Developments in Greek Fortifications in Sicily in the Fourth Century BC

Meditations on the Diversity of the Built Environment in the

Aegean Basin and Beyond

Proceedings of a Colloquium in Memory of Frederick E. Winter

Athens, 22-23 June 2012

Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l’Institut canadien en Grèce

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Meditations on the Diversity of the Built Environment in the Aegean Basin and Beyond : a Colloquium in Memory of Frederick

E. Winter (2012 : Athens, Greece) Meditations on the diversity of the built environment in the

Aegean Basin and beyond : proceedings of a colloquium in memory of Frederick E. Winter, Athens, 22-23 June 2012.

(Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece = Publications

de l'Institut canadien en Grèce ; no. 8) Includes bibliographical references.

Includes essay in French. ISBN 978-0-9737979-2-3 (pbk.)

1. Architecture, Greek--Mediterranean Region--Congresses.

2. Architecture, Ancient--Mediterranean Region--Congresses. 3. Fortification, Greek--Mediterranean Region--Congresses. 4. City

planning--Mediterranean Region--History--Congresses. 5. Archaeology--Mediterranean Region--Congresses. 6. Mediterranean

Region--Antiquities--Congresses. I. Canadian Institute in Greece issuing, body II. Title. III. Series: Publications of the Canadian

Institute in Greece no. ; 8

NA279.M44M43 2012 722'.80937 C2014-904738-X

The Canadian Institute in Greece Dionysiou Aiginitou 7

GR-115 28 Athens, Greece

www.cig-icg.gr

General Editors David W. Rupp

Jonathan E. Tomlinson

Editorial/Scientific Committee Richard C. Anderson Rodney D. Fitzsimons

Rune Frederiksen David W. Rupp Joseph W. Shaw Maria C. Shaw

Barbara Tsakirgis

Copy Editor Metaxia Tsipopoulou

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Developments in Greek Fortifications in Sicily

in the 4th century B.C.

Professor Frederick Winter’s landmark work, Greek Fortifications, categorized and classified Greek walls with unprecedented precision, thanks in part to his own examination of them.1 The same autopsy drove his study of Castello Euryalo, “The Chronology of the Euryalos Fortress at Syracuse” that astutely unpacks the largest and most complicated defensive outwork in the Greek World.2 His reconsideration of the phases of development continues to guide studies of fortifications in Sicily and serves as a guideline for discerning advances from the fourth to the third century B.C. Building on his work at the Epipolae, I would like to explore fortifications in Sicily in the late Classical Period and their relationship to political and military developments under Dionysius I.

Following battles against the Athenians (415-413 B.C.) and then the Carthaginians (409-406/5 B.C.), Syracuse became the epicenter of rapid developments in warfare: the catapult and other siege weapons were developed there, along with quadrireme and quinquereme fighting ships (Diod. Sic. 14.42.1-2). The Corinthian colony also revolutionized its defenses and ushered in new era in urban fortifications. Under the direction of tyrant Dionysius, Syracuse developed countermeasures to the city-siege and destructive weapons of the Carthaginians, whose capacity was greater than the Greeks at this time; Greek fortifications, which consisted primarily of walls built with a stone socle and a mud brick upper portion were no match for the Punic siege engines: Selinus, for example, is recorded to have fallen in just nine days

1 Winter 1971. 2 Winter 1963.

MEDITATIONS ON THE DIVERSITY OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

(Diod. Sic. 13.56.3-6). Their siege tactics served as a catalyst for developments in Greek fortifications and as the impetus behind a new generation of city walls. The new walls comprised an all-stone exterior construction retaining an earth and rubble core. The term emplekton is used to describe this arrangement; the name is used by Vitruvius, who describes a masonry style that places blocks running parallel to the exterior face (stretchers) alternating with transverse blocks (headers) extending into the thickness of the wall.3 At intervals a single block ran through the entire thickness of the wall and formed a header on either side (a diatonos), adding greatly to the stability of the wall. Arranged at regular intervals, the diatonoi created masonry “chains” throughout the course of the wall. With the diatonoi coordinated vertically, walls were conceptualized as a series of compartments divided by headers; this design permitted higher and stronger wall construction that was more resistant to siege weapons.4

The early fourth century fortification wall at Syracuse is among the best examples of the pioneering techniques employed with the new defensive mindset (Fig. 1). The circuit wall encloses 1800 hectares and runs roughly in a triangle from the Epipolae Plateau – the future site of the Euryalos Fortress – eastward to the coastline (5.7 km), southward along the coast to the asty (7.8 km), and northwest back the high plateau (5.7 km). Postern gates (1.32 m wide), located along the western stretch were placed at regular intervals of 34 m, corresponding to 1 plethron or 100 Doric Feet.5 The height of the wall has been estimated at ca. 6 m in all-stone

3 Vitruvius 2.8.7. The appearance of the emplekton was noted as having the appearance of a woven material, much like a Flemish bond in modern brickwork: the walls were reminiscent of stitching, with threads running lengthwise and crosswise. 4 Karlsson (1992, p. 69) interprets Vitruvius’s discussion to indicate that the emplekton wall used headers placed at arbitrary positions along the face and not extending the entire width of the wall, as diotonoi do. The difference between the emplekton technique and the use of headers to form masonry chains was already noted in Lawrence 1957, p. 230; Tomlinson 1961; Winter 1971, pp. 135-137. 5 Mertens 2006, p. 430. Stretchers averaged 1.2 x 0.5 x 0.5 m, corresponding to 4 Doric feet in length, indicating that there was a module in its design facilitating construction.

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exterior construction.6 Masonry chains are preserved in the wall south of the Epipolae and appear at intervals of 6-8 m (equaling two stretchers), roughly corresponding to 20 Doric feet.7

The construction of the circuit wall was a celebrated enterprise: Diodorus Siculus provides a detailed account of it:

“Wishing to complete the building of the walls rapidly, he gathered the peasants from the countryside, from whom he selected some sixty thousand capable men and parceled out to them the space to be walled. For each stade he appointed a master-builder and for each plethron a mason, and the labourers from the common people assigned to the task numbered two hundred for each plethron. Besides these, other workers, a multitude in number, quarried out the rough stone, and six thousand yoke of oxen brought it to the appointed places.… [A]s a result, contrary to expectation, the wall was brought to completion in twenty days. It was thirty stades in length and of corresponding height, and the added strength of the wall made it impregnable to assault; for there were lofty towers at frequent intervals and it was constructed of stones four feet long and carefully joined.”8

Although the enthusiastic account of Diodorus should not be taken literally, the archaeological evidence indicates that there is uniformity across the construction and a consistent plan that reflects an exceptional workforce and a significant organization of labor. The uniformity of masonry style and consistency of construction (2.6 m wide in numerous stretches) indicates that the circuit was built in a short period that began ca. 401 B.C.

6 Mertens 2002, p. 251, who compares it to the walls at Selinus, which were ca. 8 m high and Gela, 3.45 m high. 7 Karlsson 1992, p. 71. 8 Diod. Sic. 14.18.1-6 (Loeb Translation); another description indicates the length as 180 stades or approximately 34 km, nearly twice the actual length: Strabo 6.2.4.

The technique appeared at other prominent Sikeliot cities: a second early example of the chain wall is found in the acropolis at Selinus. Here the masonry is slightly more regular and more finished than at Syracuse: the lower edges of the blocks are beveled and the masonry chains appear at regular intervals approximating 10 Doric feet; these walls have also been dated to the time of Dionysius. A stretch of wall, however, constructed in the emplekton technique located to the north of the acropolis wall at Selinus may predate the Syracusan wall, if only by a few years. Built directly over a number of Archaic and Classical houses and without respect for the orientations of street alignments, it has been attributed to the brief occupation at Selinus by the Syracusan general Hermocrates following the city’s destruction by the Carthaginians in 409 B.C.9 Given the decimated state of the Sicilian Greek cities following the 409/406 B.C. invasions, it is entirely possible that the same masons were at work at both of the Sicilian sites and that Selinus and Syracuse together form the first generation of siege resistant masonry walls in the Greek world.

The appearance of all-masonry walls, chain masonry, and the emplekton technique in Sicily has seldom been connected to developments in mainland Greece, however, walls of comparable size, extent, and construction appeared across the mainland from the second quarter of the fourth century B.C. Epaminondas fortified Messene, Mantineia, and Megalopolis with large circuit walls. The all-masonry exterior circuit at Messene runs 9.5 km and encloses 290 hectares. Pausanias recalls that the walls were built in one single year and had an all-stone exterior.10 The wall

9 Mertens 1989, Karlsson 1992, pp. 70-71, Tusa 1986. Dionysius had to turn Selinus over to the Carthaginians following his second campaign (ca. 383 to ca. 378-74 B.C.). Since is unlikely that the Carthaginians are responsible for the construction of the wall, any date prior to the arrival of Timoleon must also be pre-378-74 B.C. On Hermocrates at Selinus: Diod. Sic. 13.63.3. 10 “Round Messene is a wall, the whole circuit of which is built of stone, with towers and battlements upon it. I have not seen the walls at Babylon or the walls of Memnon at Susa in Persia, nor have I heard the account of any eye-witness; but the walls at Ambrossos in Phocis, at Byzantium and at Rhodes, all of them the most strongly fortified places, are not so strong as the Messenian wall.” Paus. 4.31.5 (Loeb Translation).

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demonstrates the emplekton technique and includes masonry chains set at circa 3.0 m intervals. Square (5-6 m a side) and semi-circular towers are located at irregular intervals along the course of the wall. The city wall at Megalopolis, though poorly preserved, extends 8.8 km and is constructed with sub-ashlar blocks, rubble fill, and cross-wall blocks placed at intervals.11 At Mantineia, trapezoidal masonry approached the regularity of ashlar and included headers placed at regular intervals. The four-kilometer circuit wall contained 128 exterior bastions arranged at intervals of 33 m. The walls at Megalopolis and Mantineia had mudbrick upper portions, but the socles were constructed using the emplekton method.12 These construction techniques are next found in the enclosed fortified outposts on the Attic-Boiotian border including Glyphtokastro (ancient Eleutherai), Aigosthena, Siphai, and Phyle: Phyle provides a particularly good example of a masonry chains (Fig. 2). While the question of Athenian or Boeotian authorship for many of the phrouria is ongoing, equally valid is the question of whether the masonry style was developed independently on the mainland or whether the techniques were brought by masons and engineers to the mainland from Sicily.13

Returning the discussion to Sicily, the new fortifications at Syracuse were just the beginning of a larger defensive strategy of Dionysius. The conflict with the Carthaginians had become a battle for territory with the result that the Syracusan tyrant undertook a policy of consolidation of power in order to control – and ultimately expand – the Greek frontier. The first move eliminated other poleis and replaced their populations with ex-mercenaries. The venerable apoikiai Katane, Naxos, Leontinoi, and Messana, were sacked and re-populated: Diodorus Siculus informs that 10,000 mercenaries were settled at Leontinoi and 5000 at Katane, who were later moved to Aitna; at the same time Syracuse made treaties with or obtained direct control of the major Sikel centers

11 Karlsson 1992, p. 74. 12 Winter 1989, pp. 189-192; Karlsson 1992, pp. 73-74. 13 Ober 1987 and Munn 1993 discuss the fortresses as part of Athenian defensive strategy; Camp 1991, 2000, and Cooper 2001 view the border forts as Boeotian constructions.

as Menai, Morgantina, Agyrion, Herbita, Henna and Kentoripe (Fig. 3).14 The second move was to create a network of defensive structures that secured Syracusan control of contested territory. These outposts brought a pro-Syracuse presence to the frontier and at the same time distributed ex-mercenaries across eastern Sicily, providing land in lieu of payment using territory appropriated from Greeks and Sikels alike. The Syracusan policy of settling ex-mercenaries was expedient politically as well as economically: they were largely removed from urban life at Syracuse – and therefore less of a threat for revolt – and formed an advanced guard against Carthaginian encroachment.15 Mercenaries were brought in from many nations; however, the Campanians were among the most numerous groups in Sicily and are estimated to have formed one third of the Syracusan army.16 Their presence was felt so strongly within Sicily that the island was subsequently described as devoid of Greek speakers, with Campanians and Oscans dominating.17

The most formal of the new foundations are Hadranon and Tyndaris. Hadranon, modern Adrano, was founded in 401 B.C. and is located on a ridge just beyond the southwestern slopes of Mt. Etna (Diod. Sic. 14.37.5). The foundation created a Greek presence on the upper Simeto River, which was in a strategic position for controlling east-west movement as it bordered the territory of Sikel cities Agyrion, Assoros, and Kentoripe and may have replaced the abandoned Sikel cities at Contrada Mendolito and

14 Diod. Sic. 14.14.2-4 and 14.15.1; Diodorus’ narrative places Dionysius passing from Enna to Herbita before turning to Katane, suggesting that Herbita is located on the road between the two cities. The precise identification of Herbita remains unresolved, but must be located in the area north of Enna and west of Etna, in the Nebrodi Mountains. Possible locations include Nicosia, Gangi Vecchia/Monte Alburchia, or closer to the coast at Mistretta or S. Stefano di Camastra. 15 Castrizio 2000, pp. 22-23; Franco 2008, pp. 139-142; Pere Nogues 2006, pp. 484-486; Prestianni Giallombardo 2006, p. 109; Tagliamonte 1999, p. 552. 16 Galvagno 2005, p. 41; Tagliamonte 1994, p. 131. 17 Pl. EP. 8.353. Campanian mercenaries in Sicily are recorded by Diodorus Siculus at Katane (14.15.3); Aitna (14.58.2); and Entella (14.9.7-9) among others. Campanian mercenaries were employed in Sicily in large numbers as early as the first half of the fifth century B.C., see de La Geniere 2001; Tagliamonte 2006.

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Paternò-Cività as a population center. The new foundation grew as a home to resettled mercenaries.18 Sections of the city walls at Hadranon exhibit the chain wall technique. Paolo Orsi dated the fortification wall to the period of Dionysius. Further studies have upheld this date while individuating some sections of later rebuilding.19 The wall is constructed of roughly cut lava blocks placed without regard to dimensions apart from the chain portions. There is no clear interval of header and stretchers, which may also be an indication of its early place in the development of the chain wall.

Tyndaris was founded by Dionysius in 396 B.C. on territory subtracted from the indigenous city of Abakainon, ca. 60 km west of Messina on the north coast of Sicily. The defeat of the Carthaginians in battle at the Sikel city finally secured the land for the new foundation and it was quickly populated with ex-mercenaries from Peloponnesian Messene and elsewhere (Diod. Sic. 14.78.5-6; 14.90.4). The city is arranged on three parallel plateiai oriented on the cardinal directions: the N-S running plateiai are 8.5 m wide while the stenopoi are 5.85-6.0 m wide and together they form insulae extending 28.5 x 72.4 m.20 The urban grid at Tyndaris likely dates to the fourth century BC, possibly to the reign of Timoleon.21 Chain masonry is employed in the fortification wall running around the city; as at the other colony of Dionysius, the first phase of the defensive wall may be attributed to the time of its foundation although the wall was substantially rebuilt at the end of the fourth century B.C.22

The identification of other mercenary settlements is aided by numismatic evidence. The most prominent examples come from western Sicily: Campanian Mercenaries were settled at Entella, modern Rocca di Entella, immediately following their service to

18 Lamagna 1994, p. 173, Lamagna 1997-1998, p. 75. 19 Orsi 1915, p. 228; Karlsson 1989, p. 79. 20 Belvedere and Termine (2005, p. 89) hypothesize a division of each insula into 10 lots of 14.5 m2 apiece for the late Roman phase of occupation. 21 Gentili 1952, p. 176. 22 Barecca 1957, p. 129; Cavalieri 1998, pp. 187-188.

Dionysius and eventually possessed the city.23 Silver and bronze issues from Entella contain a double ethnic ΚΑΜΠΑΝΟΝ/ ΕΝΤΕΛΛΑΣ reflecting the takeover of a formerly indigenous city.24 Likewise issues from Nakone (whose location is not known) contained both an ethnic and polis designation: ΚΑΜΠΑΝΩΝ/ ΝΑΚΟΝΑΙΩΝ and ΚΑΜΠΑΝΩΝ/ ΝΑΚΩΝΕΣ.25 Bronze litrai from Kephalodion contain a seeming dual ethnic: ΕΚ ΚΕΦΑΛΟΙΔΙΟΥ appears on the obverse, while the reverse carries ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΩΤΑΝ. The legend may be read as “Herakleans living at Kephaoidion,” a reference to mercenaries from Herakleia in Lucania settled at the city.26

To this list of sites identified as mercenary outposts it is now possible, through archaeological investigations, to add a number of additional examples. Monte Saraceno di Ravenusa is situated on the Salso River Valley ca. 20 km from the south coast of the island; this indigenous site came under Greek influence shortly after the foundation of Gela and later was brought under control of Akragas, perhaps during the reign of Phalaris (mid-sixth century B.C.). The lower terrace was built with an orthogonal urban grid with regular and standard component parts: two plateiai measure 5.5 m wide, while the stenopoi from range between 3.8 and 4.0 m. The streets form city blocks 23 x 55.5 m (1:2.4), substantially more compact than the arrangement at Greek cities of western Sicily for the archaic period: the city block interval of 23 m is considerably smaller than that at Himera, Akragas, and Naxos. The settlement on the lower terrace was abandoned in the last decades of the fifth century B.C., perhaps following a violent invasion. A later reoccupation took the form of a more restricted settlement concentrated on the acropolis, indicated by a new fortification wall running around the summit and enclosing a densely packed

23 Diod. Sic. 14.9.7-9, see also note 17 above. 24 Garraffo 1978, p. 29, nos. 1, 2; Garraffo 1987, p. 218. The practice of overstriking these coins on Litrai of Syracuse demonstrates the provisionary nature of the issues. 25 Tusa Cutroni 1970; on Nakone now see Facella 2001. 26 Consolo-Langher 1961. It is worth noting that Dionysius took Kephaloidion c. 400 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 14.78.7).

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settlement within (Fig. 4). Coins of Dionysius excavated from the acropolis indicate that the site entered into the Syracusan epikrateia, perhaps as a border phrourion.27 Monte Saraceno has long been identified with the indigenous city Kakyron, a site that received mercenaries after the fall of the Deinomenids.28 Based on numismatic finds taken together with the location of the settlement dominating the hinterland of Gela and Akragas, it may have similarly been settled by mercenaries during the reign of Dionysius.29

Monte Bubbonia is located 20 km North of Gela in the Gela River Valley; it has been identified as both Omphake and Maktorion, indigenous cities sacked by Antiphemos, the oikist of Gela, although neither attribution is decisive.30 An archaic phase of inhabitation included a city wall, a sequence of sacred building on the acropolis and possibly an urban grid in the area of inhabitation.31 The acropolis of Monte Bubbonia was radically transformed during the fourth century B.C. (Fig. 5); a new diateichisma cut off the summit of the site and the archaic sacella were dismantled to allow for the construction of a long, narrow building (7.5 x 50 m) divided into 6 rooms (Fig. 6). This building was first identified as an anaktoron by Paolo Orsi, and more recently as a small barracks building.32 The SW end of this

27 The majority of coins found on the acropolis date to the first quarter of the fourth century B.C., including Corinthian pegasoi and coins of the KAINON type. Caccamo Caltabiano 1996, pp. 186-189; Siracusano 1996, p. 13; Caccamo Caltabiano 2003, p. 178. Ceramic finds also attest to activity at this time: for example, Vano 22 of Casa B2 yielded a black glaze skyphos dated to the first quarter of the fourth century B.C., see Calderone 2002, p. 21.The series with legend KAINON included a griffin on the obverse and free horse on the obverse can now be dated to the short rule of Dionysius II; see Holloway 2007. 28 Adamesteanu 1956, pp. 138-140. Mercenaries of the Deinomenids took flight following the fall of the tyrants and sought refuge at Omphake, Kakyron and Krastos (Pap. Oxyrh. IV, 665, 1-7). See also de Waele, 1971, pp. 45-47. 29 Caccamo Caltabiano 1996, p. 189. 30 Philistos [FGrHist 556] fr. 19; cf. Paus. 8.46.3; Monte Bubbonia as Maktorion: Orlandini 1961. 31 Orlandini 1962, pl. 10.2. 32 The final phase of construction is dated by tile fall within the building to the fourth century B.C. See Orsi and Pancucci 1972-73; Pancucci 1977.

casermetta is built over an earlier sacellum, and even incorporated in-situ blocks from the late archaic building. A rectangular structure to the southwest of the casermetta was built with reused ashlar blocks; it has been interpreted as a watchtower used with the barracks.33 The conversion of the acropolis from a cultic site to a military outpost represents a reversal of long-standing use of the acropolis and must indicate the resettlement of the site by ex-mercenaries again transforming the nature of a prior settlement into a phrourion.

Dionysius’s plan of territorial control included the use of numerous phrouria in and around the Plain of Catania; this fertile area received particular attention due to its strategic location: it linked the Ionian coast with the high Hyblaian and Heraian mountains and the plain’s waterways -- the Simeto, Dittaino and Gornalunga Rivers -- were important access routes into Sicily’s hinterland. Located on the southern edge of the plain, Monte San Basilio was founded as a phrourion in the archaic period and fortified with a circuit wall.34 The oldest segments of the wall are double-faced construction in pseudoisodomic masonry although excavations date later sections to a fourth century B.C. rebuilding.35 While no traces of the area of inhabitation have been brought to light, excavations at its necropolis have provided evidence for a late Classical phase of occupation. The most noteworthy of these is the so-called “Tomba del Duce Ignoto,” that yielded rich grave goods including two lances, a sword, a full set of armor including breastplate, belt and greaves, as well as an iron lamp stand and a red-figure amphora. The belt, with “ganci a corpo di cicala e terminali a punta di freccia,” is similar to Campanian styles and suggests that the origin of the owner may be sought in Southern Italy. The ‘Duce Ignoto” may have been an eques

33 Pancucci 1977, p. 123. 34 Monte San Basilio has been identified with Brikinniae, an outpost of Leontinoi, mentioned by Thucydides (5.4.6). In 422 B.C., the Athenian Ambassador Phaeax travelled from Gela to Katane passing through the territory of the Sikels and stopped at Brikinniae along the way. 35 Lagona 1984-5.

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Campanus and perhaps the leader of a mercenary faction stationed at the phrourion.36

Monte Turcisi (303 m asl) overlooks the Dittaino River, and is strategically positioned to control both the road from Hadranon to the Valley of the Margi River and the route from the Plain of Catania towards Enna and the center of the island.37 Traces of a fortification wall enclosing an area of approximately 1.5 ha display two phases of construction: the later phase includes isodomic ashlar masonry similar to the late fifth century B.C. fortifications at Selinus and the walls of Dionysius at Syracuse. This set of walls includes square towers and displays sections that appear to be rebuilt hastily with small, irregular blocks. While the overall chronology of the walls remains tentative, pottery finds demonstrate occupation from the sixth century B.C. (documented by Type B2 Ionian Cups), continuing through the fourth century B.C. Based on its strategic position and considering that Dionysius took adjacent territory, it too must have been a valuable outpost for the kingdom of Syracuse. A neighboring anonymous center at Piano Dei Casazzi is situated on a sloping plain 8 km from Caltagirone and 12 km from Mineo on the north side of the Valley of the Margi River. Excavations at the site and adjacent necropolis have revealed an indigenous settlement that received Greek acculturation across the archaic period.38 The earliest stretches of the fortification walls are constructed in a double curtain, rubble-filled masonry technique with sub-ashlar and polygonal blocks. In a southwestern segment, polygonal blocks alternate with large limestone blocks; square towers, up to 3 m in height, built into the walls were noted by Dunbabin, but are no longer extant.39 Later rebuilding of the wall displays a more regular appearance with ashlar blocks partially laid in isodomic courses. Occupation during the first half of the fourth century B.C. is documented by the discovery of coins with the legend KAINON.40

36 Tagliamonte 1994, pp. 149-150. 37 Procelli 1989, p. 686. 38 Lamagna 2005. 39 Belfiore 2000, p. 264; Dunbabin 1948, p. 265. 40 Belfiore 2000, p. 272.

Located at the head of the Valley of the Margi River and adjacent to the Plain of Catania, the venerable Sikel Sanctuary of the Divine Palikoi, identified with contemporary Rocchicella di Mineo, had long been a focal point for the religious and civic lives of the surrounding indigenous communities.41

This territory, too, was brought into the sphere of Syracuse with the establishment of an outpost placed atop Rocchicella and above the sanctuary itself. Dated on the basis of pottery and coin finds to the time Dionysius, its small size (ca. 2 ha) and reduced urban grid with correspondingly compact houses support an interpretation as a phrourion housing ex-mercenaries of Dionysius.42 One find from the site in particular reinforces this identification: a bronze belt recovered along the city wall contains an inscription reading: ΦΑΙΚΩΝ ΑΠΟ ΚΕΝΤΟΡΙΠΙΝΩΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕ ΠΑΣΙ ΘΕΟΙΣ “Phaikon dedicates [this belt taken] from the [men] of Kentoripe to all the gods.” The belt, along with its inscription, dates to the middle years of the fourth century B.C. and has been identified as a product of Sabellian region of central Italy based on its “a cicala” closure.43

41 The Palikoi were twin sons of a local nymph Thalia and their sanctuary was associated with gaseous springs bubbling up through the nearby Lake Naftia. The sanctuary was active from the early archaic period through the Roman Imperial Period and experienced particular growth in the Classical period with the construction of an hestiatorion and stoai; recent and extensive excavation reports by Maniscalco and McConnell 2003 and Maniscalco 2008. On the rites at the Sanctuary of the Palikoi see Manni 1983; Cusumano 1990, 2006, p. 123-130. The sanctuary is closely associated with the Sikel leader Ducetius (τῶν Σικελῶν ἡγεμών) through the account of Diodorus Siculus (11.88.6-11.90.2): Ducetius brought all of the Sikel cities into a federation and in 453 BC founded a city, Paliké, near the sanctuary that lent its name. Paliké has long been identified with Rocchicella, however, the small urban grid uncovered at the site was established in the early fourth century rather than the moment of Ducetius in the middle years of the fifth century B.C. See Pope 2006, pp. 225-226. Historical treatments on Ducetius and his discussion by Diodorus Siculus are numerous: Adamesteanu 1962; Consolo-Langher 1996, pp. 246-51, 1997, pp. 61-69; Cusumano 1996; Galvagno 1991. 42 Pope 2006, pp. 230-234. 43 Tagliamonte1994, p. 148; Gentili 1962; Maniscalco-McConnell 2003, p. 147.

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The settlement was enclosed within a fortification wall consisting of two discrete constructions: the first is a large wall (up to 2.40 m wide) built of roughly coursed large fieldstones (up to 0.40 by 1.00 m) and preserved to a maximum height of 1.86 m that extended for nearly 23 m. Built up against it is an exterior facing composed of small (0.25-0.30 m x 0.20 m high), mostly unworked fieldstones placed between larger, calecarnite orthostate blocks (Fig. 7). Seven large roughly rectangular blocks are arranged at irregular intervals (between 2.0 and 6.5 m) along the 17 m length of the facing. The “mixed” construction technique of the wall has been associated with Punic building techniques familiar in western Sicily and the Roman construction technique commonly known as Opus Africanum. However, it is better described by the Italian term muro-a-telaio, or woven wall, removing it from the Punic sphere.44 Traces of anathyrosis visible on the calcarenite blocks indicate that they are re-used in the context of the fortifications of a new settlement after their initial use in an architectural context, as occurred at Monte Bubbonia (Fig. 8). 45

These settlements, and in particular those of the Plain of Catania functioned as an advanced line of defense against Carthaginian encroachment. Dionysius expediently repopulated sacked Sikel cities and reoccupied archaic phrouria to effectively control the hinterland of the island and establish a Greek presence that precluded Carthaginian encroachment. Their strategic nature is acknowledged by Diodorus’s statement that upon the arrival of Timoleon, “many of the outlying Syracusan forts declared for him in a move to gain their independence” (Diod. Sic. 16.69.3-4). In this way, Dionysius’s advances in Greek warfare began with offensive weapons, included more advanced fortification walls and even extended to defensive networks with advanced phrouria that established and enforced the borders of the epikrateia of Syracuse.

44 Pelagatti (1962) first made this connection, later followed by Dominguez 1989, pp. 148-150 and Wilson 1990, p. 279; see also Maniscalco and McConnell 1997-1998. 45 Pope 2006, pp. 224-225, Maniscalco and McConnell 2003, pp. 153-155.

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Figure 1. Fortification wall of Dionysius at Syracuse (photo S. Pope)

Figure 2. Fortification wall at Phyle demonstrating chain wall technique (photo S. Pope)

Figure 3. Map of Eastern Sicily (drawing by M. Puglisi)

SPENCER POPE

Figure 4. Monte Saraceno di Ravenusa, general plan (after Calderone et al. 1996, Table 1)

Figure 5. Monte Bubbonia, general plan (after Pancucci 1977, table XXX)

SPENCER POPE

Figure 6. Monte Bubbonia, plan of acropolis with “casermetta” (after Pancucci 1977, table XXXI)

Figure 7. Elevation, eastern defensive wall at Paliké (drawing M. Puglisi)

Figure 8. Eastern defensive wall at Paliké, detail of orthostate block (photo S. Pope)

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