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Anna Windfeldt Thor
Inscription number: 2
Supervisor: Morten B
Submitted: March 201
Word Count: 22717
The
T
A Study of Politici
Victi
Department
ing
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nder
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Politicians Place i
erapeutic Practice
ans Participation in Ceremonies
s of Torture in Uttar Pradesh, In
aster Thesis, !"#$
of Political Science and Government, Aarhus Un
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%eha&ilitatin'
dia
versity
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The front page photo depicts an honour ceremony in Sarai Village, Varanasi District, Uttar
Pradesh, India on the 13th
of June 2013.
All photos in this thesis were taken by Mr. Rohit Kumar, staff member of Peoples Vigilance
Committee on Human Rights, and reproduced with his permission.
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Figure 1: Map of the Indian state Uttar Pradesh, where ceremonies rehabilitating victims of torture take place.
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Ta&le of Contents
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................ 6
THE STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS........................................................................................................................... 8
CHAPTER 2: INTRODUCING THE HONOUR CEREMONIES ...................................................... ............. 9
CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND KEY CONCEPTS .................................................. 14
WEDEENS PERFORMATIVE RESEARCH AGENDA.......................................................................... ..................... 14
A Performative Understanding of Qat-chews ........................................................ ........................................ 15
Participation in the Qat-chews ...................................................................................................................... 16
Examining Participation in the Qat-chews ........................................................... ......................................... 16
PARTHA CHATTERJEES CIVIL SOCIETY............................................................................................................ . 18
Electoral Politics Defined ......................... ............................................................ ........................................ 20Chatterjee Challenged ................................................... ........................................................... ..................... 22
Chatterjees Defence ..................................................................................................................................... 23
CHAPTER 4: THEORETICAL EXPECTATIONS ........................................................................................ 26
CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ................................................................... . 27
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY.......................................................... ........................................................... ........... 27
AN INTERPRETIVE APPROACH...................................................... ........................................................... ........... 28
APPLYING THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK....................................................................................................... 29
GENERATING DATA............................................................................................................................................ 29Semi-structured Interviews ............................................................................................................................ 30
Observation Studies ....................................................... ........................................................... ..................... 30
The Selection of Informants ..................................................... ........................................................... ........... 31
The Selection of Observation Sites ................................................................................................................ 33
Sources of data discussed ........................................................ ........................................................... ........... 37
Working in Translation.................................................................................................................................. 38
Ethical Challenges .......................... ............................................................ .................................................. 38
PROCESSING THE DATA...................................................... ........................................................... ..................... 38
CHAPTER 6: FIRST PART OF THE ANALYSIS ........................................................... ............................... 41
THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE POLITICIANS........................................................................................................... 41
The Village Head ........................................................................................................................................... 41
The Village Council Member ................................................... ........................................................... ........... 42
The Political Party Member .......................................................................................................................... 42
The State Level Politician ........................................................ ........................................................... ........... 44
DISCUSSING THE POLITICIANSINVOLVEMENT............................................................................. ..................... 45
CHAPTER 7: SECOND PART OF THE ANALYSIS ....................................................... .............................. 50
EXPLAINING THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE POLITICIANS.................................................................. ..................... 50
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Community Ties ............................................................................................................................................. 50
The Village Heads Community Ties ............................................................................................. ........... 50
The Village Head Lacks Community Ties ................................................................. ............................... 52
The Village Committee Members Community Ties .............................. .................................................. 53
Understanding the Politicians Community Ties ........................................................ ............................... 54
The Self-serving Politician ............................................................................................................................ 56
The Self-serving Village Head ............................................................................................. ..................... 56
The Self-serving Political Party Member ............................................................................. ..................... 56
The Self-serving State Level Politician ................................................... .................................................. 58
Understanding the Self-serving Politician ........................................................ ......................................... 60
The Politicians Mandate .............................................................................................................................. 61
The Village Heads Mandate ......................................................... ........................................................... . 61
The Village Head Corrupted .......................................................... ........................................................... . 63
Understanding the Politicians Mandate ........................................................... ......................................... 65
EXPLAINING THE POLITICIANSINVOLVEMENT.......................................................... ........................................ 66
CHAPTER 8: SUMMARIZING THE RESULTS OF THE ANALYSIS ...................................................... . 68
CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH ......................................................... .............................. 71
CHAPTER 10: CONCLUSION AND PERSPECTIVES ................................................... .............................. 73
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................................... 75
APPENDIX 1: INTERVIEW-GUIDE ................................................................................. .............................. 80
APPENDIX 2: CALENDAR .............................................................................................................................. 81
ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................................................... 82
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Chapter 1: Introduction
Torture and ill-treatment remains an unresolved problem in India. In most cases, victims
receive neither treatment nor remedy, because there is no enforceable right to rehabilitation of
torture survivors under Indian law. Peoples Vigilance Committee on Human Rights
(PVCHR) is one of many human rights organizations in India, which provides victims of
torture with alternate measures of relief. PVCHR is based in Uttar Pradesh, the most populous
state in India. Uttar Pradesh is marred by poverty with 59 million people living below the
poverty line (Ministry of Rural Development, 2009). Torture and abuse is most often
perpetrated against the very poor and few victims obtain legal redress. From their central
office in Varanasi, PVCHR advocate against the use of torture and offer relief to people, who
have suffered grievous hurt.
In partnership with the Danish Institute against Torture (DIGNITY), PVCHR organizes and
hosts ceremonies aimed at rehabilitating victims of torture. To participants these gatherings
are known as honour ceremonies and are public events, which form part of a treatment
program named testimonial therapy. Testimonial therapy is a therapeutic practice aimed at
improving the victims mental health. In the honour ceremonies, torture victims written
testimonies are presented and shared with a larger public. PVCHR views giving testimony as
an important step towards healing the torture survivors mental wounds.
To its practitioners, testimonial therapy is an intervention strategy with far reaching effects.
Not only does it heal individual hurt, proponents believe that it can affect political change
(Agger & Raghuvanshi, 2008). In the literature written on testimonial therapy, there are
numerous references to the political effects of giving testimony (Agger et al. 2009). Yet there
have been no studies conducted so far, which digs deeper into these claims of political effects.
Very little has been written about the honour ceremonies, which take place in Uttar Pradesh,
and even less is known about politicians involvement in the honour ceremonies. None of the
researchers, who have described the testimonial therapy program in India, have examined
whether PVCHR seeks to involve politicians in the ceremonies (Cruz, 2012). So far, all the
research conducted on testimonial therapy and the honour ceremonies has focused primarily
on the mental health aspects of the therapy (Agger et al. 2009).
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The thesis seeks to amend this lack of knowledge about the honour ceremonies and provide an
answer to a fairly straight forward question. Are politicians invited to the ceremonies? The
thesis takes a first step towards finding an answer to this question by asking PVCHR, whether
they invite politicians to the ceremonies. In short, the research question of this thesis is as
follows.
The research question is descriptive, because so little is known about participation in the
ceremonies and where PVCHR stands on this issue. Though one might wish to examine the
effects of the honour ceremonies in an evaluation of the rehabilitation method, this cannot be
done before we have covered the very basics. As John Gerring notes, the descriptive work
comes before the work, which explains (Gerring, 2012: 733).
To answer the research question, the thesis draws on the writings of the Indian historian
Partha Chatterjee. In Chatterjees research, we find rich descriptions of Indian NGOs and their
interaction with politicians. Chatterjee observes how NGOs and politicians often are
remarkably antagonistic towards each other. Chatterjees theorizing on the relationship
between NGOs and politicians is included in this thesis theoretical framework, because it
contains an explanation of what guides NGOs in their interaction with politicians. By
incorporating certain elements from Chatterjees writings on NGO tactics, the thesis aims at
arriving at a deeper understanding of what drives PVCHR in their interaction with politicians.
However, Chatterjees work on NGOs is just one component of the thesis theoretical
framework. Chatterjees writings are rich with detail and complexity, but offer no practical
advice as to how one undertakes a study of a public event. Here, the thesis draws on the
writings of Lisa Wedeen, an American professor of political science. Lisa Wedeen has
examined qat-chews, which are public gatherings that are similar to the honour ceremonies,
but which take place in Yemen. Through ethnographic research, Wedeen examines these
What is PVCHRs stand on politicians participation in the honour ceremonies?
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public events. Wedeens study is relevant to this thesis, because she writes at length about
how to examine participation in the gatherings. The thesis adopts her analytical approach and
investigates the research question through one month of ethnographic research consisting of
field observations and semi-structured interviews with the staff working in PVCHRs offices
in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.
When combined in the thesis theoretical framework, Wedeen and Chatterjee supplement each
other favourably. Lisa Wedeens writings deal specifically with participation in public events
in a Middle Eastern context. Though she writes expertly on participation, many of her
findings are not directly transferable to the Indian context. By combining Wedeens analytical
approach with Chatterjees extensive knowledge about the work of NGOs on the Indian
subcontinent, the thesis theoretical framework stands stronger.
The Structure of the Thesis
This introductory chapter is followed by chapter 2, where the honour ceremonies are
introduced. Chapter 3 contains a presentation of the theoretical framework and the key
concepts. Chapter 4 details the theoretical expectation derived from the theoretical
framework. Chapter 5 addresses the research design alongside the research methodology. This
chapter also contains a discussion of how key terms have been operationalised and an account
of data generation and processing. The analysis falls in two parts in chapters 6 and 7. The
findings of the analysis are summarized in chapter 8 followed by a discussion of the research
design in chapter 9. The thesis comes to a close with a conclusion and perspectives in chapter
10.
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Chapter 2: Introducing the Honour Ceremonies
In the following, testimonial therapy is briefly introduced alongside PVCHRs work on the
honour ceremonies. The honour ceremonies are a component in testimonial therapy; a
therapeutic method aimed at rehabilitating victims of torture. Briefly explained, the Indian
testimonial therapy program consists of four steps. Initially, the mental health status of the
victim is assessed by PVCHR staff on the basis of a questionnaire (PVCHR, 2013: M&E
Questionnaire). Afterwards, the victim is asked to narrate his/her story of the violation. A staff
member assists the victim in documenting the event and a written testimony is produced. The
written statement is then presented to an audience at an honour ceremony.1The testimonial
therapeutic process comes to close after the victim has undergone a final mental health
evaluation (Agger et al. 2009).
Testimonial therapy as an approach to rehabilitating victims of torture originated in Chile in
the late 1970s in a response to the human rights violations, which took place under Augusto
Pinochets military dictatorship (Agger & Jensen, 1996). Chilean psychologists and
psychiatrists began eliciting testimonies about the violations suffered by the victims and
found that collecting testimonies functioned as a means towards rehabilitation (Cienfuegos &
Monelli, 1983).2Testimonial therapy was further developed by the Danish psychologist Inger
Agger in partnership with the Danish Institute against Torture and introduced to a number of
DIGNITYs partner organizations in the Global South as a method of mental health
intervention.
In 2008, PVCHR, a partner organization to DIGNITY, expressed an interest in the
rehabilitation method. In their prior work, PVCHR had mainly been focused on providing
victims of torture in Uttar Pradesh with legal aid, but wished to expand on these activities and
introduce a program aimed at strengthening the victims mental health. PVCHR participated
in a series of training session on the testimonial method led by Inger Agger and shortly
1The informants consistently name the public event, where the testimony is read aloud to an audience, an
honour ceremony. In Hindi, they term it Samanth Samaro, which directly translates to hounor ceremony. This
thesis replicates the informants choice of words and refers to the public presentation of the testimony as an
honour ceremony.
2For a further introduction to testimonial therapy refer to the work of the psychologists Inger Agger and Sren
Buus Jensen, who have written extensively on the therapeutic dimension of testimonial therapy (Agger, 1988,2004, 2009 and Agger & Jensen 1989, 1990, 1992, 1996).
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afterwards initiated a testimonial therapy pilot program with support from DIGNITY (Agger
et al. 2009). The testimonial therapy program set in motion is still running and at present
PVCHR has expanded its scope and implemented it in the various parts of Uttar Pradesh,
where they have otherwise established a presence through their charitable programs. Figure 2
depicts the various locations, where PVCHR has put the testimonial therapy program into
practice and provides an overview of the sites, where honour ceremonies have taken place.
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Figure 2:Map of Uttar Pradesh with an overview of the sites, where the testimonial therapy program has beenimplemented (Report from PVCHR to DIGNITY, 2013).
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In the research for this thesis, precise estimates of the number of honour ceremonies held
since 2008 were hard to come by, but it is safe to say that the figure has surpassed hundred by
now. In the years 2010-2012, PVCHR held 25 honour ceremonies, which were open to the
larger public (see table 1). PVCHR estimates that since 2012 the ceremonies have been held
with an even greater frequency. Their claim is supported by observations made during the
field work for this thesis, where PVCHR organized four larger ceremonies within the
timeframe of a single albeit busy month.
Table 1: Honour Ceremonies organized by PVCHR from 2010-2012, Uttar Pradesh India.
Site No. of ceremonies No. of people participating
Badagaon 6 honour ceremonies Missing data
Pindra 6 honour ceremonies 569Robertsganj 5 honour ceremonies 609
Domchach 2 honour ceremonies 34
Tanda 5 honour ceremonies 554
Varanasi 1 honour ceremony 150
Total 25 honour ceremonies Estimated 1916 people
participating
Source: Report from PVCHR to DIGNITY, 2013.
It is worth noting that the ceremonial component of testimonial therapy is particular to the
Indian context and is a recent addition to the testimonial method.3It was first developed by
Inger Agger in collaboration with PVCHR in the workshops, which took place in 2008. At
present, PVCHR views the ceremony as an indispensable component of the testimonial
therapy program and emphasizes that all victims, who undergo testimonial therapy, should
present their testimonies to an audience.
Depending on the wishes of the victim, the honour ceremony, where the testimony is
presented, can take place in private setting, where only close family and friends participate.
Alternatively, the victim can opt for a more public function, where the written testimony is
presented to a larger audience and is open to the public (PVCHR, 2013: M&E Questionnaire).
According to PVCHR, most victims prefer to have their testimony presented to a larger
audience in a public setting.
3 In earlier versions of testimonial therapy implemented elsewhere, presenting the written testimony to an
audience was not an integrated part of the treatment. Only if the victim actively expressed an interest in sharing
his/her testimony with others after the treatment had come to an end, would such an event be arranged and
carried out.
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A review of the literature written on testimonial therapy reveals that there has been some
research describing PVCHRs testimonial therapy program. Counted among this research is a
pilot-study of the mental health benefits of the therapy. Based on a limited number of
observations, the study tentatively concludes that giving testimony leads to an improvement
in the torture survivors mental health (Agger et al. 2009). Recently, DIGNITY has initiated a
larger-scale quantitative research project aimed at substantiating the findings from the smaller
scale study. The purpose of this comprehensive evaluation is to validate whether testimonial
therapy leads to an improvement in the mental health of the participants. More than 800
people, who have undergone testimonial therapy, have filled out questionnaires specifying
their mental health status. The data is still being processed, but initial findings confirm that
testimonial therapy has had a positive impact on the victims mental health.
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Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework and Ke Concepts
The thesis examination of PVCHRs perception of politicians participating in the honour
ceremonies is guided by a theoretical framework, which draws on two sources. The writings
of Lisa Wedeen on the performance of citizenship in public gatherings in Yemen and Partha
Chatterjees account of NGO tactics in the Indian state West Bengal. The following section
provides an account of the two components of the theoretical framework.
!edeen"s #erformati$e %esearch &genda
In examining PVCHRs take on politicians involvement in the honour ceremonies, the thesis
draws heavily on the work of the political scientist Lisa Wedeen and her study of democracy
in Yemen (Wedeen, 2009). In her country study of Yemen, Wedeen contributes to the debate
on whether democracy is to be understood in minimalist terms or if one should ascribe to a
more substantial definition. In examining whether Yemen might be termed democratic,
Wedeen takes a special interest in qat-chews. Briefly explained, qat-chews are public
gatherings, where people group together, chew qat and discuss current events.4 Wedeen
examines the qat-chews in an ethnographic monograph with the purpose of determining,
whether this type of activity can be termed democratic.
Wedeens approach to examining the qat-chews is guided by performative principles. To
Wedeen, a performative approach is more than just a vocabulary with theatrical roots.Though
politics is populated by actors, antagonists and audiences and political scientists often use
terminology such as scenarios, dramatic moves, climaxes, backstage to describe it, the
performative marks a distinct research agenda (Bala, 2007: 47).
The performative approach gained prominence through the work of Judith Butler, a professor
of comparative literature and rhetoric, who has written extensively on questions of gender
identity (see Butler, 1990). Central to the performative research agenda are questions of how a
persons identity comes into being. What Wedeen terms the formation of selves (Wedeen,
2009: 182). To performative theorists identity is a performance. This is captured by Butler,
who writes that identity is performatively constituted by the very "expressions" that are said
to be its results (Butler, 1990: 25). Thinking performatively implies accepting the conviction
4
Qat is a leafy plant, which when chewed acts as an amphetamine-like stimulant. In Yemen, qat is oftenconsumed in a social setting.
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that selves, on this account, do not exist, as if in some authentic mode, independently of the
actions by which they are constituted (Wedeen, 2009: 87). Rather, one becomes a subject
through performing.
& #erformati$e 'nderstanding of (at)chews
Wedeen takes a performative view of the qat-chews in Yemen, when she argues that
participants in the qat-chews are engaged in a performance of Yemeni democratic citizenship.
By participating in the qat-chews, Yemeni nationals constitute themselves as democratic
citizens (Wedeen, 2009: 213). Wedeen makes the argument that democratic citizenship is not
something, which is conferred upon the individual, but rather that one becomes a democratic
citizen by acting as one. She observes how the deliberation so evident in these meetings
represents an important aspect of democratic practice and personhood (Wedeen, 2009: 104).
Wedeen argues that participants in the qat-chew constitute themselves as citizens by
conforming to democratic norms and she therefore identifies the qat-chews as an example of a
performative practice. Wedeen defines performative practices as bodily and speech acts that
iterate norms in the context of everyday life (Wedeen, 2009: 105).5Wedeen finds that it is a
similar set of norms, which are repeated by all participants in the qat-chews. To Wedeen, the
qat-chews are an example of a democraticperformative practice, because actors reproduce
norms, which she identifies as democratic. Simply put, participants in the qat-chews iterate
norms, which are democratic and thereby they constitute themselves as democratic citizens.
Though the performative perspective privileges actions as the mode of creating and
consolidating attitudes (Bala, 2007: 64), Wedeen acknowledges that participants prior set of
values might have influenced their involvement in the qat-chews. Thus, Wedeen does not
dismiss the importance of values altogether. She acknowledges that attitudes held by Yemeni
nationals prior to their participation in the qat-chews influence their performance as
democratic citizens in the ceremonies. Nonetheless, Wedeens analytical approach favours
uncovering the norms iterated by the participants in the qat-chews. These iterated norms are
viewed as key in understanding the political identities of the participants.
5Wedeens definition of a performative practice echoes Judith Butlers use of the concept. See Hjgaard &
Sndergaard for an introduction to Butlers understanding of performative practices (Hjgaard & Sndergaard,
2010: 318).
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#articipation in the (at)chews
In Wedeens study, she examines four aspects of the Yemeni qat-chews. She takes an interest
in what topics make the agenda of the chews and how the topics in question are discussed.
She also examines, what kinds of people participate and the different roles played by the
individual participants in the chews (Wedeen, 2009: 126). In that participation is a central
concern in this thesis, it is worth dwelling further on Wedeens motivation for including
participation as an element in her analysis of the norms reproduced in the chews.
Wedeen makes the argument that if one is to fully understand the chews as an example of a
performative practice, then one has to look at, what actors are included in the proceedings and
what kind of actors are excluded from the chews.6
Wedeen finds that examining, who is
involved in the chews or alternatively barred entry, constitutes an important step towards
determining, whether the qat-chews can be interpreted as a democratic performative practice.
In Wedeens analysis of participation in the gatherings, she arrives at findings, which suggest
that participation in the chews is governed by democratic norms. Wedeen observes how the
organizers of the chews emphasize that the forums are open to anyone, who wishes to
participate. None are excluded. To Wedeen, this lends supports to her conviction that thechews are best understood as democratic practices. Wedeen finds that the organizers
reproduce democratic values, when they allow all concerned parties entry, because this
ensures that all are able to make their voices heard in the forums.
*+amining #articipation in the (at)chews
Theoretically, Wedeen unpacks participation in the qat-chews by incorporating theoretical
concepts, which originate from the work of Oxford philosopher J. L. Austin. In particular,
Austins analytical device, where all actions can be broken into three parts: a locutionary
component, an illocutionary component and a perlocutionary component. To Austin, this
threefold distinction provides the researcher with a more profound understanding of peoples
actions (Austin, 1975: 99). Austin finds that acts, which appear to be similar, often are
dissimilar, if one takes the speakers intention(the illocutionary) and the audiences reaction
(the perlocutionary)into account. He terms these two factors context. Austin writes that the
6See also Birgitte Poulsens work on parents participation in Danish school boards. She makes an argument
similar to Wedeens about the importance of examining the norms, which govern the inclusion/exclusion of
actors (Poulsen, 2000: 162).
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words used are to some extent to be explained by the context (Austin, 1975: 100). Austin
observes that to fully appreciate the meaning of an act, the context has to be taken into
account. According to Chatterjee, all actions contain these three dimensions:
The locutionary dimension:the act itself
The illocutionary dimension:the speakers intention with the act
The perlocutionary dimension:the effects of the act
Austin posits, that this threefold distinction should be kept in mind by anyone, who wishes to
come to terms with how an act functions (Austin, 1975: 99).
Wedeens inquiry into the norms, which govern participation in the qat-chews, is to some
extent guided by Austins threefold distinction. Firstly, Wedeen uncovers the locutionary
dimension of participation in the qat-chews. This is done by examining, who the organizers
would invite to participate in the chews. Through meticulous observations in the field and by
asking questions about participation in the interviews, Wedeen arrives at the conclusion that
to the organizers none are barred entry. Hence, Wedeen is able to conclude that in regard to
the locutionary dimension, the organizers of the chews engage in the replication of democratic
values.
Wedeen also takes the illocutionary dimension into account and examines, why the organizers
of the qat-chews work to ensure that all interested parties are allowed entry. To Wedeen,
examining the organizers intentions does not presuppose grasping an inner essence or
getting into the heads of informants understood as captive minds of a system, but rather is
centred on the ways, in which people attempt to make apparent, observable sense of theirworld to themselves and to each other (Wedeen, 2009: 17). Wedeen finds that the
intentions of the qat-chew organizers can be uncovered simply by asking them to explain their
stance on who should be allowed entry to the chews. Wedeen finds that the organizers in their
justifications, where they emphasize the importance of involving everyone, replicate
democratic values. The organizers constitute themselves as democratic citizens in their
conviction that everyone should be allowed to participate.
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Briefly summarized, Wedeen adopts parts of Austins theoretical framework by paying
attention to the locutionary and illocutionary dimensions of the chews. Inspired by Austin,
Wedeen asks two kinds of questions about participation in the public forums.
1. Whom do the organizers invite to participate in the qat-chews?
2. How is participation talked about by the organizers?
Very deliberately, Wedeen refrains from dealing with the perlocutionary dimension of the qat-
chews. Wedeen does not examine how the norms which govern participation in the qat-chews
are received by Yemeni nationals (Wedeen, 2009: 216). Wedeen defends leaving out the
perlocutionary dimension, by arguing that a full account of this dimension would require
time, effort and resources, which at present lies beyond the scope of her work.
#artha Chatter,ee"s Ci$il Societ
Where Wedeen studies participation in the qat-chews with the aim of determining, whether
one can term Yemen a democratic polity, this thesis seeks to describe an NGOs stand on the
participation of politicians in the ceremony. Therefore, Wedeens performative approach
needs to be integrated with a theoretical framework, which explains how politicians and
NGOs relate to each other in an Indian setting. Partha Chatterjees writings on civil society
centres on Indian NGOs and their relationship with political agents and is therefore thought to
be relevant for this thesis purposes. In the following, Partha Chatterjees work is briefly
introduced.
Chatterjee is best known as a historian and has written on the nationalist movement in India
before and after independence, on questions of secularism and numerous other topics related
to modern Indian history.7He gained a large following in academic circles, when he in 1982
joined a group of prolific South Asian scholars and proposed a subaltern research strategy as a
contribution to the postcolonial research agenda (Chatterjee, 1998b: 289). Briefly explained,
subaltern research is concerned with understanding the political strategies of marginalized
groups in South Asia (Lilja, 2008: 20). Chatterjee took a special interest in NGOs relationship
with state agents, when he in the 1990s conducted field work among Calcuttas urban poor.
7
For an introduction to Partha Chatterjees authorship refer to Empire and Nation: Essential Writings 1985-2005 (Chatterjee, 2010).
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On the basis of his involvement with this section of Indian society, Chatterjee wrote The
Politics of the Governed (2004) in which he introduced the idea of an Indian civil society.
Civil society is a heralded concept within the field of political science and its usages multiple.
Often civil society is named the third sector of society, where the other two sectors in
question are the state and the market. Chatterjee acknowledges that civil society is a deeply
contested concept and therefore goes to some lengths in an attempt to clarify, what he means
by the concept. To Chatterjee, civil society refers to the manner in which people within a
given territory relate to state agents, who govern the polity. Chatterjee defines civil society as
a sphere where there are free associations, not under the tutelage of state power (Chatterjee,
1990: 276).
In defining civil society as a sphere, where the state does not interfere, it is apparent that
Chatterjee draws on the political philosopher John Lockes definition of civil society (Locke,
1689). Locke holds the view that in civil society people band together in a pre- or apolitical
sphere in order to protect a natural set of rights (Merkel, 2004: 45). Like other liberalist
thinkers, Locke proves wary of state power (Petersen, 2009: 216). According to Locke, there
is always the danger that state forces become tyrannical and threaten the individuals
freedoms. Civil society is envisioned as a vanguard capable of protecting people from the
looming tyranny of the state. Its purpose is to protect its members from the arbitrary rule of
the state, thereby guaranteeing the individuals negative freedoms (Merkel, 2004: 46).
Lockes emphasis on civil society ensuring the individuals right to life, liberty and estate
should be viewed as an attempt at carving out a space for the citizen outside the reach of state
agents (Petersen, 2009: 216).
In his study of the urban poor living in Calcutta, Indias third-largest metropolis, Chatterjee
detects the existence of a civil society, which closely resembles Lockes conceptualization. A
puzzled Chatterjee looks to the past for an explanation of this phenomenon. The answer is to
be found in Indias colonial past, where administrators of the British Empire implemented
principles, which were inspired by Lockes thoughts on the role of civil society. Chatterjee
makes the argument that the principles of civil society introduced by the British, still govern
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certain institutions in India to this day, albeit in limited form (Chatterjee, 1990: 286,
Chatterjee, 2004: 37).
Chatterjee counts NGOs among the institutions, which reproduce the values of civil society in
present day India (Chatterjee, 2012: 320). Chatterjee arrives at this conclusion based on
observations of Indian NGOs navigation within the field of electoral politics.
NGO activism is premised on a separation from the electoral forms of
representation; it is accountable to its constituents not through electoral practices.
Indeed, the dominant ideology that has guided such idealistic middle-class
activism is precisely the distance from the world of the politicians (Chatterjee,
2012: 320).
The quote captures Chatterjees motivation for characterizing NGOs as civil society actors.
NGOs can be termed civil society actors, because they view their independence from electoral
politics as a fundamental premise for their work (Harrison, 2007: 3). Though Chatterjee notes
that NGOs shy away from political interferences, he acknowledges that NGOs do operate
within a legal framework put in place by the legislators of electoral politics. It follows that
NGOs are not completely autonomous. Yet, Chatterjee maintains that NGOs are not under the
direct control of state agents (Held, 2006: 274).
*lectoral #olitics -efined
It is worth pointing out that Chatterjee in his study of NGO tactics only examines how NGOs
interact with actors involved in electoral politics. Chatterjee refrains from specifying what he
means by electoral politics, because he assumes that his readers are familiar with the
political structures, which govern India. For the sake of analytical clarity, what electoral
politics refers to in an Indian setting is briefly recounted. The actors of electoral politics are
the people who compete for votes in order to obtain political offices (Gallagher & Mitchell,
2005: 3).
Seeing that India is a federal polity consisting of 25 states and 7 territories, the actors of
electoral politics struggle to obtain votes at central, state and local level. At central level, the
actors involved in electoral politics seek to be representatives in the Indian Parliament. India
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Government
of India
State
Government
Division
District
Block
Village
Municipal
CorporationMunicipality
Ward
City Council
is a Westminster parliamentary democracy with a lower and an upper house. Members of the
lower house (Lok Sabha) are directly elected by the people, whereas the members of the
upper house (Rajya Sabha) are elected by members from the state legislatures. In Indias
federal system, the state legislative assemblies are granted substantial legislative powers
(Gallagher & Mitchell, 2005: 141). In Uttar Pradesh, actors involved in electoral politics seek
to be represented in the state legislature, which consists of two houses: a legislative assembly
(Vidhan Sabha) and a legislative council (Vidhan Parishad). A chief minister is the head of
the Uttar Pradeshi state government and presides over 18 divisions containing 75
administrative districts. There are also electoral politics at local level in the administrative
districts. In rural areas, actors strive for seats in the village governments (Gram Panchayat).
The village government is headed by a village head (Pradhan), who is democratically elected
by the inhabitants of the village. In urban areas, people seek influence in the municipal
governments. Figure 3 provides an overview of the three levels of electoral politics in India.
Figure 3:The three levels of electoral politics in India.
Central level
State level
Local level
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Chatter,ee Challenged
Chatterjees writings on civil society have sparked a lively debate among scholars of South
Asian politics. In particular, Chatterjees characterization of NGOs, as acting in accordance
with civil society tactics, has been debated in a number of empirical studies, which deals with
NGO activism in India. In a study of village clubs and small NGOs in West Bengal, Tom
Harrison draws on Chatterjees civil society concept, but critiques Chatterjees definition of
an NGO. Harrison finds that when Chatterjee refers to NGOs he evokes an image of large
and formalized organizations (Harrison, 2012: 240). By defining NGOs in reference to their
size and organizational set-up, Chatterjee fails to pay attention to the activities undertaken by
the NGOs.
Chatterjee does not differentiate between when associations are mobilizing in
order to protect specific interests (...) and when they are involved in the delivery
of services. He is able to lump very different practices together in this way
because he tells us so little about the technicalities of how these processes of
mediation actually take place (Harrison, 2012: 239).
Harrison challenges Chatterjee, when he argues that an adequate definition of an NGO shouldcontain a specification of the type of activities undertaken by the NGO (Harrison, 2012: 239).
According to Harrison, the universe of NGOs can be divided into two groups:
a) NGOs performing distributive and consultative functions for the government
b) NGOs engaged in mobilization and lobbying
NGOs that perform distributive and consultative functions for the government draw on the
civil society tactics enumerated by Chatterjee (Harrison, 2012: 240). Where Harrison findings
contradict Chatterjees are in the cases where NGOs engage in mobilization and advocacy.
Harrison argues that these types of NGOs show no hesitancy in engaging with electoral
politics. Harrisons study of NGO tactics in West Bengal challenges Chatterjees relegation of
NGOs to the sphere of civil society. Harrison faults Chatterjees definition of NGOs. If
Chatterjee paid greater attention to the NGOs mandates and adopted a more finely grained
definition, then he would refrain from relegating all NGOs to the realm of civil society.
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Two additional studies lend support to Harrisons critique of Chatterjees placement of NGOs
within the realm of civil society. In a critical review of Chatterjees writings, Ajai Gudavarthy
confirms that some NGOs dotake on the role of mediators speaking on behalf of the poorest
and negotiation with politicians about entitlements and benefits (Gudavarthy, 2012: 11-12). In
a study of state agents and the rural poor in the Indian states of West Bengal and Bihar, Stuart
Corbridge also arrives at findings, which lend support to Harrisons criticism of Chatterjees
understanding of NGO tactics. Corbridge reports that there have been instances where NGOs
have engaged with electoral politics, rather than shied away from it (Corbridge et al. 2005:
191). Though Gudavarthy and Corbridge refrain from replicating Harrisons distinction
between NGOs that perform government services and NGOs that advocate and lobby, they do
find that Chatterjees classifications of NGO tactics would benefit from paying closer
attention to the type of tasks undertaken by the NGOs.
Chatter,ee"s -efence
Chatterjee has responded to the criticism levelled at his categorization of NGOs as civil
society actors. Chatterjee admits that there have been instances, where NGOs have crossed
the line separating the civil from the political (Chatterjee, 2012: 320) and engaged with
electoral politics. He acknowledges that in certain cases NGOs born within the spaces of
civil society can effectively give voice to demands hitherto unrepresented groups and even
force political parties to take notice (Chatterjee, 2012: 319). He has also acknowledged that
there are NGOs, which perform consultative and distributive tasks and NGOs, which are
involved in advocacy and mobilization (Chatterjee, 2012: 329). Yet, Chatterjee maintains that
regardless of their mandate, NGOs would rather not be involved in electoral politics.
Although, he accepts that there have been cases, where NGOs have been involved with
electoral politics, he maintains that NGOs in large part remain loyal to the principles of civil
society. Instances where NGOs have engaged with electoral politics remain the exception
rather than the norm (Chatterjee, 2012: 315).
Chatterjee faults his critics for not paying close enough attention to the reasoning, which
guides the few NGOs, who engage with electoral politics. If his critics had taken these NGOs
justifications for engaging with electoral actors into account, then they would discover that
their collaboration with politicians comes fraught with tension. Chatterjee observes that
NGOs, who engage in electoral politics, feel the need to defend their actions. If prompted,
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these NGOs admit that their interaction with electoral politics sits uncomfortably with them.
Chatterjee observes how NGOs are quite aware of the conceptual distinction, even though
they dont respect it in practice (Chatterjee, 2012: 321). NGOs are well aware of the fact that
their collaboration with electoral actors constitutes a transgression. To Chatterjee, their
defensive behaviour confirms that NGOs in general prefer keeping their distance from
electoral politics.
Chatterjee further criticizes Harrison, Gudavarthy and Corbridges studies for failing to
distinguish between NGOs and more informal organizations. Chatterjee mentions the
leadership of squatter settlements as an example of an informal organization. Village clubs
would be another example. In particular, Chatterjee finds fault with the empirical work done
by Harrison. Chatterjee argues that Harrison fails to make a distinction between informal
organizations and NGOs. In failing to so, Harrison overlooks the fact that the two types of
organizations interact with electoral politics in distinct ways. According to Chatterjee,
informal organizations do not shy away from engaging with electoral politics. Chatterjee
found this to be the case in his work on squatter settlements in Calcutta, were he encountered
informal groups, who managed to make their voice heard in a manner, which defied the
values of civil society.8
As a theoretical framework, the Lockean civil society was not able to
capture how these disenfranchised groups living in Calcuttas slums levelled influence. In an
attempt to explain how these informal organizations interact with the state, Chatterjee
introduces the concept of political society tactics.
Political society tactics are the actions of informal groups, who wrestle entitlements and
benefits from electoral agents by negotiating with them (Chatterjee, 1998: 61). Members of
political society do not shy away from engagement in electoral politics. In fact, one of thekey instruments of political society in India is the instrumental use of a right of formal
citizenship, namely the vote. That is what keeps the activities of political society in constant
play with the formal procedures of electoral democracy (Chatterjee, 2012: 310). For informal
groups, electoral politics is viewed as a means to level influence.
8In this case, the informal group in question were a squatter settlement, which occupied a stretch of railroad land
illegally. The squatters demanded better living conditions and were able to wrangle benefits from the municipal
office (Mannathukkaren, 2010: 297).
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Chatterjee argues that it is necessary to distinguish between NGOs and more informal
organizations. The two types of organizations do not engage with state agents in a similar
manner. The more informal groups interact with state agents, whereas NGOs view electoral
politics as an unwelcome disturbance. NGOs and informal groups are not to be conflated into
the same category. The conceptual distinction between NGO-led movements and political
society needs to be maintained (Chatterjee, 2012: 320). When Harrison concludes that NGOs
engage with politicians, he fails to distinguish between NGOs and informal organizations. If
Harrison had drawn this distinction, then he would have noticed that it is informal
organizations, who engage with electoral actors, whereas the more formalized NGOs prefer
not to.
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Chapter .: Theoretical *+pectations
Having accounted for Wedeens writings on Yemeni qat-chews as an example of a
performative practice and Chatterjees categorization of NGOs as civil society actors, what
follows is a brief outline of how the two theorists concepts will be applied to this thesis
examination of PVCHRs stand on politicians participation in the honour ceremonies.
Wedeens performative approach is integrated with Chatterjees observations of how NGOs
relate to political actors in an Indian setting. The theoretical expectation of this thesis is as
follows.
We expect that Chatterjees observations of NGO tactics also applies to PVCHR. We
anticipate that PVCHR will constitute themselves as civil society actors and prefer that
politicians are not involved in the ceremonies. If PVCHR in any way engages with politicians
in the ceremonies, they will adamantly defend their actions, because they know that this
interaction constitutes a transgression.
PVCHR will prefer that politicians are not involved in the honour ceremonies
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Chapter /: %esearch -esign and 0ethodolog
In what follows, the thesis research design and methodology is recounted. The thesis is an
intensive study of a single unit (Gerring, 2007). By limiting the thesis scope to an in-depth
examination of PVCHRs perception of politicians participation in the honour ceremonies,
within-case variation takes centre stage. Within-case variation is central to this thesis, because
of the simple maxim, which dictates that organizations do not understand themselves,
individuals do. By maintaining a narrow focus on the staff at PVCHR, the thesis is better able
to determine, whether the informants perception of politicians participation in the honour
ceremonies are in alignment or differ from each other.
Though a comparative study, where PVCHRs take on participation is compared with the
victims or even the politicians perception, would undoubtedly prove interesting, limited time
and resources are obvious limitations. At the time of research, next to nothing was known
about participation in the honour ceremonies and therefore an examination of the organizers
experience with participation seemed as good a place to start as any.
&n *thnographic Stud
Answers to the research question were sought through a one month stay in PVCHRs offices
in Varanasi, India. The field research was planned and executed in accordance with
principles, which guide Wedeen in her ethnographic research of the Yemeni qat-chews.
Wedeens study of the qat-chews is an example of a study concerned with typical political
science questions, but which makes use of research methods more familiar to the field of
anthropology and ethnography. Though an ethnographic approach to data collection is no
longer limited to studies of culture, ethnographic studies within political science are still
relatively rare (Schatz b, 2009: 305, see also Cerwonka & Malkki, 2008). Therefore, it is
necessary to briefly introduce the central components of Wedeens fieldwork.
To Wedeen, ethnographic research entails immersion in the place and lives of people under
study (Wedeen, 2010: 257). The thesis adopts Wedeens ethnographic approach, which
entails spending copious hours in the offices of PVCHR, observing how PVCHR organizes
the ceremonies and participating in honour ceremonies in various parts of Uttar Pradesh. In
addition to the observational work, data is also generated through semi-structured interviews
with PVCHR staff working on the testimonial therapy program.
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The research question of this thesis deals with PVCHRs perception and therefore the
extensive ethnographic field work is deemed the most suitable method of collecting data,
because it allows for close, person-to-person contact that is attuned to the worldviews of the
people we study (Schatz, 2009: 4). The time spent in the field does enable one to take a
concept or phenomenon and understand it in deep rich ways (Cerwonka & Malkki, 2005:
74).
&n Interpreti$e &pproach
In addition to replicating Wedeens ethnographic research design, the thesis also accepts
Wedeens interpretive premise.9 To Wedeen, language not only mirrors the world, it also
shapes it. In arguing that language is fundamental to our being in the world, Wedeen rejects
the idea of an external reality independent of language. In doing so, Wedeen does away with
the claim that a statement can be either true or false. One can only determine the truth value of
an utterance if the statement is made in reference to an external reality, which can be
observed.
Wedeen disbands with the idea that there are some informants, who are more reliable than
others. Instead, she dictates that each voice can be interpreted for what perspectives,
practices and assumptions it reveals (Schatz, 2009: 13). Wedeen finds that making a
distinction between accurate and inaccurate information would require that all statements
were viewed in reference to some Archimedean point. To Wedeen, the idea of an objective
reality is null and void.
The thesis accepts Wedeens interpretive premise and does not seek to question the truth
value of the informants statements. Instead focus is on examining, what certain utterances
tell us about the perspective of the informants and the context in which they are situated. Here
the ethnographic approach is a suitable approach to data collection, because by being
immersed in the daily activities of PVCHR, it is easier to discover how PVCHR makes sense
of their context and what meanings they contribute to politicians participation in the
ceremonies.
9
It should be noted that an ethnographic approach does not necessarily entail an interpretive sensibility. Severalethnographic studies rest on positivist foundations.
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&ppling the Theoretical Framework
The thesis is guided by the theoretical expectations derived from Chatterjees theoretical
framework, but is not purely deductive. The absence of research into PVCHRs perception of
participation in the ceremonies calls for a more explorative approach, which foregrounds data.
The thesis attempts to strike a balance between a deductive and an inductive approach by
using Chatterjees concepts as a frame of reference, while remaining open to whatever
PVCHR deems important in their explanations of politicians involvement in the ceremonies.
Chatterjees concepts are used in so far as they inform and deepen our understanding of
participation in the ceremonies. Edward Schatz has termed this a yes, and approach,
which builds on what people, texts, or the field site bring up (often unexpectedly), rather
than negate or refuse these offers (Schatz, 2006: 12).
In applying Chatterjees theoretical concepts, it should be kept in mind that Chatterjees work
on NGO tactics is informed by his involvement in the political landscape of West Bengal.
This thesis describes the activities of an NGO based in Varanasi that organizes ceremonies in
very rural parts of Uttar Pradesh. It is safe to assume that some of the insights from
Chatterjees analysis of NGOs interaction with electoral politics cannot be directly applied to
the Uttar Pradeshi context. In an introduction to a critical anthology on Chatterjeestheorizing, the Indian scholar Nivedita Menon comments on attempts at applying Chatterjees
insights to other cases. She cautions against the purity of empty universalist categories and
() their claims to speak about everywhere from nowhere (Menon, 2010: 3). Instead, what
is needed is an approach, which displays sensitivity to location (Menon, 2010: 3).
enerating -ata
The data used in the thesis was generated by conducting interviews and through observations.
In that the thesis is interpretive, it follows that data is not out there to be found. Instead we
speak here of accessing sources that might enable the generation of data (Yanow &
Schwartz-Shea, 2006: 115). Raw data is not collected, but generated in interplay between the
researcher and the informants. Thus, the interpretive work starts at the level of data
generation. Therefore, it is necessary to precisely describe how the data was generated with
the purpose of ensuring that the research design can replicated (Wedeen, 2010: 265).
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Semi)structured Inter$iews
Data was generated through semi-structured interviews. Though interviews are by no means
the only way to generate ethnographic data (Hastrup, 2009: 18), this method of data
generation was chosen, because it allows for a more nuanced understanding of the world
from the informants perspectives rather than simply from the researchers (Pader, 2006:
163). Inspired by Wedeens method of conducting interviews, the interview-guide consisted
of two kinds of questions (appendix 2: interview-guide). Open-ended questions, where the
informant was encouraged to describe politicians participation in the ceremonies and more
probing why-questions aimed at eliciting answers, which pertained to the motivations, which
guided PVCHR in their stand on politicians participation. The more descriptive questions
were posed with the purpose of determining whether PVCHR thought that politicians had any
role to play in the ceremonies (the locutionary dimension), whereas the why-questions sought
to uncover PVCHRs justifications (the illocutionary dimension).
Though the interviews were conducted in reference to an interview-guide, they remained
exploratory. Rather than run through a preconceived list of politicians involved in electoral
politics and ask the informant to confirm, whether the listed politician had a role to play in the
ceremonies, I asked open-ended questions, which encouraged the informants to describeparticipation in the ceremonies with special focus on the role of politicians. The exploratory
approach was chosen, because I wanted to avoid imposing any theoretical preconceptions on
the informants. In this thesis, interviews were conducted with the purpose of gaining more of
a sense of the context in which PVCHR operates and what drives PVCHR in their interaction
with the politicians.
ser$ation Studies
In addition to the interviews, data was also generated through observation studies of four
honour ceremonies and by observing PVHCRs daily work with organizing the ceremonies,
which mainly took place at the Varanasi office. As Pader puts it, doing observations is the
fine art of hanging out with a difference. The difference is that an ethnographer doing
participant-observation attempts to interpret observations and experiences systematically
(Pader, 2006: 163). As far as possible, I attempted to join the participants in the rhythm of
their life, in their space and their time (Buroway, 1998: 17). All the data generated through
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observations was meticulously noted down in field notes, which were compiled and edited at
the end of each day.
Observations were chosen as the second method of generating data, because it is a good way
to gain insight into actors lived political experiences, to observe how people make sense of
their world, to chart how they ground their ideas in everyday practices and administrative
routines (Wedeen, 2009: 85). Through observations, I aspired to arrive at a deeper
understanding of PVCHRs take on politicians involvement in the ceremonies. By doing
observations I was able to include data, which arose in more casual conversations in response
to shared experiences. As Allaine Cerwonka has noted, this form of data is brimming with
valuable insight, because it is often easier for people to talk to ethnographers if they are
talking about something they see together, instead of just asking questions narrowly directed
at them (Cerwonka & Malkki, 2005: 149). A further advantage to doing observational work
was that it made for better interviews. In the interviews, informants often made mention of
shared experience and used it as a common frame of reference.
In the literature on observation-studies, much has been said about the role of the observer and
opinions are divided as to how one should navigate while in the field. For this research, I took
on the role of a participant observer, serving both as an actor and a spectator (Wedeen,
2010: 257). A participant observer is not a fly on the wall and this marks a break with the
positivist idea of the non-interfering researcher (Wedeen, 2010: 257). But in view of the
thesis interpretive approach, this is not viewed as a major complication, but just another layer
of interpretation, which is taken into account in the analysis.
The Selection of Informants
What follows is a brief account of how the informants were selected. As mentioned, the thesisis a single-case study of PVCHRs take on participation. Due to this, only PVCHR staff
members were chosen as informants. The universe of informants was further narrowed down
to include only staff members, who were directly involved in the implementation of the
testimonial therapy program. Though most of the staff at PVCHR is familiar with the
testimonial therapy program, they were not asked to be informants due to the limited time and
resources of the research. Limiting the pool of informants even further, only staff members,
who had a hand in organizing the ceremonies, were chosen. Figure 4 provides an overview of
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the organizational set-up of the testimonial therapy program. The informants, who have
contributed to this thesis, are shaded green.
Figure 4:Organizational set-up of the testimonial therapy program, 2013.
Source: PVCHR report to DIGNITY, 2013.10
All of the management staff involved in the testimonial therapy program contributed to the
thesis as informers. These were Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi (Project Director), Mrs. Shruti
Nagvanshi (Managing Trustee) and Ms. Shirin Shabana Khan (Program Manager). The
management holds the overall responsibility for the implementation of the honour
ceremonies, while field staff takes care of the practical arrangements and is in direct contact
with the communities, where the ceremonies are held.11
There are two kinds of field staff,
model-block coordinators and psycho-social community worker. Psycho-social community
workers are required to spend more hours in the field, whereas model-block coordinators
solve the more administrative task of organizing the ceremonies (PVCHR, 2013: Contract of
employment for field staff). Of the model-block coordinators, five agreed to be informants for
the thesis. These were Mr. Manoj Singh, Mr. Shiv Pratap Chaubey, Ms. Chhaya Kumari, Mr.
10Note that at present no one holds the position of the model-block manager. Instead, the programme manager
has taken on the tasks of the model-block manager.
11
For more information on the division of duties between management and field staff, refer to the contracts foroffice staff and the contracts for field staff, where the tasks are further enumerated.
Proect director
!inance
manager
"dministrative
assistant
Program
manager
Model #lock
manager
Coordinator
detention $atc%
Data entry
operator
Model #lock
coordinators
Psyc%o&social
community
$orkers
Coordinator
advocacy
Legal
coordinator
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Onkar Viswakarma and Mr. Pintu Gupta. One model-block worker was out of office during
the field work and did therefore note participate. Of the psycho-social community workers,
only three of the five were able to participate as informants. These were Mr. Digvijay Singh,
Mr. Prabhakar and Mr. Dinesh Kumar Anal. The remaining two were not in office at the time
of research.
The Selection of ser$ation Sites
Most of the observations were made in PVCHRs office in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. During
the one month field visit, I sat in on staff meetings, a three-day training session of field staff
and was able to follow the organizational and administrative work with arranging the
ceremonies. In addition to being present in PVCHR offices, I was able to participate in a total
of four honour ceremonies in various parts of Uttar Pradesh. I observed a smaller honour
ceremony in Babhnauli village in the southern of Uttar Pradesh, where a little less than 100
people participated. Following this ceremony, I travelled to the northern parts of Uttar
Pradesh an observed a large honour ceremony in Chintauara village, where more than 150
people participated. At the end of my field visit, I participated in two honour ceremonies in
the vicinity of Varanasi, one in Badagaon village, where more than 200 people showed up and
one in Sarai village, where approximately 100 people were in the audience. Figure 5 depicts
the placement of the five observation sites in Uttar Pradesh. The photos serve as an
illustration of the various ways the honour ceremonies were organized.
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Figure 5:Map of Uttar Pradesh depicting the five observation sites.
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Photo 1: PVCHRs offices in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.
Photo 2: Honour ceremony in Babhnauli village, Robertganj, Uttar Pradesh, 30.05.2013.
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Photo 3: Honour ceremony in Chintaura village, Tanda, Uttar Pradesh, 08.06.2013.
Photo 4: Honour ceremony in Sarai village, Pindra, Uttar Pradesh, 13.06.2013.
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Photo 5: Honour ceremony in Badagaon village, Uttar Pradesh, 15.06.2013.
Sources of data discussed
In the following, the choice of informants and observation sites is evaluated in reference the
ethnographic idea of immersion. In ethnographic research, immersion refers to the duration
and intensity of a field visit and is an important research criterion (Schatz, 2009: 17). Only if
the researcher is in the field long enough to discern the social processes that give integrity to
the site (Buroway, 2009: 17) can one speak of immersion. It should be noted that it is
difficult to determine, what amounts to the ideal duration and intensity of a field study.
Measuring immersion objectively is next to impossible. Nevertheless, the Danish
anthropologist Kirsten Hastrup notes that immersion happens, when the data gathered in the
field work no longer presents any surprises, but falls into consistent patterns (Hastrup, 2009:
301).
In what follows is a brief discussion of whether the field study of this thesis lives up to the
immersion-research criterion. As mentioned earlier, the duration of the field work was a
month. I arrived in Varanasi in late May and left at the end of June. The summer months in
northern India are viciously hot and all activity slows down to a halt. People are active in the
early mornings and evenings, when the temperature drops, but take breaks during the hottest
hours of the day. Luckily, PVCHR had a very busy schedule, despite the heat (see appendix
2). The schedule for June did not differ vastly from any other months and I was therefore able
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to conduct interviews with almost all the relevant staff and participate in a handful of
ceremonies. Therefore, the timing of the field research had no adverse effect on the intensity
of the field research.
!orking in Translation
The generation of data was complicated by the fact that most of my informants spoke mainly
Hindi. Though I have a basic understanding of Hindi, the somewhat sensitive topic of the
thesis required attention to nuances and details and I therefore solicited the help of a
translator. The academic researcher and professional translator Ajay Pandey did the bulk of
the translation work for the interviews. Ajay Pandeys high proficiency in both English and
Hindi ensured that only minor details were lost in translation. However, in a few of the
interviews Ajay Pandey was not available and I had to ask English speaking staff members to
translate. Staff members also functioned as translators during my observations of the honour
ceremonies. In the interviews where staff members functioned as translators, I made it a point
to repeat or rephrase questions in order to avoid misunderstandings and weed out ambiguous
answers. In addition, I ensured the quality of the translations by having Ajay Pandey listen to
the recorded interviews and confirm the accuracy of the translations.
*thical ChallengesThe generation of data was somewhat complicated by the manner in which I came into
contact with PVCHR. Initially, I contacted PVCHRs Danish partner organization DIGNITY
with questions about the testimonial therapy program. DIGNITY took an interest in my
research and put me in touch with PVCHR. In an attempt to counter the asymmetrical power
relationship (Agger & Jensen, 1996: 9) that inadvertently arose due to my affiliation with
DIGNITY, I emphasized that I had come to learn about PVCHRs experiences with the
honour ceremonies and that I did not seek to evaluate their efforts. I also made sure to
mention that my study was not funded by DIGNITY.
#rocessing the -ata
Having generated data about PVCHRs perception of politicians participating through
interviews and observations, the data was further processed. All interviews were recorded and
transcribed. Field notes detailing the observations were written in the immediate aftermath of
field visits in order to prevent inaccuracy in terms of recollecting events and conversations. In
the process of transcription, a few of the interviews were edited for clarity. In the editing
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process, certain fragmented passages from the interviews were omitted, if they were difficult
to make sense of. This was done, to avoid making too much of ambiguous data (Miles &
Huberman, 1994: 114).
The qualitative data recorded in the interviews and through the observations was further
systematized by being arranged in displays. By creating displays I was able to compare and
contrast the data generated through interviews and from the observations. Seeing that the
creation of displays is part of the analytical process, it is therefore necessary to briefly
recount, how the data was summarized. This ensures that the thesis research design can be
replicated (Lofland et al., 2006: 212).
In creating the displays, I closely followed the guidelines of Peter Dahler-Larsen, who has
written extensively on how to present qualitative data (Dahler-Larsen, 2002). The raw data
was arranged in large working-displays. From these working-displays, smaller displays were
created by condensing the raw data. Only the condensed displays are included in the analysis,
but the working-displays are available upon request.
The displays were made in accordance with Dahler-Larsens inclusion-principle, which
dictates that all relevant data is to be included in the displays (Dahler-Larsen, 2002: 37-42).
Noteworthy gaps in the data have also been incorporated into the displays. By including all of
the available data, I have ensured that the outliers and contradictory findings are taken into
account in the analysis, thereby minimizing the risk that data serves merely as apt
illustrations of the theoretical concepts (Velsen, 1967: 140, see also Dahler-Larsen, 2002:
42).
The creation of working-displays, which are then condensed to smaller displays, also ensures
the transparency of the analysis. The findings of the analysis can all be traced back to the raw
data of the working displays (Dahler-Larsen, 2002: 43).
Additionally, presenting data in displays ensures that the findings of the analysis actually
build on existing data. Dahler-Larsen terms this the authenticity principle (Dahler-Larsen,
2002: 42). Dahler-Larsen finds that much qualitative research suffers from a tendency to draw
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conclusion on the basis of little data (Dahler-Larsen, 2002: 39). By respecting the authenticity
principle and use displays build from condensed data, one is safeguarded against drawing
conclusions that have no basis in the available data (Miles & Huberman, 1994: 144)
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Chapter 4: First #art of the &nalsis
Having described the research design and methodology, what follows is the first part of the
analysis. The first part of the analysis seeks to answer the question of which politicians
PVCHR would invite to participate in the ceremonies.
The In$ol$ement of the #oliticians
The following is an overview of which politicians the informants mention in response to
questions about politicians involvement in the honour ceremonies. All of the informants
mention the village head, while fewer informants identify the village council members.
Political party members, who operate at village level, are also named alongside politicians,
who operate at state level. Table 2 provides an overview of the politicians mentioned and
tallies how many informants made mention of them. It also summarizes the terminology used
to describe the politicians.
Table 2:Politicians mentioned.
Politician mentioned Mentioned by Terminology used
Village head 11 informants Village head
Panchayat leader
Village council member 4 informants Gram Panchayat
Panchayat member
Political party member 5 informants Local party membersState level politician 5 informants Political leader
Member of State Assembly
Higher level political leaderHighly political leaders
Big leaders
The higher politician
The 5illage Head
Though all of the informants make mention of the village head, only five argue that the
village head should participate in the ceremony (interviews with Onkar, Pintu, Digvijay,
Manoj and Chaubey). Onkars description of the village heads involvement in the ceremony
is a good example of the general tenor among the other four informants. Onkar reports that
we try the village head to honour that person and if the village head does it, he thinks the
village head is with me, so he feels less scared of the police (interview with Onkar).
For the remaining six informants the village heads involvement in the ceremonies is less
straightforward. They all note that there have been cases where the village head has
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attended, but they also caution against inviting certain village heads (interviews with
Prabhakar, Shabana, Dinesh, Chhaya, Lenin and Shruti).
The 5illage Council 0emerWhereas the informants in their stand on the village heads involvement in the ceremonies are
somewhat divided, they present a unified front in terms of the village council members
involvement. All five informants, who mention the village council members, are in favour of
their involvement in the ceremonies (interviews with Onkar, Lenin, Shruti and Digvijay). To
illustrate, Lenin remarks that panchayat members will come [to the ceremony]. They will
come, they will support (interview with Lenin 01.06.2013).
The #olitical #art 0emerFive of the informants are equally unified in their conviction that members of political parties,
who operate at village level, are best left out of the ceremonies (interviews with Chaubey,
Digvijay, Chhaya and observations of Lenin and Shabana). Chaubey is one informant, who
with great emphasis explains that members of the political parties are not encouraged to
participate. We never allow the political party to enter in the program (interview with
Chaubey). Neither Chaubey nor any of the other informants make any reference to the party
affiliation of the party members. They are all targeted with a blanket-exclusion. The
informants exclusion of party members was not only limited to the interviews, but also
apparent in the observations made in the field. During an honour ceremony in Chintaura
Village in Northern Uttar Pradesh, a party member from Congress was in the audience. What
follows is a short excerpt from my field notes.
As I was walking towards the entrance of the tent a short man in a red shirt
walked up to me and handed me his business card. I was a little surprised in that
this was the first business card Id been handed while in the field. None of the
PVCHR staff has one. Puzzled, I took the card from him. On the business card
was his name alongside the pictures and names of Sonja Gandhi and Rahul
Gandhi. He told me that he was a member of the Congress Party () Later; I
showed the business card to Lenin and Shabana. They explained that he was a
party member from the Congress Party, but clearly didnt think much of him and
dismissed his importance (Field note, 08.06.2013: Chintaura Honour Ceremony).
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Photo 6:Ibrahim Ansari, member of the Congress service group, Chintaura village 08.06.2013.
Figure 6:Ibrahim Ansaris business card.12
12Translated from Hindi, the business card reads Long live Sonia Gandhi, long live Rahul [Gandhi], long live
the Congress Party. The Congress Service Group. Mr. Ibrahim Ansari from Tanda Nagar Constituency.
Neighbourhood Talwapar, Tanda, Ambedkhar Nagar.
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The picture in the above captures the Congress member overlooking the members of the
audience before the start of the ceremony. Though he is standing by the microphone, he did
not address the people gathered. Figure 6 is his business card and confirms his identity as a
member of the Congress Party.
Lenin and Shabana neither desired the Congress members participation, nor promoted his
presence. They found that this particular party member had no role to play in the ceremony.
Lenin and Shabanas reaction to the party members presence in the audience falls perfectly in
line with the statements of the other three informants, who also reported that political party
members had no role to play in the ceremonies.
The State 6e$el #olitician
Four of the informants, who mention the politician at state level, agree that state level
politicians have no role to play in the honour ceremonies (interview with Lenin, Onkar,
Manoj and Shruti). One of these informants is Lenin, who explains how we are never giving
any space, we are never calling to any political leaders at all () They wanted to, but we
never promote them to come into our ceremony (interview with Lenin). Lenin posits that
PVCHR does not give space to political leaders, nor promote their participation in the
ceremonies. Manoj is equally forthright in his exclusion of the state level politician from the
ceremony and explains how we are very careful with inviting highly political leaders () we
have not invited that type of very big leaders (interview with Manoj).
However, not all informants are in alignment. One informant sees no problems with state
level politicians presence in the ceremonies and argues in favour of their inclusion (interview
with Pintu). In the following, Pintu describes how state level politicians are invited to the
ceremonies. In the ceremonies we invite politicians. And they come and they honour these
people () Sometimes we get them honoured by people from other communities by the
higher politician (interview with Pintu). Pintu description marks a break with other four
informants consensus.
To fully appreciate Pintu as an outlier, it is worth mentioning that Pintus inclusion of state
level politicians is apparently a bone of contention within the organization. Without being
prompted, Lenin comments on Pintus inclusion of the state level politician.
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Once upon a time we brought a Member of State Assembly. It was not our
decision to do that. And he came, he talk crazy, crazy, because they are not going
to support anti-torture. I told Pintu, you look, we give the freedom to you. We do
() We gave the freedom. What you want to do, youll do. He came. And he
spoke against us (interview with Lenin).
Lenin describes an honour ceremony, which took place in a village, where Pintu had the
responsibility for inviting participants. Lenin notes that Pintu invited a Member from the State
Assembly of Uttar Pradesh. Clearly, Lenin questioned Pintu in his decision to include the
state level politician in the ceremony, but nonetheless decided to leave the decision in Pintus
hands. Leni
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