup of the natural world in constant flux, but organisms

    serve as mutual niches for each other. Situated evolution paints a picture of an interwoven,

    interdependent ecology in which each species is always adaptingbut never perfectly

    adaptedto a web of interrelationships. This stands radically in contrast to a vision of

    evolution in which an inner principle or invisible hand is the driving force of change.

    There have been several studies that have attempted to treat musical forms in social

    context as species in ecological niches. A few examples are Joep Bors evolutionary model

    of ragas (Bor 1975) Wim Van der Meers social evolutionary history of Indian music (Van

    Der Meer 1975,) and Julie Cummings study of the subgenres of 15 th century motets, in

    which various subgenres are seen as breeds of chickens. But these explicit applications ofsituated evolution are not the only place that these metaphors are found. Ethnomusicologys

    focus on the role of local contexts in shaping musical practice draws heavily on situated

    evolution, particularly metaphors of adaptation. This system, with its emphasis on various

    and widely differing niches, entails a fundamentally relativistic (and usually functionalist)

    frame. That is to say, changes in organisms are seen as functional adaptations to niches, not

    development toward complexity or goodness. Judgments about good and bad musics

    become irrelevant, as the best (most fit) music would already be the music that thrives the

    most.

    The avoidance of pronouncements about absolute progress, however, does not make

    situated evolution politically innocent. On the contrary, Goulds insistence on evolutions

    non-progressiveness has a place in a broader philosophical stance that includes a leftist

    political inclination (Wright 1999, Sterelny 2001, Newman 2003.) Situated evolution, as

    applied to the histories of musical practices, can be understood as a kind of cultural and

    aesthetic relativism9. Far from being simple facts in a vacuum, metaphors of niche and

    adapatation are often used to write against notions of unilateral progress and development(both of which are concepts which ethnomusicology has worked to complicate.)

    8 Long before Darwin's technical use of these terms, a niche was an indentation in the wall for placing a statue,and adaptation (from Latin ad-aptare, to "fit to") meant a mutual fitting together of thingse.g. an RCAadaptor.9 I.e. aesthetic and moral judgments about music are only valid relative to specific, local contexts.

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    Perhaps most importantly for ethnomusicologists, metaphors of both situated and

    progressive evolution turn attention away from the agency of individuals. Just as evolution

    serves as the opposite of creationism in education debates, the evolution of music can serve

    as the opposite of creationism in musicology. That is, it removes human authors from

    history, replacing the power of the individual genius with a natural, inevitable process.

    Evolution not only allows us to tell a story about music without people in it: the magic of

    the story may induce us to forget for a moment that people make music at all.

    The Two EvolutionsWe are faced, then, with two very different kinds of evolution:[METAPHOR OF PROGRESSIVE EVOLUTION:]FORMS OF MUSIC ARE SPECIES THAT EVOLVE/DEVELOP TOWARD COMPLEXITY

    (EVOLUTION IS DEVELOPMENT)(EVOLUTION IS MOTION ALONG A LINE)

    Over time, the simple work songs of slaves developed into their mostsophisticated descendent, Modern Jazz. Over the years, a small repertoire ofsimple melodies evolved into a complex art music. The 3-note gamut of Vedicchant is the ancestorof Rag Bairagi. Anthony Braxtons large ensemble pieces,which developed naturally out of his earlier quartet work, moved creative musicforwardinto the next stageofevolution.

    [METAPHOR OF SITUATED EVOLUTION:]FORMS OF MUSIC ARE SPECIES THAT EVOLVE/ADAPT TO FIT THEIR CONTEXT

    (EVOLUTION IS FITTING INTO A NICHE)Migrations to Chicago forced rural blues to adaptto amplification and clubsettings. The fall of regional courts required thumri to fit itself into a newnicheamong the urban middle class. Competitionfor gigs has caused most ofthe old barrio-style salsa bands to be replacedby bands that play sticky-sweet, romantic salsa.

    Neither of these metaphors is a direct applications of evolutionary biology. Indeed,

    both metaphorical systems assume a long-outdated Lamarckianinheritance of acquired traits.

    For example, let's say that a verse is added to a song, and passed on to the next generation of

    singers. What would be the analogous event in biology? A classic (probably apocryphal)

    parallel example of Lamarckian inheritance is the giraffe who stretches her neck after alifetime of reaching for high leaves and thus produces offspring with longer necks.

    Organisms (unlike musical forms) don't pass on acquired traits (e.g. tattoos, extra verses,

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    amputations, moustaches) to their children.10 There are other differences between music and

    organisms. Economist Richard Nelson has enumerated four basic differences between

    cultural evolution and biological evolution: first, the role of human intellectual agency in

    generating variety and selecting traits; second, that survival or reproduction is seldom at

    stake in cultural selection; third, that culture has collective properties not reducible to a pile

    of individual traits; and fourth, the relationship between individual and culture is different

    from the relationship between gene and organism (Nelson 2006). When speaking about

    music in particular, I would suggest other crucial differences as well. A frame that sees

    musical genres as species (which, in evolutionary terms, shouldnt be able to interbreed)

    would be unable to account for the vast records of musical acculturation and

    transculturation. More importantly, the relationship between species and organism is

    different from the relationship between genre and performance. Species and genre havesome features in commonthey are generalized forms with fuzzy lines whose existence is

    guessed at through their individual instantiations. But a performance (e.g. singing "happy

    birthday") and an organism (e.g a desert toad) are different in several important ways. A

    performance does not come into being or die the way that an organism does. It neither eats

    nor is eaten. Perhaps most importantly, a performance does not reproduce.11

    For all of these reasons, Bruno Nettl is justified in saying that most

    ethnomusicological applications of evolution reflect a misunderstanding of current

    evolutionary theory (2006, 67.) However, the fact of a difference between social and

    biological "evolution" is not in itself a reason to reject all evolution metaphors. Indeed, there

    is no reason to think of musical evolution as a mere imitation of biological evolution.

    Evolutionary theory has served as both biological and social theory since before Darwin:

    Malthuss population studies focused on the problems of distributing food to a growing

    human population. Darwin himself understood the dangerous social implications of

    evolution, and grappled extensively with cultural evolution, race, and social welfare (Darwin

    1871, 1877). To dismiss a model of musical evolution as morally unacceptable becauseits

    10

    Although a few recent developments in genetics indicate that there are certain, limited circumstances inwhich genotypes can change in the course of an organism's lifetime, none of these amount to simpleLamarckian inheritance.11 An obvious objection here is that learning a song by ear is a case of a performance reproducing itself. But ifI learn "Happy Birthday" by hearing it at birthday parties, I may hum it idly at the bus stop, or sing it in jestupon delivering a pile of corn for my friend to shuck. The abstractable, genericformof the song, not thesingular, context-imbeddedperformance, is reproducing.

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    foundational metaphors are scientifically unacceptable is to grant moral authority to the

    scientific method. This is not only confusing; it deflects our attention from evaluating the

    moral and political implications of individual evolutionary models. After all, no amount of

    scientific rigor could make genocide morally acceptable.

    Scientists do not, and perhaps never will, agree about the details of evolutionary

    processes. A debate continues over whether and in what sense evolution may be progressive

    (see Gould 1997, Sterelny 2001, Wright 2000). There also are ways of explicitly viewing

    evolution and development as distinct and yet analogous processes (see Richardson 2002,

    Gebser 1985, Wilber 1995). Though these vary largely in their rigor and need to be

    evaluated individually, the very idea of such an analogy between distinct processes is no

    more a misunderstanding than speaking metaphorically of musical roots or influences.

    Many common and perfectly clear usages of the word "evolution" (e.g. "the evolution ofJoni Mitchell's songwriting style," "the evolution of Tim's writing skills," "the evolution of

    nuclear warheads") imply directed progress, and we know exactly what the speaker means.

    Nonetheless, evolution and development are distinct processes. Linking them by

    analogy, though possible, requires specificity. Left unqualified, to say that one music is more

    evolved than another implies that it is simply better. As far back as 1892, Thomas Huxley

    pointed out the problems of carelessly applying this analogy: We commonly use 'fittest' in a

    good sense, with the understood connotation of 'best'; and 'best' we are apt to take in its

    ethical sense. But the 'fittest' which survives in the struggle for existence may be, and often

    is, the ethically worst(1903 [1892], 220). The sense in which nuclear warheads have gotten

    "better," for example, is that they are now able to kill more people.

    The language of biology has great rhetorical power as an emblem of timeless

    objectivity and universality. And yet the two very different notions of evolution that I

    have sketched here are products of specific times. Progressive evolution, in the early 20th

    century, emphasized modern values of progress: times arrow pointed toward a better

    tomorrow. Situated evolution, roughly post-World War II, and especially since Gouldswork in the 1970s, emphasizes relativism, a vast diversity of lineages, and an emphasis on

    context. The replacement of progressive evolution by situated might be seen as a stage in

    the progressive evolution of human knowledge. In keeping with the relativistic spirit of our

    times, however, it might instead be described as an evolutionary adaptation to our

    intellectual climate. In fifty years, no doubt, things will look different again.

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    In support of his evolutionary project, Swami Prajnananda quotes Cecil Grey: In no

    art, science, or other department of human activity has the doctrine of evolution been so

    enthusiastically welcomed, so eagerly adopted, and so wholeheartedly endorsed, as in music

    (1960, 6). In retrospect, we may read this as praise or criticism. But in order to speak

    meaningfully about changes in music over the course of centuries or millenniastretches of

    time that no human being has ever experienced personallywe must speak metaphorically.

    Whether we speak of roots, development, or adaptation, the entailments of our chosen

    metaphors will structure how we see and hear music.

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