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M A R R A K E C HSASHA NASH
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Figure 1 - Satellite view of the Medina showing typical
narrow alleys and courtyard gardens of the Riads
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Introduction
Marrakech in central Morocco is a walled city over a thousand
years old, its Medina1
is a densely packed, almost homogenous,urban fabric and the ancient city ramparts have, until recently,
limited and outward city sprawl. Since its origins in 1069 the
city plan has remained fairly consistent and conned within the
ramparts. In 1912, when Morocco became a protectorate of
France, a new urban area was developed beyond the ramparts
- Marrakech Gueliz.
The traditional urban grain of the Medina is very ne, a mazy warren
of narrow streets, tightly knit alleyways and derbs2(g. 1). The narrow
streets render 93% of the Medinas 632 hectares inaccessible to
motorcars3, and although scooters and motorbikes are a popular
form of transport it is a city where pedestrians dominate. Riads4
are densely clustered together, each one built around its own leafy
and shady courtyard garden. This type of urban organisation andvernacular architecture has created a city wide microclimate that
keeps the air in the streets and buildings considerably cooler than
surrounding areas, both suburban and rural.
Planned by French colonialists the urban arrangement ofGueliz
is in stark contrast to the Medina (g. 2). A European radial grid
system dictates the city plan its streets and boulevards are wideand open, built for motorcars rather than people and exposed to
the regions baking sun (g. 3).
1 Ancient walled town
2 Narrow, cul-de-sac/dead end alleyways
3 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in Africa Cities p. 201
4 Traditional Moroccan house with an interior garden or courtyard
3
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Figure 2 - Map ofMarrakech in 1935 with the Medina
on the right and Guelizon the upper left.
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What lessons can we learn from studying these two differing
urban morphologies located side by side in the same metropolitan
city? How does the microclimate of Gueliz compare with theMedina? Do the newly formed suburbs of Marrakech support
Moroccan social culture and lifestyle?
Climate
The climate in Marrakech is semi-arid with hot dry summers
and mild wet winters. While this climatic pattern mirrors thatof the much of the Mediterranean there is signicantly less
precipitation during the wet season in Marrakech. Year round
there are major swings in temperature between day and night
- on average the daily high is 20C warmer than the daily low.
6
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Figure 3 - Photograph of Boulevard Mohammed
Zerktouniin Gueliztaken in 1981. Kathy Dady
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Formation of the City
Marrakech was founded by the Almoravids5 in 1069. At the
time many regional tribes were vying for the honour of hostingthe Almoravid chieftains on their territory but in the end, the
Almoravidleaders agreed to set up camp on neutral territory to
avoid creating disharmony amongst local tribes.
The determined site was an area on the plains of the RiverTensift
at the edge of the northern foothills of the Atlas Mountains and at
the banks of a small tributary called the Wadi6
Yssyl. Strategicallythe exposed location on the plains not only thwarted the threat
of surprise attacks but also allowed the Almoravids to occupy
a central location from which they could control all small towns
and settlements in the foothill valleys.
TheAlmoravids were an alliance of several nomadic Berber tribes
originating from the Sahara. Traditionally they lived in tents madefrom camel hair and would travel with the seasons, farming in the
mountains and herding their ocks. Initially Marrakech would have
existed as a military encampment - an agglomeration of campsites,
different tribes, clans and families clustering together. Tents would
be arranged to form an exclusive, centrally enclosed space, often
covered in woollen carpets that provided a communal living and
gathering space for the family (g.4). Families from the same tribesand clans would pitch their tents in the same area, creating tribal
districts - it is this type of family oriented spatial conguration that
formed the underlying urban layout of the Medina.
5 A dynasty of several nomadic Berber tribes unied under Islam
6 A mountain torrent
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Figure 4 - Woven tapestries of a typical Berber camp
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10
A souk7 formed at the encampment and Marrakech became
a convenient place to set up camp and trade goods for tribespassing through the area. This in turn attracted more merchants
and traders and the camp began to function like a small, regional
trading town.
The surrounding plains were blessed with natural resources, an
easily accessible high water table, excellent clay and soil rich in
lime. This provided ample material for the early xed dwellingsof the city. The rst houses built would have been simple cob
gourbis8(g. 5), badly made and in need of frequent maintenance.
7 Market stall
8 Small shacks
Figure 5 -A simple cob gourbi. Many of the earliest buildings in
Marrakech would have been built like this using earth, clay, lime
and sticks.
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11
The arrangement ofgourbis would have been the same as the
tents which they replaced with the tribal districts maintained.
The most signicant buildings in the city at this time would have
been the Jami Masjid9 Mosque and the Qasr el-Hajar10.The
Qasr el-Hajarwas the rst building to be constructed. It was
built from stone byAlmoravidleaders to safeguard their growing
haul of gold, silver and jewels plundered as they continued to
expand their empire. Although the Mosque was constructedafter the Qasr el-Hajarand built of simple cob it was much more
signicant as it formally symbolised Marrakech as a town rather
than a transient encampment.
The Mosque provided the opportunity to exercise religion and
was the decisive factor that saw many of the tribes abandon
their nomadic life and set up permanent residencies in the newcity.
A natural urban axis began to form between these two buildings
and created the rst urban core of the city with souks lining the
route.
In Islam the denition of ground space is always done by theconstruction of a wall - the enclosure is a symbolic action of the
appropriation. This is true across all scales, from gardens and
homes to entire cities. It is likely at this point that theAlmoravidrulers
9 A mosque where all males are gathered to pray communally,
on the Day of Assembly - every Friday
10 Castle of Stone
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would have begun to enclose the city behind ramparts. Speaking
of Islamic Medinas in general, not specically Marrakech
Abdurhiman explains the importance of city walls:
The creation of a perimeter wall around the Medina
dates from the foundation of the Mosque. The
two acts constituted the founding of the city: the
denition of an area in contrast to the surrounding
countryside, and that of an inner sanctum for the
construction of the Great Mosque. This oppositionbetween a single centre and a linear perimeter
forms the basis of the Medinas primary structure:
the relationship between the centre and the
periphery regulates the citys internal functions and
determines the positioning of the different economic
and cultural agents within it.11
Gradually a whole host of industries began to form along the
banks of the WadiYssylconsuming its water, but also polluting
it. Tanneries appeared rst, followed by the lime kilns of potters
and adobe brick makers. Loggers, who previously operated
from another town were attracted to the opportunities afforded
by the growth ofMarrakech and also set up their own district
in this agglomeration of manufacturers. To the west, the urbancentre ofMarrakech continued its growth as a residential district
clustered around the Mosque and central well, sheltered from
the smells of the polluting industries by the dominant winds.12
11 Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 4
12 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech, p. 218
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13
To the south of the city palm groves, orchards and gardens were
planted to maintain a local supply of food.
By now Marrakech was home to around 120,000 inhabitants
and a prosperous and wealthy city dotted with luxurious palaces
Figure 6 -A sketch map ofMarrakech in 1100
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and luscious gardens - it was a bastion of Islamic civilization
and an intellectual centre where the most famous scholars and
philosophers of the age converged13
.
During the early years of the Marrakechs urbanisation the
Almoravid leaders executed a city wide master plan (g.
7), aligning the city ramparts, city gates, and building a new
Jami Masjid Mosuqe based on astronomical and geometric
calculations made at the time. As you can see the orientation
of the Mosques qibla14
has been rotated between Figure 6and Figure 7, this would have been due to new astronomical
discoveries and methods found at the time.
Construction of the ramparts was only to begin when a series of
astronomical conditions where met to ensure their solidity and
strength. The exact date when the ramparts where constructed is
unknown, however the astronomic conditions were chronicled inancient documents allowing modern day astronomers to calculate
the exact date when construction would have begun. Using
simulation methods it is possible to reconstruct the alignment of
stars and planets at any place on earth, at any moment in time
- hence astronomers have concluded that construction begun
on the 25th June 1126, when all the chronicled astronomic
conditions would have been fullled (g. 8).15
As the city grew water became increasingly scarce and although
there were many shallow wells, the sheer number of inhabitants
13 http://www.dar-sirr.com/Patron_Saints_of_Marrakech.html
14 axis pointing towards Mecca
15 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech, p. 229
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Figure 7 Marrakech Masterplan circa. 1120
Figure 8
Astrological chart
for Marrakech on
June 25th 1126
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producing waste water and sewage, which disposed of in
absorbing wells, was making the availability of consumable
groundwater extremely limited. In addition the increased needfor food meant that the orchards and gardens were in need of
an efcient irrigation system.
It was the Almoravids who installed the rst khetteras16
in Marrakech, with the various following dynasties further
developing and expanding the network.
[Khetteras are a system] that involves the tapping of
the aquiter or water table in high ground or hillsides,
and bringing the water down through man made
underground channels to cultivated areas in the
valleys and plains. Vertical shafts are dug to allow
access to the channel [like wells], and used in the
original excavation and for the maintenance of the
horizontal channel. By using a horizontal channel,
the water is easily brought to the areas of settlementand agriculture. The underground channels are
noted for their reliability. (g. 11)17
The khetteras were an inuence the social order of the city. The
point at which water rst enters the city ramparts is when it is
at its purest. Once inside the city and gardens (g. 10) it was
common forkhetteras to become an open and accessible channelwhich were increasingly soiled as they penetrated deeper into the
city centre. Therefore in the Medina the supply of water made it
desirable for the wealthy to build theirriads as close to the city
16 Man made underground waterways, originally developed in Iran
17 Afshar, F. , Architectural Design, vol. 45 no. 4, Apr 1975, p. 223-224
16
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Figure 9 -A dried up khettera
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ramparts as possible, to ensure not only purity, but priority of water.
In Marrakech the water was initially fed to the palaces and then
into the food producing gardens and orchards, only surplus waterwas passed on into residential areas, with those at the bottom
of the pecking order often receiving no water at all in times of
drought (g 9).
Figure 11 - Typical khettera section
Figure 10 - Open khettera in apalmerie
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Figure 12 - Map ofKhetteras in the Medina from 1900
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20
Housing
Looking at a satellite photo of the Medina today we see a
continuous fabric of roofs punctuated by hundreds of squareholes - the courtyard house. This type of house is one of the
oldest known urban housing types in the world.
At least three factors have contributed to its
apparently unchanged popularity: rst, the relatively
economical use of land, as this house type does not
require large building sites; second the courtyardhouse guarantees, even in crowded urban
conditions, maximum security and privacy, which are
of paramount importance wherepurdah is imposed
by the household head; and third this house type,
which frequently has a planted courtyard, is well
adapted to the conditions of hot urban climates.18
All houses are formed on the same model - an open air patio
or garden surrounded by internal habitation. All rooms open
onto this central space with sleeping and living quarters usually
located alongside the courtyard and the corner rooms reserved
for kitchens, stores, stairs and toilets (g. 13).
The rooms themselves are long and narrow, their shapedetermined by the span of available timber roong beams, usually
between 2-3 metres. Blinded on three sides by party walls, the
elevation facing the alleyways of the fourth side is usually blank
and windowless which provides an intriguing contrast to the
18 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 215
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enchanting atmosphere found within. It is this private central
space which serves the house with light and ventilation and acts
as a central circulation space between rooms.
In Marrakech there are several variations of the courtyard house:
the Riad, the Darand the Foundouk- although they are all fairly
similar. The Riadis the most desirable with an interior courtyard
large enough for fountains, planted trees and gardens. The Dar
(g. 15) is very similar in terms of layout, but has a much smaller
courtyard without any planted area - perhaps a small fountain
Figure 13 -A typical Riad Plan
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and some potted plants. Finally a Fondouk (g. 14) is an old
merchants warehouse that has been converted into cheap
habitation. They are also formed around a central courtyardbound by habitable rooms. At the beginning of the 20th century,
as the trans Saharan trade route died out, many Fondouks in
the Medina where converted into tenements.
It is reasonable to order these dwellings into socioeconomic
groups, Riads are the home of the most afuent, Dars are
occupied by the middle classes and Foundouks by lowerincome groups and immigrants. Overcrowding, poor sanitary
conditions and lack of regular maintenance are the main feature
ofFondouks.19
Households are often inhabited by several generations of the
family, with an average of 12 people per house in the Medina.20
Much like the Medina itself, courtyard houses have often grownorganically to suit the needs of their inhabitants, expanding over
time.
Figure 16 shows the growth ofRiadover a fourteen year period
from a single room inhabited by three people to a two story
house inhabited by seventeen.
Houses in the Medina are vernacular and are still built using
basic, local materials in the same manner as a thousand years
ago: foundations of stone, walls of either earth bricks laid in lime
or rammed earth. Roofs are at and structured from a skeleton
19 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 218
20 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 224
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Figure 14 (above)
Plan of a typical Fondouk
Figure 15 (right)
Plan of a typical Dar
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Figure 16
Evolution of Riad to suit family needs.
Key
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of timber beams which are then lined with bamboo, grass
matting, a layer of mud and then nally several layers of lime
mortar which require annual maintenance to remain leak free.
None of the materials used are particularly durable and houses
needed frequent repair and renovation.
In a city that is constantly being rebuilt, one notices
that the layout of its streets and the breakdown of
its plots remain relatively stable. One may assume
26
Figure 17
Interior side of typical roong system
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that many houses in Marrakech are built according
to the layout of the houses that preceded them.
Because of the accumulation of trash in the streets,the average level of the ground in the Medina
is ve metres above where it was when the city
was created. Some very old houses have [central
courtyards] so deep that sometimes one has to go
down a staircase to get to them. These burried
houses are probably older than those whos [central
courtyard] is at street level.21
The courtyard conguration also forms a microclimate that aids
the cooling of the house. This can be broken down into three
stages:
During the rst cycle, the cool night air descends into
the courtyard and lls the surrounding rooms. Walls,
oors, columns, roofs, ceilings and furniture are
cooled at night and remain so until the late afternoon.
The courtyard loses heat by irradiation to the sky.
The second cycle usually starts around noon
when the sun directly strikes the courtyard oor.
Some of the cool air begins to rise and also leaks
out of the surrounding rooms. This action sets up
convection currents in the rooms which may afford
further comfort. The courtyard now begins to act as
21 Wilbaux, Q., Marrakech - The Secret of Courtyard Houses, p. 54
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a chimney. At this hour the ambient temperature is
very high outside, but the thick earth walls do not
permit the external heat to penetrate to the inside ofthe house. The adobe walls are excellent insulators,
and the time-lag for an external wall of average
thickness may be as much as twelve hours. Three
out of four external walls on an average are party
walls; thus the house remains enclosed on all sides
and is insulated from heat gain during the day.
During the third cycle, the courtyard oor and the
inside of the house get warmer and further convection
currents are set up by the late afternoon. Most of the
cool air trapped within the rooms spills out by sunset.22
The courtyards are often planted with lush gardens (g. 18)
arranged around a central fountain which also help lower the
temperature - as moisture from plants or water from fountains
evaporates it cools the surrounding air.
22 Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 3
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29
Figure 18- Typical Riad interior courtyard
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While the courtyard houses of the Medina are built around the
concept of privacy and are insular in their design, the principle
streets ofMarrakech form a city wide theatre of public humanencounter. This type of street life and human exchange naturally
forms social bonds amongst the inhabitants.23
The very ne urban grain of the Medina is characterised
by narrow winding streets that appear labyrinthine in their
complexity, and together with Riads and Dars form an important
part of the Medinas microclimate. The meandering streets whichtwist and turn have closed vistas and perform the same function
as a courtyard by retaining any cool air that is deposited during
the night from being swept out by the rst puff of wind as would
occur in a gridiron plan.24
The street pattern is hierarchical. The main
thoroughfares and secondary streets are reservedfor trading activities, public buildings and amenities;
they constitute the main arteries of the Medina. The
narrower side streets andderbs, whose essential role
is to provide access to the houses, are perpendicular
to the thoroughfares and secondary streets, their
private aspect creates a strong contrast with the
principal streets. The groups of houses hemmed inthe side streets constitute blocks to which access is
provided by derbs leading to the houses.25
23 Salat, S., Sustainable Arabic Urban Design at neighbourhood scale, p. 14
24 Fathy, H., Natural Energy & Vernacular Architecture, p. 64
25 Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 8
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European Infuence
For almost a millennia the city of Marrakech had remained
conned by walls of the Medina, but after Morocco became a
protectorate of France in 1912 this began to change.
At the time there was a Colonial urban policy that sought to
protect ancient and indigenous towns and cities from changes
made by European newcomers and it was thus that the district
Guelizrst appeared near the northwestern edge of the Medina.
The town layout was based on a distinctively French radial
street plan (g. 19) with wide streets and boulevards which
was a stark contrast to the meandering alleyways found in the
Medina. (g. 20-23)
[In the Medina] under the canopied streets the
Arabian Night came to life. The smells and poverty
Figure 19 - Plan ofGuelizin 1919
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Figure 20 -Aerial view of the Medina
Figure 22 -Aerial view of Gueliz
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Figure 21 - Typical street of the Medina
Figure 23 - Typical street of Gueliz
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receded into the darkness of the night and in the
glare of naked gas lamps and electric bulbs the
fantasy of colours and cloths and beaten copperand pottery sent the head spinning. This riot
of colour and noises is met in every one of the
twisting intertwining souks and the maze of left
and right angle bends and turns. After the Medina
the European town ofMarrakech-Guelizis visually
depressing. Like the old town it is mostly two stories
in height, but whereas the Arab streets are narrowand winding, and appropriate to the broiling climate
the streets [here] are very, very wide and help much
in creating the impression of a huge sprawl.26
In 1919 Marrakech Municipal Services published a review on
the new and growin city ofGueliz, which offer some interesting
insights into the European attitude at that time.
For reasons of a political and social order Europeans
and Moroccans are required not to live side by side,
to avoid daily friction and misunderstanding, we are
individuals of different mentalities and manners, not to
say opposite; reasons of a commercial and industrial
nature with regard with the layout of the indigenouscity and the narrowness of its streets; aesthetic
reasons in order to leave intact the picturesque city;
and last but not least for hygienic reasons.
26 Oakley, D., Housing and town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 131
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Marrakech is like a big foundouk. There is a oating
population of somewhere around 30,000 and
conceived to be extremely badly educated. We mustadd that cattle, camels and donkeys wander the town
loaded with eas and ticks ying about in the wind.
The method of construction underfoot, the amount
of ruined buildings as the city gradually disintegrates
and resolves to turn itself incessantly into dust.
During the summer the slightest breeze raises
opaque clouds of sand and pulverized rubbish of anykind; winter, on the other hand, produces torrential
rains which turn the squares and streets into swamps
and small lakes. The city has almost no slope and
the old sewers date back several centuries being
half lled and impossible to visit, the only method of
wastewater disposal consists of multiple absorbing
wells that horribly pollute the groundwater.
If indeed we want to attract Europeans, and many
natives are certainly not without charm, Guelizmust
provide attractive and comfortable housing where
the water ows at will and bath and shower facilities
are possible as a result. Housing is to be more
comfortable and enjoyable, indigenous houses areoften cold and wet winter, although generally well
protected against the scorching heat.27
27 Aimel, G.,French Morocco - Birth of a City
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Indeed the microclimate created by the urban structure of the
Medina is far more favourable than that ofGueliz. A recent study
of the city of Fez, which has a similar climate to Marrakech,reveals the difference in temperature between the Medina and
a modern European development similar to Gueliz.
Two streets, typical of their urban morphologies, were analysed
(g. 24), a narrow alley in the Medina and wider road in the
European town, and their ambient temperatures thematically
compared with that of surrounding rural areas.
Results (g. 25) clearly show the morphology of the Medina
provides a far more stable environment for habitation. On the
hottest day of the year ambient street temperatures are 10Ccooler than in the European town, and 8C cooler than the
surrounding countryside.
The main reason for this cool island effect in the Medina is
related to the height and width of the of the streets. During
the day they remain mostly shaded minimising solar gain and
Figure 24 - Cross sections of analysed streets
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Medina
European
Rural
Medina
European
Rural
Hotest day of the summer
Coldest day of the winter
Figure 25 -Analysis results
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staying cool. Additionally during the day warm air above the
roofs is unable to reach street level because the main airow
skims over the deep and narrow alleys - the warm air is morebuoyant than the cool air in the alleys and cannot descend.28
The relatively cool nights (in comparison to day time
temperatures) in Marrakech allow roof tops to cool down
efciently during the night through radiative cooling after which
the cool air packets may descend into the alleyways below,
refreshing them for the day ahead.
Conclusion
Since the creation of Gueliz many new areas have been
urbanised around Medina (g. 26) . The plan of these new
areas is generally based on an wide, auto centric, grid system
- an extremely limited approach in terms of climatic urbandesign. Like many cities in the developing world Marrakech
has experienced a surge in population over the last century
and urban sprawl is having huge implications on energy
consumption and social integration. During the 1950s French
housing developers complained:
One of the major problems facing the housedesigners is that the Moslem seems unable to cook
unless he lights an open re on the ground. Those
who have been forced by events to live in multi-
storey dwellings have lit res on the balconies and
28 Johansson, E., Building & Environment 41, p. 1333
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Almoravids 1069-1147
Alawites 1669-1912
French Protectorate 1912-1956
Almohads 1147-1269
Merinids + Sadians 1269-1669
Independence 1956-
Figure 26 - Growth of Marrakech since 1069
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cooked on them, ignoring the kitchen equipment
provided. It is mathematically impossible to house
all the immigrant families at the present density ofone-storey development.29
Given that the buildings within the Medina are of vernacular
technology they were designed to provide a maximum level of
comfort in a world without fossil fuels, they provide examples of
complete urban complexes based on zero energy bioclimatic
urban morphologies.30
It is estimated that their will be 100 million new inhabitants living
in cities in hot and arid regions like Marrakech by 2030, therefore
it is vital that issues such as urban sprawl, consumption of
energy, consumption of water are confronted with renewed
vigour. The social fabric of society in Marrakech is woven in the
ne urban grain of the Medinas streets. The construction of carcentric suburbs renders the public arena of the streets empty,
and soulless by comparison. The suburbs are uncomfortable
in the heat and inhabitants remain indoors in air conditioned
bubbles whenever possible only venturing outside to scuttle
into their air conditioned cars that transport them from one air
conditioned bubble to another. The ancient ways of society are
forcibly being eroded in these new developments.
If we compare the Medinas centre, the pulsating square of
Djemaa el Fna to the central square in Gueliz, Place du 16
Novembre, it is simply depressing. (g. 27 & 38)
29 Oakley, D., Housing & town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 127-137
30 Salat, S., Sustainable Arabic Urban Design at neighborhood scale, p. 14
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Figure 27 - Djemaa el Fna
Figure 28 - Place du 16 Novembre
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It is difficult situation that policy makers in these areas
must address boldly and head on. The fundamental issue is
how to integrate design scaled for the motorcar and designscaled for human beings. The social and climatic advantages
of narrow street system is clear, but cars are a reality of
modern society and it is probably unrealistic to imagine a
city built without any accessibility for motorcars. Perhaps an
urban block should be scaled in such a manner that allows
further breakdown of many smaller human scaled urban
blocks to exist within, but of course this creates the problemof connectivity between blocks.
However, one such scheme has been built in suburban
Marrakech, taking a wealth of inspiration from the social and
climatic function of the Medina. The Anbar Housing Project
is a large urban block 560 social apartments, a mosque and
a public garden.
While at first the sheer scale of the urban block looks slightly
galling (fig. 29), upon closer inspection it is possible to see
that the apartments are assembled around a network of
narrow, alleyways and courtyards inspired by the Medina (fig
30 & 31).
A standard apartment has three rooms, and much like a
traditional riadthe central space is used to connect the different
rooms. In the ground oor apartments the kitchen is connected
to a traditional open air loggia - traditionally a place to sit and
relax in the evenings.
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Figure 29 - Aerial view
Figure 30 - Alleys revealed
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Figure 20 - An interior alleyway of the Anbar Block
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Architect Elie Mouyal says of the project:
The conguration and arrangement depend on thecourt and covered alleys have created a special
microclimate for the huge site. Courtyards serve as
a reservoir of cool-fresh air; just as dominated in
the city plan [of the Medina]. Performing the same
function, narrow winding alleys retain any cool air
that may be deposited during the night from being
swept away by the rst puff of wind.
The layout characteristics is meant to encourage
residents to walk, increase sociability, foster a
distinctive community identity and maintain strong
connective links to the surroundings and city
centre.31
This pioneering modern housing project is clearly taking a step
in the required direction, but it is now up to planners to propose
and enforce citywide plans that offer a far more holistic approach
to urbanism.
31 Eldeen, H., Ethical Reasoning, Architecture +, vol. 4, 2003, p. 46-47
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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IdeArte srl, Viareggio, 2005
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Wilbaux, Q., Marrakesh: The Secret of Courtyard Houses, ACR
Eddition Internationale, Paris, 1999
Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech: Formation des espaces
urbains, Harmattan, Paris, 2001
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Johansson, E., Inuence of urban geometry on outdoor thermal
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Ettoumi, F.Y., Temperature variations in a housing of the semi-arid
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NTERNET
http://www.lowcost-morocco-travel.com/index.php?ref=marrakech-history
http://www.khiruna.com/index.php?move-abroad-live-in-africa_19/
living-working-moving-to-marrakech-morocco_55/
http://yuriawanohara.blogspot.co.uk/2008/08/morocco-marrakesh-to-
zagora-22-25-july.html
http://mangin2marrakech.canalblog.com/archives/photos_
anciennes__cartes_postales_et_photographes/index.html
http://www.caseyobrienblondes.com/category/eating-drinking/
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