res. 5m. /, ^gy^)

ANTI-SLAVERY ALMANACFOR

1846.

NEW YORK:PUBLISHED BY FINCH & WEED,

118 Nassau Street.

CUSTOMARY NOTES, &c, FOR THE YEAR 1846."

Venus [ $ ] will be Evening Star until March 2d, then Morning Star until December 15th,

then Evening Star until October 3d, 1847.

The Moon will run highest, this year, about the 22d degree of [n ] Gemini, and lowestabout the 22d degree of [ t ] Sagittarius.Latitude of Herschel fJ£l] about 41' south this year.Longitude of the Moon's Ascending [a ] in the middle of this year, 7 signs, 4 degrees.

Mean obliquity of the Ecliptic in the middle of this year ; 23° 27' 33.5". True obliquity,

same time, 23° 27' 25.3".

Ascension Day May 21Whit Sunday (Pentecost) May 31Trinity Sunday ..... .-.June 7

CHRONOLOGICAL CYCLES.Dominical Letter D.Golden Number, or Lunar Cycle 4Epact, or Moon's age Jan. 1st 3Solar Cycle 7Roman Indiction. . > 4Julian Period 6559

MOVEABLE FEASTS.Easter Sunday April 12Rogation Sunday May 17

Advent Sunday NovEQUINOXES AND SOLSTICES.

D. H. MVernal Equinox, March 20 6 50 ev.Summer Solstice, June 21 3 36 ev.

Autumnal Equinox, Sept, 23 5 34 mo.Winter Solstice, Dec , . .21 11 15 ev.

ECLIPSES IN THE YEAR 184G.

There will be two Eclipses only this year, and both of the Sun.

I. On the 25th of April the Sun will be Eclipsed on the southern limb.

Principal Cities Beginning.GreatestEclipse. End. Duration. Magnitude.

H. M. ... •

10 41 mora.10 12 morn.11 15 mom.9 50 morn.10 51 mom.10 22 morn.10 46 mom.9 51 morn.10 37 morn.9 56 morn.

10 35 mom.9 30 mom.10 29 morn.10 17 mora.10 3 mom.9 4 morn.

H. M.11 57 mom.11 28 morn.

36 ev.10 58 morn.

17 ev.11 4i mom.

8 ev.11 4 morn.11 -59 mora.11 13 mora.11 58 morn.10 42 morn.11 53 mom.11 43 mom.11 32 mom.10 27 mora.

H. M.1 12 ev.40 ev.

1 54 ev.10 ev.

1 38 ev.

1 ev.

1 30 ev.

22 ev.

1 22 ev.33 ev.

1 21 ev.noon.

1 19 ev.1 11 ev.1 5 ev.

11 57 morn.

H. M.2 312 282 392 202 442 382 442 312 452 372 462 302 502 543 22 53

Digits.

5.72Detroit, 5.38

6 605.006.836.276.965 767.006.00

Washington,St. Louis,

7125.687.50

7.92Charleston,New Orleans,

8.68

8.10

This Eclipse will be visible throughout the United States, excepting the North-westerncorner of the Oregon Territory ; also throughout Mexico, Texas, West Indies, Great Britain,

Ireland and Iceland ; together with the southern part of Greenland, the northern part ofSouth Ameriea, and the Western parts of Europe and Africa. It will be central and annu-lar on the meridian in latitude 25° 21' North, and longitude 74° 31' West from Greenwich, or30' West from the meridian of New York. Magnitude at London, 3.32 digits.

II. There will be an Eclipse of the Sun on the 20th of October, at the time of New Moonin the morning, invisible in America. The Eclipse will be visible through the greater part ofAfrica and of Australia. The central Eclipse (which will be annular) will commence in

Africa in latitude 6° 44' North, and longitude 0° 32' West from Greenwich, and terminate bi

Australia in lat. 23° 51' South, and long. 126° 5' East. In its progress it will cross the north-ern part of Madagascar, and be central and annular on the meridian in lat. 19° 22' South, andlong. 58° 41' East from Greenwich. Magnitude of the Eclipse at the Cape of Good Hope,1.69 digit on the Sun's northern limb.

POSTAGE.1. Letters are hereafter to be charged by weight instead of by the number of pieces of pa-

per, as follows : Letters not exceeding half an ounce in weight to be deemed single letters,

and to be charged 5 cents for any distance not exceeding 300 miles, and 10 cents for any dis-

tance over 300 miles. Each additional half ounce, or fraction of a half ounce, to be charged5 or 10 cents, according to the distance sent. A 6heet of letter paper containing five bankbills will weigh less than half an ounee.t 2. Newspapers <Jf a size not exceeding 1900 square inches, may be sent by mail 30 milesfrom the town where they are published, free of postage. For all distances over 30 miles,the old rates of postage are charged, viz : 1 cent per copy for 100 miles, or any distance with-in the State where published, and 1 1-2 cents over 100 miles and out of the State wherepublished.

3. Postmasters throughout the United States are not allowed to frank letters unless thetame are endorsed "Post Office business," and their names signed to such endorsement.

JANUARY, 1846—31 Pays*1

Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. SunonMer.

First Quar. 4Full Moon, 12

Third Quar. 20

New Moon, 27

H. M.

9 29mor.9 6 mor.

10 56 mor,4 27 mor

d. h. m. s.

1 ev. 3 56

9 7 30

17 10 27

25 12 40

FEBRUARY, 1846—28 Pays.MTWsPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.

d.

Fh*t Quar. 3

Full Moon, 11

Thigd Quar. 18

H. M.15 mor.

4 16 mor.11 48 ev.

New Moon, 251 2 36 ev.

D. H. M. S.

1 13 559 14 3117 14 1725 13 18

Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey Fenn., t)hio, Indiana, and Illinois.

Sun'sdecS. Pi-

Sunrises

Sunsets.

H.M.4 41

4243444546474849

50

51

52

53

54

5556

57

59

1

2

3

5

6

7

8

10

5 11

5 125 13

5 15

Moonsets.

H. M.

9 37

10 4611 52morn.

57

1 592 59

3 564 495 386 22

rises.

6 21

7 188 159 13

10 11

11 11

morn.

1

2

3

45

6

sets

7 128 259 36

10 43

H.W.N. Y.

H. M.11 38morn.

2613

56

4153230

8 17

8 589 34

10 9

10 4011 12

11 44ev.17

501 302 17

3 174 365*56

7 108 7

8 589 48

10 3511 19morn.

J) D sunsM W dec S

DMTuWThFr'

SaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWThFrSa

]) Sun Sunpi. rises sets.

Moon H. W.sets. N. Y.

H. M.11 48morn.

50

6 11

rises.

7 7

8 t

9 A

10 t

ii e

morn9

sets,

7 10

8 21

9 30

FARM WORK FOR JANUARY.

I Summer is the season for prepar-

ing food, winter for disposing of it.

"Whatever grain or other produce of

the farm is now on hand, beyond

what is wanted for home consumption,

should be carried to market. Dont let

frost, rot, mildew, vermin, waste or too

much care swallow up the profits.

Perishable articles should at once be

sold for whatever they will bring. All

others may be sold when they will

command the best price, but in wait-

ing for a higher, see that the waste in-

terest, and risk of holding, will not ex-

ceed the additional price expected.

FARM WORK FOR FEBRUARY.Keep the stables clean ; the yards

ijy and well littered; the barns andshelters tight and warm; curry the

cattle and horses; and always pro-

vide salt and pure water where theycan get them. Nearly all animals like

clay, tar, and sulphur occasionally;

provide these within their reach, andtheir health and appetite will be im-

proved by them.If labor is cheaper than fodder," cut i

the hay, straw and cornstalks, and cat-

tle will eat them clean; they will

thank and pay you for it too, if a little

meal be added.

z. sr<y ******5*/wm"y' t*+**^~

.t Jl

MARCH, 1846—31 Days. APRIL, 1846—30 Days.Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer. Moon - Phases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.

D. H. M. D. H. M. s. D. H. M. ». H. M. s.

First Quar. 4 5 36 ev. 1 12 35 First QiL. f. 3 16 ev. 1 3 56Full Moon, 12 9 53 ev. 9 10 44 Full Moon, 11 59 ev. 9 1 36Third Quar. 20 9 2mor. 17 8 30 Third Quar. 18 3 28 ev. 17 morn.New Moon, 28 55mor. 25 6 5 New Moon, 25 11 52mor. 25 11 57 51

Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.

D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H.W.M W dec S. pi. rises sets. sets. N. Y.

4623

37135027

33 403 16

2 522 29

2 5

1 41

1 185430

S. 7

N. 1741

M.6 366 356 336 326 306 296 276 256 246 226 206 196 176 166 146 126 11,6

9676

5 586

1

2

3

4567

8

9

6!6 104|6 11

2|6 1216 14

59 6 1557,6 1656 6 17

54 6 18

52,6 19

51 6 20

49,6 21

47[6 22

H. M.10 3511 37morn

4 435 13

rises.

6 577 589

10 211 4morn

5

1

1 562 443 274 64 435 18sets.

8 14

9 20

10 21

11 17

H. M.11 38morn.

16

554031

449

2830

8 108 499 209 51

10 2010 5311 26ev. 2

41

1 272 263 455 176 377 388 269 99 51

10 3211 1211 50

WThFrSaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWTh

Sun'sdecN.

D Sunj Sun Moon H.W.pi. rises sets. sets. N. Y.

46644643641 J6

39

5 2

H. M.morn.

8

rises.

7 538 569 59

10 5811 53morn.

42

sets

8 59 49 58

10

11 30

morn.27

4711

6 457 358 108 459 189 54

10 2811 511 42ev. 261 172 203 374 596 147 138 48 489 3010 910 48

26morn.

FARM WORK FOR MARCH.

Tap the maple trees if the weather

has not before required it ; clean the

troughs, and see that the sap is entirely-

pure till congealed into prime sugar.

Look well after the cattle ; feed the

cows and ewes with young, a fewroots daily, and see they have a quiet,

dry, warm place, where they will not

be knocked about by the other animals.

Shade and fruit trees may be set out

wherever the ground is dry; grafts

should be selected and cut, and remem-ber, the best kind of fruitmay give youten times the profit, and cost you nomore than the worst.

FARM WORK FOR APRIL.

Bestir yourselves about the gardep,and sow early peas, cabbage, radishes,

lettuce, parsnips, carrots, beets andtomatoes

;plant a few early potatoes,

cucumbers and melons ; by plantingthe last on a well prepared bed of ma-nure and loam and sand, protected byglass, you will get them very early.

.A little time and money spent in this

way, is much better than laid out in

fine clothes and expensive groceries.

They are the best luxuries, and pro-

mote health and comfort. Tag thej

sheep, and dont turn out cattle too ear-

ly, let the grass first get a good start.

MAY, 1846—31 Days.Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun. on Mer

First Quar. 3

Full Moon, 11

Third Quar. 17

New Moon, 24

a. m.6 56mor.1 lOmor.8 31 ev.

11 48 ev.

D. H. M. S.

1 11 56 57

911 56 141711 56 72511 56 37

JUNE, 1846—30 Pays.Moon'sPhases. New- Y'rk. Sun on Mer.

D.

First Quar. 2Full Moon, 9Third Quar. 16New Moon, 23

H. M.

34mor.10 40mor,1 42mor.

52 ev.

D. H. M.1 11 57 299 11 58 5117 ev. 3025 2 14

Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois

D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H.W. D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H. W.M W decN. pi rises sets. sets. N. Y. M W decN. pi rises

H.M.

sets.

H.M.

sets. N. Y.

D. M. H. M. H.M. H. M. H. M. D. M. H. M H. M.1 Fr 15 6 25 5 1 6 54 morn. 4 1 M 22 4 w 4 33 7 22 morn 1 1

2 Sa 15 24 9s 4 59 6 55 8 43 2 Tu 22 12 W 4 33 7 23 12 1 473 D 15 42 £1 4 58 6 56 42 1 29 3 W 22 20 m 4 32 7 24 41 2 384 M 16 si 4 57 6 57 1 13 2 20 4 Th 22 27 :22b 4 32 7 24 1 10 3 425 Tu 16 17 % 4 56 6 58 1 43 3 29 5 Fr 22 34 ^= 4 31 7 25 1 41 4 466 W 16 34 m 4 55 6 59 2 12 4 41 6 Sa 22 40 3 4 31 7 26 2 15 5 467 Th 16 50 -*- 4 53 7 2 40 5 48 7 D 22 46 4 4 31 7 26 2 54 6 468 Fr 17 7 -r*. 4 52 7 1 3 11 6 45 8 M 22 52 t 4 31 7 27 3 40 7 359 Sa 17 23 -rv_ 4 51 7 2 3 44 7 30 9 Tu 22 57 t 4 30 7 27 rises. 8 21

10 D 17 39 «£ 4 50 7 3 4 21 8 9 10 W 23 2 Y? 4 30 7 28 8 31 9 711 M 17 54 hT 4 49 7 4 rises. 8 50 11 Th 23 6 V5

5 4 30 7 28 9 22 9 5312 Tu 18 10 r 4 48 7 5 8 50 9 29 12 Fr 23 10 4 30 7 29 10 5 10 3613 W 18 24 t 4 47 7 6 9 47 10 6 13 Sa 23 14 'OX 4 30 7 29 10 45 11 2214 Th 18 39 V5> 4 46 7 7 10 39 10 48 14 D 23 17 X 4 30 7 30 11 21 ev. 1215 Fr 18 53 Y3 4 45 7 8 11 25 11 30 15 M 23 20 X 4 30 7 30 11 55 1 316 Sa 19 7 4 44 7 9 morn. ev. 19 16 Tu 23 22 r 4 30 7 31 morn. 1 5917 D 19 21 jjjj 4 43 7 10 6 1 13 17 W 23 24 T 4 30 7 31 28 3 1

18 M 19 34 X 4^2 7 11 43 2 15 IS Th 23 25 T 4 30 7 31 1 2 4 919 Tu 19 47 X 4 41 7 11 1 18 3 25 19 Fr 23 26 a 4 30 7 32 1 38 5 1420 W 20 cp 4 41 7 12 1 51 4 37 20 Sa 23 27 a 4 30 7 32 2 17 .6 2221 Th 20 12 cp 4 40 7 13 2 25 5 45 21 D 23 27 n 4 31 7 32 3 7 2122 Fr 20 24 a 4 39 7 14 3 6 46 22 M 23 27 n 4 31 7 32 3 46 8 1023 Sa 20 36 a 4 38 7 15 3 38 7 40 23 Tu 23 27 25 4 31 7 32 sets. 8 5424 D 20 47 y 4 38 7 16 sets. 8 29 24 W 23 26 23 4 31 7 33 8 3 9 3725 M 20 58 n 4 37 7 17 7 48 9 12 25 Th 23 24 25 4 32 7 33 8 41 10 1326 Tu 21 9 n 4 36 7 18 8 39 9 52 20 Fr 23 23

a4 32 7 33 9 15 10 49

27 W 21 19 25 4 36 7 18 9 25 10 29 27 Sa 23 20 4 32 7 33 9 46 11 2328 Th 21 29 25 4 35 7 19 10 5 11 5 28 D 23 18 w 4 33 7 33 10 15 11 5729 Fr 21 38 25 4 34 7 20 10 41 11 43 29|M 23 15 n 4 33 7 33 10 43 morn.30 Sa 21-47 a 4 34 7 21 11 14 morn. 301Tu 23 11 w 4 34. 7 33 11 11 3431 D| 21 56 a 4 33 7 21 11 44 J 19

FARM WORK FOR MAY.Finish all the plowing, planting, and

sowing. Early crops are more surethan late. Brine your wheat and soakyour corn in saltpetre ; the crows andworms will let it alone then, and youwill have larger crops. Cart out everyounce of manure. It will waste asmuch in the heap in one season as inthe ground ; and for the first you getnothing, for the other, a great deal.

Dock and geld the lambs, look after

the sheep in storms, see that they arewell salted, and never allow themto remain on wet land. Geld the colts,

calves, and pigs.

FARM WORK FOR JUNE.Put the light plows and cultivators

agoing among your corn and roots, andkill the weeds before they kill thecrops. Nowhere does " a step in timesave nine" more certainly, than in ex-

terminating weeds. Finish plantingpotatoes, and sow ruta-baga. Dont beafraid of getting an over stock. Whatyou cant sell at a round profit, you canfeed to advantage. Look after the redroot, cockle, and wild mustard in the

grain fields, and pull them all up be-

fore they get to seed. Prune yourfruit trees, spade up the turf about the

trunk, place manure, &c, around them.

?;%0~

JUI5Y, 1846—31 Pays.

* Moon'sPhasesj New-Yrrk. Sun on ]V

First Qwar.Full Moon,Third Quar. 15

New Moon, 23

First Quar. 31

4 28 ev.

6 15 ev.#

8 28mor.3 7 mor.6 7 mor.

D. H.

1*

9

17

25,

M. S.

3 284 505 476 12

Moon'sPhases.

AUGUST, 1846- Days.

Full Moon, 7

Third Quar. 13

New Moon, 21

First Quar, 29

New-Y'rk.

C. M.1 4mor5 55 ev.

6 29 ev.

5 23 ev.

Sun on Mer,

6 25 153 51

1 55

Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.

Sun'sdecN.

B. M.

23 7

23 3

22 59

22 53

22 4822 4222 3622 2922 2222 1522 7

21 5921 50

21 4221 3221 2321 1321 220 51

20 4020 29

20 17

20 5

19 53

19 4019 27

19 13

18 59

18 4518 31

18 16

Sunrises

Sun Moonsets. ' sets.

H.

4

44

44

44444444

444444444

44444

4

44 56;7 16

M.;H. M.

33;il 4032 morn.32j 12

32 4832 1 2932 2 18

31 3 14

31 rises.

31 7 59

30 8 4230 9 20

29j 9 56

29J10 302811 528ill 41

27 morn.

47 7 254817*24

49 7

49 7 sets.

7 498 188 469 149 43

10 1310 47

4 57|7 15ill 24

54 7 18

557 17

H.W.N. Y.

M.

11

55454954

3

57

8 479 38

10 2811 13ev. 1

503732324555

456

8 409 199 55

10 2910 59

11 31

morn.437

1 16

Sun Ts

decN.

D. M.

18 1

17 4617 31

17 1516 59

16 4216 2516 9

15 51

15 3415 16

14 58

14 4014 2214" 3

13 4413 2513 6

12 4612 2612 7

11 4611 2611 610 4510 2410 3

9 429 21

8 598 3S

H.M.4 58

59

Sunrises

Sunsets.

H.

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

6 596 58

6 57

555452

51

504847

4544

6 426 41

6 39

6

6 366 346 33

Moon'sets.

H. M.morn.

859

1 57

3 3

4 14rises

7 528 299 59 41

10 1911

11 44morn.

31

1 222 1534 jr

sets

6 51

7 197 478 178 499 2410 410 51

11 44morn.

H. M.2 1

2 574 105 266 417 418 349 2310 1010 5411 40ev. 23

H.W.N. Y.

10

585610284338

8 228 599 33

10 310 3311 3

11 35morn.

743

1 262 21

FARM WORK FOR JULY.

Buy your scythes, rakes, cradles,

&c, before the good ones are all gone.

A good tool is cheap at the highest

price, and a poor one dear at the low-

est. Get a good horse-rake if you

have not made one while idle in the

winter. Fit up the hay carts and

grease the wheels, fill up the old whis-

ky jugs and canteens with pure wa-ter and a little ginger, molasses and

vinegar, mixed with it, or milk and

water, oatmeal and water, or water

alone, and with a light 'lunch in abas-

ket, the men are ready for their wort

FARM WORK FOR AUGUST.

Complete the haying and get the

fodder well under cover. Cut the

wheat, oats and barley, when the berry

is in the dough state, and before it is

fully ripe, and you will get more grain

and infinitely better straw. What is

intended for seed may stand till dead

ripe, and see that it be gathered free

from all weeds. If the land intended,

for the next wheat crop be weedy,

plow early and plow late, and leave

not a stalk for future growth. Take

early pears, plums and apples to mar^

,

ket. Look to your, lightning rods.

v Ois '"*

St^?C£j£y <p?£/± fc~~f

SEPTEMBER, 18 46—30 Days.Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer

Full Moon, 5

Third Quar. 12New Moon, 20First Quar. 28

H. M.

8 20mor.6 46mor.

10 38mor.2 31 mor.

1 morning.911 57 14

17 11 54 26

2511 51 40

OCTOBER, 1846—31 Rays.Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk.

Full Moon, 4ThirdQuar.ilNew Moon, 20First Quar. 27

D.H. M.

5 10 ev.

11 12 ev.

2 48 mor.10 14 mor.

Sun on Mer.

r>. h. m. s,

1 11 49 419 11 47 19

17 11 45 2625 11 44 12

Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana and Illinois.

D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H.W. D D Sun'sl D Sun Sun Moon H.W.M W decN. PL rises sets. sets. N. Y. M W dec S. pi. rises sets. sets. N. Y.

D. M. H. M. H. M. H. M. H. M. D. M. H. M. H. M. H. M. H. M.1 Tu 8 16 V? 5 28 6 31 44 3 33 1 Th 3 13 "XZ 5 58 5 41 1 54 4 422 W "7 54 V? 5 29 6 30 1 51 5 2 Fr 3 37 X 5 59 5 40 3 6 6 43 Th 7 32 5 30 6 28 3 2 6 22 3 Sa 4 X 6 5 38 4 18 7 5

^4 Fr 7 10 /w 5 31 6 26 4 16 7 24 4 D 4 23 cp 6 1 5 36 rises. 7 56

5 Sa 6 48 X 5 32 6 25 rises. 8 18 5 M 4 46 op 6 2 5 35 6 7 8 42

6 D 6 26 x 5 33 6 23 6 59 9 4 6 Tu 5 9 2 6 3 5 33 6 48 9 26

7 M 6 3 5 34 6 21 7 36 9 48 n W 5 32 b 6 4 5 31 7 31 10 10

8 Tu 5 41 5 35 6 20 8 15 10 34 s Th 5 55 rr 6 5 5 30 8 19 10 51

9 W 5 18 8 5 36 6 18 8 56 11 15 9 Fr 6 18 n 6 6 5 28 9 9 11 31

10 Th 4 55 a 5 37 6 17 9 40 11 57 10 Sa 6 41 25 6 7 5 27 10 2 ev. 12

11 Fr 4 32 n 5 38 6 15 10 27 ev. 39 11 D 7 4 25 6 8 5 25 10 56 57

12 Sa 4 9 n 5 39 6 13 11 17 1 25 12 M 7 26 25 6 9 5 23 11 52 1 4913 D 3 46 25 5 39 6 12 morn. 2 20 13 Tu 7 49 a 6 10 5 22 morn. 2 51

14 M 3 23 25 5 40 6 10 10 3 31 14 W 8 11 ?L 6 11 5 20 47 4 12

IS Tu 3 25 5 41 6 8 1 4 4 54 IS Th S 33 nj? 6 12 5 19 1 43 5 30

16 W 2 37

$5 42 7 1 59 6 10 16 Fr •8 56 W 6 13 5 17 2 40, 6 35

17 Th 2 14 5 43 6 5 2 55 7 13 17 Sa 9 18 n* 6 15 5 16 3 36 7 2118 Fr 1 51 m 5 44 6 3 3 51 7 55 IS D 9 40 ^ 6 16 5 14 4 34 7 5719 Sa 1 27 w 5 45 6 1 4 48 8 32 19 M 10 1 -J-V. 6 17 5 13 5 32 8 31

20 D 1 4 w 5 46 6 sets. 9 4 20 Tu 10 23 nt 6 18 5 11 sets. 9 2

21 M 41 ,/v 5 47 5 58 6 20 9 35 21 W 10 44 "I 6 19 5 10 6 5 9 3822 Tu N 17 _/v_ 5 48 5 56 6 52 10 4 22 Th 11 6

«i6 20 5 8 6 47 10 12

23 W S. 6

V5

5 49 5 55 7 26 10 35 23 Fr 11 27 I 6 21 5 7 7 36 10 4424 Th 30 5 50 5 53 8 5 11 7 24 Sa 11 48 t 6 22 5 6 8 30 11 21

25 Fr 53 5 51 5 51 8 49 11 41 25 D 12 9 V? 6 24 5 4 9 30 morn.26 Sa 1 16 5 52 5 50 9 38 morn. 26 M 12 29

v? 6 25 5 3 10 34 227 D 1 40 5 53 5 48 10 34 19 27 Tu 12 50 6 26 5 1 11 41 4728 M 2 3 5 54 5 46 11.37 1 3 28 W 13 10

'-'6 27 5 morn. 1 45

29 Tu 2 27 5 55 5 45 morn. 1 59 29 Th 13 30 X 6 28 4 59 50 2 5930 W 2 50 AW 5 56 5 43 44 3 14 30 Fr 13 50 X 6 29 4 58 2 4 24-

31jSa 14 9 T 6 31 4 56 3 10 5 42

FARM WORK FOR SEPTEMBER.Complete harvesting the grain, and

if there be much of it, thrash it outwith a machine in the field. Thissaves carting and waste, and wheatgenerally bears as good price now asat any time hereafter. A bushel in

ten is thus saved which would other-

wise be lost in six months, besides 3

per cent in interest. This is worthany man's attention, who thinks " ma-ny a little will soon make a mickle."If not wanted in the yard, the strawmay be spread on the ground, thoughit's better to feed cattle before it is fed

to the soil.

FARM WORK FOR OCTOBER.Dig all the roots and store them se-

curely against frost and rot. Keepthem from the sun and wet, and allowthem to dry before housing. If stored

in the field, see that no water is al-

lowed to settle around the bottom, anda small hole left in the top of the pit

to let ofF the gas and moisture. They\

should be lightly covered at first to

prevent growth, and'before cold weath-er sets in, give them ample protection

from frost, and put in a wisp of strawto shut out the cold nor yet preventescape of gas. Gather all the fruit

before the heavy frosts.

-)»

l~£t*K***ic4—

K.

« .«<S*S%S*J*i%fc

NOVEMBER, 1846 --30 ©ays. DECEMBER, 1846- 31 Days.

Moon'sPHases .jNew- Y'rk. Sun on Mer. Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.

D. H. JVC. D. B. M. S, it. H. M. * r>. H. M. s.

Full Moon, 3 4 15mor. • 1 11 43 44 Full Moon, 2 5 50 ev. 1 11 49 18Third Quar. 10 6 48 ev. 9 11 44 Third Quar. 10 4 20 ev. 9 11 52 37New Moon, 18 6 4ev. 17 11 45 10 New Moon, 18 7 46mor. 17 11 56 25First Quar. 25 5 35 ev. 25 11 47 14 First Quar. 25 1 40 mo?. 25 ev. 24

Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N.Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.

1

2

3

45

6

9

10

11

12

13141516

17

1819

20

21

2223

24252627

2829

30

Sun'sdeeS

M29

487

25 8

Sunrises

H.M.6 32

336 346 356 37

6 3SJ46 396 40

41

434445464749

506 51

6 526 536 556 566 57

6 586 597

Sunset&

Moonsets,

H. M4 205 30

rises

6- 7

6 577 498 449 40

10 3711 33morn.

291 262 233 21

4 205 21

sets.

5 306 237 228 269 3310 4111 50morn.

582 73 154 22

H.W.N. Y.

H. - M.6 447 368 21

9 7

9 4810 2911 9

11 47ev.291 152 7

3 154 295 366 357 207 588 389 139 50

10 2811 911 52morn.

41

1 382 433 595 86 19

TuWThFrSar>

MTuWThFrSaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWThFrSaDMTuWTh

Sun'sdec S. Pi-

Sun Sunrises sets.

10

11

12

1314151516

17

18

1919

2021

21

2223

23

24242525

25J4

Moonsets.

5 27,

rises.

5 366 31

7 278 249 21

10 1811 14morn.

1012

3

45

6sets,

6 127 21

8 319 41

10 5011 59morn..

1 62 123 174 19

5 186 12

H.W.N.'Y.

H. M.7 158 78 529 34-

10 1510 5311 29

6 337 248 68 519 34

10 1811 211 47morn.

342521

2437

51

6 567 50

FARM WORK FOR NOVEMBER.Prepare for winter quarters now

with all your might. Put the children

to their winter's school, and see that

you have a good master, good disci-

pline, good books, and attractive rooms,

well warmed and well aired. If youexpect good cattle, you first look for

good calves ; and if you wish good menand women, you, must first secure

good children. Repair all the barns

and sheds so as to exclude wind, rain

and snow. Take off the cattle fromthe meadows in time to prevent injury

to the tuff. Soon as the grass is muchinjured by frost, take off all the stock,

FARM WORK FOR DECEMBER.All cattle now require increased at-

tention. Tis a practicewith some, to

j ust keep their stock through the win-ter and let them do their thriving in

summer. This is bad policy, or rather

no policy at all. Half the age of stock

is thus thrown away. They may begaining as rapidly in winter as in sum-mer, if provided with shelter and ap-

propriate food. Ashes, chareoal andlime, should be placed around the

trunks of fruit trees. The first will

kill the worms and insects harboring

'

about the roots, and prevent the miceburrowing around the bark.

4&*>fct «k«* % *i »

STRAINING AT GNATS AND SWALLOWING CAMELS.It will take the light of eternity to reveal all the influences that have

wrought the above degeneracy in the Presbyterian church. In the provi-dence of God, however, some of her sins in this thing are " open beforehandgoing to judgment." One of them is at hand. It will be interesting andinstructive, probably, to all religious brokers and stock-jobbers in the man-trade. It is as follows: At the meeting of the General Assembly, at Pitts-

burg, in 1836, the Trustees of the funds of the church reported respecting thesuccessful operation they had lately made, to increase the revenues of thechurch, by a sale of certain northern securities, and the investment of theproceeds in bank stock at Vicksburgh and Grand Gulf. One transaction wasdwelt upon with great interest : among the stocks so transferred, were anumber of shares in the Hackensack Bridge Company, N. J., concerningwhich the consciences of the pious had long been troubled, from the circum-stance that the bridge was a thorough-fare for travelling on the Sabbath, anda portion of the profits of this Sabbath profanation went into the treasury ofthe Lord. So the trustees relieved the tender consciences, and removed thescandal, by investing the funds in southern banks, to be used in buying thenew cotton.- fields of the south-west and stocking them with negroes : fromall which they anticipated a much larger income than a mere 6 per cent.

interest! Tne same year, these trustees and their southern friends

made stubborn and stout resistance to any action of the Assembly condemna-tory of slavery.Time rolled on. Four years after, in 1840, the Proceedings of the General

Assembly (Old School) contain a report of a committee on the funds of theChurch, the Hon. John Fine, chairman, which, though cautiously deficient in

specific data, contains the following significant paragraph :

" The committee regret that any previous Assembly should have approvedof the funds of the Church being invested in the stocks of distant banks,with the expectation of receiving a larger income than 6 per cent, interest." Thereport states that "for one or more years this expectation was realized. Butthe Committee fear that some portion of these investments is now in extremehazard. It is plain that the Assembly would not, at the present time, recom-mend a further investment of the Church funds in south-western backs. Is

it not worthy of the consideration of the trustees, whether it be not the part

of wisdom to sell the stocks of the unproductive banks as soon as it may bejudiciously done, and invest the proceeds in securities which are less fluc-

tuating and less hazardous."May 27th, 1842, brought out a statement from the " Standing committee on

Finance," showing " the cost and estimated value of sundry stocks, and loss

thereon." The whole cost of the stocks named, was $136,339. For someof these stocks a handsome premium was paid at the time of purchase,amounting in all to $11,331. The whole loss, as estimated in 1842, was$89,634. The following table shows for what the premiums were mostlypaid, and where most of the losses were.

No. ofShares.

100,

200,

10,

200,

150,

100,

100,

Planters' Bank of Mississippi,

Agricultural Bank of do.,

Grand Gulf Bank of do.,

Planters' Bank of Tennessee,Union Bank of do.,

Bank of Mobile,Bank of Louisville,

EstimatedCost. Premium. Loss.

$11,077,62 $1,077,62 $10,827,62

23,700,76 3,701,76 21,701,76

992,00 942,00

22,106,25 2,106,25 16,106,25

15,262,50 262.50 11,062,50

11,027,50 1,027,50 3,527,50

10,526,25 526,25 4,726,25

$94,692,88 $8,701,88 $68,893,88

From this it appears that the Church paid nearly the whole of her premi-ums for, and realized nearly the whole of her losses from, the stocks of those

south-western banks, that were to pay such a handsome income over 6 percent, interest, and were to earn it almost wholly in the cotton and negro

speculation of the time. What a delightful piece of pious financiering it was,to take the funds from the Hackensack Bridge Company, and the like, forconscience sake, and invest them where, besides yielding more than lawfulinterest, they would go to stimulate the trade in souls and blood ! ThankHeaven, " the biters were bitten." We fear they will meet an account at theday ofjudgment, not so easily settled as this. As God is true, if they repentnot, chained, tortured, sold, and murdered men and women will meet themthere, and ask redress. Brokers of men, how will you meet them ?

HOW THE MAN-TRADE WAS DRIVEN AT THE TIME THEGENERAL ASSEMBLY FUNDS WERE LOST,

In January, 1840, a correspondent of the United States Gazette, who signedhimself Spectator, and whose accuracy the editor vouched for, gave an im-pressive account of the course of events in Mississippi, in those palmy daysof negro speculation, that were to bring such revenues to the Presbyterian

Church. He said

:

u In the fall of 1835, shfc'es, in great multitudes, were driven to the State,

quadrupling any previous year. The demand abroad advanced the price.

The competition forced the traders to give from twelve to fifteen months'time, adding ten per cent, interest. So soon as the planter learned he couldpurchase on time, by bills on New Orleans, he bought liberally. The traders

soon sold all they had, returned home with the accepted bills, cashed them in

Banks, and not only embarked in it again more largely themselves, but inducedtheir friends and acquaintances also to embark in it. Every corner of the Slave-

holding States was now ransacked, and every dwelling visited by the trader.

Prices advanced higher and higher. The fall of 1836 is a time long to be remem-bered. All the public highways to Mississippi became lined—yea, literally

crowded—with slaves. When they arrived, the immense number (swellingto rise of 40,000) made the callous hearts of all the traders ache. They pitchedtheir tents upon the brow of every hill surrounding each town and village

in the State, awaiting the call of purchasers. None came. The winter of1837 approached, and but few, very few sales were yet effected. At last theyadvertised they would give one and two years' time, by bills on New Orleans,

adding ten percent, interest discount." The terms were accepted by the planters, and many were induced to

purchase a second, and even a third supply at from $1200 to $1800 each. Allthe slaves were soon sold. But by this time the merchants began to give

way. Nearly all the bills made by the planters in the fall of 1835 and springof 1836, at from twelve to fifteen months' time, were protested for non-pay-ment. The bills for the whole of the purchases in the winter and spring of1837 were protested for non-acceptance. The negro speculators becamealarmed. They went to work in February and March, and in three months'time had secured their debts by deeds in trust and mortgages upon nearly thewhole property of the State, in three years, the slave population of Missis-sippi increased from 70.000 to 160,000 slaves ! at an average cost of at least

$1000 each! making the debt for slaves alone, in three years, swell to

$90,000,000 ! ! From 1833 to 1837, cotton bore an exorbitantly high price.

This, together with the increased force, induced the planter to direct all his

energy to its cultivation, relying upon purchasing every article of consump-tion. He neglected to raise his corn and pork 5 he had to purchase moremules, horses and ploughs, open more lands, and increased his bills with themerchants, whom he totally neglected to pay. When the crash came, in May,1838, all the paper held against the planters by the merchants, or nearly all, wastransferred to the banks, or sued upon by the merchants. The crowd of busi-

ness in the different Courts delayed j udgment, and when judgment was at last

obtained, the sheriffs and marshals could find nothing, scarcely, to levy upon.Bankruptcy and ruin among some of the merchants were inevitable ; and intheir fall they crushed the banks. The negro-traders stood by with cold indiffer-

ence, and beheld towns depopulated and large plantation after large plantationlaid waste, growing up with thorns and briars, without feeling one pang of

results. Is the Bible in favor of such things—of ignorance, vice, and wretch-edness—of falsehood, and debauchery, and murder—in favor of wielding the

powers of civil government to encourage and protect the wrong-doer— and to

drive the poor, the helpless, the friendless to desperation ? Such is the ques-tion which is often gravely, and sometimes triumphantly, urged on our atten-

tion by advocates of slavery, and even by some of the professed interpreters of

the Scriptures !

To insinuate that the Bible is in favor of such things as are essential to

slavery—that it gives them the least countenance or quarter—or, that its max-ims, and doctrines, and examples are at all consistent with them, is to utter

absurdities and blasphemies, from which infidelity itself, unless steeped to

the core in hypocrisy, must recoil. Why, what more could the most impu-dent and malignant Atheism attempt for the subversion of Christianity ? If

the Bible is in favor of such things as slavery consists in, no man can believe

that it is the work of Wisdom and Goodness—that it is the record of Truthand Love. He may pretend and profess what he will, and support himselfwith all the sophistry which cunning itself can furnish. It is not in humannature, however bribed, or however tortured, to swallow such contradictions.

What ! truth in Heaven authorize falsehood upon the earth !—Love in Heavenauthorize hatred upon the earth!—Equity and holiness in Heaven authorize

stealing, adultery, and murder upon the earth. Hume, and Voltaire, andPaine, must, as the advocates of infidelity, yield the palm at once to such as

make the Bible the bulwark of slavery, or derive a single weapon for its de-

fence from the armory of Heaven,The Bible in favor of slavery! Do but study a little its leading maxims

—

its comprehensive precepts—its characteristic doctrines. It requires you to

recognize in every human creature, though a- stranger or an enemy, a neigh-

bor, a brother, another self, whom you are to love and honor accordingly. It

requires you to work with your own hands in making provision for your ne-

cessities, and assisting the destitute and helpless. Tasks commonly described as I

menial and repulsive, it requires you to honor as the means of usefulness andblessedness—it requires you to enter deeply into the sufferings of the outraged ;

and the forlorn—of the persecuted and the friendless—putting yourself in their !

place—reckoning the results and injuries to which they are exposed to yourown account, and exerting yourself accordingly. It assures you, that in the

j

day of final retribution, you shall rise to Heaven or sink to Hell, as you havebeen true or false to the claims of a world-embracing philanthropy — especially

as you have consented or refused to exert yourself for the relief of the victims

of want, disease, and oppression. The Bible the bulwark of slavery !—Thearmory whence it may derive its w-eapons of annoyance or defence !—Why,in those very passages to which cunning and cruel men refer in defence of

slavery, the master, the employer, is required to maintain his relations to the

servants he employs, justly and equitably—to act on the j-rinciples ofthe Divine Government. The Apostle Paul in the very letter in whichmany thoughtless creatures assert that he lent his countenance and supportto slavery, gives us all distinctly to understand, that instead of entreating, hemight justly have required Philemon to treat Gnesimus every way as hisequal. In the Corinthian Church, he-forbids the most menial of its mem-bers to be " the servants ofmen" whoever might attempt to reduce them to folly

—might urge upon them such demands as were inconsistent with the Chris-tian profession. The Bible is everywhere in this matter at one with itself.

To every seeing eye and true heart—to every manly spirit, this is evidentenough.

The Bible in favor of slavery ! Why, with minute particularity and fright-

ful emphasis, it condemns, and denounces, and execrates every element andfeature of slavery.—Can it justify as a whole what it condemns in detail ? Thatis not the way ofthe Bible So indeed they acknowledge who affirm that it willultimately effect the abolition of slavery. It does not support to-day what it

will overthrow to-morrow! If the Bible is, as most men profess to believe,hereafter to root up every form of slavery, it must do so by virtue of its char-acteristic principles—it must do so by virtue of its inherent and determined

opposition to slavery. Can it be expected to extirpate what it regards, withindulgence or complacency. To expect, then, the abolition of slavery fromits influence, must be to admit what this paper asserts, that it is now totally

and irreconcilably inconsistent with slavery 5—its maxims, and doctrines, andexamples are in deadly confliet with if.

Am I my Brother's Keeper?But however bad and hurtful—however wicked and destructive slavery

may be, it is-, we are often told, none of their business who are beyond its influ-

ence—who live where it does not exist. Beyond its influence!—w here is

that 1 Are not all human hearts united in indissoluble fellowship ? Is notevery man a member of the- family to which I belong?. Are-we not mutuallyaffected by the characters we maintain—by the 1 condition in which We maybeplaced ? Can he suffer wrong and I escape with impunity 1 If slavery exists

anywhere in the human family, we cannot be beyond its influence. If it is

the business of one man, it must be the business- of all men. Whatevertouches humanity, touches every partaker of humanity.What ! bound "to- preach the- Gospel to- every creature/5 ' and is slavery

none of our business % The slave- is entitled to receive what we arebound to impart. The law oflove was designed for his benefit as well as for

ours; and we are bound to exert ourselves to bring- hinrunder its protection

—

to secure for him all the heavenly influence it is adapted to exest. This clear-

ly is the voice of nature and the demand of the Gospel. How can we yield

to such wants and listen to this voice, while we treat his wants and woes as

none of our business?We sustain to him specific antf significant relations. In the ecclesiastical,

political, and economical spheres, we are bound to him by special ties. Weare in various ways able to exert a controllings influence over the absurd anddestructive arrangements by which he is crushed. We may plead his cause,

not only impressively, but authoritatively. We may exert ourselves effect-

ively for his deliverance. Can such a matter benone of ovjc business?Slavery in various ways is a manifest and deadly injury to us. It wastes

our substance, assails our reputation, reduces our strength, involves us in

danger, neutralizes- our influence, counteracts every way the great designof our existence. It threatens us with utter and irremediable ruin; If it is

none of our business,, what business have we 1in this world ?

M<)R>Ali SUA-SIOKv

Is not this the Alpliw ami Ornegw of the dnti- Slavery enterprise? Moralsuasion is undoubtedly good ;—but for what ? It is hardly " worth while"

to persuade, merely to produce persuasion. Persuasion is a means to anend. Of course it derives, in every case-,. its significance from, the objects

to which it looks. An. earnest soulwill care very little for any form of moralsuasion, which has nothing to do with the Active Faculty. If you try to

1 convince and pursuadehira, he will demand as a condition of listening to you,

that as the result of your argument, you- propose something to be done, andsomething worthy of his high destiny and solemn responsibilities. It is, doubt-

less, important to convince people that slavery is wrong and ruinous. Butwhy 1 Surely not that they may rest in any such convietion. What good sould

that do ? They- must be persuaded of the evil of slavery, that they may exert

themselves for its abolition. But where ? Wherever they can reach it

through the relations they sustain. In every sphere where they have any re-

sponsibilities- to- honor, they must,, if slavery there produces its snaky tongue,

assail the monster. It may seek a refuge in the sanctuary, the ballot-box, or

the exchange. If they do not try to bruise its head wherever it emits its poi-

sonous breath, moral suasion has done them, little good. It needs itself to be

persuaded.But all this some professed abolitionists seem to deprecate. Such a course,

they affirm, would remove us from the " Anti-Slavery Platform."—But,

what was the stuff the said platform was made of? Were we not drawn to-

gether by the attractive power of certain principles ? Did we not swear alle-

giance one and all to these as a manifestation of the Godhead ? Were we notthus brought to clasp hands and unite hearts in the Anti-Slavery enterprise ?

Could we pledge ourselves to confine the application of these principle withinany specified limits—4© any specified objects or modes of execution ? Anysuch engagement must have been totally and glaringly inconsistent with theregard we professed for the organic principles which bound us together. Wemight as well have pledged ourselves to each other, that as abolitionists, wewould not obey the law of progress. We must in that case have formed anabsurd and wicked conspiracy against all that is true, and sacred, and venerable.The principles of our organization are, of course, the basis of our enterprise

—

they furnish the only platform on which we could ever stand for a single mo-ment. To refuse to give these principles any natural application in whateverdirection, must be to depart from the An ti- Slavery platform. It must be to

renounce the objects which the Anti-Slavery enterprise was designed to pro-mote,

Political Action.

We are in politics, as everywhere else, to act in character. Here, as every-where else, our activity is to be a fair expression of our principles. We can-not otherwise maintain our integrity and power—cannot otherwise exert uponmankind a healthful influence. Through our political responsibilities, we areto confer upon the world substantial benefits, or to inflict upon it heavy inju-

ries. The cause of freedom, especially, cannot but be affected well or ill by ouraims and activity nere.

In our political sphere, slavery claims to be at home. Here, it publishesits maxinas, and sets up its pretensions, and defines it position, and shapes its

arrangements, and enacts its laws—labors by night and by day, cunninglyand unweariedly, to fortify itself. Here, it multiplies its victims, and tries

hard to legalize absurdities which shock credulity itself, and outrages whichno form ofpatience, however trained and tried, can endure. If even three true

men meet each other in the political sphere, alive, as they must be, to theclaims of freedom, and hostile as they must be to every form of slavery, howcan they help forming a Liberty Party ? Are they not such in principles,

aim, and. spirit % Are they not such in the convictions, affections, and pur-poses they cherish ? Such are they not in everything distinctive in their

characters ? How can they be anything else, then, in their plans, methods, andexertions ? If they are united in aim, principles, and spirit, can they as

sincere men, be other than one Mi expresshig themselves, in their activity ? Asthey are a Liberty Party at hearty must they not in head and hand also be aLiberty Party ?

Can such men, whether few or many, be expected to choose parties pledgedto the support of slavery as their coadjutors ? To act with them ? Such in-

quiries imply a contradiction flat and strong enough to suffocate anybodywho may attempt to swallow it. What sort of an opposition to slaveryshould we be likely to make in alliance with its cunning and determined sup-porters •? In alliance with those who require us to go with them in raisingto the high places of the Republic, candidates who defend and practise slavery—who go the length ef maintaining, that long persistence in it" sanctions andsanctifies it?"

THE LIBERTY PARTY.]Why is SE needed ? What are its objects ? What are its principles ? WJiat

are its measures ? What are its prospects S

Answer.1 It rs needeb, because there are three millions of Slaves in our boasted

Republic, held in the most abject and degrading bondage by the combinedstrength of the entire nation ; involving our whole country in the guilt anddisgrace of a system that outrages humanity, insults God, corrupts morality,destroys industry, and reduces the first principles of human liberty and free

government to idle abstractions.

au^-'aaa

It is needed, because the National Government, under all its successiveadministrations, has been unrighteously wielded for the support of this inhu-man and anti-republican system. It is needed, because the Executive,Judiciary, Legislative, Diplomatic, Military ard Naval powers of the Unionare become the mere drudges and tools of the slaveholders, who are less than250.000 in number, yet control our seventeen millions of inhabitants, andin such a manner as, from time to time, may best cripple the energies of!

the free States, and strengthen the slave system. It is needed, because there !

is no other political party in the United States that does not calculate uponj

the support of slaveholders, and, for that cause, refuse to take direct actionj

against slavery, and in fact, do its bidding, by supporting slaveholders for the i

highest offices in the nation. It is needed, because no moral suasion can'retain moral power that is wielded by those whose political power is wielded

j

in an opposite direction. It is needed, because slavebolding exists in thisj

country as a political institution, and must be overthrown by political action;

and because the abolition of slavery, whenever and wherever it takes place, is

simply the repeal of the slave laws. It is needed, because Liberty and Slavery-

are opposites, and cannot live together in the same country for any great

length of time ; and passing events show that the liberties of the whole coun-try will speedily be lost, unless the slave system is abolished. m

2. The objects of the Liberty Party, are " the abolition of slavery bymoral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the UnitedStates,"—and the administration of the Government in accordance with thespirit of the Constitution, as set forth in its Preamble, and in the Declarationof American Independence, applying the doctrine of equal and inalienable

human rights to the solution of" all questions naturally arising in the direction

of public affairs, and within the constitutional limits of legislative, executive,and judicial action.

3. The Principles of the Liberty Party, (as already implied) are those of

our great National Charter—" that all men are created equal, and are endowedby their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty,

and the pursuit of happiness,"—" That for the security of these rights,

governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers," (underGod) " from the consent of the governed," irrespective of color or caste :

—

" That it is always safe and wise to do right—and always unwise and unsafeto do wrong."

4. The Measures of the Liberty Party, corresponding with its objects andits principles, will bear directly upon the removal of the abuses on account ofwhich it is needed All the Constitutional powers of the Government it will

wield for the abolition of slavery, instead of wielding them for its support.

The power of the national government over slavery in the District of Colum-bia, Territories, and inter- State slavetrade admits of no National question.

Here then, undoubtedly, and at once, the Liberty Party, in power,, woulddecisively act. In many other ways, and particularly by withholding all

offices within the gift of the national government from slaveholders, it couldact in opposition to slavery in a way against which no Constitutional objec-

tions could be made. Add to this, the fact that many reflecting and inquiring

minds, (in and out of the Liberty Party) are beginning to call in question, if

not wholly to deny, the legality and constitutionality of slavery in any part

of the United States, and it is evident that the Liberty Party, when in power,will not be at a loss for Constitutional measures for affecting its chief andparamount object. And in all minor objects, the same principles will furnish

it with a sure guide.

5. The Prospects of the Liberty Party are identified, therefore, with theprospects of the abolition of slavery, the preservation of civil liberty, and theuse of civil government in this country, for the objects for which it wasinstituted among men.

What prospects are there then, do you think, dear reader, that the enterprise

will succeed 1 What prospect is there, that you and your neighbors will lend,

your aid and co-operation ?

IS SLAVERY CONSTITUTIONAL ?

This question is comparatively a new one, with the greater part ofabolitionists themselves. And therefore it will be interesting to know theargument of those who contend that slavery is unconstitutional. There is

no harm in free discussion, but ^nuch good. The reader of the anti-slaveryAlmanac may be pleased to read some hints which will be useful to all whowould impartially examine the question.

We have all been educated in the belief that slavery in the States is notincompatible with the national Constitution. But it should be rememberedthat all our constitutional expositions have been given us by those who haveonly re-echoed the sentiments of the slaveholders themselves.Another remarkable fact is, that the argument in favor of constitutional

slavery is never framed in accordance, either with the Spirit of the Constitu-tion, nor yet with the principle of Strict Construction, making out the wholeargument by either one of these standards. Instead of this, the argument runsbackwards and forwards, first insisting on strict construction and then, for wantof the words and phrases needed, running back upon supposed intentions, butleaving wholly out of sight the declared intentions of the document itself inits Preamble. So, that the result is reached, neither by following the strict

letter nor yet the living spirit of the Constitution—but by a sort of dodging,hide-aRd-seek evolution between the two.

And still another circumstance should modify, somewhat, an over confidentassumption that the ordinary construction is the correct one. While mostpersons readily reject the doctrine that slavery in the States is unconstitu-tional, they almost as readily affirm that which is difficult to be distinguished(when carefully considered) from a denial of its constitutionality. Forexample, all men will say that the spirit of the Constitution is to be knownby its Preamble, and that this spirit is the same as that which pervades the

Declaration of Independence, by which our government came into being.

All reasonable men will say, likewise, that there can be nothing more directly

and manifestly repugnant to the Declaration of Independence, and to the Pre-

amble of the Constitution, than is the slave system. Now it deserves inquiry,

how far this almost universal concession falls short of -amounting to a conces-sion that slavery is unconstitutional, when tested by the spirit of that instru-

ment? Can that be constitutional which is hostile to the Constitution'?

And if slavery be hostile to the Constitution, hew can it appear that theConstitution is not hostile to slavery? As they are both "political institu-

tions,"" how can they both stand together if they be opposites ?' And if a resort be had to the strict dead letter construction (instead of the

spirit), how stands the case then? Why, not a word or syllable concerningslaves or slavery, or correctly describing them, appears in the document!No exception, therefore, is made to the declared intent in the Preamble to

" establish justice" and " secure the blessings of liberty,"—the meaning ofwhich (either by the " spirit" or by the " strict letter") can admit of no ques-

j

tion.

The " supposed intentions" of the framers, to provide for returning fugitive

slaves, &c, &c, is, however, urged in this place. But can their supposed\

intentions which they did not express, (and of which the people adopting the

Constitution knew nothing), do away and nullify the intentions expressed in the

Preamble? Shall the minor object, supposed to be held by the framers, set

aside the gi-and declared object of the instrument itself? And besides, the

Madison papers tell us expressly, that the clause concerning " persons heldto service and labor," was first written " servitude" But " on -motion of Mr.Randolph, the word servitude was struck out, and the word service unani-mously inserted, the former being thought to express the condition of slaves,

and the latter the obligation offree persons."—Vol. iii., p. 1569By the strict letter and living spirit of the Constitution, " the United States

shall guaranty to every State in this Union, a republican form of government,""no State shall pass any bill of attainder" or "laws impairing the obligation

of contracts," and " no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property,"

(says an amendment), " without due process of law."—And " Congress shall have

power'''—"to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carryinginto execution all the foregoing powers."

According to the definitions of republican government by Jefferson andMadison, no slaveholding State can he a republic. Slavery is extinct when-ever the State " bills of attainder" and " laws impairing the obligation of con-tracts" are set aside as unconstitutional. And where are the slaves in thenatron who were deprived of liberty by "due process of law?'r This latter

provision being an amendment, like the codicil to a Will, repeals and annulswhatever in the original instrument, might have conflicted with it.

And more than all this. The original thirteen States abolished slavery bytheir Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776, and the declaration, neverrepudiated or repealed, is still binding, and constitutes the basis of our con-stitutional law. The Courts in Massachusetts, declared slavery illegal inthat State, on account of the declaration that all men are born equal.* Andslavery in all the States rests upon the same legal grounds. The lack ofjudicial decisions to that effeet in those States, does not make slavery legal

there, any more than the lack of such a decision in England, prior to thedecision of Lord Mansfield in the case of John Somerset, in' 1772, madeslavery constitutional in England up to that time, which the decisionaffirmed it had not been.

If the government, established by the Federal Constitution cannot abolish

slavery, then it can neither " establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility,

provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, nor secure theblessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." It can accomplish noone of the declared objects of its organization. More than ail this. If theConstitution be not against slavery, then it is in its favorr and consequentlyin favor of subverting the liberties of the people, by subjecting them to theslave power. It cannot be neutral, and the national government cannot helpsustaining slavery or else acting against it.

Such are some of the views and sentiments that a portion of the peopleare beginning to entertain. Do they not deserve the careful attention of all

who take an interest in the national welfare 1 Should not the members ofthe Liberty Partv, in particular, examine the subject attentively ?

W. G.

DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION,

Among the earnest friends of civil liberty, there are a few who seem to

despair of ever succeeding in the enterprise of bringing the National Govern-ment under the influence of the principles of the Declaration of Independence,and so they are in favor of the dissolution of the Union. They either thinkthat the Constitution is a compromise in favor of slavery, or else (nearly orquite the same thing), that it does not clothe Congress with any efficient

powers for the overthrow of the slave system. They say—and truly enough—that the liberties of the North will be sacrificed, if we continue to remainsubservient as we have been, to the slave power. And they urge (what nointelligent friend of human liberty will deny), that the end ought not to besacrificed, for the preservation of the means—and that the Constitution andthe Union ought not to be preserved at theexpense of the liberties of the people,

which they were designed to secure. Theannexation of Texas rwhich they thinkto be inevitable, they consider such a violation of the Constitution as releases

us from its obligations, and they look forward with dismay, to the time whenthe new States formed out of Texas, will so completely throw the national

government into the hands of the slaveholders, that the North, though united,

will find itself in the minority, and unable to move.Though this view is not held, to any great extent, in the Liberty Party,

yet it is urged on their attention by strong-minded men., and the tendency is

to discourage anyfurtheiattempts to preserve the Constitution and the Union,

* Such is the phraseology of the Massachusetts Bill of Eights, hut the word " created" is

more properly used in the Declaration of Jnclependence.

by placing the administration of the general government in right hands. Letus look, then, for a moment, at the brighter side of the picture.

Texas is not yet, quite annexed. And the good Providence of God, smilingon human vigilance, may yet defeat that wicked measure. But if it takes

place, some time at least, must elapse, before the increased population ofTexas will materially strengthen the slave power in the national government." Sufficient to the day is the evil thereof." While the free States have thepower, it is their duty to wield it, and they should be urged to the performanceof that duty, and not to a premature retreat from it. " While there is life,

there is hope." When the free States shall have become abolitionized enoughto " dissolve the Union" on account of slavery, they will have become abolition-

ized enough to wield the government for the overthrow of slavery, unless

(which is not probable) they should be out-voted by the slave States, and then

it would be in time to withdraw. Until then, it is our business to seek theoverthrow of slavery, " by moral and political action as prescribed by the Constitu-

tion of the United States." This was the work the Abolitionists originally

undertook, and they ought not to be disheartened in their work. Perhaps it

will be found, on examination, that the Constitution contains no compromiseswith slavery, but arms the national government against it. A dissolution of

the Union, now, would not be a division of liberty from freedom. The strong-

holds of pro-slavery sentiment and feeling are here, in the free States.

As the annexation of Texas is unconstitutional, the same disposition andpower in the free States to repel that wicked measure, which would benecessary to " dissolve the Union," would be equally available to vote Texasout of the Union, so long as the majority of votes is cast by the free States.

A dissolution of the Union, as a substitute for the abolition of slavery, wouldbe treachery to the anti-«lavery cause ; and a dissolution of the Union as ameans of abolishing slavery, is too sanguinary and bloody a method for menof peace, while any other measure can be used. The slaves might indeed,

free themselves by an insurrection, in that case, but it would be at the expenseof oceans of blood.

A political dissolution of the Union (while the free States hold the power)should no more be regarded as an anti-slavery measure, than is an ecclesiastical

division, on Mason & Dixon's line, in the Methodist Episcopal Church. Ifeither

ecclesiastics or politicians, to get^id of the agitating subject, see fit to divide,

rather than abolish slavery, let the responsibility rest upon themselves.Our obligations to remain in a Union with the South, should be estimated

in the light of our connection with our crushed brethren in bonds, togetherwith the non-slaveholding whites—the majority of our " Southern brethren"in distinction from the petty oligarchy that unlawfully crushes them.

Their case we are bound to make our own. We have no moral right (wereit possible) to slip our own necks out of the yoke, and leave them in their chains

;

especially since we are guilty of having so long assisted in their enslavement.The non-slaveholding States can no more rid themselves of the guilt of:

American slavery, by " dissolving the Union" than the controlling partner inj

the ownership Qf a slave ship, or of a slave plantation, can wash his hands inj

innocency, by selling out his stock, or by making it a present to his partner

!

For the North, while holding a controlling power over slavery, to dissolve the

Union without abolishing slavery, would only be the sealing of her own con-demnation in the sight of God, of posterity, and of the whole civilized world.To preserve the Union by the abolition of slavery, to administer the Govern-

ment righteously, and not to abdicate or disband it, should be the work of afree people- This work, the Liberty Party has undertaken. Her flag is

at the mast head, with the motto—*• Do rCt give up the Ship!" Here let usrally, and "work while the day lasts." "And let us not be weary in welldoing, for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not."

BANKS, TARIFFS, etc.

The Liberty party contends and goes for the manhood of every humanbeing in this Republic of whatever color or condition, ivhenever, wherever, andhowever assailed, whether in the crushed slave of South Carolina—the man

.

(

' "T "n' l

--I - mi i i ifr r rw.m . r i -»- .i I 1 i«nrmr,.„ i jM - - -- --_—

held as property till twenty-five, as the son of a slave, in New Jersey—the non*voting colored man of Pennsylvania and New York—in the negro-pew—inthe school, or the college—in the rail-road car, or in the steamboat— in thewithholding labor in a store, or mechanic's shop from colored men—in allthese we go for that centre right, that equal right, that the black man's dollarshall go just as far as the white man's. We go for the ruined three millionsof white men of the Slave States undone for the want of the wages ofrespectedlabor, annihilated, covered with rags, no schools, ignorance so thick that, likeEgypt's darkness, it may be felt, abject', labor despised as a slave's matter.Six millions, three white and three colored of human beings, one third of themen of the Republic, victims of this dreadful desolation of a nation's besthopes—three millions of slaves at labor, make three millions of slaves withoutlabor—three millions destroyed by working for nothing, causes three millionsmore to pine in poverty and ignorance, their souls crushed by believing thatwhite men who have nothing can be respectably miserable, only by doingnothing, for which they are paid nothing

!

- .

Yet, with all these facts and ten thousand more staring us in the face, wemean as a Liberty Party not to divert or distract our attention with Tariffsor Free Trade, Banks or Sub-Treasuries, with Corporations sole or aggregate,with Peace or War. Whether it is best to have a navy for war, or sink it as ameans of peace, whether the recruiting sergeant's or schoolmaster's wages beincreased, whether we should refuse to open our ports to the slave productsof Brazil and Spain, or shut them Out, whether we should sell or give awayour public lands, whether we should use the funds of the nation, or leave it to

the States to improve river navigation and make harbors on the great lakes,

whether we should compel parents to send their children to school or leavethem to do as they please, whether we should abolish the Cadet School, at

West Point, or not, or make a rail-road to the mouth of Columbia or not,

whether we should abolish imposts for revenue, and raise the expenses of theGeneral Government by direct taxation or not, whether we should prohibit,

by act of Congress, the importation from abroad, of all alcoholic liquors, andi prevent their manufacture at home, or leave it as before, and hundreds of other

j

questions may arise, which the Liberty Party will not undertake before they

jhave power to make their position respected, to settle one way or the other,

! as a party, but will leave each person to judge for himself as he thinks right.

But if the Liberty Party acquire power, in Congress or a State Legislature,

j

so as to be responsible for the action of the Government, either state or

j

national, the first business will be to overthrow slavery, in every form, in

j

which it may be reached, and restore all men to their rights as far as ourjurisdiction extends, then if any of the foregoing questions, or others come up

;

for consideration and decision, the Liberty-Party Congress or State Legisla-

|ture will decide upon rendered reasons, what they believe to be just and right

!and that integrity and nobility of soul, which would cut up slavery, root and

ibranch : would do right or endeavor so to do, on these other questions, and if

ithey saw, in the progress of time they were in an error, they would have the

i

moral courage to retreat and do right. Therefore it would be a silly waste of

time, to take up any of these questions now, and throw them into our Con-ventions to distract us ; for when slavery is abolished, we shall find- the great

disturbing cause ofour differences is gone, and we shall have but little to contendabout. Most of the controversies in this country of a political character

—

our Embargo, Non-intercourse Acts, Declaration of War against Englandand the manner in which it was conducted, our Foreign Relations, DomesticExpenditures, the controversies between Tariff for Protection, and Tariff for

Revenue—have grown out of this great cause of eternal envy and disturbance,

Free and Slave Labor. A. S.

" ONE IDEA PARTY."Behold this picture ! Both Whig and Democrat believe the great object of

!

government and its main design is to make dollars by Tariffs, Banks, Sub-

I Treasuries, Free Trade, Corporations, Monopolies. Canals, Rail-roads, and by

|obtaining the money paid for governmental jobs in the shape of salaried offi-

ces, and in expending thirteen millions annually on the sea and land, by the

army and navy, to keep three millions of slaves from insurrection at home,and other nations from invading the assailable land of unpaid and whip-extorted labor in the South.The Liberty Party, the great One Idea Party, believe that a Republican

Government is made to protect and defend every human being in the enjoy-ment of his natural rights, Of life, liberty, safety and happiness, and give wagesto all, education to all, toleration to all, protection to all—the man first, his

clothing afterwards ; the man first, his mode of transportation afterwards; theman first, and currency afterwards ; the man first, and all human contingenciesafterwards.

The party who loves and respects the man, white, black, brown, or red, will

see that he is fed, clothed, and furnished, and justice done his natural wants,because he is a man, and a man needs them. But the Whig and Democratic i

Parties act as strangely as if they saw a man fall into the River—his hat falls

one way, his great coat another, his pack another; these old parties cry outSave that hat ! Oh, save that great coat or it will be lost ! Oh, save that

pack, or it will sink for ever. The Whigs and Democrats put out their skiffs I

and scull for the coat, the hat and the pack; the Liberty Party cry, Oh savethe sinking man ! and put out with their skiffs, and, by his locks, they save the

drowning man; and will then look for the hat, coat and pack, because, as aman, he needs them.

What is the gbeat hindrance in the mission fields to the esta-blishment OF A PRACTICAL, PERMANENT GOSPEL 1

Anstver. Oppression. Oppression is modified slavery. In some of its

modifications, slavery exists in almost every heathen nation on earth.

But how does that state of society operate prejudicially to the establish-

ment of truth ? Anstver. Everyway. It requires the gospel to "bow downand worship it." That is, oppressors say emphatically to missionaries, if not

in so many words, at least by plain implication, Oppose our daily practices

whence we derive our revenues, and we will oppose you. But lend yourcountenance and toleration to this practice, and you shall share our smilesand our patronage.Examples in ancient times. The variety of religions introduced into Rome,

before the days of the Apostles, all bowed down to the civil authority, andwere all tolerated. When the Apostles preached Christ, a Prince and aSaviour, and proclaimed their determination to obey God rather than men, both

j

they and their religion were at once outlawed. " The kings of the earth did

set themselves, and the rulers took counsel together against the Lord, andagainst his anointed," and under their authority, and supported by their

power, persecutions raged for centuries to such an extent, that the blood of

jthe Christians fattened the fields of their early labors. But after a time, the

doctrine of obeying God rather than men, was entirely given up ; indeed, wasreversed, and forthwith the civil authorities in the persons of Constantineand his successors became the friends and patrons of this religion.

Modern examples. At the Sandwich Islands grievous oppression has longbeen exercised by the Chiefs over the people. The missionaries say, " If wehad preached against oppression, and made the practice of it a bar to Churchmembership, we should have been driven away." They did not preachagainst it: they received the Chiefs to the bosom of the Church, and securedtheir patronage. But an intelligent observer, friendly to the mission, saysthat religion among the Islanders, is " without purity or virtue."

Among the Indians upon our borders slavery exists. The language of the

missionaries there, is, that " If we interfere with their slavery, they woulddrive us from the country." They do not interfere with it, and slaveholders

among them are said to be their " most pious and devoted Church-members."In our Southern slave States, no minister is tolerated who does not so con-

strue the gospel as to make it sustain slavery. It is so construed. The re-

sult is an immense mass of heathenism, worse in some respects, (according

to the showing of their own religious bodies,]^ than exists anywhere else

on earth; and every return of the census shows that this heathenism is

increasing more rapidly than in any other land under the whole heavens.There are no half-truths in God's word. There are none but practical

truths there. The difficulty, then, in establishing a practical gospel, is simplythe difficulty in preaching the whole truth. Oppression everywhere demandsthat the whole truth shall not be spoken. As far as that demand is compliedwith, the practical nature of the gospel is impaired, its fine gold is dimmed-—its purity and power diminished, and its permanency shaken.

OLD TINKEM OF TRENTON.An extract from Alvan Stewart's argument before the Supreme Court of

New Jersey

:

" Slavery is a matter in invitum, and the party most interested can have novoice in making a contract. To illustrate one of the abhorrent features oftheinstitution in the slave States, Mr. Stewart, adverting to one of the positionsof the opposite counsel, supposed the following case. An old man, said he,whom we will call Tinkem, lived in Trenton, once upon a time, and not beinglong for this world, called his ten sons around him and told them, ' My sons, I

have but little to give you of worldly property, and therefore, in order to start

the five oldest of you comfortably in this life, I give each ofthem one of theirfive younger brothers, to be his property,—in other words, his slave, for life,

and his posterity after him. And you, the five youngest of my sons, must be theslaves of your elder brothers. I do this in conformity with the usage of thecitizens of a large number of the States of this Union !' But the eldest sonsays, ' Father, what are the rights and prerogatives which we shalj, in thatcase, possess over our slave brothers V ' Oh,' says the old man, ' you will re-

duce them to chattels, or cattle,—living, breathing property,—that is all. It

is perfectly legal, and you will be protected in the enjoyment of your property

;

you are no longer to regard them as sentient beings;you are to deprive them

of all education, except the cart-whip instruction; you are to make themknow and feel that their every moment is to be regulated by your wish andwill, and that they are subject to be sold, and worked, husband apart fromwife, and wife from husband ; and their children from both* So, now, myson, take your slaves and begone!' Now (continued Mr. Stewart), the storyof this horrible deed reaches the ears of the citizens of Trenton, and the sanc-

tums of its editors. A burst of indignation is the consequence. Everybodyand every press exclaims " Monster ! monster! monster !" with one voice. It

is taken up by the people, and the press of Philadelphia and New York, andlanguage grows weak, and imagination weary,in searching for fitting epithets,

in which to.condemn the foul and damning act ofthis heartless old villain, Tink-em of Trenton ! Men come from a prodigious distance to get a sight of so muchmoral deformity, existing in a single man. The phrenologists come to exa-mine his craniologica! developments, wondering what manner of man-monsteihe can be ; and the whole nation rings with the story, and but one opinion is

expressed, everywhere, in public and in private,—and that of horror and aston-

ishment. But, your honors, pause in your honest outburst of indignation.

Old Tinkem stands excused, in view of the fact that not a week comes andgoes in the regions of the sunny south, that does not furnish a parallel to his

conduct. A slaveholding father there gives the children of his own body, byhis bond woman, to be slaves for life, to his children by his free-woman,—

I

mean his wife ! It is done in twelve states out of the six-and-twenty of whichthis Union is composed, whenever the father wishes to endow his heir out of

his possessions. And this I hold to be slavery in the length and breadth of

its fiagitiousness ; it is yet but one phase of its abounding villainy. The pic-

turcis startling, frightful, revolting ; but it is neither overdrawn, nor too high-

ly colored.

THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES.Of the fourteen presidential terms, now expired since the formation of the

government, eleven have been filled by slaveholders, one by a " northern manwith southern principles," and only two by northern men. The present in-

cumbent is a slaveholder, sworn fully to do his utmost to uphold, and evenextend the abomination.During the twenty years, ending in 1832,.there were six presidential elec-

tions. In these, the south cast 608 electoral votes, but only 41 of them for

northern candidates. During the twenty years, ending in 1835, there werefive presidential elections, in which the south cast 515 electoral votes, only11 of which were for northern candidates.

By holding the Presidency, slavery controls the cabinet, the diplomacy, the

army, and the navy of the country. The power that controls the Presidencycontrols the nation.

THE VICE^PRESIDENCY AND SENATE.The President exercises much of his power by and with the Senate. The

Senate is equally divided between the free and slave states. The Vice-Presi-

dent of the United States is ex-officio President of the Senate. As such, hehas the casting vote in all questions before that body. For the last twentyyears, with one exception, he has been a Slaveholder.

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,The speaker of the House has the appointment of all committees, and of

course exerts an immense influence in this, as well as other ways, in thelegislation of the country. Since 1809, with two short exceptions, the speak-ers have always been slaveholders'.

THE ARMY AND NAVY.The free states generally have furnished the seamen and the soldiers; the

men to do the fighting and endure the hard knocks : but slavery has taken rare

tofurnish southern men for officers. Northern men could not be trusted to lookafter southern interests (which has of late been the principal employment ofthe army and navyj so well as southern men can be. So the slave states sup-

ply all the generals and commodores, the colonels and captains, the lieu-

tenants and midshipmen. So the south, without commerce to protect, are

always anxious to increase the navy, as-

it furnishes comfortable berths for so

many of her idle and helpless sons. For this reason, also, it is sometimesfound almost impossible to man our ships of war, because free sailors cannotendure the treatment they receive from officers who have been accustomed to

command slaves-. .•*.

Of 1054 naval officers, New England has only 172.

Of the 68 commanders, New England has only 11

Of the 328 lieutenants, New England has only 59.

Of the 562 midshipmen, New England has only S2.

And New England owns nearly half the tonnage of the country !

DOTH NOT NATURE TEACH?The Rev. C. C. Jones, who has made some noise within the last few years

in respect to the religious instruction of the slaves at the South, has a sectionin his Catechism prepared for the " oral instruction," on the " duties of ser-

vants," in which is the following passage :

" Q. Is it right for the servant to rwn away, or is it right to harbor a runa-way %

"A. No." Q. What did the apostle Paul to Onesimus, who was a runaway ? Did

he harbor him, or send him back to his master ?

"A. He sent him back to his master with a letter.

—

Philemon, vs. 1-25."

In his last (the 10th) annual report, respecting the efforts of himself and'

otheis in this work, Mr. Jones informs us how the negroes appreciate thisj

part of his instructions. He says :

"Allow me to relate a fact, which occurred the spring of this year, illus-

trative of the character and knowledge of the negroes at this time. I waspreaching to a large congregation on the Epistle to Philemon >• and when I

insisted upon fidelity and obedience as Christian virtues in servants, and uponthe authority of Paul, condemned the practice of running aioay, one half ofmy audience deliberately rose up and walked off with themselves, and thosethat remained looked anything but satisfied, either with the preacher or hisdoctrine. After dismission, there was no small stir among them : some sol-

emnly declared ' that there was no such an epistle in the Bible ;' others'that it was not the gospel ;' others, ' that I preached to please the masters |others, ' that they did not care if they ever heard me preach again.' VThe negroes were evidently the better informed of the two. Nature is a

better expounder of the Bible, as well as of common honesty, than a slave-holder. This is not the first time that Satan has found it convenient toquote scripture to serve his purpose. And as Christ said, when the thingwas tried upon him, " Get behind me, Satan," so we do not wonder that na-ture Itself should, in the present case, cry out upon such religion as a lie,

and turn from it with instinctive and indignant loathing.

THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH.This body, in 1787, recommended it to all their people to use the most pru-

dent measures, consistent with the interests of the state of civil society inthe countries where they live, to procure eventually the final abolition ofslavery in America.They re-afiirmed the same judgment in 1703. „In 1794, the General Assembly adopted certain "scripture proofs and

notes" to the Confession of Faith. Note b. appended to a question of thelarger Catechism upon the eighth commandment, was as follows

:

" I, Tim. i., 10. The law is made for man-stealers. This crime, among theJews, exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment ; Ex. xxi., 16; and

!

the apostle here classes them with sinners of the first rank. The word heI

uses, in its original import, comprehends all who are concerned in bringingj

any of the human race into slavery, or in retaining them in it. Hominwnfures, qui servos vel liberos abdtbcunt, retinent, vendimt, vel emimt. Stealers of menare all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and keep, sell, or buy them. 'Tosteal a freeman,' says Grotius, 'is the highest kind of theft. In other instan-

ces, we only steal human property; but when we steal, or retain men in

slavery, we seize those who, in common with ourselves, are constituted,

by the original grant, lords of the earth.' Gen. i.}28. Vide Poll synopsin in

loc."

This remained as the judgment of the Church for some twenty years.

About the end of that period, a worthy abolitionist, who still lives, waspreaching in Virginia. In good set terms, and true Christian fidelity, he as-

sailed slaveholding, and insisted that slaveholders were men-stealers. Someof his Presbyterian and ministerial brethren were greatly annoyed, and soughtto discipline him as a disorganizer. But to their surprise, he quoted not theBible only, but their own Confession against them, and they were, for the time,

obliged to stay proceedings. At once, however, they and their slaveholdingaccomplices set themselves to getting the obnoxious note out of the Confes-sion. They effected this, by characteristic maneuvering, in 1816. A minorityresisted and protested, and brought the subject up again the following year.

It was evident something must be done to cover the servile iniquity; and the

next year, the famous Declaration of 1818 was made. It served its purposeadmirably. Since that, slavery has nestled quietly and increased nicely in

the bosom of the Church, until, in 1845, the Old School Presbyterian church,the lineal descendant in this thing of the Presbyterian church that was, haseven gone back from the ground of 1818, and now allows and justifies slaveryon principle and as a Bible institution.

OCCASIONS FOR ANTI-SLAVERY ACTIVITY.

Millions -of the human family may, in this republic be reckoned up, men, wo-:men, and children, who are described in the solemn language of law, as goods

and chattels—who are bought and sold as articles of merchandise—who are

subject to all the incidents of property, and exposed to all the insults and in-

juries of which human nature is capable. The prerogatives they are inaliena-

bly entitled to wield, and the privileges they are entitled to enjoy, they are

forced every day, and everywhere, to be trodden down by violence guided byfraud arid by fraud armed with violence. In this condition they have been

held age after age, the tillers of an unblest soil, which refuses to be fertilized

by their unrequited sweat and their unavenged blood. Whatever may be the

measure of their wrongs and wretchedness, the privilege ef seeking redress by

urging their complaints and their petitions on the law-making power, is mostjealously and obstinately withheld. They are expected to hold their tongues

under the heaviest inflictions. The laws they are under, while they threaten

them with multiplied and frightful penalties, afford them no protection. Theymay be scourged, ravished, murdered, with impunity. And the professed

ministers ef mercy, among whom his lot is cast, task their ingenuity andtheir strength to prove that the condition of the slave is natural and healthful,

accordant with the laws of nature and the will of Heaven, or preserve silence

amidst the outrages perpetrated upon their fellow-men, and fellow- Christians.

The most distinguished statesmen declare, that however wicked, when first

introduced, slavery has been practised in this country till it has become" sanctioned and sanctified." They exert themselves, therefore, to render it

as permanent as any other human relation or institution. To all the suffer-

ings of the slave, they are for adding the sting of despair.

American Slavery Founded in a Lie.

Such is American slavery, not accidentally, as a matter of course, but ofnecessity from its natural and inherent tendencies. The wickedness andmisery it involves, must be great beyond description or conception.

It is founded on a lie, gross, impudent, and malignant in the highest degree.

The slave is not, as it affirms, a chattel. He is essentially and constitutionally

something else infinitely superior. He is a man. He bears even in his chains,

he evidently bears the Divine Image ; and cannot, therefore, by any process bereduced to "an article of merchandise." To describe him as " an article ofmerchandise," especially in the language of the law, is to utter the most atro-

cious falsehood. In this lie slavery has its basis.

American slavery is, in its very nature, a complicated and comprehensivesystem ofstealing, breaking up wherever it prevails the very foundation on whichrests the right of property. Armed with the active faculty and endowed withthe light of reason, every man is entitled, is'bound, to promote his own im-provement and welfare. He is authorized—he is required to assert his ownpersonality. He is an I myself. In this myself] the institution of propertyhas its foundation. The natural results of an activity, springing from Imy-•self, must of course belong to Imyself. But all this slavery denies. It seizes

on I myself and reduces personality to property. Thus the I mysdf vanishes,and leaves behind nothing but a chattel. If this transaction be at all valid,

there can be no essential difference between a man and a thing, between the Imyself in any case and a chattel; and the right of property has perished. No-thing remains to which this right can be attached—by which it can be asserted.

Thus, in stealing a man—and every slave is a stolen man—slavery swallowsup everything to which property in any case and under any form can belong.And nothing but fraud and violence can anywhere or any how keep up eventhe show of the relation of owner and property. No one, whether slave orslaveholder, can justify himself in claiming, as his own, anything whatever.Such is the bankruptcy to which slavery reduces every one within the sphereofits influence. That must be stealing with a witness which breaks up andbears away the only basis on which property can be held.

American Slavery is a System of Murder,

American slavery is a system of murder. Everything distinctively human inits victims, it destroys the moment it seizes on them. It denies that theyare men—pronounces them chattels. This it does in the strongest terms, inthe most solemn manner, and for the gravest purposes. The laws which areforced upon them, enact that their humanity

—

the man in them—is extinct.Whatever in the form they bear, may remain

—

the man, according to slavery,has perished. Accordingly, if a slave is killed, however wantonly and delibe-rately, his death is regarded as the death of a chattel. Damages m.sy be de-manded; but, why should the destruction of an article of merchandize betreated as murder ? This was committed, once for all, when he was reducedto slavery. And any one who studies the code of slavery, and the history ofthe judicial processes which it may have occasioned, must see that so thematter is there disposed of;^-and yet, when the atrocities' which so oftenresult in the destruction of slaves are described, one and another among us,

affecting surprise, pronounce such stories incredible. Incredible ! What,that when reduced to a chattel, man should be treated accordingly. Why, all

the particular atrocities which are described in the history of slavery, are no-thing more or less than the natural and necessary fruits of the chattel princi-ple, wherever and however applied to the human family.

Their theology, and ethics, and political; economy—their existence in all its

forms and phases,, many of our countrymen have been trying to adjust to themonstrous falsehood, that no essential" difference separates personality fromproperty. Why make large eyes and loud exclamations, when the natural re-

sults are forced upon us f— when we find ourselves in the spheres of theology,and ethics, and political economy, hemmed in on every hand by grisly spec-tres, squeaking and gibbering all sorts of absurdities in our ears?—when wehear that slavery is the corner-stone of freedom, 1—that sin persisted in growsinto holiness ?—and that in God's world, we are driven for counsel and pro-

tection to the bosom of the devil ? Such nonsense and blasphemy are the

natural product of the all-comprehensive lie, which as a peoplerw-e have madeand cherished.

When the right of property is assailed and subverted, as it must be where-ver slavery prevails, what within the sphere of commercial activity can beexpected? Confusion and misery, of course. Will contracts be fulfilled anddebts paid ?—will mutual confidence be cherished and honored ? If so, it

must be in despite of the doctrines and arrangements which are designed to

keep slavery in countenance. What occasion for surprise, then, that slavery

from time to time swallows up uncounted millions, which an ill advised credit

system recklessly throws into its wide-open insatiable jaws ? And whenslavery has filled its multiplied brothels and slaughter-houses with humanvictims, what stupidity, to wonder that debauchery and cruelty of all sorts,

and in every degree, should be practised there!

It is most obvious and certain,- that unless slavery be exposed and abolished,

the nation is undone. The very foundations of society under any healthful

form must be broken up. Bankrupt in character, the nation must be bank-

rupt in everything. Hence the occasion for Anti- Slavery Activity..

The Bible Argument,

But is not the Bible in favor of slavery ?—Slavery is founded in a- monstrousfalsehood —breaks up the distinction between personality and property—aimsa deadly blow at the heart of human nature, murdering the man in the man,destroying everything distinctively human in humanity—throws loose reins

on the neck of passion—encourages and justifies all kinds of wrong and out-

rage—withholds the restraints of law from those who are eager to inflict, and

the protection of law from those who are liable to< suffer the deepest injuries

—

and dooms millions of the children of our common Father—of the redeemed

of our common Saviour, to gross ignorance, revolting vices, and heart-rend-

ing wretchedness. These things are essentially characteristic of Amerieanslavery—they enter into its very being—they are its natural and necessary

remorse for the ruin and wretchedness they had brought upon the country;laughing at their own safety and security."

And when the banks went, the General Assembly's funds and all its goldendreams of more than 6 per cent, interest went with them. These funds, beit remembered, constituted a large portion of the funds of the Church. Is it

any wonder that the trustees and leaders of such a Church bave ever beenready to step forward as the apologists, patrons and defenders ©f slavery ?.

One would think such losses might cure them of this subserviency ; but thedoings of the last (Old School) Assembly show them to be thorough spaniels.

HOW SLAVERY MURDERS ON°SYSTEM AND BY WHOLESALE.Slaveholders and their friends maintain that the slave is vastly better off

than the free man of color. Of course the proportion of slaves who dieshould be less. But by an examination of the census for 1830, comparing theages of slaves with the free people of color and supposing the ratio ofdeaths in

each to be the same, it appears that between the ages of ten and twenty-fourthere should be 665,875 slaves ; whereas there are but 620,827, showing adeficiency of 45,048; between twenty-four and thirty-six, the working age,

there should be 439,389 slaves—there are but 370,330, making a deficiency of69,058; between thirty-six and fifty-five, when decay begins to affect theslave, there should be 340,161—there are only 229,782, making a waste of110,379; over fifty-five years of age, there ought to be 186,797—there are but83,736, raising the loss to 103,061. The total deficiency, therefore, arising

from this waste of life is 327,547 human beings prematurely worn out andkilled on the cotton and sugar plantations of the South in the ten years pre-

ceding 1830

!

By a similar estimate we have the following result from the census of 1840/

Between the ages of ten and twenty-four, there ought to be 829,698 slaves;

there are but 781,206—deficiency 47,492, Between twenty-four and thirty-six,

there should be 568,107; there are but 475,160 —deficiency 92,947. Fromthirty-six to fifty-five, the proper number is 444,376, actual number 284,465

—

deficiency 159,911. The total deficiency is 444,357. It also appears fromthe census of 1840, that the increase of the slave population in the previousten years was less than 25 per cent.—a large portion of which diminishedincrease must be set down to a greater loss of life. Altogether, by preventingthe proper increase and by hastening to a premature death, slavery undoubtedlymurdered from one-fourth to half a million of human beings in the ten yearsending in 1840

!

HOW SLAVERY HEATHENIZES WHAT IT DOES NOT KILL." Who would credit it, that in these years of revival and benevolent effort,

in this Christian Republic, there are over two millions of human beings, in

the condition of heathen, and in some respects, in a worse condition? * *From long continued and close observation, we believe that their (the coloredpopulation's) moral and religious condition is such, as that they may justly

be considered the heathen of this Christian country, and will bear comparisonwith heathen in any country in the world."

—

Synod of S. C. and Ga. in 1834.

In the New Orleans Protestant of May 3d, 1845, there is a " report on thereligious instruction of colored persons, published by order of the N. O. Pres-

bytery." The report states that there are within the bounds of that presbytery,

at least 100,000 persons of color, nearly all of whom are slaves. The report

also says that " it is a lamentable fact, too evident to be denied, that by far

the greater part of them are famishing and perishing for want of the bread of life.

Of the 100,000 of this class of people, within our bounds, it may be safely

asserted that 75,000 never hear the doctrine of salvation through a crucified

Redeemer preached, and have none to tell them ' what they must do to besaved.' And of the remaining 25,000, who occasionally hear the preaching of

the gospel, not more than 5,000 enjoy its regular and constant ministrations."

What a picture ! Ninety-five thousand out of a hundred thousand, withinthe bounds of a single presbytery, as benighted, with few exceptions, as anyheathen on the face of the earth.

HOW ALL THIS STRIKES DISINTERESTED AND INTELLIGENTCHRISTIANS ABROAD.

At the General Anti-Slavery Conference held in London, in 1843, the Rev.

Dr. Ritchie of Edinburgh, in discussing the resolutions recommending nochurch-fellowship with slaveholders, said

:

" O that the Church would be faithful to her Head ! that her ministers

would remember, that He complains especially of the wounds wherewith he

is wounded in the house of his friends. If I do not misread my Bible, the

Church is the commissioned regenerator of the world. If then, the Churchbe corrupt, whence are to issue the healing waters ? If the salt of the earth

have lost its savor, how is the putrid world to be recovered from its taint ? If

justice and mercy are exiled from the Church, what can I expect but that

they are' Sprung on the viewless winds to heaven again 3"

Alas! what reports must he bear back of Christianity, who has been sent to

learn her genius and influence from a slave-holding Church? My fancy hears

him, on his return, questioned by his brother idolator :' What are Christians V

' Monsters ! They hold that their creed came from heaven, and is the wordof salvation; and they hold it a capital crime to teach this creed to man,woman, or child, who has a dark face. They buy and sell men, women andchildren, and offer the profits on the altar of their God ! They sell their ownwives, sons, and daughters, and to those who they know will work and flog

them to death ; and this they do without the temptation ofhunger or poverty.

THE JUDGMENT OF THE WHOLE CONFERENCE.The Rev. John Angell James introduced to the Conference a series of

resolutions on the subject of church-feilowship with slaveholders. These,after being fully discussed and warmly supported by himself, Drs. Ritchie,

Morrison and others, were unanimously adopted, as follows :

1. That this Convention hereby declares to the world its deliberate andsolemn conviction that slavery, in whatever form or country it exists, is in-

trinsically opposed to all natural justice and genuine Christianity ; that in

proportion as these exert their legitimate vigor and influence in society, it

must be destroyed ; and that while the Convention deeply deplores the sanc-tion or support still given to it, either overtly or tacitly, by so many churchesand religious bodies, especially in the United States, it rejoice in the assurancethat so many others are bearing their public and decided testimony against it,

refusing to retain in their communion those who, after one admonition, per-

sist in the justification and practice of it.

2. That, encouraged by the progress of earnest sentiment and action onthis subject in the churches and religious bodies of America and other coun-tries, this Convention repeats the testimony of the Convention of 1840—that

while it disclaims^he intention or desire of dictating to Christian Communi-ties the terms of their fellowship, respectfully submits that it is their incum-bent duty to separate from their communion all those persons who, after theyhave been faithfully warned, in the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin ofenslaving their fellow-creatures or holding them in slavery—a sin, by thecommission of which, with whatever mitigating circumstances it may beattended in their own particular instance, they give the support of their

example to the whole system of compulsory servitude, and the unutterablehorrors of the slave trade.

3. That this Convention, while it passes no judgment on the particular

forms of action which different friends of the slave in different circumstancesmay adopt, hereby expresses its cordial sympathy and high admiration of all

those who, in a Christian spirit and by Christian methods, are sincerely andearnestly laboring to purify their respective religious connections from all

fellowship with and support of this heinous sin.

Such is the verdict of anti-slavery Christendom touching the criminalityof slavery and its utter inconsistency with a regular and approved standingin the Christian Church.

EVILS OF THE DOMESTIC SLAVE TRADE.A SOUTHERN SCENE.

. The following painful scene connected with the traffic in human beings is

skelched by a correspondent of the Christian Advocate and Journal, whosecandor and trustworthiness we have been so assured of as to induce us to

present it as one of the many evils growing out of that cruel and unrighteoussystem. The occurrence took place at Wilmington, Del., Jan., 1844.There are at Washington City, at Norfolk, at Charleston, and perhaps some

other places in the old States of the South, slave markets, where slave dealerspurchase upon speculation such slaves as they can obtain, for the purpose ofresale at a profit in the extreme South.

'

" As I went on board the steamboat I noticed eight colored men, hand-cuffed, and chained together in pairs, four women, and eight or ten children,of the apparent ages of from four to ten years, all standing together in the bowof the boat, in charge of a man standing near them. Of the men, one was 60,

one was 52, three of them about 30, two of them about 25, and one about 20years of age, as I subsequently learned from them. The two first hadchildren, the next three had wives and children, and the other three weresingle, but had parents living from them. Coming near them I perceived theywere all greatly agitated ; and, on inquiring, I found that they were all slaves,

who had been born and raised in North Carolina, and had just been sold to aspeculator, who was now taking them to Charleston market. Upon the shorethere was a number of colored persons, women and children, waiting thedeparture of the boat ; and my attention was particularly attracted by twocolored females, of uncommonly respectable appearance, neatly attired, whostood together, a little distance from the crowd, and upon whose countenanceswas depicted the keenest sorrow. As the last bell was toiling I saw thetears gushing from their eyes, and they raised their neat cotton aprons andwiped their faces, under the cutting anguish of severed affection. They werethe wives of two of the men in chains. There, too, were mothers and sisters-,

weeping at the departure of their sons and brothers ; and there, too, werefathers, taking the last look of their wives and children. My whole attention

was directed to those on shore, as they seemed to st^nd in solemn, submissivesilence, occasionally giving utterance to the intensity of their feelings by a

sigh, or a stifled groan. As the boat was loosed from her moorings, they cast

a distressed, lingering look towards those on board, and turned away in

silence. My eyes now turned to those in the boat; and although I had tried

to control my feelings, amidst my sympathies for those on shore, I could con-

ceal them no longer, and I found myself literally ' weeping with those that

weep.' I stood near them, and when one of the husbands saw his wife uponthe shore wave her hand for the last time, in token of her affection, his manlyefforts to restrain his feelings gave way, and fixing his watery eyes upon her,

he exclaimed, ' This is the most distressing thing of all ! My dear wife andchildren, farewell !' The husband of the other wife stood weeping in silence,

with his manacled hands raised to his face, as he looked upon her for the

last time. Of the poor women on board, three of them had husbands, whomthey left behind. One of them had three children, another had two, and the

third had none. These husbands and fathers were among the throng uponthe shore, witnessing the departure of their wives and children, and as theytook their leave of them they were sitting together upon the floor of the boat,

sobbing in silence, but giving utterance to no complaint. But the distressing

scene was not yet ended. Sailing down the Cape Fear river twenty-five

miles we touched at the little village of Smithport, on the south side of the

river. It was at this place that one of these slaves lived, and here was his

wife and five children ; and while at work on Monday last his purchaser took

him away from his family, carried him in chains to Wilmington, where hehas since remained in jail. As we approached the wharf, a flood of tears

gushed from his eyes, and anguish seemed to have pierced his heart. Theboat stopped but a moment, and as she left he bid farewell to some of his

acquaintance whom he saw upon shore, exclaming, ' Boys, I wish you well;

tell Molly (meaning his wife) and the children I wish them well, and hopeGod will bless them.' At that moment he espied his wife on the stoop of

a house some rods from the shore, and with one hand which was not in thehand-cuffs, he pulled off his old hat, and waving it towards her, exclaimed,' Farewell.' As ke saw, by the waving^of her apron, that she recognizedhim, he leaned back upon the railing, and In a faltering voice repeated, ' Fare-well, for ever.' After a moment's silence, conflicting passions seemed to tear

open his heart, and he exclaimed, l What have I done that I should suffer this

doom ? 0, my wife and children, I want to live no longer !' and then the bigtear rolled down his cheek, which he wiped away with the palm of his un-chained hand, looked once more at the mother of his five children, and the

turning of the boat hid her face from him for ever. As I looked around I sawthat mine was not the only heart that had been affected by the scene, but that

the tears standing in the eyes of many of my fellow-passengers bore testimonyto the influence of human sympathy; and I could, as an American citizen,

standing within the limits of one of the old thirteen States, but repeat the

language of Mr. Jefferson, in relation to the general subject. ' I tremble whenI think that God is just.' After v/e left Smithport I conversed freely with all

these persons; and in intelligence, and respectability of appearance, the three

men who have thus been torn from their families, would compare favorablywith the respectable portion of our colored men at the North. This is a speci-

men of what almost daily occurs in the business of the slave-trade ; and I

hesitate not to say, that there is not a Christian in the whole South who willrefuse to unite with his brethren everywhere in the condemnation of, and inthe most effective measures to extinguish, the evils of this nefarious traffic.

" Yours, in the bonds of the gospel, A. C."

HORRORS OF SLAVERY.By the following, from the New Orleans Picayune, it will be seen that the

enormities of slave bondage are not confined to the African trade, and that theupholder of the " patriarchal institution" of the South has no more of the milkof human kindness within him, than the pirate, as he is legally called, whosevers the poor black from Ms home to be sold into slavery. The poor, bilious,

delicate mulatto boy, whose sufferings are detailed below, who has inheritedslavery through his mother, while, in all probability, his father is a free whiteman, and perhaps is the very wretch through whom this cruel punishmenthas been inflicted, is quite as good a subject for commiseration as is any oneof the poor Africans who are crowded by hundreds into the narrow hold of asmall vessel, to be transported from their native shores, and who have receivedso much diplomatic as well as merited sympathy.

" Passing through Baronue-street about noon yesterday, a crowd, composedof men, women and children, attracted our attention. The object of thecuriosity—or rather pity—we found to be a delicate, debilitated-lookingmulatto boy, about ten years old. An old negro on one side and a stick onthe other supported him, as he endeavored to move along, though it was evi-

dent that any motion, however slow, was too much for his prostrate physicalpowers.

li We inquired what was the matter with the boy, and were answered by hisshirt being raised up off his back, and heavens! how expressive of fiendish

cruelty was the spectacle that presented itself! The poor boy's back andbody were one mass of raw, trembling, skinless, parti-putrid, lacerated flesh !

Ravines, as it were, in his carcase, had been cut by the lash, and he appearedaltogether a victim of the most wanton and heartless cruelty which it wasimpossible for other than a fiend to inflict. All we could learn of this monstrouscruelty we had from the old negro who helped the poor boy along;,we giveit for what it is worth, premising that we shall seek for the authentic facts

of the case and lay them before the public." The old negro said that he and the boy belonged to C. Donnibourg, who

lives at the corner of Annunciation and Richard Streets ; that Donnibourglost a watch, and charged the boy with stealing it. Some ten or fourteendays since he had him put in the police jail of the First Municipality, and

there, by his order, says the old man, was the inhuman punishment inflictedon him. The boy himself says that he Teceived twenty-five lashes a-dayfrom the day he was imprisoned till Thursday last. The old man, bydirection of his master, was taking him home ; but two citizens, seeingthat he must die by the way, informed Recorder Baldwin of his condition,who promptly had him brought to the police oflice, where he was examinedby Dr. Picton.

" As the doctor examined the wounds, they were necessarily exposed to thebystanders, who, by an involuntary exclamation, expressed their indignationagainst his torturer. The doctor pronounced the boy in a precarious condi-tion, but said that by proper treatment he might recover, and advised that heshould be sent to the Charity Hospital. The Recorder ordered that he be atonce taken there, and thither he was carried by the police, on a litter hisback upward."

THE BRANDED HAND.Above we give an exact representation of the brand, which was burnt with

a hot iron, by an officer of the United States, in the living flesh of a citizen ofMassachusetts. Ponder it, fellow-citizens, and as you burn, and blush, andweep, at the disgrace of our country, the indignity done to a worthy neighbor,and the misery of the poor slaves, let the fire burn until your soul is enkindledto the high resolve, that the letters on Jonathan Walker's hand shall bemade to read

—

Salvation to the Slave.

Not Rich, but Generous.—A correspondent of the Philadelphia NativeAmerican writes as follows

:

" The last time I was in Boston, passing down Hanover street, below Fleet,

I saw a hearty son of Africa sitting on a pile of wood just sawed, and eating,apparently with a keen relish, some fragments of bread and meat, which hadjust been given him for his work. I should probably have passed him with-out further notice, had I not been struck with the appearance of a womanwho was standing a little distance from him, and watching his operationswith eager interest. She was a white woman, dressed in the thin garb ofpoverty, who, in spite of her emaciated and care-worn countenance, lookedlike one who had seen better days. Curious to know what interest she couldtake in his movements, I stopped a moment to watch them.

" The wood-sawyer, noticing her fixed look, asked her what she wanted." Pointing to his meal, spread upon the log, she replied, ' I have not eaten

so much as that in two weeks.'" * Well, sit down here and take a bite,' said the kind-hearted negro, { although

I aint rich, I am generous /'

" With tears in her eyes, that seemed just before already sealed up from

weeping, she drew near the humble table". I did not interfere to deprive thewood-sawyer of the pleasure of completing his generous act (for generous it

was in him to share his only meal with another) but after privately slipping I

a piece of money into the poor woman's hand, I continued my walk.

THE WORKINGS OF SLAVERY.We find in the Green Mountain Freeman, a letter from Rev. J. C. Aspen-

wall, who has lately visited the settlements of the runaway slaves in Canada.Some of his statements are curious enough and furnish a most significantillustration of the workings of the " peculiar institution.'

1 Among the Canadafugitives is Mr. Daniel Chinn, who is both brother-in-law and father-in-lawof Hon. Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky. That is, Col. Johnson marriedMr. Chinn's sister Julia Ann, one of his own slaves, by whom he had twodaughters that he recognized and educated as his children. Mrs- Johnsondied of the cholera when that disease first made its appearance in the UnitedStates; and respectable men from Kentucky testify that Col. Johnson hassince lived with one of Mr. Chinn's daughters, as though she was his wife.This, according to common calculations, would make Mr. Chinn father-in-law of the venerable ex-Vice President of our great republican nation,. It

appears that Col. Johnson took Mr. Chinn's oldest son, Marcellus, on his first

electioneering tour for the Vice Presidency ; and that the boy left him at NewYork. Johnson tried to obtain information respecting the boy's whereaboutsof LewisTappan, Esq., who offered to bring him forward on condition thathis free papers should first be made out and signed. This the Colonel refusedto do. On his second electioneering tour he took with him his body servant,

the elder Mr. Chinn;in whom he placed unbounded confidence. But, like

his son, he too chose to be a man, and left Johnson at Detroit, crossed overinto Canada, and has resided there ever since. The Col. has written himtwo letters urging him to return to his service, one of which contains somerather severe threats if he did not. " Ludwick Davies," one of Johnson'sslaveholding companions, has also visited him at London, and used his bestendeavors to persuade him to return.

Much credit, says Mr. Aspenwall, has been given to the Col. for his generousconduct to this family, but his conduct in becoming the father of children bythree women, the sisters of Mr. Chinn's wife, who is, in fact, both his brother-in-law and father-in-law, and then selling them all, both the women and his

own children, to James Peak, to be carried off in slavery, as Mr. Chinn states

that he did, may not be quite so highly commended, though in point of moralityit is well compared with his other conduct.

Strenuous efforts are frequently made by masters to recover their lost

slaves, and not unfrequently are fugitives tempted, by the offer of freedom to

themselves or their relatives, to betray their fellow-fugitives. Mr. Aspenwallfurnishes one example of this. Mr. Chinn, the slave of Col. Johnson abovealluded to, was written to by Mr. Newton Craig, the keeper of the KentuckyPenitentiary, and told that if he would betray a slave of the latter, who wassupposed to be in Canada, his son Daniel should be set free, and Col Johnson,his former master, would also send him free papers for himself. The letter ofMr. Craig is cunningly worded and offers inducements which must have hadgreat force with a man situated like Mr. Chinn, but to his honor be it recorded,

the temptation was not too strong for his manly virtue and integrity. Noselfish desire to secure the freedom of a darling son or to render his own situation

more free from danger, could induce him to betray a companion in trouble.

No man of sound principle can read the letter of Craig, knowing at the sametime what answer was given to it by the fugitive, without feeling contemptfor the former and admiration for the noble conduct of the latter. The slavewas certainly most of a man.

This system of slavery may well be called " a peculiar institution," for in its

principles and workings it has no parallel in heaven above or in the earthbeneath. That will be a glorious day for our country which shall witnessits peaceful overthrow.— Tribune.

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