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台灣原住民族研究季刊 6 1 1-61 2013 /春季號 Taiwan Journal of Indigenous Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 1-61, Spring 2013 Mapping Indigenous Paradigms, Research, and Practice in Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium W. James Jacob Associate Professor, Administrative and Policy Studies Department Director, Institute for International Studies in Education University of Pittsburgh Che-Wei Lee (李哲偉) Program Coordinator, institute for International Studies in Education University of Pittsburgh Nancy Wehrheim Adjunct Professor, La Roche College Veysel Gökbel Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education University of Pittsburgh Joel Dumba Chrispo Dumba Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education University of Pittsburgh Xiaolin Lu (呂嘯林) Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education University of Pittsburgh

Mapping Indigenous Paradigms, Research, and Practice in the World Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium

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Page 1: Mapping Indigenous Paradigms, Research, and Practice in the World Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium

台灣原住民族研究季刊 第 6 卷 第 1 期 頁 1-61 2013 年/春季號 Taiwan Journal of Indigenous Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 1-61, Spring 2013

Mapping Indigenous Paradigms, Research, and Practice in Indigenous Nations Higher

Education Consortium

W. James Jacob Associate Professor, Administrative and Policy Studies Department

Director, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Che-Wei Lee(李哲偉) Program Coordinator, institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Nancy Wehrheim Adjunct Professor, La Roche College

Veysel Gökbel Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Joel Dumba Chrispo Dumba Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Xiaolin Lu(呂嘯林) Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

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《台灣原住民族研究季刊》第 6 卷、第 1 期 (2013/春季號) 2

Shengjun Yin(尹聖珺) Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Abstract

In this article, we provide an in-depth organizational analysis of the

World Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium (WINHEC)

through its global strategies in achieving nation building and

self-determination for indigenized higher education efforts. We

identify four theories from the literature used by WINHEC in its

operations, and propose two new theories to fit our evaluation of the

Consortium—Indigenous Creativity Theory and Indigenous Cultural

Creativity Theory. Social cartography, archival analysis, and discourse

analysis are used to identify the indigenous, paradigms, and practices of

the Consortium. Employing a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and

challenges (SWOC) approach, we examine WINHEC’s organizational

contributions, effectiveness, unique aspects, and challenges of indigenous

engagement and governance in the membership nations’ locations. The

findings suggest that both indigenous and non-indigenous peoples play an

important and symbiotic role essential for the furthering of indigenous

higher education worldwide.

Keywords: indigenous paradigm, indigenous higher education, WINHEC

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INTRODUCTION

Although indigenous academia has existed in certain forms and at various

levels for millennia, only recently has it entered mainstream awareness,

motivating diverse researchers, policy makers, practitioners, and stakeholders

to acknowledge its significance in societies and histories of people worldwide.

This significance translates into the preservation of indigenous values,

knowledge systems, philosophies, and wisdom production in mainstream and

indigenous-oriented higher education (McGovern, 1999; Semali & Kincheloe,

1999; Smith, 1999; Teasdale & Rhea, 2000; Mutua & Swadener, 2004; Memmi,

2006; Denzin, et al., 2008; Kovach, 2009; Reagan, 2010; Dei, 2011; Chilisa,

2012; Smith, 2012; Jacob, Liu, & Lee, forthcoming). Some government

statistics and reports on higher education access (enrollment and attendance

rates), retention (including dropout rates), attainment, and job placement

provide various reasons why indigenous students and communities continue to

underperform compared to national averages in many countries (Bowen & Bok,

1998; Bolyard & Linders, 2003). Indigenous peoples in many locations continue

to be underdeveloped and underrepresented in “the fabric of mainstream

institutions of higher education” (Brayboy, et al., 2012: 2).

In considering the development of indigenous higher education worldwide

from 1900 to the present, old issues and new directions emerge from the

dynamic relationship between indigenous organizations and diverse groups’

efforts to develop indigenous education. Several scholars argue that the central

topic that is often debated by international organizations of all kinds on

indigenous education efforts is the recognition of the general lack of educational

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success1 among indigenous peoples (Abu-Saad & Champagne, 2006; Huffman,

2008, 2010; Brayboy, et al., 2012). In addition, over the past few decades,

indigenous peoples around the world have confronted various developments that

often complicate the issue of indigenous educational achievement. Two

developments are of particular importance: (1) the dynamic relationships

between indigenous populations and the state; and (2) the definition and

recognition of indigenous peoples’ ownership, use, and management of language,

identity, culture, land, and other resources.

The first development has led to a tide of political organizing (or at times,

reorganizing) within indigenous communities. Inter-communal and local

organizations, national and regional confederations, and international linkages

have risen rapidly across five continents. Sometimes these organizing efforts

encounter great resistance from nation states and in locations where indigenous

populations comprise only a fraction of the current population. Second, in the

aftermath of World War II, we have witnessed a dramatic proliferation and

involvement of pivotal international organizations and actors. Regardless of the

various names and organizational objectives—multilateral organizations (e.g.,

UNESCO, UNICEF, World Bank, and OECD); bilateral donor agencies (e.g.,

SIDA and USAID); nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); and regional

agencies (e.g., the regional development banks and the European Union) have

1 Many internationally-renowned (non)indigenous scholars, including those associated with

WINHEC, recognize that indigenous peoples are often associated with the following terms in a

negative way—scholarly success, academic success, educational achievement, attainment,

accomplishment, and fulfillment (aside from the denotation of individual success in general).

We support the notion for the need to transform or to redefine the essence of these terms to

symbolize indigenous, collective, long-term success and to consider maximizing indigenous

collective gain (Deyhle & Swisher, 1997; Deloria & Wildcat, 2001; Champagne & Stauss,

2002; Reyhner & Eder, 2004; Brayboy, 2005; Abu-Saad & Champagne, 2006; and Huffman,

2008, 2010).

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brought some pioneering declarations,2 political leverage, financial support,

and developmental agendas in support of indigenous peoples. Struggles

regarding nation building; sovereignty; universal education; land recognition;

and language, culture, and identity preservation are common to indigenous

peoples globally.

Although the current outcomes fail to meet certain standards and

expectations of all stakeholders, many advances have occurred. Furthermore,

the United Nations has built the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

(UNPFII) as an advisory body to the Department of Economic and Social

Affairs’ (DESA) Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), with a mandate

to discuss indigenous issues with respect to “economic and social

development, culture, the environment, education, health and human rights”

(UNPFII, n.d.). DESA’s multi-mission focus makes it difficult for it to have

enough international influence to impact indigenous higher education

significantly at the global level. Undoubtedly, these organizations have made

great progress on national, regional, and global education policies and

practices regarding the development of indigenous education, albeit mostly

at primary- and secondary-education levels. However, what seems to be

lacking is the establishment of worldwide-consolidating, indigenous-serving

(or indigenous-oriented or indigenous-based) organizations for indigenous

postsecondary education3 with an active, professional, ethical, culturally

2 Several key United Nations (1948, 1966, 2007) engagement initiatives with indigenous rights

include the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant

on Civil and Political Rights, and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous

Peoples. 3 We interchangeably use postsecondary and higher (tertiary or third-level) education to signify

the period of higher learning that happens at non-indigenous and indigenous higher education

institutions (e.g., universities, colleges, academies, institutes of technology, research centers,

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responsive, and accountable mandate. New currents of thought have begun to

circulate among indigenous intelligentsia; the idea is to create “a

multi-nation effort to accredit, empower[,] and thus affirm native control of

indigenous higher learning” (Meyer, 2005: 1). In 2002, the World Indigenous

Nations Higher Education Consortium (WINHEC) emerged as a product of,

and in response to, this history of inequity within higher education.

The remarkable efficacy and effects of postsecondary achievement and

success of indigenous peoples all over the world are gaining attention and

support from indigenous and non-indigenous peoples alike. In this article, we

examine the pivotal role WINHEC plays in the development of indigenous

higher education worldwide. We are particularly interested in exploring

WINHEC’s substantial contributions toward indigenous engagement initiatives

and to distinguish the nature of the Consortium’s operations from other

international organizations in the development of indigenous higher education.

Research on the evaluation of indigenous organizations is relatively scant. Few

attempts or studies have successfully mapped indigenous paradigms, research,

and practices in an international indigenous organization. There are also

relatively few studies that document and analyze indigenous methodologies,

indigenous-based theories, and indigenous paradigmatic thought.

Focused scholarship related to WINHEC is a relatively new development

and seminaries). Several significant studies and official reports have used the term

postsecondary education widely (e.g., Pavel, et al., 1998; Brayboy, et al., 2012). However, it is

important to highlight tribally-owned-and-operated community colleges or indigenized higher

education institutions (HEIs) to clarify the different nature of these institutions from

mainstream HEIs. We strive to highlight an arena, or institutional location in the case of

indigenous HEIs, that allows indigenous peoples to maintain or restore academic autonomy in

indigenous-dominant HEIs through indigenous ways of learning, structures, and systems (Stein,

1992; Boyer, 1997; Champagne, 2002; Jennings, 2004; Mihesuah & Wilson, 2004; Reyhner &

Eder, 2004).

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in higher education studies. As such, what we do not know—and more

specifically, what we ought to know—about WINHEC far outweighs what we

do know. This study calls our attention to potential and fruitful lines of inquiry

already underway as well as some questions that are critical for interested

researchers of WINHEC. What are the individual and societal benefits of

WINHEC? What policies and practices can contribute to attracting and retaining

students and faculty member involvement at WINHEC? What policies and

practices can enhance their teaching and learning experiences? What can

non-indigenous organizations learn from WINHEC and what are the

possibilities and limitations inherent in applying that knowledge? Who can and

should study WINHEC? And what other, if any, extraordinary considerations

must be given to such studies? In this study, we address these issues and other

relevant questions.

We use a social cartography approach (Paulston, 1977, 1993, 1996;

Weidman & Jacob, 2011) to help bridge this gap in the literature. Through an

in-depth organizational examination of WINHEC, we reify a culture of

academic success in an indigenous higher education organization. In so doing,

this study seeks to contribute to our growing understanding of how and to what

extent WINHEC shapes its paradigms, research, and practices by, for, and with

(non)indigenous populations. We start with an overview of key terms and

indigenous higher education, followed by an examination of WINHEC’s

foundation and role in international higher education. Then, we describe the

research methods used in this study. In the findings and discussion section, we

map: (1) the indigenous paradigms and research in WINHEC; and (2)

WINHEC’s practices in the multisectoral approach outlined by the indigenous

accreditation mechanism using a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and

challenges (SWOC) analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of WINHEC’s

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services and programs. Finally, we conclude with a few suggestions for how

WINHEC can continue to play a prominent role in the furthering of indigenous

higher education worldwide.

AN OVERVIEW OF KEY TERMS AND INDIGENOUS HIGHER EDUCATION

To cogently deal with the indigenous issues in WINHEC, it is

imperative to specify some key indigenous terms and an overall picture of

indigenous education development.

Reconceptualizing Indigenous Peoples and Indigeneity

The act of accurately reconceptualizing, rationalizing, and providing

justification for the indigenous nations and their accompanying themes by using

a singular-language terminology is like exercising politics of indigenous-

generated terminology—a campaign known as a critical intercultural dialogue

(James, 1999: 587-607; UNESCO, 2009; United Nations General Assembly,

2012). It provides a basis for mutual understanding of group values and helps

validate intercultural criticism. Such critical intercultural dialogue is based on

three criteria: the priority of understanding the other’s values to better

understand their perspectives, the achievement of fair conditions of discussion,

and the fostering of mutual openness and trust (James, 1999: 587).

To refine James’ (1999) argument, we further contend that in defining

indigenous one must recognize a continual balance between transformation and

equilibrium to challenge both the definer (including indigenous peoples) and the

defined, which were originally fixed ideologies. Providing a definition is

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essential, however, to foster the epistemological transformation, cross-cultural

sensitivity (Harkness, et al., 2003; United Nations General Assembly, 2012),

and transcultural praxis for the authentic engagement of indigenous cosmologies

and experiences.

The literature is full of discussions surrounding the definitions of

indigenous peoples, indigeneity, and marginalized peoples. Scholars have

debated about proper terminology and definitions, especially following World

War II. Our intentionally broad definition of the term indigenous includes all

persons from aboriginal or first nation descent as well as official titles of

indigenous peoples from around the world. In refining our definition, we were

cautious to respect indigenous perspectives, definitions, and titles, recognizing

that not all indigenous peoples are necessarily or appropriately classified into

this big ethnic umbrella, especially since they have their own forms of address

or tribally-specific titles.

Though no single term for indigenous peoples is accepted globally, several

terms such as Native, Aboriginal, First Nation, and local have been used

because of the cultural, historical, and political differences in these divergent

contexts (UNESCO, 2006; Jacob, Liu, & Lee, forthcoming It is clear that

indigenous communities consider themselves as charged with the preservation

of their historical heritage and with the responsibility to transmit their unique

cultural identity to future generations by protecting them from the negative

pressures of mainstream culture (International Labour Organisation, 1989;

Cheng & Jacob, 2008). Drawing upon WINHEC’s triangulation of meaning—

language, culture, and spiritual beliefs— Manulani Aluli Meyer (2005: 5)

defines indigeneity as “a way to describe the qualities of ancient culture [that]

by its very structure work[s] toward strengthening the people it embodies.”

Besides language and culture that are commonly associated with educational

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development, many indigenous members of WINHEC value their religious

faiths as well.

Examining Indigenous Education Development

The world is comprised of thousands of diverse populations and groups of

people. Today, there are an estimated 300-350 million (UNESCO, 2006: 4, 11)

or 370 million indigenous peoples in the world (Collings, 2009: 84; Carino,

2009: 21; Secretariat of the UNPFII, 2009: 1, 8). UNESCO identifies over 5,000

languages and cultures in more than 70 countries (UNESCO, 2006: 11); the

Secretariat of the UNPFII (2009: 1) notes that, of the 7,000 languages

worldwide, “more than 4,000 are spoken by indigenous peoples.” UNESCO

declared the First International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People

(1994-2004) and the Second International Decade of the World’s Indigenous

People (2005-2014) due to the increasing importance and recognition of

indigenous peoples. Furthermore, the United Nations announced a Declaration

on the Right of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 to help promote indigenous

institutions, cultures, and traditions, along with the development of their own

needs and aspirations. Among other reasons, the UN drafted the Declaration to

prohibit further discrimination that indigenous peoples have commonly

encountered. Furthermore, the Declaration provided suggested avenues for

effective participation so that these rights could eventually become mainstream

and bring economic and social improvement to all indigenous peoples (UN

General Assembly, 2007). As a component of such global recognition, Ronald

Niezen (2000: 119) notes:

The term indigenism has gained momentum over the last decades

largely out of the notice of observers, pundits, and theorists of

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international events. Even though this recognition process is smaller

in scale, more fragile, less turbulent than the nationalist upheavals of

the past two centuries, it nevertheless has the potential to influence

the way states manage their affairs, and even to reconfigure the usual

alignments of nationalism and state sovereignty.

We recognize that most indigenous peoples still suffer from many

inequalities, government assimilation policies, and discriminations. Many

indigenous peoples do not have proper access to basic social services such as

education and health care because many live in urban and suburban areas where

poverty levels are often above national averages (UNESCO, 2006; United

Nations, 2008).

In terms of indigenous educational development, obtaining recognition for

indigenous cultures and languages is often a slow process for many educators,

policy makers, and practitioners, who usually come from mainstream society,

and they may not appreciate these distinctive cultures. When stakeholders fail to

find ways to enable indigenous peoples to engage in decision-making regarding

indigenous education policies, the equalization agenda of indigenous peoples is

halted. Unfavorable, and sometimes hostile, circumstances gradually lead to an

inevitable “indigenous genocide” in a way that causes the assimilation of

indigenous peoples into the mainstream culture. Here too are visible the many

inadvertent effects of “globalization, economic policies and practices, and the

policies related to human rights issues, the media and media culture, and

urbanicity” (Jacob, Liu, & Lee, forthcoming).

In this historical continuity, many indigenous peoples rely on language,

culture, and identity preservation through word of mouth or oral histories to

spread their languages, histories, and traditions. Therefore, both formal and

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non-formal education mediums are among the most effective ways to protect

indigenous cultures, identities, and knowledge. Higher education institutions

(HEIs) can also play a crucial role in revitalizing the language, epistemology,

wisdom, and knowledge of indigenous peoples. Thus, we examine indigenous

higher education in terms of organizational structures, which claim to promote

indigenous peoples’ right to preserve their uniqueness and to transfer their

cultures to future generations.

Accelerating the articulation of knowledge, creating a global network

between people, and advancing the social, economic, and political status of

society are some of the expectations society has of HEIs. The connection

between the local and the global, and the modern and pre-modern, can

generate manifold ways that HEIs and society can interact (Jacob, Sutin,

Weidman, & Yeager, forthcoming). Having indigenous students and researchers

of indigenous epistemology at HEIs not only recognizes the significance of

indigenous peoples, but also prevents the swift disappearing of valuable

indigenous inheritances.

Undoubtedly, higher education simultaneously possesses potential

advantages and disadvantages when advocating indigenous cultures. Some

research suggests that Western higher education culture is more widely

represented within course syllabi, research activities, and schedules than

non-Western cultures. Douglas L. Morgan (2003), for instance, contends that

Western-dominated science often negatively affects indigenous knowledge and

wisdom, which includes specific ways of understanding the world.

In addition to Western dominance, we also recognize the hegemonic

dominance over indigenous peoples of many governments and national policies

from all parts of the world. Within higher education, many decision makers (e.g.,

policy makers and higher education administrators) and knowledge transmitters

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(e.g., faculty members, instructors, and students) do not consider the wisdom of

indigenous societies as scientific or of equal value with other ways of learning.

Therefore, the intrinsic and often time-tested value of indigenous knowledge—

which comes from indigenous peoples’ ancestors and their experiences—is

often neglected within contemporary higher education systems. If indigenous

peoples are not given chances to present or prove the value of their knowledge

systems and ways of learning, many of these indigenous characteristics will

eventually be lost.

Being largely dominated by mainstream scientific knowledge paradigms,

those in higher education are often of the notion that promoting indigenous

epistemologies may be a potential risk to the reputation of a given institution or

to the scientific community. This pervasive notion threatens diversity in general,

and support for indigenous perspectives in particular. And yet, universities are

often still touted as centers of diversity in terms of knowledge generation and

education proliferation.

Obviously, as indigenous higher education students are encouraged to

embrace mainstream cultures, the risk of the domination and assimilation of

their indigenous cultures becomes greater. Generally, indigenous peoples live in

a combination context of mainstream and their own cultures. The latter often

suffers from a negative stigma and loss of esteem within indigenous youth

populations, as Morgan (2003: 46) notes: “this bicultural experience forces them

to live between two worlds where they do not belong in the [mainstream]

context and where their education often means that they cannot belong in their

own culture either—it having become the ‘other.’”

Mainstream standards have traditionally dominated the means by which

knowledge is evaluated. Instead, however, it is preferable to adopt a new

flexible, sensitive, and cultural paradigm that acknowledges and celebrates the

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value of indigenous wisdom and knowledge, rather than solely relying on

mainstream perspectives. In other words, mainstream or non-indigenous

epistemologies cannot dominate; other perspectives are vital. Academia needs

philosophical transformation to overcome the hidden domination and

assimilation that threatens indigenous knowledge (Morgan, 2003). Aboriginal

students in higher education in Australia are examples of indigenous persons

living in a dominant Western paradigm. Many Aboriginal higher education

students are involved in Western-driven learning environments at universities

with no legitimate connection to Aboriginal knowledge. Moreover, Aboriginal

cultures are often neglected or entirely omitted from research and teaching

activities as there is little practice of incorporating such indigenous perspectives

into higher education contexts (Slade & Morgan, 2000).

Local knowledge and wisdom are one of the problematic exclusions in

modern universities. Changing the lens requires a Kuhnian paradigmatic shift; it

requires a clear understanding of knowledge and wisdom (Kuhn, 1962). Many

questions emerge from academics about how to evaluate higher education’s

tasks, encompassing: (1) what relationship exists between ideas generated at

HEIs and locally-recognized concepts of knowledge or wisdom? (2) How often

are globally-sensitive issues discussed and understood? (3) How can universities

play a fundamental role in preserving and promoting local knowledge

internationally? and (4) Does the incorporation of local knowledge and wisdom

into HEIs give a local entity more power to act globally, locally, regionally, or

ethnically?

In response to global changes, indigenous communities have made some

attempts to become more involved in local HEIs. As G. Robert Teasdale and

Zane Ma Rhea (2000) note, these communities remind the academy that the

cultivation of wisdom from that which is local, and the promotion of their local

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knowledge in academic fora will increase the diversity of such institutions’

acumen, giving those institutions more caché.

Higher education is also an important arena in which to build a partnership

between indigenous communities and governments, not only in terms of student

involvement, but also in research about indigenous societies to promote their

unique cultures and epistemologies. However, some challenges still exist in

building collaborations and relationships with indigenous communities,

including: (1) insufficient participation of researchers; (2) insufficient

interpretations of research findings by scholars; (3) distrust of researchers by

tribal members; (4) lack of tribal policies regarding research endeavors; (5) too

few contributions of studies to indigenous societies; and (6) the existence of

only non-native theoretical frameworks with which to discuss study results

(Baldwin, et al., 2009).

WINHEC’S FOUNDATION AND ROLE IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Established in August 2002 in Canada, WINHEC was the first global

organization providing a forum for exchange and cooperation in improving

indigenous higher education. It works with indigenous peoples to share the

vision and protect rights of indigenous peoples in terms of preserving languages,

cultures, and traditions through higher education. WINHEC was founded in a

move to the resist the negative impact of academic neo- and post-colonialism.

Indigenizing the academy, establishing a recognized accreditation mechanism

for indigenous higher education, and forming indigenous knowledge systems are

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increasingly imperative transformations to reconstruct indigenous subjectivity4

in education and contribute multiple platforms for indigenous sustainable

development—all of which are the foci of this worldwide organization. The

Consortium aims to facilitate cultural exchange and academic dialogue through

international cooperation to consider it to be both an international organization

and movement. To achieve global targets, WINHEC uses its Global Strategy

Framework, which provides a common strategic approach, including the

founding principles, objectives, and rationale for establishing working groups.

WINHEC operates under the belief that indigenous peoples have the right to

determine their way of life and their relationship with governments. WINHEC’s

founding principles are primarily based on Articles 12, 13, 14, and 15 of the

2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

For centuries indigenous languages, cultures, social systems, and values

have been neglected and oppressed by waves of colonization. With the gradual

rise of human rights awareness, indigenous peoples’ desire for educational

equity increases. Some indigenous education leaders and scholars launched

WINHEC to create an organization strong enough to influence the future course

of history (Ambler, 2005: 18). Marjane Ambler (2005: 18) observes that “when

a dozen education leaders met in Alberta, Canada, in August 2002, [to establish

WINHEC] they felt the familiar thrill of history being made.”

The founding nation members present at the launch, the World Indigenous

Peoples Conference on Education (WIPCE), were Australia, the states of

Hawai’i and Alaska and the American Indian Higher Education Consortium of

the United States, Canada, the Wänanga of Aotearoa (New Zealand), and

4 We define indigenous subjectivity as the degree and praxis of substantially- and effectively-

exercising critical consciousness and an ability to express indigeneity or nature, such as

through indigenous peoples’ ethnic languages and traditional knowledge.

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Saamiland (North Norway). “Creating an accreditation body for indigenous

education initiatives and systems that identify common criteria, practices and

principles by which indigenous peoples live” became one of the Consortium’s

essential goals (WINHEC, 2010: 3).

Due to the uniqueness of the WINHEC accreditation process, it is a

developing study with fertile potential for change, even though there is scant

scholarly literature available about quality assurance for indigenous higher

education institutions. Hence, we use the WINHEC accreditation issues in our

case study to highlight its strengths, weaknesses/limitations, opportunities, and

challenges for, by, and with (non)indigenous peoples and those who are

interested in this topic.

After decades of institutional-, local-, state-, national-, and global-level

initiatives to facilitate tribal nation building, self-determination, sovereignty,

indigenous knowledge systems, and culturally-responsive education through

indigenous control of higher education, WINHEC emerged as an indigenous-

generated5 academic player. The rise of WINHEC both fueled and resulted

from the indigenized 6 academic identity. This organization represents a

population that has suffered a history of exclusion in mainstream academia and

that is generally economically poorer than those from mainstream societies. This

international Consortium strives to gain academic recognition for indigenous

epistemology.

5 We define the term indigenous-generated as a set of ideas, knowledge, and innovations unique

to indigenous peoples, either from times past, present, or in the process of development. 6 We define indigenized as a critically indigenous-generated praxis that involves necessary

non-indigenous integration besides native maintenance, by combining the meaning of “to cause

to have indigenous characteristics or personnel” in Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary,

11th ed. (2003: 634) with Devon Abbot Mihesuah and Angela Cavender Wilson’s (2004) term

“indigenizing.”

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With the emergence of the international indigenous rights movement in the

latter half of the twentieth century, indigenous scholars have been obliged to

balance individual rights with collective rights through international initiatives.

Indigenous nations had found themselves divided by newly-imposed

international borders, or lumped together with other groups entirely. This made

it particularly challenging to find a forum that would deal with their demands

instead of eschewing responsibility. Consequently, indigenous leaders began to

unite with other Aboriginal groups to increase their effectiveness in the fight for

their rights. Since the 1970s, increasing numbers of indigenous peoples have

organized across geographic and political borders, bringing international

attention to their common struggles, despite their vastly different cultures and

locations. These organizations vary, from global organizations such as the

World Council of Indigenous Peoples to smaller organizations, such as the

Coast Salish Gathering, that reunite cultural groups divided by political borders.

Various international indigenous organizations began to emerge in the 1960s,

when indigenous scholars and non-indigenous professionals became more aware

of the urgent need to unify the strengths of all indigenous peoples around the

world and establish a sustainable development institution.

METHODS

Research Design

Key indigenous scholars all over the world, including some from the

Latino and African American communities in the United States, stress that

understanding history is a vital component for the conduct of ethnic research in

their communities (Chilia, 2005; Dezin, et al., 2008; Cram, 2009; LaFrance &

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Crazy Bull, 2009; Mertens, 2009; Mertens, et al., 2009). John H. Stanfield II

(1994) asserts that historical viewpoints are imperative to design loci of

exploration based on the indigenous experiences of people of color. We thus use

a historical-narrative research approach as a legitimate basis that complied with

the following three principles of an indigenous-ethnic model for research

(Stanfield, 1994):

1. It should be based on oral communication because so many

non-Western cultures within and outside industrial nation states

are oral-communication based.

2. It should be grounded in holistic (not fragmented or dichotomized)

notions of human beings because many non- Westerners view the

social, the emotional, and the spiritual as integral parts of a

whole person linked to a physical environment.

3. The methodology should incorporate the use of historical

documents, participant observation, and oral history to allow

people of color to articulate holistic explanations about how they

construct the reality.

Theoretical Framework

By employing the Tai-Ji Model for theoretical selection, we identified

multiple theories that help us in our organizational analysis (Jacob & Cheng,

2005). The theories we drew from include Complexity Theory, Kaupapa Maori

Theory, Networks of Practice, and Self-Determination Theory. Because these

existing theories did not fully explain what we needed in this study, we

developed two other theories—the Indigenous Creativity Theory and the

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Indigenous Cultural Creativity Theory.

Data Sources and Collection

Our primary data collection approaches included archival documents from

the existing literature, as well as from discourse not yet in the academic

literature but available primarily through the Internet. We used the following

four-step process in conducting this indigenous organizational archival and

discourse analysis. First, we identified a topic through which to evaluate

WINHEC and compiled sources that were helpful in the identification of our

research questions. Second, we conducted a thorough literature review, with

particular focus on the preliminary and secondary sources most instrumental in

support of our examination of WINHEC’s issues. Third, we identified the

available historical data through the official WINHEC website

(www.win-hec.org), primarily targeting their published journal articles, regular

minutes, annual conferences and agendas, and written organizational

constitution. Fourth, we used standards and criteria to evaluate the quality of our

assembled data. This study was conducted over a one-year period from January

to December 2012. It included four distinct phases: (1) defining the research

questions, (2) conducting a literature review, (3) reviewing the assembled data

and analyzing WINHEC using a SWOC analysis approach, and (4) writing and

refining this article.

DATA ANALYSIS

Indigenous Paradigms and Research: Social Cartography Approach

We followed a social cartography approach (Paulston, 1977, 1993, 1996;

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Weidman & Jacob, 2011) to map indigenous paradigms and research in

WINHEC. Social cartography provides researchers with an ability to present

original ideas that are highly related to indigenous social lives, mythic symbols,

(un)written or cultural totems and maps/texts (Paulston, 1996) as expressions of

indigenous worldviews. This mapping strategy helped us to position theoretical

stances and perspectives of WINHEC. To explore how WINHEC members

know and interpret this world to generate their paradigms and research agendas,

we scrutinized WINHEC’s documents through the existing indigenous-relevant

theories mainly coming from the field of comparative, international, and

development education (CIDE) (Jacob, et al., 2011: 69-71) because of its

balance of marco-and-mirco theories. Further, we collect other adequately

relevant academic disciplines to shape WINHEC’s inherent theoretic

standpoints, such as psychology.

Indigenous Practice: A SWOC Analysis Approach

We evaluate indigenous practice in WINHEC using a strengths, weaknesses,

opportunities, and challenges (SWOC) approach to best reflect the pros and

cons of the Consortium’s activities’ implementation and overall performance;

meanwhile, we draw from WINHEC’s stated and assumed goals and objectives.

This analytical framework identified internal and external factors that favored or

hindered the achievement of these goals and objectives.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Indigenous Paradigms and Research in WINHEC

In this study, we examine theories linked to WINHEC initiatives and the

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Consortium’s effectiveness in helping indigenous peoples using certain

theoretical lenses that have been determined by the Tai-Ji Theoretical Selection

Model (Jacob & Cheng, 2005; Cheng, et al., 2011).

Complexity Theory

We draw from Complexity Theory to discuss the various dynamics that

exist within complex organizations and recognize the multiple perspectives from

all organizational stakeholders. New dynamics often emerge within the

Complex Theoretical Framework and need to be taken into account when

“different aspects and actions of individual stakeholders shape the educational

organization in new ways” (Jacob, et al., 2011: 76). They combine to help an

organization reach beyond what appears to be a sum of its parts through

collective synergy efforts. W. James Jacob and his colleagues (2011) continue to

explain Complexity Theory, as it is applied to comparative, international, and

development education (CIDE) settings, by positing that:

educational organizations are most often seen as the subject of

study. The theory is concerned with the way in which the community

interacts within the education setting; a setting that would be defined

in Complexity Theory as including not just the administration,

teachers and students, but also the stakeholders in the process such as

parents, community, government, and those who provide funding. (76)

Clearly, indigenous peoples represented by WINHEC are diverse and

involve a multitude of stakeholders as well as strong ties to local and national

communities.

Kaupapa Maori Theory

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Another theory we draw from is Kaupapa Maori Theory, which is based on

Maori traditional philosophies and principles. Kaupapa Maori Theory is a

worldview or way of knowing the world that advocates self-determination. This

involves the coming together of whakapapa (genealogy) and whanau (kinship)

in reformulating the Maori identity, an identity that is Maori-owned and

controlled (Jacob, et al., 2011: 84). This idea of kinship comports with the

caring communities that we propose as an addendum to communities of practice.

This theory, at least in the Maori community, “acknowledges the socio-

economic difficulties and other disadvantages Maori have faced, yet stresses the

ability to overcome them through an extended family network” (Jacob, et al.,

2011: 85); further, it “can contribute to CIDE discourse by opening up what has

been primarily Eurocentric, to include alternative traditions and ways of

knowing” (87).

We argue that such a network is successful because of the caring feeling

that families can impart. We also contend that the effect of the community as an

aid in education and life would be highly diminished if that caring feeling were

to be thwarted or distorted. A sense of caring is necessary to enable success to

develop within the psyche of the learners of the community. Paul Farmer (2009:

23) addresses a similar idea, writing with his customary fervor as he works with

the world’s disenfranchised people. He argues that a lack of caring and any kind

of suffering is wrong. We maintain, on the basis of Farmer’s experiences and our

own in teaching, that greater achievement will be observed in a family-like

structure with caring at the center. Kaupapa Maori Theory is applicable beyond

the Maori culture and “can inform other indigenous contexts” (Jacob, et al.,

2011: 88).

Network of Practice Theory

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We also use the Network of Practice Theory (Jacob, et al., 2011) as

WINHEC is a network of indigenous peoples, advocates, and organizations,

working for the benefit of indigenous peoples worldwide. Network of Practice

Theory builds on the idea of communities of practice and creates a superset of

associations where the sharing of knowledge is aided by technology, especially

e-mail communication. In this instance, technology becomes a key feature in

that it has the latent ability to facilitate the creation of an expanded group that

can interact across multiple sites in a collective manner.

Indigenous Creativity Theory

To understand indigenous peoples’ learning in WINHEC, we coin a new

theory called Indigenous Creativity Theory, which is based on the notion that

humans have unlimited learning potential and that optimal learning occurs when

all people enjoy the foundational principle of academic freedom. Academic

freedom creates an environment whereby indigenous peoples can learn without

fear of oppression or discrimination. Learning is a social and dynamic

experience, “a process by which young people grow into the intellectual life of

those around them” (Vygotsky, 1978: 88). An ideal social situation should

enable positive affect and increased achievement in a learning situation where

indigenous peoples can access higher education, especially within a local

WINHEC-affiliated HEI.

To facilitate a safe learning environment, we propose the organization of

Indigenous Caring Communities (ICCs) as an important element of the

Indigenous Creativity Theory and an offshoot of the Networks of Practice

Theory. ICCs can range from large groups to indigenous dyads and small groups

that can be used as a venue to enable a dialogical process of learning, which fits

with Paulo Freire’s (1970) notion of dialogical learning (Taylor, 1993). This

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dialogical process is grounded in the idea that care, compassion, and love are

required for sustained learning. ICCs are essential for indigenous peoples to

thrive at the higher education level. Drawing from an enabling environment that

is so prevalent in successful ICCs, WINHEC continues to expand its own stance

on how to interact with other indigenous nations and institutions. As Sheng Yao

Cheng and his colleagues (2011: 295) argue that “theory creation . . . is an

ongoing process that builds upon the rich foundation of previous educators who

advocated various global standpoint theoretical perspectives.”

Abraham Harold Maslow (1970, 2000) asserts that humans have a

hierarchy of needs and that two of the most essential are safety and the need to

belong (including a sense of human caring). Indigenous people need to possess a

sense of belonging in their learning process. If Maslow’s hierarchy has any

merit, ICCs are required to provide a caring environment where all participants

enter without fear and with belonging; this ICC environment enables indigenous

cultures to be a centerpiece of the learning experience. In a complementary

mode, Daniel Amen (2008: 31, 219) maintains that “positive, happy, hopeful

thoughts release chemicals that help you feel good” and “relationships are

critical to how we deal with stress and trauma . . . [thus] connection enhances

brain function.” Since Amen posits this biological response to positive thinking,

he also suggests that relationships affect such a response:

Success in almost any adventure in life—at home, work, in

our hobbies and churches—is enhanced when we build a brain

trust of personal relationships and social networks…... Acquiring and

implementing the behaviors that encourage your social communities

to thrive is essential for a magnificent mind. (220)

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Thus, learning is enhanced by the positive relationships that one has with

others, including with the communities in which they interact. Consequently,

positive relationships and places of belonging will enable indigenous peoples to

achieve more in all areas of life, including in their higher education pursuits.

Amen (2008) further concludes that children can be taught by our communities;

we recognize the central role parents and other positive role models play in this

communal learning process. When indigenous students and faculty members

face challenges in higher education, ICCs can help buoy them up through

continual positive reinforcement and social scaffolding. Positive role

models—including parents, teachers, and leaders—are integral to implementing

successfully Indigenous Creativity Theory through the careful establishment of

sustainable ICCs.

This positive thinking for indigenous peoples as learners would also spawn

positive self-identities (Amen, 2008: 256). Indigenous self-identities are

positively enhanced when indigenous peoples realize that their culture is valued

and respected. Indigenous languages and cultures can only be preserved if they

are valued by those who can best preserve them. Such positive thinking can be

enabled when learners, especially indigenous learners, recognize intrinsic

motivational reasons to preserve their heritage as a natural and important part of

the learning process. ICCs provide participants with caring personal

relationships during their academic pursuits. Thus, with their basic needs met,

indigenous students can be motivated to achieve at whatever academic level

they desire, including higher education. ICCs help by providing a caring

community of learners and mentors within the higher education experience.

Having a place for indigenous cultures within academia sits at the heart of

the ICC model within Indigenous Creativity Theory. Our evaluation of

WINHEC causes us to believe that ICC associations exist and can be expanded

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further within the Consortium and globally.

David A. Kolb and colleagues (2000) note that learners translate reflective

observation and active experimentation into abstract concepts and then subsume

them into action plans. Subsequently, reflective observation and active

experimentation create a type of anticipatory motivation to implement new

concepts. Such reflection and experimentation are part of metacognition and

would be better enabled if indigenous higher education students felt safe enough

to expose their own thinking. If indigenous students understood themselves

through metacognition and understanding their emotions, they would also be

better equipped to face any discrimination.

Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan (2008) also suggest that intrinsic

motivation would increase from caring relationships such as between indigenous

students and their mentors, whether indigenous or not, as part of the ICC dyads

or small groups. These dyads/groups would have a sense of autonomy as they

authentically help each other in a mutual learning goal, which is also supported

by Freire’s (1970) ideas of dialogic education in authentic tasks.

Stephen Krashen’s (1982) theory that language acquisition emphasizes

message and attitude over form, as discussed by Elaine Horwitz (2008), can also

be used in complementary ways with Vygotsky’s Zone of Proximal

Development to argue for the peer and small group approach (Miller, 2009).

These theories support the idea of indigenous peoples acquiring languages with

which to enhance their success at the higher education level. Furthermore,

where peer and social groups often enable learning, higher education

organizational bureaucracies and rigid scientific communities often prevent the

generation of new knowledge with an embedded type of inaccessibility (Zinsser,

1988) and paradigmatic stalemate (Kuhn, 1962). ICCs help indigenous students

increase their ability to engage in learning within local and national higher

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education systems.

Thus, the success that Maslow implies awaits these students, and it would

motivate them further into his ideas of autonomous success, self-actualization,

and self-transcendence (Huitt, 2007). Maslow’s ideas suggest that the learner

will be able to find transcendent worth in helping others of their own and other

indigenous communities, even those that are geographically distant, especially

using technology. This connection with distant ICCs aligns with the Network of

Practice Theory and fits well with WINHEC’s technologically connected

paradigm.

Indigenous Creativity Theory suggests that indigenous people traditionally

have employed ways of knowing that are unique to their cultures, and generally

involve the creative indigenous students’ lenses. Howard Gardner and Thomas

Hatch (1989) acknowledge that human beings have basic gifts of different types,

and Judy Lombardi (2008) discusses how indigenous students’ different

backgrounds and understanding can be accessed by the various ways of

knowing.

Tying these ideas together, an additional need that Maslow recognizes is

creative expression (Maslow, et al., 1993). Maslow positions creativity over the

scientific lens, arguing that the artistic paradigm is an ideal way to teach others

content. This is antithetical in many ways to the history of what is termed the

Western mind-set, which has emerged from a more positivist framework.

Herman A. Witkin and colleagues (1977) introduce the idea of field-

dependent and field-independent learners, where field-dependent learners

generally follow a Gestalt approach of understanding ideas as a whole first.

These individuals are usually considered more creative-oriented by nature, and

we argue that they learn best through a creativity approach in accomplishing

tasks effectively. As explored in WINHEC journals, indigenous learners often

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prefer this creativity approach, as most published articles include indigenous

ways of knowing that are inherently creative (Carey, 2011).

The indigenous members involved with ICCs include learners, parents, and

mentors (often expressed as elders), as well as other contributors including

non-indigenous peers and mentors, or instructors of various genres within small

communities, such as the local affiliates of WINHEC. Indigenous Creativity

Theory posits that indigenous peoples have expressed an affinity for creative

ways of knowing. However, since the advent of more advanced communication

technologies (especially the Internet and the widespread use of cellular and

smart phones), we recognize that ICCs now exist across large geographic

distances among indigenous peoples in almost every nation. Technology helps

ICCs provide a sense of identity and belonging.

Some social theories have been used to scrutinize WINHEC (Horwtiz,

2008: 53). The languages that indigenous students may have as a first language

or wish to acquire can be an advantage within the social context of WINHEC

associations. WINHEC should be able to facilitate language learning among its

partner member affiliates. This is because indigenous mentors within the tertiary

system are often more attuned to students who share their own indigenous

language, as well as be in a position to promote the learning of other indigenous

languages. Those who want to acquire greater linguistic knowledge include

people who already have some facility in it but wish for more fluency, which

opens a channel to oral histories and traditions, especially as conveyed by elders,

which are very important to most indigenous communities.

Language and cultural immersion are necessary to understand fully

indigenous traditions, cultures, and languages. Experiencing, or speaking, the

language through active and frequent dialogue is a necessary part of the

language acquisition process. Indigenous languages are best acquired when

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learners are able to speak with peers and mentors in an ecological setting (Van

Lier, 2000; Khatib, et al., 2010); such languages can be learned better in an

environment infused with WINHEC personnel who have similar indigeneity. As

Horwitz (2008) notes, during these conversations indigenous students would

negotiate meanings with indigenous and non-indigenous official language

speakers. This approach enables language learning and understanding by others

and helps indigenous peoples be equally adept at their own indigenous

languages as well as the majority language of their country, as WINHEC

suggests.

WINHEC could provide a mechanism or framework that helps higher

education students maintain and develop their indigenous ideas and cultural

heritages. This framework could be strengthened by allowing indigenous

students to develop feelings of kinship in group associations. This follows what

Duane Champagne (2010) calls the indigenous way of living in the world.

Champagne considers these kinship groups as less secular, more intimate, and

more like small bands of extended family. We argue that kinship is an important

element of the feeling of caring inherent in ICCs. This can enable both

indigenous and non-indigenous students to have a framework to share and

access knowledge in a more friendly, familiar, and clear way.

ICCs are indigenous communities, including those organized or facilitated

through technology, that allow for the sharing of information within a caring

and extended family-type setting, provided by indigenous and/or non-

indigenous community members, one to another. However, ICCs do not

preclude participants from also joining in with beneficial experiences in

indigenous communities. We define beneficial experiences as any activity or

way of knowing that affirms indigenous peoples in their rights to exist, develop

their cultures, granted freedom of beliefs and religion, and which promotes life

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and love. The love we refer to is a sisterly or brotherly love as in the Greek

philía (φιλία) and familial love as in storgē (στοργή) (Liddell & Scott, 1940).

ICCs should foster an environment of cooperation and synergistic learning.

An example may include two or more ICC members actively engaged in a

peer-writing group. In this scenario, ICC members would be working in

collaboration with one another and learning from each other. As they co-author

a paper or essay together, they would not only learn from and reinforce each

other’s work, but they would also build self-esteem and meaningful

relationships (Dennison, 2000). Hughes Bradley and his colleagues (2010)

found that learning based on peer interaction is so deep that it often continues

for years afterwards, affirming the idea of a caring community of learners. This

makes ICCs ideal reciprocal learning centers.

Such an environment should include the presence of someone who

embodies the approach of teachers of indigenous peoples everywhere, since they

present a cultural affinity for the sense of belonging that is salient to

identification with their ethnic group (Champagne, 2010). Vygotsky (1978)

posits that a teacher who cares would be aware of and address learners using the

various intelligences that would enable them to learn in the best way they can.

WINHEC supports the idea of creativity informing knowledge and being

part of knowledge at the higher education level. One of the inaugural WINHEC

founders, Gunvor Guttorm from Sami University College in Norway, has

devoted herself to introducing Sami handicraft and art (sáiduodji) to higher

education since 1986, when she was hired to plan and implement the first

teacher training program in handicrafts, known as duodji (Guttorm, 2012). Since

then, she has been the authentic advocator in developing duodji at Sami

University College, introducing the best practices of the traditional handicraft

into academic programs while maintaining traditional values.

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Guttorm’s program is an example of how an indigenous scholar integrates

indigenous knowledge into academic programs to invent a creative and

sustainable higher educational program that is accredited at the master’s level.

One can imagine how a caring and creative educator, especially one with

indigenous ties, can use such a creative venue as duodji to enable students to

learn. In literacy, for instance, students can create handicrafts with meaningful

words. Edwards (2010: 30) notes:

Literacies include the ability to communicate and understand the

environment including nature, weather patterns, star paths, tides and

seasons (Edwards, 2009) as well as the ability to communicate and

relate to human entities, most commonly done through whaikorero,

karanga, pao, waiata, whakatauki and general korero. Other literacy

forms included ‘art’ such as whakairo, raranga, taniko, kowhaiwhai

just to name a few. These literacies primarily were about

communication, living and balance that supported mutual causality

(Meyer, 2009).

Donna M. Mertens (2010: 16) explains, for instance, that in Botswana,

lessons about HIV/AIDS prevention include students’ own conceptions, using

creative venues such as singing, dancing, poetry, myths, et cetera. Before

designing such interventions, Mertens interviewed some teens about their

desires and opinions regarding sexuality and education.

Paul Whitinui (2010: 4) indicates that Maori students succeed better with

the inclusion of communicative and creative singing and dancing:

The growing interest in kapa haka by schools today is perhaps

reflective of the changing needs of students to engage in alternative

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learning environments that are more likely to coincide with their

preferred cultural learning activities, styles and abilities. For many

Māori communities and in particular, the whānau (immediate family),

having kapa haka signals that schools are willing to provide

environments that are culturally safe, caring and supportive

(Macfarlane, Glynn, Cavanagh, & Bateman, 2007). In 2002, the New

Zealand Qualification Authority recognised kapa haka as an

academic subject that schools could readily offer to all students

(NZQA, 2002). This decision enable[s] Māori students who

participate in kapa haka to have the opportunity to gain academic

credits that can be accredited to the National Certificate in

Educational Achievement at various levels, Te Reo Māori (Māori

Language), Māori Performing Arts, Ngā Toi Māori i roto i te

Mātauranga (The Arts-dance, drama, music and visual arts), as well

as Health and Physical Education Curriculum (Hindle, 2002).

Thus, many Māori, and by extension other indigenous peoples, have a

creative learning style and will be more successful if allowed to learn in that

manner.

Self-Determination Theory

This is not to say that there is some biological component in this learning

style. Rather, inclusion in the curriculum of the creative arts supports the

creativity inherent in some indigenous cultures, enabling better results in

learning. This will be relevant if Self-Determination Theory (SDT) (Deci &

Ryan, 2008) proves applicable to indigenous students:

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The most central distinction in SDT is between autonomous

motivation and controlled motivation. Autonomous motivation

comprises both intrinsic motivation and the types of extrinsic

motivation in which people have identified with an activity’s value

and ideally will have integrated it into their sense of self. When people

are autonomously motivated, they experience volition, or a self-

endorsement of their actions. (182)

Hence, we see that indigenous people will be more motivated when their

“sense of self” is associated with an activity, such as learning of any sort. This is

the kind of activity that WINHEC has been endorsing and working on in a

complementary fashion with indigenous people’s preferences and self-identity,

which is an essential need (Maslow, 2000). Such efforts, therefore, should

produce more motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2000) and can help indigenous people

overcome some of the dismal education performance statistics that prevail in

many of these communities.

Brian Hoffman and Brian Frost (2006: 51) conclude that the understanding

and use of multiple intelligences is a necessary aspect of any organization’s

ability to teach students. The use of interpersonal intelligence is most helpful

and more easily accessed in small communities or dyads of indigenous

students (like ICCs), found in organizations like WINHEC. Moreover, when

organizations involving indigenous students need to accomplish tasks, Brian

Belland and colleagues (2000) show that peer informants work quite well with

task-based learning in language acquisition.

Theresa Pica (2005) also indicates that peer interactions are effective

when “information gaps” are seen as a hurdle to overcome. Nevertheless,

college-age ESL students were found by Paul Kei Matsuda and Jeffrey

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Jablonski (2000) to be denied ownership of the English language by their

instructors and other students, often inhibiting their development. In class

interactions, disenfranchised students were learning as if they were students

learning a second language, which could be addressed by the inclusion of

knowledgeable peers in a community provided by such a group as WINHEC.

Indigenous Cultural Creativity Theory

We define Indigenous Cultural Creativity Theory as the use of various

forms of creativity within an indigenous cultural context that expresses ways of

knowing (including spiritual ways of knowing) that tap into the creative

practices of indigenous cultures, both from the past and present. Such practices

include performances of poetry, dancing, singing, and musical expressions,

especially using languages and cultural instruments that have been hand-crafted.

Common indigenous art forms are done primarily by hand, and include various

media, such as painting, craft-production, pottery, clothing-production, and

other fine art. They also include any other auditory, tactile, pictorial, or graphic

representation, including computer-assisted representations, that express ideas

of indigenous peoples, converging the senses with cognition.

Metacognition is regarded as a creative way to address one’s own needs

in acquiring knowledge; Scott Ridley and colleagues (1992) observes how

indigenous peoples use their creative techniques to access knowledge, especially

indigenous epistemology. They assert that the use of metacognition is a

successful and ubiquitous endeavor that can be used by many populations to

enhance knowledge acquisition in creative ways.

To enhance their students’ language acquisition, several Chinese educators

used John Flavell’s (1979) premise that metacognition can help students

overcome their blind spots in learning. This paradigm translates to the ideas of

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indigenous peoples’ need for creative self-reflection and the use of the

intra-personal intelligence. Therefore, metacognition can enhance motivation

and understanding of targeted knowledge.

Schools are beginning to recognize creative indigenous epistemologies in

such art as kapa haka, which is a Maori cultural expression of dancing in rows.

In Aotearoa (New Zealand), it is mandatory for the curriculum in high schools

to show support for Maori people (Whitinui, 2008, 2010). Thus, it is clear that

the educational establishment is beginning to include the indigenous creative

lens for all students, not just those who claim indigeneity.

Even Elsa Stamatopoulou, Chief of the Secretariat of UNPFII, notes that

although indigenous peoples of the world contribute much diversity,

indigenous peoples continue to suffer discrimination,

marginalization, extreme poverty and conflict. Some are being

dispossessed of their traditional lands as their livelihoods are being

undermined. Meanwhile, their belief systems, cultures, languages and

ways of life continue to be threatened, sometimes even by extinction.

(United Nations DESA, 2009: iii)

There is a lack of opportunity afforded by the dominant social structure,

which rarely provides diverse minority groups with an equal, culturally relevant,

and critical platform to undergird their subjective epistemology. This lack

means that the unique ways of knowing that are embedded in indigenous

cultures are disrespected, unacknowledged, and unknown to the majority of

dominant cultures, and even to those youth of the indigenous cultures. There is a

real danger that these precious cultures will become extinct unless efforts are

made to preserve them. That is, of course, where WINHEC comes in, as one of

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several answers to this problem. WINHEC has the potential to serve as an ideal

forum where indigenous peoples’ epistemologies are respected and preserved.

Many scholars argue that there is a crucial role for an organization like WINHEC

to help preserve the beauty that is found in indigenous cultures and support

peoples who have much to contribute, enabling their stars to rise within higher

education circles in their own unique ways.

Indigenous Practices in WINHEC: A SWOC Analysis

In this section, we examine WINHEC based on a SWOC analysis, which

enables us to evaluate the effectiveness of WINHEC’s services and programs

(see Figure 1).

Figure 1. SWOC Analysis Summary of WINHEC

Source: Created by the Authors.

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Strengths

Recognition. When indigenous higher education is officially recognized

and accredited, it creates a positive symbol to reconstruct indigenous

subjectivity and value human rights in the formal higher education system.

Moreover, recognized accreditation is a practical step to transform indigenous

peoples’ endangered status and marginalized condition. The advantage of

official recognition is obtaining an identity from diverse (non)indigenous

peoples publically, legitimately, and internationally.

Indigenous Values, Cultures and Languages. A unique element of the

WINHEC accreditation compared to other mainstream accreditation bodies is

the focus on indigenous values, cultures, and languages. Therefore, (non)

indigenous peoples are encouraged to pay more attention to their worldviews,

cultures, and dialects. In this way, indigenous people can have a positive

identity through the accreditation process and become more willing to use their

previously disregarded cultural capital. WINHEC recognizes three elements that

are essential to protect and enhance: language, culture, and spiritual beliefs.

Meyer (2005: 4) claims that, “the WINHEC priority of language is itself a

reminder that what has birthed our world view is held in ancient symbols, codes

and energies that we are returning to for meaning and joy.” WINHEC

encourages the use of indigenous languages in all facets of programming.

Additionally, a focus on culture preservation is considered to be a best

practice by WINHEC, and one that it aims to support at the higher education

level. Indigenous cultures have survived the on-going societal bombardment of

the belief that the dominant or global way of thinking is better than traditional,

indigenous ways. To consolidate the integrity of indigenous cultures with

ethnic/cultural identity through education, WINHEC perceives quality assurance

as being achieved when culture is preserved and celebrated within higher

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education systems.

WINHEC also supports spiritual beliefs and practices found in indigenous

centers of higher learning. This is accomplished by the very nature of

WINHEC’s vision: “Indigenous Peoples of the world united in the collective

synergy of self determination through control of higher education” (WINHEC,

2005). According to Meyer (2005: 6), “WINHEC encourages both process and

product of accreditation efforts that are accomplished and supported within a

framework that honors all spiritual beliefs, practices and expressions.” For

instance, Meyer (2005: 8) continues by noting that, “We must shape our own

qualities of excellence found in our language, our cultures and in all expressions

of spirit.”

An additional organizational strength of WINHEC is that it supports both

Indigenous Creativity Theory and Indigenous Cultural Creativity Theory. Since

indigenous cultures often emphasize creative expression as an intrinsic part of

self-identity, WINHEC as an organization is able to provide a venue for such

expression in higher education. When indigenous peoples enroll in higher

education, they often secure a creative affinity and credibility that their cultures

express.

Since its establishment, WINHEC has recognized the important role elders

play in indigenous education. Elders are considered culture bearers who

shoulder great responsibility in the preservation of indigenous knowledge,

languages, and traditions. The specialty of the transition of indigenous

knowledge mostly relies on the important roles elders play and have played in

the past. In the process of building connections between HEIs and indigenous

communities, elders play a significant part in terms of transition and

interpretation of indigenous knowledge (lokepa-Guerrero, et al., 2011; Triumpf,

2011).

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Academic Autonomy. Through the WINHEC accreditation process,

indigenous peoples have more power to decide on their curriculum content,

design, and instruction language. In doing so, they have some quiet control over

academic programs and employ the faculty members they need. The WINHEC

accreditation process represents academic autonomy and is a recognized

strength of the Consortium that should be further developed and expanded.

Diverse Partnerships. The accreditation review team is comprised of both

community members and indigenous higher education members (WINHEC,

2010). In other words, the community is considered a key stakeholder group in

the accreditation process. Consequently, during the accreditation process,

indigenous HEIs can be significantly supported by community members and in

turn, members of local communities gain a sense of ownership and contribution

because they were able to participate in the accreditation process.

HEIs are also starting to pay attention to indigenous programs, departments,

and colleges and are recognizing the value of applying for WINHEC

accreditation to obtain the bicultural identification certification. As Walter

Fleming said, “By being accredited by WINHEC, potential students and

indigenous communities can be assured that [Minnesota State University’s]

Native American Studies department has met both academic and cultural

standards of excellence” (“Montana State University Native American Studies

setting standard,” 2009). He further noted that this is also a good way to

reexamine institutional values because “institutions rarely assess, or even

identify, their institutional values” (Ibid.). The WINHEC accreditation process

has given the Native American Studies Department an opportunity to identify a

“value system upon which it has always operated but never articulated” (Ibid.).

Alternative Accreditation Framework and Process. To the best of our

understanding from our document analysis, the WINHEC review team members

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and other consultants involved in the accreditation process have no set criteria

based on the principles of general higher education accreditation. Meyer (2005:

4) argues that, “we did not offer templates of comparison or review aggregated

data, rather questions probed into understanding how language, culture and

belief systems were strengthened with coursework, community and

collaborations with global cousins.” The accreditation process places a central

role on the natural formation of indigenous performance. Meyer further notes

that, “indigenous accreditation then is no longer about overseeing

well-intentioned ideals, but rather it became a way to bear witness” (4).

WINHEC provides the opportunity for different kinds of indigenous

knowledge to exist, which are also valued and used in many academic pursuits.

When HEIs undergo the WINHEC accreditation process, they and/or indigenous

higher education programs have the opportunity to enhance the preservation of

indigenous cultures, traditions, and values. In 2003, the Accreditation Authority

was established on behalf of WINHEC to implement the idea of academic

accreditation for indigenous higher education institutions and programs.

The WINHEC Accreditation Handbook (2010) states that the accreditation

process includes participation of indigenous peoples and stakeholders and

focuses on “the educational institutions for performance, integrity, and quality

that entitles them to the confidence of the cultural and educational community

being served” (4). The Accreditation Handbook also recognizes the importance

of including “participation by indigenous peoples to be served through the

respective institution/program, including responsibility for establishing review

criteria and participating in the self-study and review process” (4). If the

accreditation review process is positive, the WINHEC Accreditation Authority

Board approves a HEI for a 10-year period (see Figure 2).

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Figure 2. WINHEC Institutional/Program Accreditation Framework and

Process

Source: Created by the authors.

Two points in the accreditation process are worthy of attention. First,

candidate HEIs or programs can provide a self-study through which they

critically examine themselves in terms of educational structure and funding,

academic achievement, and their service to indigenous communities.

Considering effort and time constraints, members of the review team are greatly

assisted if they receive a completed self-study in advance of their visit. In

addition, the requirement that at least “an Elder who has been associated with a

member program or institution” (WINHEC, 2010: 11) must be included,

enhances the quality and effectiveness of each review team visit and also

reflects the importance of elders taking an active role in improving indigenous

higher education.

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Weaknesses

Budgetary Issues. One of the budgetary issues occurred at the American

Indian Higher Education Consortium (AIHEC) meeting in 2004, where

WINHEC founders gathered and mentioned that they were facing a financial

crisis. Turoa Royal and Trevor Moeke (both Maori) from New Zealand, two

WINHEC founders, noted that for the Consortium to achieve the goal of

building human capacity for helping individuals and the community to

participate in the global world and to engage in well-being living had cost the

Maori approximately US$182,000 a year to operate WINHEC (Ambler, 2005:

20). They recognized that this amount was clearly insufficient for WINHEC’s

activities to fulfill its mission, meaning WINHEC faces a continual need to raise

funds. One way that it could consider overcoming this weakness is by seeking

more stable funding sources, including potential endowment donors. The other

potential critique is in reference to financial transparency. Current and

prospective members could benefit from understanding the flow, management,

and status of WINHEC funding, especially regarding substantial, effective, and

accountable business practices.

Lack of Widespread Participation. Although WINHEC (2010: 3)

proclaims that part of its purpose “is to provide an international forum and

support for indigenous peoples to pursue common goals through higher

education,” most of the HEIs that have received WINHEC accreditation are

located in predominantly English-speaking countries (e.g., Australia, Canada,

New Zealand, and the United States), with the exception of those in Norway. In

other words, the Consortium has positioned itself as an international leader that

attends to global concerns surrounding indigenous higher education; it should

build upon the progress it has made over the past decade to incorporate more

non-indigenous higher education perspectives and institutions. However,

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available documents from WINHEC’s website show that the Consortium’s

network has a relative lack of participation from several parts of the world, such

as Africa, Latin America, South Asia, and other Pacific Islands besides Hawai’i

and New Zealand.

Lack of Quality Assurance Follow-up. There is no clear process to assure

that, once accredited, institutions or programs maintain their quality. This may

prevent indigenous peoples from always receiving the best possible learning

opportunities. More could be done to help strengthen the institutional quality

assurance capacity building, especially after receiving WINHEC accreditation.

From 2005 to the present, the majority of articles in WINHEC-sponsored

journals are written by authors from Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the

United States, which creates an imbalance of focus on worldwide indigenous

higher education portrayed in the academic literature. WINHEC’s goal to be a

leading organization with representation of indigenous peoples and societies

from around the world is hampered when the Consortium’s major publication

outlets have such a dearth of contributors from some parts of the world.

Additionally, the executive board members and founding members include

people from a relatively small number of countries.

Although WINHEC provides various means for creative expression in

indigenous arts, it has not used the same means to encourage more quantitative

content areas in higher education. Consequently, various indigenous learners,

especially those creative learners, are prevented from accessing such content

areas. WINHEC is, however, an excellent venue for encouraging the shifting of

a one-sided paradigm for indigenous learners, which could be realized through,

for instance, an expression of physics problem learning using kapa haka.

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Opportunities

Through conferences, publications, and advocacy, WINHEC is an ideal

hub for (non)indigenous peoples to meet, collaborate, and work toward a

common goal. It provides opportunities for indigenous students with common

perspectives “to draw strength from each other” (Ambler, 2005: 20).

Potential Accreditation for All HEIs. The WINHEC accreditation process

is not limited to indigenous-oriented HEIs; it also welcomes mainstream

institutional applications. This enables WINHEC to have a potentially wide

outreach with HEIs throughout the world. It also provides a venue for

institutions and programs that would like to become more involved with

indigenous issues to do so.

Internationalization of Local Indigenous HEIs. Accreditation promotes

cooperation between local indigenous HEIs and other HEIs worldwide. This

international synergy approach is an effective opportunity for WINHEC to help

HEIs preserve and promote indigenous academia. The WINHEC Annual

General Meeting, which most recently was held in Hualien, Taiwan in 2012, is

an example of WINHEC branching out to additional locations (Table 1).

Similarly, the Consortium could hold its annual meetings in a variety of

countries to help spread its influence and outreach potential.

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Table 1. Locations of WINHEC Annual General Meetings, 2003-2012

Year Institution City/Country

2012 National Dong Hwa University Hualien, Taiwan

2011 Sonesta Cusco Hotel Cuzco, Peru

2010 Sámi University College Kautokeino, Norway

2009 First Nations Technical Institute Brighton, ON, Canada

2008 La Trobe University Melbourne, Australia

2007 Chaminade University Honolulu, HI, USA

2006 Fond du Lac Tribal and Community College St. Cloquet, MN, USA

2005 Glenview International Hotel and Conference

Centre

Hamilton, New Zealand

2004 Griffiths University Brisbane, Australia

2003 University of Hawai’i – Manoa Honolulu, HI, USA

Source: Adapted by the authors from the WINHEC (2012) Archive of Annual General

Meetings.

Potential to Build a Global Indigenous Higher Education Archive.

WINHEC has a unique and potentially influential opportunity to advocate on

behalf of many indigenous peoples worldwide. The Consortium is able to reach

out to local and national governments on behalf of indigenous higher education

issues. Its focus is based largely on Articles 12, 13, 14, and 15 of the UN

Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which emphasizes that states

should acknowledge and protect the rights of indigenous peoples in preserving

and fostering their languages, cultures, and worldviews (United Nations, 2007).

Since the legitimacy and formal recognition of indigeneity often emanates from

governmental policy, WINHEC should take into consideration the role that

governments and policy makers play. Furthermore, indigenous peoples should

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be actively engaged in policy-making processes, especially policies established

to serve the indigenous communities (Jacob, Sutin, Weidman, & Yeager,

forthcoming).

Another viable area of expansion is the development of a higher education

network between employers and indigenous students. WINHEC could also

consider developing an internship program for its accredited HEIs with partner

industries and government agencies. It could also establish an international

exchange program and the premier archive or digital library of indigenous

writings and scholarship among its global higher education institutional

network.

Challenges

Diversity of Languages and Cultures. Regarding the question of language

accessibility for the rising indigenous generation, Meyer (2005: 5) notes that

WINHEC’s accreditation reviewers “want to hear what has inspired students, in

whatever language they choose” because they understand how important it is to

preserve indigenous languages and cultures. The WINHEC accreditation process

is an indigenous ideal, whereby indigenous cultures, languages, and traditions

can be recognized and promoted, but the challenge remains how best to preserve

and promote this ideal. While, in theory, WINHEC supports advocating and

preserving all indigenous languages, it is very costly for it to include an

indigenous language in the accreditation process. It takes a lot of time, money,

and energy to select qualified review team members who have the contextual

language fluency and who are also familiar with the local cultures. As a result,

only a relatively few indigenous languages have been examined by WINHEC

during the accreditation processes to date.

Varying Legitimacy Perspectives on the WINHEC Accreditation Process.

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Because higher education accreditation is well developed in many countries,

some scholars and peoples may view the WINHEC process as being too

non-traditional. Such criticisms come from both internal and external sources,

where some critics question the legitimacy of WINHEC’s process. This will be a

continuing challenge.

Articulation Agreements. One of the challenges that WINHEC accredited

HEIs face is articulation agreements with other, predominantly mainstream,

HEIs. Students transferring from an indigenous HEI to a mainstream HEI

benefit from the transferal of completed credits from one institution to the other.

WINHEC does not currently deal with this issue in its accreditation process. As

a result, there is the possibility that some courses taken by students at an

indigenous HEI may not transfer to other HEIs within the same country or in

international settings.

No single institution serves as a global higher education reservoir of

indigenous peoples and WINHEC has the unique challenge (as well as potential

opportunity) to assume this important leadership role. Information is essential

for conducting quality research and in disseminating accurate information about

indigenous peoples’ languages, cultures, and traditions. How and where to

house this information reservoir is a challenge that needs to be addressed.

Perhaps WINHEC could further expand its publications section of its website to

include an archive of indigenous education research based on thematic topics of

interest to higher education stakeholders. Such an indigenous archive would

prove valuable to students, faculty members, policy makers, and indigenous

education advocates worldwide. This recommendation is closely aligned with

several of WINHEC’s goals, especially Goal 6 to “Create a global network for

sharing knowledge through exchange forums and state of the art technology

(WINHEC, 2012).

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CONCLUSION

Based on our SWOC analysis, we argue that the primary advantages of

WINHEC include its ability to promote self-determination of indigenous higher

education, the reconstruction of indigenous subjectivity, and indigenous higher

education sustainability. WINHEC accreditation is a successful, legitimate, and

imperative process in developing indigenous higher education at local, national,

and international levels. The accreditation process is threatened, however, by a

lack of sufficient financial resources, transparency, and ongoing quality

assurance, especially after accreditation is granted. In addition, WINHEC is also

faced with a lack of members from many countries. Linguistic barriers also

challenge the organization when it comes to organizing its leadership meetings,

because many board members speak less common languages. However, the

many possibilities that exist seem to outweigh the Consortium’s weaknesses and

challenges. WINHEC members are faced with both the challenge and

opportunity of building a worldwide indigenous network capable of boosting

indigenous peoples’ causes through higher education channels to many diverse

nations.

In this article, we examined the relationship between WINHEC’s espoused

theories and practices, focusing on the Consortium’s unique model of promoting

indigenous higher education and the dynamic interplay it has with HEIs globally.

We used a social cartography framework to scrutinize the interactions between

WINHEC and its current partners and in examining its internal and external

institutional dynamics. Finally, we ascertained that WINHEC helps fill a

tremendous organizational gap in promoting indigenous higher education

throughout the world. It is especially relevant in advocating the cause of

indigenous peoples within higher education systems, where they have

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traditionally been excluded. In its attempts to preserve and promote indigenous

paradigms, WINHEC can energize and enliven almost any field of endeavor in

which an indigenous or interested non-indigenous person may be interested.

Despite its already impressive successes, WINHEC is a relatively new

organization. It will take time for it to realize its full potential.

By integrating the best of East and West, global and local, tradition and

innovation, we proposed several recommendations for WINHEC leaders to

consider as they expand its higher education outreach and influence potential

among (non)indigenous peoples worldwide. In addition, we also suggested

strategies for overcoming possible limitations or challenges. If it can build upon

its strengths and make good use of its opportunities, WINHEC has a bright

future in advocating the cause of indigenous peoples worldwide at the higher

education level. Additionally, we have provided multiple examples whereby

WINHEC can minimize or overcome its weaknesses and challenges that it faces

now and will undoubtedly face in the future. The SWOC analysis has outlined

multiple areas for improvement and change. Continuing with its vision to reach

out to indigenous peoples across the earth, WINHEC has an important

leadership role to play in the advancement of indigenous higher education issues

worldwide.

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Mapping Indigenous Paradigms, Research, and Practice in Indigenous Nations Higher

Education Consortium

W. James Jacob Associate Professor, Administrative and Policy Studies Department

Director, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Che-Wei Lee(李哲偉) Program Coordinator, institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Nancy Wehrheim Adjunct Professor, La Roche College

Veysel Gökbel Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Joel Dumba Chrispo Dumba Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

Xiaolin Lu(呂嘯林) Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

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61 Mapping Indigenous Paradigms, Research, and Practice in Indigenous Nations

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Shengjun Yin(尹聖珺) Project Associate, Institute for International Studies in Education

University of Pittsburgh

摘 要

在本篇文章中,我們提供一個深入的組織分析,探究世界原住民

族 高 等 教 育 聯 盟 (World Indigenous Nations Higher Education

Consortium,以下簡稱WINHEC) 為了原住民化高等教育所做的努力,

如何透過其全球策略達成民族重建及民族自決。我們從文獻中辨識出

WINHEC 應用在經營自身組織的四種理論,並提出兩個適切評鑑聯盟

的新理論—原住民族創造力理論(Indigenous Creativity Theory)及原住

民族文化創造力理論(Indigenous Culture Creativity Theory)。社會地圖

學 (Social Cartography)、檔案分析 (Archival Analysis)、論述分析

(Discourse Analysis)被應用來檢視聯盟的原住民典範、研究與實踐。透

過優勢、劣勢、機會與挑戰的 SWOC 分析方式,檢視 WINHEC 對各

地區之會員民族的組織貢獻、有效性、特殊觀點、原住民族參與的挑

戰及管理。研究結果主張,在推動全球原住民族高等教育的活動中,

無論是原住民族或非原住民族,雙方皆扮演著重要且相互依存的角

色。

關鍵詞:原住民族創造力理論、原住民族文化創造力理論、原住民族

典範、原住民族高等教育、世界原住民族高等教育聯盟

(WINHEC)