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Guam Contractors' Assn. Monthly Construction News Bulletin is Guam's official construction news publication.
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Washington is less likely to indulge Beijing over its Taiwan policy after the victory of the island’s pro-independence party. The shift in power has impact on the “Pivot to the Pacific” and the military buildup in Guam and the region. The aggressiveness of mainland China is well known here. Taiwan is a near neighbor of Guam and supports Guam’s tourism industry.
Since Taiwan, or more officially the Republic of China ( ROC), lost its United Nations seat as "China" in 1971 and was replaced by the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), most sover-eign states have switched their diplomatic recognition to the PRC, recognizing the PRC as the sole legitimate representative of China, though many deliberately avoid stating clearly what territories they believe China includes. As of 2013, the ROC maintains official diplomatic relations with 21 UN member states and the Holy See, although informal relations are maintained with nearly all others. Agencies of foreign governments such as the American Institute in Taiwan operate as de facto embas-sies of their home countries in Taiwan, and the governing authority on Taiwan operates similar de facto embassies and consulates in most countries under such names as "Taipei Repre-sentative Office" (TRO) or "Taipei Economic and Cultural (Representative) Office" (TECO). In certain contexts, Taiwan is also referred to as Chinese Taipei due to pressures from People's Republic of China.
The ROC government has in the past actively
pursued its claim as the sole legitimate govern-ment over mainland China and Taiwan. This position started to be largely adjusted in the early 1990s as democracy was introduced and new Taiwanese leaders were elected, changing to one that does not actively challenge the legitimacy of PRC rule over mainland China. However, with the election of the Kuomintang (KMT, "Chinese Nationalist Party") back into executive power in 2008, the ROC government has changed its position back to that "mainland China is also part of the territory of the ROC." Both the PRC and the ROC carry out Cross-Strait relations through specialized agencies (such as the Mainland Affairs Council of the ROC), rather than through foreign ministries. Different groups have different concepts of what the current formal political situation of Taiwan is.
In addition, the situation can be confusing because of the different parties and the effort by many groups to deal with the controversy through a policy of deliberate ambiguity. The political solution that is accepted by many of the current groups is the perspective of the status quo: to unofficially treat Taiwan as a state and at a minimum, to officially declare no support for the government of this state making
a formal declaration of independence. What a formal declaration of independence would consist of is not clear and can be confusing given the fact that the People's Republic of China has never controlled Taiwan and the Republic of China still exists, albeit on a decreased scale. The status quo is accepted in large part because it does not define the legal or future status of Taiwan, leaving each group to interpret the situation in a way that is politically acceptable to its members. At the same time, a policy of status quo has been criticized as being dangerous precisely because different sides have different interpretations of what the status quo is, leading to the possibility of war through brinkmanship or miscalculation.
The Democratic Progressive Party Big Win in Taiwan Elections
No dogma is more important to Beijing than “One China,” the concept that Taiwan is a part of a single Chinese nation—just temporarily estranged. America and much of the rest of the world acquiesce to that position, denying the reality that Taiwan has set its course as an independent state. The 16th January vote, in which the Taiwanese electorate overwhelming endorsed a party that rejects Beijing’s “One
tions for China, the United States and Asia, the wealthiest and most populous region in the world. But did America’s future leaders notice?
Hillary Clinton, who hopes to be America’s first female president and boasts of engineering the U.S. “pivot” to Asia, said nothing about Taiwan during that. She highlighted the tainted-water scandal in Michigan, published paeans to President Obama’s leadership and tweeted about the scourge of “mansplaining.” But there was no press release congratulating Taiwan and Ms. Tsai, no statement from the campaign trail, not even a tweet. Some Republicans did somewhat better. “Taiwan’s latest election once again shows the island to be a thriving democ-racy,” Marco Rubio said in a statement calling for expanded economic, political and security cooperation with “one of America’s oldest and most loyal friends in Asia.” Ted Cruz said Taiwanese citizens’ “tenacious witness to the promise of liberty is a beacon of light to their neighbors yearning to be free. America honors our friend and ally today.” Jeb Bush, Chris Christie and John Kasich may share these sentiments, but they didn’t say so. Donald Trump was similarly mute.
U.S. foreign policy isn’t determined solely by what candidates do or don’t say while campaigning, and thank goodness for that. But campaign rhetoric reflects popular priorities, and the general failure to note Taiwan’s election isn’t an isolated event. It reflects a too-common practice of misunderstanding Taiwan’s impor-tance as a U.S. partner, Asian bellwether and target of Chinese aggression. The U.S. assesses that preparing to fight Taiwan remains the “primary mission” of China’s military. Taiwan once enjoyed technological military superiority, along with “the inherent geographic advan-tages of island defense,” a Pentagon report to Congress said last year, but recent Chinese modernization has “eroded or negated many of these factors.” China’s Communists consider Taiwan “an inalienable part of China’s territory” and threaten war if the island won’t voluntarily unify with the mainland. Chinese state television last year showed a military drill in which PLA soldiers stormed a replica of Taiwan’s presidential office—akin to the White House—in Taipei. The phrase “use force to unify Taiwan” exploded on Chinese social media after this week’s election of Ms. Tsai, whose platform emphasizes Taiwan’s right to democratic self-government.
The U.S. pivot to Asia sought to deter Chinese
aggression but ignored Taiwan. William Stanton, the career diplomat who represented the U.S. in Taipei from 2009 to 2012, has said that “the biggest failure of the Obama administration’s policy toward China has been its handling of Taiwan,” including “the omission of any references to Taiwan in describing the U.S. policy of a reorientation to Asia.” The U.S. last month announced a modest arms sale to Taiwan, but that followed an unprecedented four-year hiatus. Taiwan’s size and economy certainly don’t justify its being overlooked. It has 23 million people, as many as Australia, and more than most countries in the world. Largely due to electronics exports, it is America’s 10th-largest trading partner, ahead of India.
Its peaceful transition from authoritarianism to democracy starting in the 1980s should be a model for the world. Chinese leaders and their boosters in the West sometimes speak of a “Beijing model” challenging the liberal-democratic “Washington consensus.” But Taiwan’s election showed how poor China looks in this comparison. China imprisons feminist activists; Taiwan has a female president-elect. Chinese citizens go to jail for asking their leaders to disclose personal assets; Ms. Tsai’s asset disclosure was barely even noticed. The Chinese doctor who became a national hero for curbing the 2003 SARS outbreak, Jiang Yanyong, was soon detained for discussing the Tiananmen massacre; Taiwan’s SARS hero, Dr. Chen Chien-jen, is now vice president-elect.
Then there’s Hong Kong, where Beijing promised to respect civil liberties and thereby create a model for Taiwan, too, to come under its sovereignty. With Beijing’s promises of democracy now broken and mainland agents
accused of abducting government critics off Hong Kong streets, it’s no wonder Taiwanese back politicians who pledge to preserve their distance from Beijing.
Studying a map reveals other aspects of Taiwan’s importance. Taiwan sits at the center of the Western Pacific’s “first island chain,” which stretches from Indonesia in the south to Japan in the north, bounding China’s coast and limiting Beijing’s ability to threaten the open ocean militarily. Chinese control of Taiwan would mean Chinese submarines based on the island’s east coast, with free access up and down the Pacific. U.S. allies such as Japan consider Taiwan essential to their own security. The erosion of U.S. attention to Taiwan—and certainly the abandonment of Taiwan that some American scholars propose—could shatter U.S. alliances in Asia, with grave regional security consequences such as Japan and South Korea going nuclear.
So the election of Tsai Ing-wen would be a good moment for Taiwan to regain America’s attention. Chinese attempts to bully Taipei’s new government economically, diplomatically or militarily may soon force the U.S. to pay great attention to some crisis, but that only underscores the issue’s importance now. Something for presidential hopefuls to consider as they traverse Iowa and New Hampshire.
The foregoing is adapted from a 19 January article in the wall Street Journal by Andrew Browne, a Senior Correspondent and Colum-nist; and, a 21 January article by David Feith, a Journal editorial writer based in Hong Kong.
China” formula, confirmed the direction in the most emphatic way to date. That not only puts China in a bind, but the U.S. too. Like it or not, the political equation has changed, forcing Washington to look at Taiwan in a different light.
To be sure, an American challenge to the “One China” doctrine is unthinkable. It’s the one move that could realistically provoke a war between the world’s two strongest powers. Yet some diplomats and scholars think that a postelection Taiwan may get more sympathetic treatment in Washington. “Taiwan occupies a bit of a different space now,” says Donald Rodgers, a professor at Austin College in Texas, who was in Taiwan observing the elections. He predicts the U.S. will be some-what less worried about offending China by opening more direct channels of communica-tion with Taiwan on issues from security to the environment and health. Such dialogue must now be conducted in a cloak-and-dagger style lest it suggests state-to-state relations. U.S. arms sales to Taiwan routinely incur Beijing’s wrath.
Even before the elections in which the Demo-cratic Progressive Party captured the presidency and, for the first time, the legisla-ture, the pretense of “One China” was getting harder to sustain. Taiwan has grown into a stable democracy. This was, after all, the sixth presidential election since the Kuomintang, or Nationalist Party, lifted martial law that had been in force since 1949 when Chiang Kai-shek and his defeated armies arrived at the end of the Chinese civil war. The first was in 1996. More and more people on the island have become convinced they live in a sovereign state, not a “renegade province” of China. The last time the Democratic Progressive Party held the presidency, from 2000 to 2008, Washington didn’t face such a dilemma. Then-president Chen Shui-bian was a pro-independence firebrand who needlessly provoked China, creating endless headaches for Washington policy makers. Besides, his party didn’t control parliament.
With her landslide election win, Tsai Ing-wen became the first woman to be elected president of Taiwan, and is poised to be the most power-ful woman in the Chinese-speaking world. But the 59-year-old opposition party leader, who can often be seen on the campaign trail with her two beloved cats, first came to Taiwanese politics as an outsider. Called "Little Ying" by
local media, Tsai grew up in Fenggang, a village in southern Taiwan, before moving to Taipei as a teenager. A lawyer by training, she first studied at National Taiwan University, where she once reportedly failed a criminal law class. Nonetheless, she kept furthering her law studies with a masters from Cornell University and a Ph.D from the London School of Economics, teaching the subject for some time. She speaks English fluently and is regarded as the most internationally-minded leader the island has seen so far.
Tsai Ing-wen, the incoming president-elect, is a very different personality. She’s a cautious lawyer who has promised “no surprises” in relations with China, and that’s won her a degree of trust in Washington. Like the vast majority of Taiwanese, she’s in favor of the status quo, which essentially means shelving the whole vexed issue of independence. Why make a big fuss about it? Soon, she’ll be presiding over an island that fits almost any definition of a state. The final blow to “One China” may have been the electoral destruction of the Kuomintang, which once ruled all of China and for decades regarded Taiwan as a temporary exile. That governing mind-set has changed. Yet a belief in “One China” clings to life within its ranks, and China did everything it could to encourage the faith by signing more than 20 trade pacts with outgoing President Ma Ying-jeou in hopes that economic integration would lead to the realization of “One China.” The Kuomintang paid for these agreements with a crushing electoral defeat; ordinary Taiwanese saw them as a sellout. The party may never come back.
If Washington, for pragmatic reasons, can’t
simply dismiss “One China” as an anachro-nism, a relic of the days when cross-Strait relations were defined by the Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Party, it might not feel such a need to indulge Beijing on the matter either. (As a matter of policy, America does not support independence for Taiwan.)
Mark Harrison, a Taiwan expert at the University of Tasmania, says that Washington’s response to the elections is likely to be conditioned by its growing strategic competition with China, highlighted by its “pivot” to Asia. Mounting political repression in China, in contrast to Taiwan’s thriving democracy, will also factor in. “Washington is clearly in a different mode,” he says. “It doesn’t feel such a need to accommo-date Beijing.”
Fears of Chinese economic sanctions to try to force Ms. Tsai onto the “One China” track are receding in Taiwan. Still less do people worry about military measures. The general sense is that Chinese president Xi Jinping has more pressing issues on his mind, like his sinking economy, and so long as Ms. Tsai doesn’t agitate openly for independence he’ll let things slide. Washington is treading cautiously. A U.S. State Department statement congratulated Ms. Tsai on her win but noted America’s “profound interest in the continuation of cross- Strait peace and stability.” Still, Taiwan’s 23 million people have unambiguously passed their verdict on “One China.” America won’t back them, but it can’t ignore them.
A Troubling U.S. Silence on Taiwan
As China threatens the island democracy, Hillary Clinton and most Republicans keep mum. The election result has major implica-
By John M. Robertson
FOR U.S., TAIWAN VOTECHANGES CALCULUS OVER
‘ONE CHINA’ POLICY
Honor guards march in the Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall in Taipei. The Taiwanese increasingly believe they live in a sovereign state, not a ‘renegade province’ of China. PHOTO: EPA/JEROME FAVRE
10 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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Washington is less likely to indulge Beijing over its Taiwan policy after the victory of the island’s pro-independence party. The shift in power has impact on the “Pivot to the Pacific” and the military buildup in Guam and the region. The aggressiveness of mainland China is well known here. Taiwan is a near neighbor of Guam and supports Guam’s tourism industry.
Since Taiwan, or more officially the Republic of China ( ROC), lost its United Nations seat as "China" in 1971 and was replaced by the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), most sover-eign states have switched their diplomatic recognition to the PRC, recognizing the PRC as the sole legitimate representative of China, though many deliberately avoid stating clearly what territories they believe China includes. As of 2013, the ROC maintains official diplomatic relations with 21 UN member states and the Holy See, although informal relations are maintained with nearly all others. Agencies of foreign governments such as the American Institute in Taiwan operate as de facto embas-sies of their home countries in Taiwan, and the governing authority on Taiwan operates similar de facto embassies and consulates in most countries under such names as "Taipei Repre-sentative Office" (TRO) or "Taipei Economic and Cultural (Representative) Office" (TECO). In certain contexts, Taiwan is also referred to as Chinese Taipei due to pressures from People's Republic of China.
The ROC government has in the past actively
pursued its claim as the sole legitimate govern-ment over mainland China and Taiwan. This position started to be largely adjusted in the early 1990s as democracy was introduced and new Taiwanese leaders were elected, changing to one that does not actively challenge the legitimacy of PRC rule over mainland China. However, with the election of the Kuomintang (KMT, "Chinese Nationalist Party") back into executive power in 2008, the ROC government has changed its position back to that "mainland China is also part of the territory of the ROC." Both the PRC and the ROC carry out Cross-Strait relations through specialized agencies (such as the Mainland Affairs Council of the ROC), rather than through foreign ministries. Different groups have different concepts of what the current formal political situation of Taiwan is.
In addition, the situation can be confusing because of the different parties and the effort by many groups to deal with the controversy through a policy of deliberate ambiguity. The political solution that is accepted by many of the current groups is the perspective of the status quo: to unofficially treat Taiwan as a state and at a minimum, to officially declare no support for the government of this state making
a formal declaration of independence. What a formal declaration of independence would consist of is not clear and can be confusing given the fact that the People's Republic of China has never controlled Taiwan and the Republic of China still exists, albeit on a decreased scale. The status quo is accepted in large part because it does not define the legal or future status of Taiwan, leaving each group to interpret the situation in a way that is politically acceptable to its members. At the same time, a policy of status quo has been criticized as being dangerous precisely because different sides have different interpretations of what the status quo is, leading to the possibility of war through brinkmanship or miscalculation.
The Democratic Progressive Party Big Win in Taiwan Elections
No dogma is more important to Beijing than “One China,” the concept that Taiwan is a part of a single Chinese nation—just temporarily estranged. America and much of the rest of the world acquiesce to that position, denying the reality that Taiwan has set its course as an independent state. The 16th January vote, in which the Taiwanese electorate overwhelming endorsed a party that rejects Beijing’s “One
tions for China, the United States and Asia, the wealthiest and most populous region in the world. But did America’s future leaders notice?
Hillary Clinton, who hopes to be America’s first female president and boasts of engineering the U.S. “pivot” to Asia, said nothing about Taiwan during that. She highlighted the tainted-water scandal in Michigan, published paeans to President Obama’s leadership and tweeted about the scourge of “mansplaining.” But there was no press release congratulating Taiwan and Ms. Tsai, no statement from the campaign trail, not even a tweet. Some Republicans did somewhat better. “Taiwan’s latest election once again shows the island to be a thriving democ-racy,” Marco Rubio said in a statement calling for expanded economic, political and security cooperation with “one of America’s oldest and most loyal friends in Asia.” Ted Cruz said Taiwanese citizens’ “tenacious witness to the promise of liberty is a beacon of light to their neighbors yearning to be free. America honors our friend and ally today.” Jeb Bush, Chris Christie and John Kasich may share these sentiments, but they didn’t say so. Donald Trump was similarly mute.
U.S. foreign policy isn’t determined solely by what candidates do or don’t say while campaigning, and thank goodness for that. But campaign rhetoric reflects popular priorities, and the general failure to note Taiwan’s election isn’t an isolated event. It reflects a too-common practice of misunderstanding Taiwan’s impor-tance as a U.S. partner, Asian bellwether and target of Chinese aggression. The U.S. assesses that preparing to fight Taiwan remains the “primary mission” of China’s military. Taiwan once enjoyed technological military superiority, along with “the inherent geographic advan-tages of island defense,” a Pentagon report to Congress said last year, but recent Chinese modernization has “eroded or negated many of these factors.” China’s Communists consider Taiwan “an inalienable part of China’s territory” and threaten war if the island won’t voluntarily unify with the mainland. Chinese state television last year showed a military drill in which PLA soldiers stormed a replica of Taiwan’s presidential office—akin to the White House—in Taipei. The phrase “use force to unify Taiwan” exploded on Chinese social media after this week’s election of Ms. Tsai, whose platform emphasizes Taiwan’s right to democratic self-government.
The U.S. pivot to Asia sought to deter Chinese
aggression but ignored Taiwan. William Stanton, the career diplomat who represented the U.S. in Taipei from 2009 to 2012, has said that “the biggest failure of the Obama administration’s policy toward China has been its handling of Taiwan,” including “the omission of any references to Taiwan in describing the U.S. policy of a reorientation to Asia.” The U.S. last month announced a modest arms sale to Taiwan, but that followed an unprecedented four-year hiatus. Taiwan’s size and economy certainly don’t justify its being overlooked. It has 23 million people, as many as Australia, and more than most countries in the world. Largely due to electronics exports, it is America’s 10th-largest trading partner, ahead of India.
Its peaceful transition from authoritarianism to democracy starting in the 1980s should be a model for the world. Chinese leaders and their boosters in the West sometimes speak of a “Beijing model” challenging the liberal-democratic “Washington consensus.” But Taiwan’s election showed how poor China looks in this comparison. China imprisons feminist activists; Taiwan has a female president-elect. Chinese citizens go to jail for asking their leaders to disclose personal assets; Ms. Tsai’s asset disclosure was barely even noticed. The Chinese doctor who became a national hero for curbing the 2003 SARS outbreak, Jiang Yanyong, was soon detained for discussing the Tiananmen massacre; Taiwan’s SARS hero, Dr. Chen Chien-jen, is now vice president-elect.
Then there’s Hong Kong, where Beijing promised to respect civil liberties and thereby create a model for Taiwan, too, to come under its sovereignty. With Beijing’s promises of democracy now broken and mainland agents
accused of abducting government critics off Hong Kong streets, it’s no wonder Taiwanese back politicians who pledge to preserve their distance from Beijing.
Studying a map reveals other aspects of Taiwan’s importance. Taiwan sits at the center of the Western Pacific’s “first island chain,” which stretches from Indonesia in the south to Japan in the north, bounding China’s coast and limiting Beijing’s ability to threaten the open ocean militarily. Chinese control of Taiwan would mean Chinese submarines based on the island’s east coast, with free access up and down the Pacific. U.S. allies such as Japan consider Taiwan essential to their own security. The erosion of U.S. attention to Taiwan—and certainly the abandonment of Taiwan that some American scholars propose—could shatter U.S. alliances in Asia, with grave regional security consequences such as Japan and South Korea going nuclear.
So the election of Tsai Ing-wen would be a good moment for Taiwan to regain America’s attention. Chinese attempts to bully Taipei’s new government economically, diplomatically or militarily may soon force the U.S. to pay great attention to some crisis, but that only underscores the issue’s importance now. Something for presidential hopefuls to consider as they traverse Iowa and New Hampshire.
The foregoing is adapted from a 19 January article in the wall Street Journal by Andrew Browne, a Senior Correspondent and Colum-nist; and, a 21 January article by David Feith, a Journal editorial writer based in Hong Kong.
China” formula, confirmed the direction in the most emphatic way to date. That not only puts China in a bind, but the U.S. too. Like it or not, the political equation has changed, forcing Washington to look at Taiwan in a different light.
To be sure, an American challenge to the “One China” doctrine is unthinkable. It’s the one move that could realistically provoke a war between the world’s two strongest powers. Yet some diplomats and scholars think that a postelection Taiwan may get more sympathetic treatment in Washington. “Taiwan occupies a bit of a different space now,” says Donald Rodgers, a professor at Austin College in Texas, who was in Taiwan observing the elections. He predicts the U.S. will be some-what less worried about offending China by opening more direct channels of communica-tion with Taiwan on issues from security to the environment and health. Such dialogue must now be conducted in a cloak-and-dagger style lest it suggests state-to-state relations. U.S. arms sales to Taiwan routinely incur Beijing’s wrath.
Even before the elections in which the Demo-cratic Progressive Party captured the presidency and, for the first time, the legisla-ture, the pretense of “One China” was getting harder to sustain. Taiwan has grown into a stable democracy. This was, after all, the sixth presidential election since the Kuomintang, or Nationalist Party, lifted martial law that had been in force since 1949 when Chiang Kai-shek and his defeated armies arrived at the end of the Chinese civil war. The first was in 1996. More and more people on the island have become convinced they live in a sovereign state, not a “renegade province” of China. The last time the Democratic Progressive Party held the presidency, from 2000 to 2008, Washington didn’t face such a dilemma. Then-president Chen Shui-bian was a pro-independence firebrand who needlessly provoked China, creating endless headaches for Washington policy makers. Besides, his party didn’t control parliament.
With her landslide election win, Tsai Ing-wen became the first woman to be elected president of Taiwan, and is poised to be the most power-ful woman in the Chinese-speaking world. But the 59-year-old opposition party leader, who can often be seen on the campaign trail with her two beloved cats, first came to Taiwanese politics as an outsider. Called "Little Ying" by
local media, Tsai grew up in Fenggang, a village in southern Taiwan, before moving to Taipei as a teenager. A lawyer by training, she first studied at National Taiwan University, where she once reportedly failed a criminal law class. Nonetheless, she kept furthering her law studies with a masters from Cornell University and a Ph.D from the London School of Economics, teaching the subject for some time. She speaks English fluently and is regarded as the most internationally-minded leader the island has seen so far.
Tsai Ing-wen, the incoming president-elect, is a very different personality. She’s a cautious lawyer who has promised “no surprises” in relations with China, and that’s won her a degree of trust in Washington. Like the vast majority of Taiwanese, she’s in favor of the status quo, which essentially means shelving the whole vexed issue of independence. Why make a big fuss about it? Soon, she’ll be presiding over an island that fits almost any definition of a state. The final blow to “One China” may have been the electoral destruction of the Kuomintang, which once ruled all of China and for decades regarded Taiwan as a temporary exile. That governing mind-set has changed. Yet a belief in “One China” clings to life within its ranks, and China did everything it could to encourage the faith by signing more than 20 trade pacts with outgoing President Ma Ying-jeou in hopes that economic integration would lead to the realization of “One China.” The Kuomintang paid for these agreements with a crushing electoral defeat; ordinary Taiwanese saw them as a sellout. The party may never come back.
If Washington, for pragmatic reasons, can’t
simply dismiss “One China” as an anachro-nism, a relic of the days when cross-Strait relations were defined by the Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Party, it might not feel such a need to indulge Beijing on the matter either. (As a matter of policy, America does not support independence for Taiwan.)
Mark Harrison, a Taiwan expert at the University of Tasmania, says that Washington’s response to the elections is likely to be conditioned by its growing strategic competition with China, highlighted by its “pivot” to Asia. Mounting political repression in China, in contrast to Taiwan’s thriving democracy, will also factor in. “Washington is clearly in a different mode,” he says. “It doesn’t feel such a need to accommo-date Beijing.”
Fears of Chinese economic sanctions to try to force Ms. Tsai onto the “One China” track are receding in Taiwan. Still less do people worry about military measures. The general sense is that Chinese president Xi Jinping has more pressing issues on his mind, like his sinking economy, and so long as Ms. Tsai doesn’t agitate openly for independence he’ll let things slide. Washington is treading cautiously. A U.S. State Department statement congratulated Ms. Tsai on her win but noted America’s “profound interest in the continuation of cross- Strait peace and stability.” Still, Taiwan’s 23 million people have unambiguously passed their verdict on “One China.” America won’t back them, but it can’t ignore them.
A Troubling U.S. Silence on Taiwan
As China threatens the island democracy, Hillary Clinton and most Republicans keep mum. The election result has major implica-
Taiwan’s President elect Tsai Ing-wen with supporters on election-day
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Washington is less likely to indulge Beijing over its Taiwan policy after the victory of the island’s pro-independence party. The shift in power has impact on the “Pivot to the Pacific” and the military buildup in Guam and the region. The aggressiveness of mainland China is well known here. Taiwan is a near neighbor of Guam and supports Guam’s tourism industry.
Since Taiwan, or more officially the Republic of China ( ROC), lost its United Nations seat as "China" in 1971 and was replaced by the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), most sover-eign states have switched their diplomatic recognition to the PRC, recognizing the PRC as the sole legitimate representative of China, though many deliberately avoid stating clearly what territories they believe China includes. As of 2013, the ROC maintains official diplomatic relations with 21 UN member states and the Holy See, although informal relations are maintained with nearly all others. Agencies of foreign governments such as the American Institute in Taiwan operate as de facto embas-sies of their home countries in Taiwan, and the governing authority on Taiwan operates similar de facto embassies and consulates in most countries under such names as "Taipei Repre-sentative Office" (TRO) or "Taipei Economic and Cultural (Representative) Office" (TECO). In certain contexts, Taiwan is also referred to as Chinese Taipei due to pressures from People's Republic of China.
The ROC government has in the past actively
pursued its claim as the sole legitimate govern-ment over mainland China and Taiwan. This position started to be largely adjusted in the early 1990s as democracy was introduced and new Taiwanese leaders were elected, changing to one that does not actively challenge the legitimacy of PRC rule over mainland China. However, with the election of the Kuomintang (KMT, "Chinese Nationalist Party") back into executive power in 2008, the ROC government has changed its position back to that "mainland China is also part of the territory of the ROC." Both the PRC and the ROC carry out Cross-Strait relations through specialized agencies (such as the Mainland Affairs Council of the ROC), rather than through foreign ministries. Different groups have different concepts of what the current formal political situation of Taiwan is.
In addition, the situation can be confusing because of the different parties and the effort by many groups to deal with the controversy through a policy of deliberate ambiguity. The political solution that is accepted by many of the current groups is the perspective of the status quo: to unofficially treat Taiwan as a state and at a minimum, to officially declare no support for the government of this state making
a formal declaration of independence. What a formal declaration of independence would consist of is not clear and can be confusing given the fact that the People's Republic of China has never controlled Taiwan and the Republic of China still exists, albeit on a decreased scale. The status quo is accepted in large part because it does not define the legal or future status of Taiwan, leaving each group to interpret the situation in a way that is politically acceptable to its members. At the same time, a policy of status quo has been criticized as being dangerous precisely because different sides have different interpretations of what the status quo is, leading to the possibility of war through brinkmanship or miscalculation.
The Democratic Progressive Party Big Win in Taiwan Elections
No dogma is more important to Beijing than “One China,” the concept that Taiwan is a part of a single Chinese nation—just temporarily estranged. America and much of the rest of the world acquiesce to that position, denying the reality that Taiwan has set its course as an independent state. The 16th January vote, in which the Taiwanese electorate overwhelming endorsed a party that rejects Beijing’s “One
tions for China, the United States and Asia, the wealthiest and most populous region in the world. But did America’s future leaders notice?
Hillary Clinton, who hopes to be America’s first female president and boasts of engineering the U.S. “pivot” to Asia, said nothing about Taiwan during that. She highlighted the tainted-water scandal in Michigan, published paeans to President Obama’s leadership and tweeted about the scourge of “mansplaining.” But there was no press release congratulating Taiwan and Ms. Tsai, no statement from the campaign trail, not even a tweet. Some Republicans did somewhat better. “Taiwan’s latest election once again shows the island to be a thriving democ-racy,” Marco Rubio said in a statement calling for expanded economic, political and security cooperation with “one of America’s oldest and most loyal friends in Asia.” Ted Cruz said Taiwanese citizens’ “tenacious witness to the promise of liberty is a beacon of light to their neighbors yearning to be free. America honors our friend and ally today.” Jeb Bush, Chris Christie and John Kasich may share these sentiments, but they didn’t say so. Donald Trump was similarly mute.
U.S. foreign policy isn’t determined solely by what candidates do or don’t say while campaigning, and thank goodness for that. But campaign rhetoric reflects popular priorities, and the general failure to note Taiwan’s election isn’t an isolated event. It reflects a too-common practice of misunderstanding Taiwan’s impor-tance as a U.S. partner, Asian bellwether and target of Chinese aggression. The U.S. assesses that preparing to fight Taiwan remains the “primary mission” of China’s military. Taiwan once enjoyed technological military superiority, along with “the inherent geographic advan-tages of island defense,” a Pentagon report to Congress said last year, but recent Chinese modernization has “eroded or negated many of these factors.” China’s Communists consider Taiwan “an inalienable part of China’s territory” and threaten war if the island won’t voluntarily unify with the mainland. Chinese state television last year showed a military drill in which PLA soldiers stormed a replica of Taiwan’s presidential office—akin to the White House—in Taipei. The phrase “use force to unify Taiwan” exploded on Chinese social media after this week’s election of Ms. Tsai, whose platform emphasizes Taiwan’s right to democratic self-government.
The U.S. pivot to Asia sought to deter Chinese
aggression but ignored Taiwan. William Stanton, the career diplomat who represented the U.S. in Taipei from 2009 to 2012, has said that “the biggest failure of the Obama administration’s policy toward China has been its handling of Taiwan,” including “the omission of any references to Taiwan in describing the U.S. policy of a reorientation to Asia.” The U.S. last month announced a modest arms sale to Taiwan, but that followed an unprecedented four-year hiatus. Taiwan’s size and economy certainly don’t justify its being overlooked. It has 23 million people, as many as Australia, and more than most countries in the world. Largely due to electronics exports, it is America’s 10th-largest trading partner, ahead of India.
Its peaceful transition from authoritarianism to democracy starting in the 1980s should be a model for the world. Chinese leaders and their boosters in the West sometimes speak of a “Beijing model” challenging the liberal-democratic “Washington consensus.” But Taiwan’s election showed how poor China looks in this comparison. China imprisons feminist activists; Taiwan has a female president-elect. Chinese citizens go to jail for asking their leaders to disclose personal assets; Ms. Tsai’s asset disclosure was barely even noticed. The Chinese doctor who became a national hero for curbing the 2003 SARS outbreak, Jiang Yanyong, was soon detained for discussing the Tiananmen massacre; Taiwan’s SARS hero, Dr. Chen Chien-jen, is now vice president-elect.
Then there’s Hong Kong, where Beijing promised to respect civil liberties and thereby create a model for Taiwan, too, to come under its sovereignty. With Beijing’s promises of democracy now broken and mainland agents
accused of abducting government critics off Hong Kong streets, it’s no wonder Taiwanese back politicians who pledge to preserve their distance from Beijing.
Studying a map reveals other aspects of Taiwan’s importance. Taiwan sits at the center of the Western Pacific’s “first island chain,” which stretches from Indonesia in the south to Japan in the north, bounding China’s coast and limiting Beijing’s ability to threaten the open ocean militarily. Chinese control of Taiwan would mean Chinese submarines based on the island’s east coast, with free access up and down the Pacific. U.S. allies such as Japan consider Taiwan essential to their own security. The erosion of U.S. attention to Taiwan—and certainly the abandonment of Taiwan that some American scholars propose—could shatter U.S. alliances in Asia, with grave regional security consequences such as Japan and South Korea going nuclear.
So the election of Tsai Ing-wen would be a good moment for Taiwan to regain America’s attention. Chinese attempts to bully Taipei’s new government economically, diplomatically or militarily may soon force the U.S. to pay great attention to some crisis, but that only underscores the issue’s importance now. Something for presidential hopefuls to consider as they traverse Iowa and New Hampshire.
The foregoing is adapted from a 19 January article in the wall Street Journal by Andrew Browne, a Senior Correspondent and Colum-nist; and, a 21 January article by David Feith, a Journal editorial writer based in Hong Kong.
China” formula, confirmed the direction in the most emphatic way to date. That not only puts China in a bind, but the U.S. too. Like it or not, the political equation has changed, forcing Washington to look at Taiwan in a different light.
To be sure, an American challenge to the “One China” doctrine is unthinkable. It’s the one move that could realistically provoke a war between the world’s two strongest powers. Yet some diplomats and scholars think that a postelection Taiwan may get more sympathetic treatment in Washington. “Taiwan occupies a bit of a different space now,” says Donald Rodgers, a professor at Austin College in Texas, who was in Taiwan observing the elections. He predicts the U.S. will be some-what less worried about offending China by opening more direct channels of communica-tion with Taiwan on issues from security to the environment and health. Such dialogue must now be conducted in a cloak-and-dagger style lest it suggests state-to-state relations. U.S. arms sales to Taiwan routinely incur Beijing’s wrath.
Even before the elections in which the Demo-cratic Progressive Party captured the presidency and, for the first time, the legisla-ture, the pretense of “One China” was getting harder to sustain. Taiwan has grown into a stable democracy. This was, after all, the sixth presidential election since the Kuomintang, or Nationalist Party, lifted martial law that had been in force since 1949 when Chiang Kai-shek and his defeated armies arrived at the end of the Chinese civil war. The first was in 1996. More and more people on the island have become convinced they live in a sovereign state, not a “renegade province” of China. The last time the Democratic Progressive Party held the presidency, from 2000 to 2008, Washington didn’t face such a dilemma. Then-president Chen Shui-bian was a pro-independence firebrand who needlessly provoked China, creating endless headaches for Washington policy makers. Besides, his party didn’t control parliament.
With her landslide election win, Tsai Ing-wen became the first woman to be elected president of Taiwan, and is poised to be the most power-ful woman in the Chinese-speaking world. But the 59-year-old opposition party leader, who can often be seen on the campaign trail with her two beloved cats, first came to Taiwanese politics as an outsider. Called "Little Ying" by
local media, Tsai grew up in Fenggang, a village in southern Taiwan, before moving to Taipei as a teenager. A lawyer by training, she first studied at National Taiwan University, where she once reportedly failed a criminal law class. Nonetheless, she kept furthering her law studies with a masters from Cornell University and a Ph.D from the London School of Economics, teaching the subject for some time. She speaks English fluently and is regarded as the most internationally-minded leader the island has seen so far.
Tsai Ing-wen, the incoming president-elect, is a very different personality. She’s a cautious lawyer who has promised “no surprises” in relations with China, and that’s won her a degree of trust in Washington. Like the vast majority of Taiwanese, she’s in favor of the status quo, which essentially means shelving the whole vexed issue of independence. Why make a big fuss about it? Soon, she’ll be presiding over an island that fits almost any definition of a state. The final blow to “One China” may have been the electoral destruction of the Kuomintang, which once ruled all of China and for decades regarded Taiwan as a temporary exile. That governing mind-set has changed. Yet a belief in “One China” clings to life within its ranks, and China did everything it could to encourage the faith by signing more than 20 trade pacts with outgoing President Ma Ying-jeou in hopes that economic integration would lead to the realization of “One China.” The Kuomintang paid for these agreements with a crushing electoral defeat; ordinary Taiwanese saw them as a sellout. The party may never come back.
If Washington, for pragmatic reasons, can’t
simply dismiss “One China” as an anachro-nism, a relic of the days when cross-Strait relations were defined by the Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Party, it might not feel such a need to indulge Beijing on the matter either. (As a matter of policy, America does not support independence for Taiwan.)
Mark Harrison, a Taiwan expert at the University of Tasmania, says that Washington’s response to the elections is likely to be conditioned by its growing strategic competition with China, highlighted by its “pivot” to Asia. Mounting political repression in China, in contrast to Taiwan’s thriving democracy, will also factor in. “Washington is clearly in a different mode,” he says. “It doesn’t feel such a need to accommo-date Beijing.”
Fears of Chinese economic sanctions to try to force Ms. Tsai onto the “One China” track are receding in Taiwan. Still less do people worry about military measures. The general sense is that Chinese president Xi Jinping has more pressing issues on his mind, like his sinking economy, and so long as Ms. Tsai doesn’t agitate openly for independence he’ll let things slide. Washington is treading cautiously. A U.S. State Department statement congratulated Ms. Tsai on her win but noted America’s “profound interest in the continuation of cross- Strait peace and stability.” Still, Taiwan’s 23 million people have unambiguously passed their verdict on “One China.” America won’t back them, but it can’t ignore them.
A Troubling U.S. Silence on Taiwan
As China threatens the island democracy, Hillary Clinton and most Republicans keep mum. The election result has major implica-
Taiwan (in Red) directly north of Luzon Island off the coast of China
12 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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By Nancy Xania Barnhouse
Statue andCharity
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split each one open. Inside, he found a tangle of mangled
scrap metal and rebar. Armando spent months just getting
the insides of the statue loose from the brass. Then, like an
auto body mechanic, he pounded out the bent brass. Our
supervisor Venusto Datinguinoo, Jr., also traveled to Manila to
find brass plate to patch giant holes in the lovers’ legs and
stomachs and to re-create their entwined hair. To give the
statue a chance to survive the next typhoon, Armando built
an internal frame of four-inch galvanized steel square tubing
that spans from their toes to their heads.
The love story of the statue and Dave and my romance has
been told enough (so says Dave). But the story that still needs
to be told is this: Why would any company spend so much
“Why would Gov. Guam sell as scrap the Two Lovers
Statue instead of saving it?” That’s usually the first question
anyone asks when they first see the restored 22-foot brass
statue at Two Lovers Point. First, the statue had fallen down
twice since it was erected at Two Lovers Point in the 1980s.
The Two Lovers’ final knock-down punch came when 175
mph winds raged across Guam in 2002 when Typhoon
Pongsona twisted and knocked the statue to the ground,
where it lay, waiting for its destiny.
The Calvos family, which manages Two Lovers Point, brought
to Guam an Italian sculptor, who surveyed the twisted metal
and advised Gov. Guam and the Calvos’ family that it could
not be saved. It was only after the expert gave his eulogy that
the two lovers were sold as scrap to Moses S. Chong, owner of
Green Guam Corporation. If Moses would have only had
profit on his mind, that would be the end of this story. Instead
of cashing in on the brass, though, Moses lay the two lovers on
a 40-foot container, where they stayed for more than a
decade, wrapped in each other’s arms.
After Island CERTS Corporation bought the statue earlier this
year, the staff immediately understood why the Italian sculptor
declared the lovers unfixable. Our fabricator Armando
Nasareta first used a torch to separate the two, and then he
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time and resources to fix a piece of metal for Guam? For an
answer to that question, you don’t need to look far. Almost
every fund-raiser on Guam, whether it is to raise money for
nature, stray dogs or cancer treatment, includes generous
donations by island companies. Sure, giving back to Guam is
good public relations. Yes, part of the money given to
fund-raisers is tax deductible. But I believe that those two
reasons are minor in the eyes of most entrepreneurs. Sure,
there are those who run companies to make the most profit
they can and pay their employees as little as they can get
away with. There are companies who are here to get what
they can and to leave with what they can take. The bottom
line is profit, and only their balance sheet and their stock
holders rule their financial decisions. But just as many business
men and women consider themselves part of the community
where they do business. These profiteers know that giving their
workers livable wages creates strong families, who create
stronger communities. In the end, all of us must give to our
communities in whichever way we can. Whether we are
penniless or flying a jet, it is our responsibility to make this rock
in the middle of the ocean the best it can be.
Nancy Xania Barnhouse is the president of Island CERTS
Corporation and the wife of David A. Barnhouse. Before
moving to Guam, Ms. Barnhouse worked for 15 years as a
big-city journalist and 15 years as a high-school teacher.
When Spain ruled Guam, a proud family lived in Hagatna, the capital city. The father was a wealthy Spanish aristocrat and the mother a Chamorro and the daughter of a great chief. The couple owned land and were held in high esteem by all, Chamorro and Spanish alike. However, the best reason for their great pride and dignity was their beautiful daughter, who was honest, modest and beautiful, her charm so natural that it impressed everyone she met.
When a powerful, arrogant Spanish captain met the beautiful girl, he asked the father for his daughter’s hand in marriage, and the proud father agreed. But the girl was not in love with the man, and her heart filled with sadness and disillusionment.
With a heavy heart, the girl wandered along the cliff line overlooking the ocean. As she listened to the peaceful sounds of the waves below, the girl saw a handsome, gentle, strongly built Chamorro who was also lost in his solitary thoughts, his gentle eyes seeming to study the stars as he sought meaning in his life.
That night, the two young people fell deeply in love, but when the father of the girl learned about the two lovers, he became angry and demanded that she marry the powerful
Spanish captain. The day the father announced the date of his daughter’s marriage to the Spanish captain, the girl stole out of the house to meet the Chamorro boy at the high point of the cliff where they first had met and fallen in love.
When the father discovered that his daughter was gone, he told the captain that his daughter had been kidnapped by the Chamorro boy. The father, the captain and all the Spanish soldiers pursued the lovers up to the high cliff above Tumon Bay.
The boy shouted a warning for the men to stay back, and the father signaled the men to halt. As the couple stood at the edge of the cliff, the boy and girl took the long strands of their hair and tied them together into a rope-like knot. Looking deeply into each other’s eyes, they kissed one more time, and then they leaped off the long, deep cliff into the waves below.
Since that day, Chamorros look to the jutting peak by Tumon Bay with reverence. The young couple showed the people of Guam that real love comes from the entwining of two souls, true to each other in life and in death. And forever after, the high point on the cliff has been known as Two Lovers Point.
Original Two Lovers Legend, Circa 1600s
16 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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Each lift should be determined beforehand whether it is considered a critical lift or not to enable the proper planning for the lift. A routine lift would generally require a basic lift plan spelling out all the parameters, including the load weight, rigging used, radius, crane capacity, etc. Even though it might be a routine lift, all personnel involved with the lift should know and understand their responsibilities and all possibilities of any surprises after the load is suspended should be eliminated.
If the lift would be considered a critical lift, many more details are required to be planned and documented, from the operator's mental state to the weather. So what would make a particular lift considered a critical lift? The short answer would be for a lift that is critical nothing must go wrong or there will be extensive property damage or bodily injury. To be more specific, EM 385-1-1 lists the criteria that defines a critical lift: Lifts involving explosives, personnel in a work platform, tandem crane lifts, loads where the center of gravity is not known or could change, 75% of gross capacity of load charts, lifts without use of outriggers, using both auxiliary and main hoist on load, difficult rigging requirements such as no lift points available, working near power lines, plus any lift that the lift director or operator believes should be considered critical. There are numerous other factors that would define a lift as critical and in some cases a management decision to classify a lift critical is optional.
The load may not be exceptionally heavy or difficult to lift, but may be unique in a way such as our example here, the October 15, 2015 Two Lovers Statue erection. This load required lifting from horizontal to vertical from
a single lifting point on top, always the best location for a pick point but also placing extra stress on the mid section of the statue. We had confidence in the structural integrity of the piece but were very cautious until it was vertical and bolted onto its permanent flanges. This is an example of management's decision to define this lift as critical, not because it was extremely heavy or difficult to lift, but simply because of our personal involvement with the statue, rescuing it from the scrap yard and reviving it to its past resting place on the Tumon cliff line.
As with any lift plan before this load was lifted the plan was reviewed and all personnel involved understood their responsibilities. Though not as complex as many lifts on a construction site, we reviewed the lift plan
and discussed all the different methods to lift it from the shop floor to its present vertical position.
Now that we are aware of what defines a lift as critical or routine and requiring a plan we will discuss what needs to be in that lift plan. Routine lifting operations may be executed under a basic lift plan. These plans must clearly define the limitations on the loads, lifting methods and areas of operation. An AHA (Activity Hazard Analysis) should be required in each case, and authorized prior to commencement. A Non-Routine, or critical lift, may also be completed using similar documents but will require greater detail. Prior to any lifting operation commencing a routine lift plan should be developed by a qualified
person and review of the lift plan must be conducted by all personnel involved with the lift. The plan must include:
1) The lift director, crane operator, rigger, and the signal person, including their qualifications, and signed by all involved prior to the lift.2) The specific make and model of the crane with details such as line pull, part line, load charts, etc.3) The exact dimensions and weight of the load and all crane components and rigging weight that would add to the net load.4) The manufacturer's maximum load limits for the entire range of the lift.5) The lift geometry and procedures, crane position, height of load, including the minimum and maximum load radius, boom length and angle for the entire range of the lift.6) Site drawings indicating crane placement in relation to adjacent equipment and/or other structures, etc.7) Rigging plan with all lift points, rigging procedures, and hardware requirements.8) Ground conditions and outrigger mat design if necessary.9) Environmental conditions that will require lift operations to stop.10) Coordination and signal requirements for the lift operation.Non-Routine lifting operations require the above factors to be considered but this list is not exhaustive.
The assembly and disassembly of cranes is correctly classified as "High Risk Activity". Many accidents and indeed in many cases there are more accidents resulting in injury and fatality during these two phases of a lifting operation than what occur during the actual lifting process. Assembly and disassembly present many challenges and generate many hazards and associated risks. During these phases of any lifting operation extreme caution
and vigilance are required. Much heavy work and working at height is required, particularly where larger capacity cranes are in use. Careful documented planning of Hazard and Risk Analysis is required. Disassembly also brings the added factors of rushing after a lift is complete and in many cases the crane operator is left on his own and alone to complete the task. Folding up the Fly – Jib on a small hydraulic is every bit as dangerous as removing the boom on a large crawler. While all phases of a lifting operation require focus, vigilance, monitoring and control, the elements of assembly and disassembly are very easily overlooked and taken for granted. Appointed persons/lift supervisors must ensure that the crane crew are alert and familiar with all hazards, associated risks and implemented control measures.
A monthly crane and rigging informative column for all personnel directly or indirectly involved with crane safety. Each month we will attempt to explain a different technical issue pertaining to crane operations here on Guam, addressing the sometimes overlooked or misunderstood topics by management and operators alike. By Dave Barnhouse
This month’s topic: Crane lift plans and what constitutes a critical lift opposed to a non-critical or routine lift
CRANE LIFT PLANSCRITICAL OR ROUTINE?
18 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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Each lift should be determined beforehand whether it is considered a critical lift or not to enable the proper planning for the lift. A routine lift would generally require a basic lift plan spelling out all the parameters, including the load weight, rigging used, radius, crane capacity, etc. Even though it might be a routine lift, all personnel involved with the lift should know and understand their responsibilities and all possibilities of any surprises after the load is suspended should be eliminated.
If the lift would be considered a critical lift, many more details are required to be planned and documented, from the operator's mental state to the weather. So what would make a particular lift considered a critical lift? The short answer would be for a lift that is critical nothing must go wrong or there will be extensive property damage or bodily injury. To be more specific, EM 385-1-1 lists the criteria that defines a critical lift: Lifts involving explosives, personnel in a work platform, tandem crane lifts, loads where the center of gravity is not known or could change, 75% of gross capacity of load charts, lifts without use of outriggers, using both auxiliary and main hoist on load, difficult rigging requirements such as no lift points available, working near power lines, plus any lift that the lift director or operator believes should be considered critical. There are numerous other factors that would define a lift as critical and in some cases a management decision to classify a lift critical is optional.
The load may not be exceptionally heavy or difficult to lift, but may be unique in a way such as our example here, the October 15, 2015 Two Lovers Statue erection. This load required lifting from horizontal to vertical from
a single lifting point on top, always the best location for a pick point but also placing extra stress on the mid section of the statue. We had confidence in the structural integrity of the piece but were very cautious until it was vertical and bolted onto its permanent flanges. This is an example of management's decision to define this lift as critical, not because it was extremely heavy or difficult to lift, but simply because of our personal involvement with the statue, rescuing it from the scrap yard and reviving it to its past resting place on the Tumon cliff line.
As with any lift plan before this load was lifted the plan was reviewed and all personnel involved understood their responsibilities. Though not as complex as many lifts on a construction site, we reviewed the lift plan
and discussed all the different methods to lift it from the shop floor to its present vertical position.
Now that we are aware of what defines a lift as critical or routine and requiring a plan we will discuss what needs to be in that lift plan. Routine lifting operations may be executed under a basic lift plan. These plans must clearly define the limitations on the loads, lifting methods and areas of operation. An AHA (Activity Hazard Analysis) should be required in each case, and authorized prior to commencement. A Non-Routine, or critical lift, may also be completed using similar documents but will require greater detail. Prior to any lifting operation commencing a routine lift plan should be developed by a qualified
person and review of the lift plan must be conducted by all personnel involved with the lift. The plan must include:
1) The lift director, crane operator, rigger, and the signal person, including their qualifications, and signed by all involved prior to the lift.2) The specific make and model of the crane with details such as line pull, part line, load charts, etc.3) The exact dimensions and weight of the load and all crane components and rigging weight that would add to the net load.4) The manufacturer's maximum load limits for the entire range of the lift.5) The lift geometry and procedures, crane position, height of load, including the minimum and maximum load radius, boom length and angle for the entire range of the lift.6) Site drawings indicating crane placement in relation to adjacent equipment and/or other structures, etc.7) Rigging plan with all lift points, rigging procedures, and hardware requirements.8) Ground conditions and outrigger mat design if necessary.9) Environmental conditions that will require lift operations to stop.10) Coordination and signal requirements for the lift operation.Non-Routine lifting operations require the above factors to be considered but this list is not exhaustive.
The assembly and disassembly of cranes is correctly classified as "High Risk Activity". Many accidents and indeed in many cases there are more accidents resulting in injury and fatality during these two phases of a lifting operation than what occur during the actual lifting process. Assembly and disassembly present many challenges and generate many hazards and associated risks. During these phases of any lifting operation extreme caution
and vigilance are required. Much heavy work and working at height is required, particularly where larger capacity cranes are in use. Careful documented planning of Hazard and Risk Analysis is required. Disassembly also brings the added factors of rushing after a lift is complete and in many cases the crane operator is left on his own and alone to complete the task. Folding up the Fly – Jib on a small hydraulic is every bit as dangerous as removing the boom on a large crawler. While all phases of a lifting operation require focus, vigilance, monitoring and control, the elements of assembly and disassembly are very easily overlooked and taken for granted. Appointed persons/lift supervisors must ensure that the crane crew are alert and familiar with all hazards, associated risks and implemented control measures.
Dave Barnhouse resides in Tamuning and has been involved with operations, maintenance, operator training, and/or inspections, of cranes since 1969. He is a Certified Environmental Trainer, CHST, NCCCO certified crane operator, Lift Director, Level II Rigger, NCCCO practical examiner for all types of mobile crane operators, riggers, signal persons, and the only OSHA accredited crane inspector on Guam.
Please e-mail any comments, questions, or specific topics you would like to see addressed in this column to certs@ite.net and we will cer-tainly attempt to accommodate your requests.
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www.guamcontractors.org FEBRUARY2016 | 19
CRANE CRITIQUE
All crane operators must be nationally certified by November 2017
Ask for Nancy about how to get your operators nationally certified.
E-mail contactus@islandcerts.orgCall Island CERTS Corporation at (671) 653-5501 or
January 20, 2016Westin Resort Guam
Guest Speakers
Rey Llaneta
Dave Barnhouse
Dr. Burt Johnson
20 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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As an owner of an aerial work platform, we spend much time to understand the challenges of working at height and how to help our customers with their unique requirements on the job site. While much of our discussions center on getting the right lift for the job, I stumbled across an interested read that led me to a resource and particularly a section about working at height outdoors in windy conditions.
The University of Kentucky Aerial Lift Safety Program is a document that is provided to all of their employees and contractors who work at height. As part of the program, each operator is required to complete a Work Area Checklist for Aerial Lifts before and during use. Among the items that crews are asked to look out for on the job is wind and weather conditions. The University directs lift operators that at 20 miles per hour wind speeds or anticipated gusts, lifts will be lowered to a maximum height of 20 feet. With wind speeds or anticipated gusts of 25 miles per hour or more, all lifts are grounded for that day.
Such wind hazard reporting is important for the safety of those working at height and for the integrity of projects that could be compromised by less that ideal work in higher wind conditions. A number of universities across America have similar wind policies relative to working at height including the Univer-sity of New York, Temple University and the University of Montana just to name a few. State Governments and private sector companies in the U.S. also have such wind safeguards in place as well.
All organizations must address the haz-ards of operating aerial work platforms in windy conditions as the hazards can include the lift falling over, a worker slipping off the platform if the lift is used during bad weather or high winds, positioned on soft or uneven ground, overloaded with heavy objects and driven over uneven, unstable ground, or surface in poor condition, with the lift in an elevated position.
While all lift owners and operators stress following their manufacturer’s instruction regarding operation in windy conditions,
If at any time, personnel feels unsafe, due to weather or wind conditions prior to using an aerial lift, they may make a decision to ground the lift and cease.
No questions asked
The lift industry has recognized for years that we all have a responsibility to do our part in supplying safe, efficient equipment to users, and to ensure that those users know how to operate the equipment in a proper manner so that the job is completed safely... and then go home.
If you have any aerial lift needs and would like to discuss potential solutions, please drop GET, LLC a line via our website at www.get-guam.com or give us a call at 671-483-0789-your authorized Terex/Genie Representative for Guam and Micronesia.
by Shawn Gumataotao
Working at Height in Windy ConditionsBe Safe, Not Sorry
22 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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Scissor Lifts, Boom Lifts and Aerial Lifts • 19 feet to 135 feet
Your Exclusive Guam Dealer
In Guam, the kitchen might be the most important room in the house. It’s where recipes are passed down from generation to generation, the best meals are had, and memories are made. It is a sacred place in the house.
Imagine being able to have the kitchen of your dreams just like the ones on television. What would it look like? What would you want?
Guam homeowners have a shot at a $10,000 kitchen renovation courtesy of Core Tech International. Imagine the kitchen you’ve always wanted, designed and constructed to your specifications. The best part: Core Tech would cover costs up to $10,000.
Entry forms will be published in the Guam Daily Post. Fill them out and drop into designated drop boxes at various locations around the island. 20 entries will be drawn at random and will be given instructions to write an essay explaining why THEY should be the recipient of the Core Tech Dream Kitchen.
A panel of judges will read these compositions and choose the most compelling entry. According to Amier Younis, Daily Post Publisher, and one of the review panelists, “It’s going to be an interesting competition! A kitchen is one of the most important places for families to get together. This is why we’ve partnered with Core Tech International to make one lucky family’s dream kitchen a reality! We’re really looking forward to submissions.”
Candidates must be the actual homeowners. In special cases, including condominium entrants, the property must be “fee simple” unit.
This is one of three Dream Kitchen competitions Core Tech plans to run in 2016. However, with an ‘overwhelming’ number of initial entries, Core Tech and Younis foresee this competition continuing into the future.
Core Tech has been a strong supporter of our island community. They are a big, generous part of our island family, donating thousands of dollars in student
scholarships, and now helping our families grow closer at home.
If you’d like to view more about Core Tech International’s Kitchen Renovation Promotion, go to Guam Contractors Association Facebook page.
by John Aguon
The Core Tech “Dream Kitchen” RenovationThe Next Cool Thing For Homeowners
24 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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by Shawn Gumataotao
Investing in Lighting
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26 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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by Shawn Gumataotao
Investing in LightingConstruction Employment
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* Statistics provided by Guam Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Guam Contractors Association; and the GCA Trades Academy, as of December 31, 2015.
28 | FEBRUARY2016 www.guamcontractors.org
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