16
Team Members: Peeyush Sahu Abhishek Anand Himanshu Varshney Mukul Saigal Vijay Kumar Chitra Raghani Chandni Bhatia

Myanmar Socio Political Report

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Team Members:

Peeyush Sahu

Abhishek Anand

Himanshu Varshney

Mukul Saigal

Vijay Kumar

Chitra Raghani

Chandni Bhatia

Page 2: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 1

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Myanmar is at a pivotal moment. The government has ushered in a series of political and economic

reforms after decades of authoritarianism, a revived peace process is under way to address on-going ethnic

conflicts and communal violence, and the foundations of an open market economy are being laid after

years of isolation.

Myanmar (Burma) remains under military rule, although the government held its first elections in 20

years on 7 November 2010. The election process fell far short of representing a genuine transition to

democracy, however. The military regime rejected the international community’s call for more inclusiveness

in the elections and instead restricted political participation by means of a set of manipulations. As in the

2008 constitutional referendum, the regime used large numbers of advanced votes, which were collected by

force in front of the authorities, to tip the result in favor of the pro-military Union Solidarity and

Development Party (USDP). As a result, the USDP won almost 80% of the seats up for election. Together with

the 25% of seats reserved for the military, the military dominates the parliament, which is likely to serve as a

rubber stamp for executive decisions. The first parliamentary session was convened on 31 January 2011, and

the former prime minister, retired General Thein Sein, was elected as president. Thein Seinnominated just

four civilians for cabinet positions, with retired senior military officers nominated for the remainder.

The main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San SuuKyi,

boycotted the elections, citing the lack of genuine democracy and unfair electoral laws. The party

registration law stated that any party which has members who have served prison terms cannot register.

This provision specifically targeted the NLD, as many of its leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, have been

sentenced to imprisonment (or house arrest, in the case of AungSan Suu Kyi). The opposition party split over

the issue, with a breakaway faction, the National Democratic Force (NDF), deciding to participate in the

elections. After the elections, the NLD was deregistered, since the party registration law also stated that any

party which did not run in the elections would cease to exist. The regime has responded harshly to the calls

of Aung San Suu Kyi, who was freed from house arrest one week after the elections, to convene a conference

to discuss minority rights and for the continued need for Western sanctions. This has increased concerns

about her personal safety. Meanwhile, around 2,000 political prisoners remain in jail. Tensions between

armed ethnic groups in the border regions have continued to rise due to the regime’s pressure on ethnic

groups that have agreed to a ceasefire to come under its control as border guard forces.

Page 3: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 2

The regime has made little progress in the transformation to a genuine market economy. Although

the regime launched a large-scale privatization project in 2009 – 2010, most of the enterprises involved were

handed secretly to military conglomerates and cronies, who will continue to monopolize the economy under

the new government. Thus, even after this privatization, much of the economy remains in the hands of the

military’s conglomerates or the cronies of the senior generals.

In this report, we assessed the socio-political & economic potential that Myanmar offers and explores

how the nation can seize today’s window of opportunity to vault itself into a new era of growth and

development. To undertake this study, we have had to make more than typical estimations given issues with

reliability of data on Myanmar. These estimations should be a starting point for those looking to better

understand Myanmar’s potential.

Page 4: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 3

OVERVIEW

Official name Pyihtaungsu Thamada Myanmar Naingngandaw (Republic of the Union of

Myanmar)

Form of government Constitutional republic1 with two legislative houses (House of Nationalities; House

of Representatives)

Head of state and

government President: Thein Sein, assisted by Vice Presidents: Sai Mouk Kham and Nyan Tun

Capital Nay Pyi Taw (Naypyidaw)

Official language Myanmar (Burmese)

Official religion none

Monetary unit Myanmar kyat (K) MMK

Population 51,419,420 (est. 2014)

Page 5: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 4

Overview:

Myanmar is rich in natural resources; although it is a poor country economically. It is suffering from

rural poverty, with 26% of the population living below the poverty line. Poor government planning,

inefficient economic policies, minimal foreign investment, a trade deficit and internal unrest contribute to

Myanmar’s sluggish growth rate. Although it has emerged as a natural gas exporter, Myanmar has witnessed

deterioration in its economic condition due to the fact that the nation is victim to the highest levels of

corruption in the world (revealed by Transparency International in its 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index).

The nation’s ample natural resources are largely exploited by its military leaders and their associates.

The following serious macroeconomic imbalances are also to be blamed:

Fiscal deficits

Distorted interest rate regime

Rising inflation

Multiple official exchange rates (that lead to overvaluation of the Burmese kyat)

Unreliable statistics

Failure settles national accounts for the determination of a realistic GDP figure

Poor investment climate

Myanmar is currently in a triple transition – from an authoritarian military system to democratic

governance, from a centrally directed economy to a market-oriented economy, and from 60 years of conflict

to peace in its border areas. These transitions have the potential to create opportunity and shared prosperity

for the people of Myanmar and for the country to resume its place as one of the most dynamic economies in

Asia.

As the largest country in mainland Southeast Asia, Myanmar has one of the lowest population densities

in the region, with fertile lands, significant untapped agricultural potential, and a rich endowment of natural

resources. Its geographic location at the intersection of China and India, two of the world’s most dynamic

economies, makes it well positioned to resume its traditional role as a regional trading hub and a key

supplier of minerals, natural gas, and agricultural produce.

Since 2011, the government has embarked on an ambitious economic, political and governance reform

program. It has begun a series of reforms to remove economic distortions, such as floating the currency, new

fiscal regulations to rationalize personal income tax and reduce consumption tax, liberalizing the

Page 6: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 5

telecommunications sector, reforms aimed at developing the private sector and stimulating direct foreign

investments, a review of the financial sector, promotion of access to finance, and creating an environment

conducive to job creation.

These reforms are paying off. Myanmar’s economy is estimated to have grown by 8.3% in FY2013/14,

driven mainly by construction, manufacturing, and services. Recovery in agriculture is estimated to have

contributed to the growth. The economy is projected to expand further by 8.5% in FY2014/15, led by gas

production and investment. The outlook for Myanmar remains positive, although this remains dependent on

sustained reforms in several policy areas.

In FY2013/14, the country’s GDP was estimated at $56.8 billion. Based on the preliminary population

figure of 51.4 million from the national census conducted in March/April 2014, the country’s per capita GDP

is around $1,105, one of the lowest in East Asia and the Pacific. Analysis of the last nationwide Integrated

Household Living Conditions Assessment (IHLCA) conducted in 2009/10 found that 26% of the population is

living below the poverty line, though further detailed analysis by the World Bank – taking into account

nonfood items in the consumption basket and spatial price differentials – brings poverty estimates as high as

37.5 percent.

Once the top exporter of rice in the world, Myanmar’s rice exports now account for a negligible share of

the world market. Myanmar’s exports of natural resources such as gas and gems are becoming increasingly

significant.

Most social indicators are very low. For example, 32% of children under five suffer from malnutrition.

Limited access to and the poor state of infrastructure are major impediments to providing basic health and

education services and for economic development. Almost half the roads are not passable during the

monsoon season.

Telecommunications and internet access are also very limited. About 73% of the population lacks access

to electricity. The consumption of electricity– 20 times less than the global average— is one of the lowest in

the world. Existing power infrastructure meets only about half of the current demand, resulting in frequent

blackouts and the rationing of the electricity supply. Access to drinking water is also limited in many areas.

Page 7: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 6

Demographic Status:

Myanmar suffered extensive damage in World War II, and some sectors of its economy have not yet

fully recovered. About 70% of the population works in agriculture and forestry, and rice accounts for about

half of the agricultural output. Other important crops are pulses, sesame, peanuts, and sugarcane. Myanmar

also produces illegal opium in the northeast (bordering China, Laos, and Thailand), part of the "Golden

Triangle"; heroin produced in the country's laboratories contributes to the black-market trade. Myanmar's

forests, which are government-owned, are the source of teak and other hardwoods. Fishing is also

important.

The country is rich in minerals. Petroleum is found east of the Ayeyarwady in the Dry Zone. Tin and

tungsten are mined in E Myanmar; the Mawchi mines in Kayah State are also rich in tungsten. In Shan State,

northwest of Lashio, are the Bawdwin mines, the source of lead, silver, and zinc. Coal, copper, natural gas,

and iron deposits have also been found in Myanmar. Gems (notably rubies and sapphires) are found near

Mogok. Since the 13th cent., Myanmar has exported jade from the Hunkawng valley in the north to China.

Aside from food processing, other manufacturing industries include wood and wood products,

construction materials, pharmaceuticals, fertilizer, natural gas, and textiles and clothing. Exports include gas,

wood products, pulses, fish, rice, clothing, jade, and gemstones. The chief imports are fabric, petroleum

products, fertilizer, plastics, machinery, transportation equipment, construction materials, crude oil, food

products, and edible oil. The country's chief trade partners are Thailand, China, Singapore, and India.

The majority of Myanmar’s population is rural, with the density of settlement in each region related

to agricultural production, particularly of rice. Thus, the most populous regions are the Irrawaddy delta and

the dry zone, and the highest densities are found in the upper delta, between Yangon and Hinthada

(Henzada). Settlement in the Sittang delta, the sedimented hinterland of Sittwe, and the regions of both

sides of the lower Chindwin River is moderately dense. The Rakhine region (except the Sittwe area), the west

bank of the Irrawaddy at the base of the Rakhine Mountains, Tenasserim, and the less accessible parts of the

western and northern mountains and the Shan Plateau are sparsely inhabited.

The population of Myanmar remains fairly youthful, with roughly one-fourth of the people under age

15. However, the proportion of young people has been decreasing steadily since the late 20th century, as the

birth rate has dropped from notably above to significantly below the world average. Life expectancy, on the

contrary, has been on the rise, with most men and women living into their 60s.

Page 8: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 7

Languages:

Many indigenous languages—as distinct from mere dialects—are spoken in Myanmar. The official

language is Burmese, spoken by the people of the plains and, as a second language, by most people of the

hills. During the colonial period, English became the official language, but Burmese continued as the primary

language in all other settings. Both English and Burmese were compulsory subjects in schools and colleges.

Burmese, Chinese, and Hindi were the languages of commerce. After independence English ceased to be the

official language, and after the military coup of 1962 it lost its importance in schools and colleges; an

elementary knowledge of English, however, is still required, and its instruction is again being encouraged.

The local languages of Myanmar belong to three language families. Burmese and most of the other

languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman subfamily of Sino-Tibetan languages. The Shan language belongs to

the Tai family. Languages spoken by the Mon of southern Myanmar and by the Wa and Palaung of the Shan

Plateau are members of the Mon-Khmer subfamily of Austroasiatic languages.

Speakers of Burmese and Mon historically have lived in the plains, while speakers of a unique dialect

of Burmese (that perhaps retains some archaic features of pronunciation) have occupied the Rakhine and

Tenasserim coastal plains. The hills were inhabited by those speaking Shan, Kachin, Chin, and numerous

other languages. In the plains the ancient division between northern and southern Myanmar (Upper Burma

and Lower Burma, respectively) was based not only on geographic differences but also on a linguistic one.

The Mon (now a small minority) lived in southern Myanmar, while the majority Burman population

lived in the northern dry zone. Until colonial times only Burmese, Mon, Shan, and the languages of the

ancient Pyu kingdom of northern Myanmar were written. Writing systems for the languages of the Karen,

Kachin, and Chin peoples were developed later.

Religion:

Although Myanmar has no official religion, some three-fourths of the population follows Theravada

Buddhism. The vast majority of Burmans and Shan are Buddhist. There is, however, a significant Protestant

Christian minority, concentrated primarily among the Karen, Kachin, and Chin communities. Many of the

other hill peoples practice local religions, and even those who adhere to world religions typically incorporate

local elements to some degree. Muslims, mostly Burman, and Hindus are among the smallest religious

minorities.

Page 9: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 8

Settlement patterns:

Myanmar is a land of villages. Except for a few large cities—notably Yangon, Mandalay, and

Mawlamyine (Moulmein)—the towns essentially are large villages. Although the hill peoples generally

practice shifting agriculture (called taungya in Burmese), most have settled in upland villages at some

distance from the fields. On the Shan Plateau and in the neighbouring river valleys, the fields adjoin the

villages. Older villages are circular in shape, but along the banks of the delta streams and along railways the

villages are rectangular. Houses are built of timber and bamboo, the roofs being thatched or tiled. In the

past, houses typically were built on piles, the original purpose being protection from wild animals or floods.

The style persists in many villages, especially those on the hills, and farm animals are kept under the houses

at night. In small towns the piles have been replaced by a supporting brick structure with concrete flooring,

with the upper story still being made of timber. Houses entirely of brick were few in number before the mid-

20th century, but later many sprang up in Yangon, Mandalay, and larger towns on the rubble of buildings

destroyed during World War II. Life in villages is in some respects communal because of custom, the

influence of Buddhism, and the redistributive and reciprocal nature of agrarian society.

Administrative framework

Myanmar’s first constitution came into force on Jan. 4, 1974, the 26th anniversary of the country’s

independence, and was suspended following a military coup on Sept. 18, 1988. The country was

subsequently ruled by a military junta, known first as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)

and, between 1997 and 2011, as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

Under the 1974 constitution, supreme power rested with the unicameral People’s Assembly (Pyithu

Hluttaw), a 485-member popularly elected body that exercised legislative, executive, and judicial authority.

The Council of State, which consisted of 29 members (one representative elected from each of the country’s

14 states and divisions, 14 members elected by the People’s Assembly as a whole, and the prime minister as

an ex officio member), elected its own secretary and its own chairman, who was ex officio president of the

country. The secretary and the president were also, respectively, the secretary-general and the chairman of

the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), which, under military leadership, was the only official political

party from 1964 to 1988. Civil servants, members of the armed forces, workers, and peasants belonged to

the BSPP, and senior military officials and civil servants were included in the party’s hierarchy.

After the military took control of the government in 1988, it established the SLORC as the new ruling

body, and all state organs, including the People’s Assembly and the Council of State, was abolished and their

Page 10: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 9

duties assumed by the SLORC. The law designating the BSPP as the only political party also was abolished,

and new parties were encouraged to register for general elections to a new legislative assembly. More than

90 parties participated in the elections, which were held in May 1990; of these the most important were the

dominant BSPP, which had changed its name to the National Unity Party (NUP), and the main opposition

party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).

The NLD won some four-fifths of the seats in the new assembly. However, after the NLD’s victory the

SLORC announced that the elections were not actually for a legislative assembly but for a constituent

assembly charged with drafting a new constitution; furthermore, the SLORC did not permit the assembly to

meet. Instead, in 1993 the SLORC convened a National Convention of handpicked participants—rather than

the elected assembly of 1990—to formulate a new constitution. This constituent assembly met

intermittently in 1993–96 and then again from 2004 until early in 2008, when it finally passed a completed

draft constitution. The constitution was put to a popular referendum in May and was approved, but the

document did not to go into effect until Jan. 31, 2011, following elections for a new parliament that were

held in November 2010.Under the 2008 constitution, legislative authority is vested in a bicameral Assembly

of the Union (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) consisting of a 224-seat House of Nationalities (Amyotha Hluttaw) and a

440-seat House of Representatives (Pyithu Hluttaw).Three-fourths of the members of each chamber are

directly elected, and the remaining one-fourth are appointed by the military; all members serve five-year

terms.

Executive authority, per the constitution, rests with the president, who is elected to a five-year term

by members of the House of Representatives and heads an 11-member National Defense and Security

Council (cabinet). However, it is thought that the military retained some level of influence on the

government behind the scenes after Jan. 31, 2011.

Nature of Government:

Myanmar is divided administratively into seven states largely on the basis of ethnicity—Chin, Kachin,

Kayin (Karen), Kayah, Mon, Rakhine (Arakan), and Shan—and seven more truly administrative divisions of

Myanmar proper—Ayeyarwady (Irrawaddy), Magway (Magwe), Mandalay, Bago (Pegu), Sagaing, Taninthary

(Tenasserim), and Yangon. These states and divisions are subdivided further into townships, urban wards,

and village tracts.

Until 1988, at each level of local government there was a People’s Council that followed the pattern

of the People’s Assembly. Every local government council also had an Executive Committee, and all but the

Page 11: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 10

village or ward councils had a Committee of Inspectors. Local and national elections were held

simultaneously. In 1988 the SLORC dissolved these bodies and assumed control of local administration,

establishing in their place military-dominated Law and Order Restoration Councils.

The military has the majority stakeholder position in all of the major industrial corporations of the

country (from oil production and consumer goods to transportation and tourism). Burma rates as a corrupt

nation on the Corruption Perceptions Index with a rank of 157th out of 177 countries worldwide and a rating

of 2.1 out of 10 (10 being least corrupt and 0 being highly corrupt) as of 2012

Justice:

The highest court under the 1974 constitution was the Council of People’s Justices, members of

which were drawn from the People’s Assembly. Every local government council had a Judges’ Committee,

which sat as the local court, exercising criminal and civil jurisdiction. These courts were abolished along with

other government bodies following the coup of 1988, and a nonindependent Supreme Court was established

as the central judicial authority, with justices appointed by the SLORC. Since that time, the judiciary has

remained bound to the executive branch of government. The 2008 constitution has provisions for the

creation of a Constitutional Tribunal of the Union to adjudicate constitutional cases.

Security:

Myanmar’s armed forces, which consist of an army, a navy, and an air force, have expanded rapidly—

nearly quadrupling in size—since the mid-20th century. The army is by far the largest and best-equipped of

the three branches, and for a number of years it has borne the chief responsibility for combating armed

insurgency within the country. Volunteers for the armed forces are recruited from throughout the country,

and military service is a prime means of improving socioeconomic status; the military maintains an extensive

education, health, and procurement system for its members and their dependents. The police force,

although armed and equipped and often used as a branch of the army in emergencies, remains essentially

civilian in character and regional in organization.

Health and welfare:

With the majority of the population living in rural areas with unreliable infrastructure and

transportation, rural health care has remained both a challenge and a priority for the Myanmar government.

A lack of adequate sanitation, although improving, and an underutilized health care system have contributed

to relatively high rates of gastrointestinal diseases, tuberculosis, and malaria. The rate of HIV infection rose

Page 12: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 11

to epidemic proportions between the early 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century. However, the pace

of infection has been slowing, owing largely to an aggressive government-sponsored public awareness

campaign and the promotion of the use of condoms. The BSPP government gave special attention to workers

and peasants and to the hill peoples and, in spite of a shortage of imported building materials, succeeded

somewhat in stabilizing the housing problem that had afflicted the country.

Education & Literacy:

Myanmar has a long tradition of educational achievement, and about nine-tenths of the population is

literate. Five years of primary education, beginning at age five, are compulsory; in some remote rural areas,

however, formal schooling may not be available. Secondary education consists of a four-year cycle followed

by a two-year cycle. Tertiary institutions include a number of public universities and colleges as well as public

and private technical institutes and vocational schools. The University of Yangon (1920) and the University of

Mandalay (1925; until 1958 a branch of the University of Yangon) are the oldest and best-known institutions

of higher education.

Educational programs have suffered under the military regimes. Since the coups of 1962 and 1988,

universities have been closed for extended periods—sometimes years at a time—to prevent student

disturbances. As a result, the higher education of most students has been interrupted and prolonged over

many years, and there is an immense backlog of secondary-school graduates waiting to enroll at universities.

The official education system has been supplemented by a large number of privately operated tutoring

programs designed to make up for public-school deficiencies.

The literacy rate of Burma, according the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (2005) stands at 89.7%

(males: 93.7%, females: 86.2%), although there is dispute over the accuracy of the provided literacy rates.

The annual budget allocated to education by the government is low; only about 1.2% is spent per year on

education.

Page 13: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 12

CONCLUSION

Genuine political solution needed:

Analysts say the plight of Myanmar's ethnic minorities will not be resolved until there is a genuine

political solution, and their rights are recognized. The first thing that needs to be done is to allow ethnic

people to be educated in their own languages.

A new constitution pushed through in 2008 guarantees a substantial number of seats for the military

government and its allies in national and local parliaments, while marginalizing other political groups, rights

organizations say. And the 2010 national elections - the first to be held for 20 years - are not expected by

observers such as the International Crisis Group to be free or fair. The polls are unlikely to help the process

of assimilation or integration of Burma's ethnic minorities, experts say.

"Burma's ethnic nationalities will find it difficult to achieve lasting peace and security without a

settlement that guarantees their social and political rights," said Ashley South, a historian of the Mon and an

ethnic specialist. "Socio-political transition in Burma is likely to be a drawn-out process, rather than a one-off

event."

The Myanmar military government completed the final step of the roadmap to “disciplined democracy” by

officially transferring power to the new civilian government led by retired military leader Thein Sein, the

country’s new president. However, top military leader General Than Shwe has tried to maintain the status

quo by controlling President Thein Sein from behind, through acts such as appointing serving ministers and

retired senior military commanders to the national- and regional/state-level cabinets. Nevertheless, unless

the new government begins at least a gradual program of political and economic liberalization, the situation

in the country and its relationships with the international community is unlikely to improve.

As a first step, the government should come up with a plan to gradually release all political prisoners

over the course of a year, while allowing opposition members both inside and outside of the parliament to

speak freely. Along with the international community, all opposition parties in Myanmar, including the NLD

and those with parliamentary representation, have prioritized the release of political prisoners as an

important confidence-building measure that could pave the way for national reconciliation between the

government and the opposition. In response, the opposition parties should be prepared to ask the

international community to reduce sanctions and increase humanitarian assistance incrementally. Sweeping

sanctions such as the U.S. import ban should be rescinded first, while targeted sanctions should be

Page 14: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 13

maintained until the negotiation process between the government and the opposition has taken irreversibly

positive steps.

To reduce ethnic tensions, the new government should immediately reengage with ethnic groups

who have signed ceasefire agreements, and should prepare to announce a nationwide ceasefire in three

months in preparation for gradually providing enhanced ethnic rights and some degree of autonomy. The

government should allow members of ethnic parties to serve in their local administrations, and should

prepare a plan to gradually integrate members of ethnic armed groups into society. The government should

also consider the armed ethnic groups’ concerns in its plan for integrating these groups into the national

military. For example, the civil departments of the various ethnic armies should be integrated first.

With regard to economic policies, the government should develop an anti-poverty campaign, liberalize trade

in reality, and move gradually toward a single foreign-exchange rate. Most revenues from gas exports should

be used for the anti-poverty campaign, prioritizing the agricultural sector, local industries and businesses,

health care, and education. The government’s agricultural bank should extend much more credit to farmers,

and farmers should be allowed to use their farms as collateral for further loans from private banks. Rice

prices and the rice trade should not be controlled by the government. The budget allocations for education

and health should be significantly increased, so that they are comparable to those of many other ASEAN

countries.

To improve local industries and businesses, the government should provide a regular supply of

electricity, improve the quality of physical infrastructure and telecommunications services, and reduce the

bureaucratic barriers associated with registering a new company. In the course of liberalizing trade, import

and export taxes should be significantly reduced, as should permit requirements

Page 15: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 14

Myanmar Key Indicators|Source: www.tradingeconomics.com as on Oct 2014

Markets Last Previous Average Unit Reference Frequency

Currency 1029.00 1005.00 939.44

2014-11-14 Daily

GDP 53.14 51.44 21.43 USD Billion 2012-12-31 Yearly

GDP Annual Growth Rate 6.50 6.70 8.99 Percent 2013-12-31 Yearly

GDP per capita 824.19 741.67 331.76 USD 2011-12-31 Yearly

GDP per capita PPP 1324.61 1254.53 828.24 USD 2011-12-31 Yearly

Labour Last Previous Average Unit Reference Frequency

Unemployment Rate 4.02 4.00 4.04 Percent 2013-12-31 Yearly

Population 53.26 52.80 38.58 Million 2013-12-31 Yearly

Inflation Rate 5.22 5.96 5.12 Percent 2014-07-15 Monthly

Interest Rate 10.00 10.00 10.12 Percent 2014-10-31 Daily

Trade Last Previous Average Unit Reference Frequency

Balance of Trade -406.50 -406.80 -72.71 USD Million 2014-07-15 Monthly

Exports 959.30 891.60 819.09 USD Million 2014-07-15 Monthly

Imports 1365.80 1298.40 887.08 USD Million 2014-07-15 Monthly

Current Account -1128.00 923.90 231.29 USD Million 2012-12-31 Yearly

Current Account to GDP -4.80 -4.40 -2.04 Percent 2013-12-31 Yearly

Foreign Direct Investment 247.39 176.34 276.17 USD Million 2014-07-15 Monthly

Tourist Arrivals 195446.00 175636.00 187788.40

2014-07-15 Monthly

Crude Oil Production 20.00 20.00 15.95 BBL/D/1K 2014-07-15 Monthly

Government Budget -4.90 -3.85 -3.82 Percent of GDP 2013-12-31 Yearly

Government Debt to GDP 42.66 47.27 77.81 Percent 2013-12-31 Yearly

Credit Rating 15.00

Monthly

Taxes Last Previous Average Unit Reference Frequency

Personal Income Tax Rate 20.00 20.00 20.00 percent 2014-01-01 Yearly

Sales Tax Rate 30.00

30.00 Percent 2014-01-01 Yearly

Page 16: Myanmar Socio Political Report

Myanmar|Socio-Political 15

Fact Sheet

Currency Kyat (MMK)

GDP $112.972 billion (PPP) (2013 est.)

GDP growth 6.5% (2013 est.)

GDP per capita $1,739.843 (PPP) (2013 est.)

GDP by sector Agriculture: 43%, industry: 20.5%, services: 36.6% (2011 est.)

Inflation (CPI) 8.9% (2011 est.)

Population below poverty

26% (2012)

Labor force by occupation

Agriculture: 70%, Industry: 7%, Services: 23% (2001)

Unemployment 37% (2012)

Main industries Agricultural processing, wood and wood products, copper, tin, tungsten, iron, cement, construction materials, pharmaceuticals, fertilizer, petroleum and natural gas, garments, jade and gems

Exports

$9.543 billion (2011 est.)

note: official export figures are grossly underestimated due to the value of timber, gems, narcotics, rice, and other products smuggled to Thailand, China, and Bangladesh (2011)

Export goods natural gas, wood products, pulses, beans, fish, rice, clothing, jade and gems

Main export partners

Thailand 40.5%,India 14.7%,China 14.2%,Japan 7.4% (2012 est.)

Imports $5.498 billion (2011 est.)

Import goods fabric, petroleum products, plastics, fertilizer, machinery, transport equipment, cement, construction materials, crude oil; food products, edible

Main import partners

China 37.0%,Thailand 20.2%,Singapore 8.7%,South Korea 8.7%,Japan 8.2%,Malaysia 4.6% (2012 est.)

Public debt $11 billion (2012)

Revenues $2.016 billion

Expenses $4.272 billion (2011 est.)

Economic aid Recipient: $127 million (2001 est.)

Foreign reserves $8 billion (as of January 2013)