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The Portuguese and the Urban Phenomena of Cannanore
98
Chapter-3
Chapter 3
THE PORTUGUESE AND THE URBAN PHENOMENA OF CANNANORE
3.1 Introduction
The entry of the Portuguese into the maritime activities of
Cannanore paved the way for the urban development of the area. They
challenged the traditional commercial practices based on the principles
of trade. Commercial and political relations besides interactions with
the rulers of Kolathunad witnessed the emergence of a new urban
settlement at Cannanore. The strategic importance of the cape of
Cannanore where the Portuguese established their fortress led to the
development of the nearby areas and the localities from where the
people engaged in the day to day activities of the fortress. The advent
of the Portuguese ignited a new era of urbanisation in the history of
Cannanore.
3.2 Portuguese Voyage to India
The lure of spices was one of the impelling forces that motivated
the Europeans primarily the Portuguese to reach the Oriental countries
in the medieval period. It led to the lucrative commerce of spices
between east and west. Earlier Venice was the centre from where the
Europeans came to the Orient for the spice trade. The search for souls
was another motivating element for the medieval discoveries. Even
though Venice was a centre it had also certain restrictions. After the fall
of Constantinople in 1453, the oriental trade was mainly controlled by
the Arabs and the ports of Egypt and Syria became the means for trade.
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Hence the oriental trade became the monopoly of the Arabs and
Egyptians. To control the trade the Turks closed the Persian Gulf routes
of spice trade. The goods taken to the ports of Egypt and Syria were
transported to Venice for distribution throughout Europe. Hence the
Arabian ports could profit from taxes while Venice became richer from
the transaction of goods like spices, drugs, perfumes etc.1
3.3 Reasons for the Portuguese Voyages to the Orient 3.3.1 Geographical position
Geographically Portugal is a small country and the Portuguese
had an easy access to the Atlantic Ocean. The Atlantic remained the
one vast area open to the Portuguese. Throughout its existence Portugal
had lived by harvesting the sea. Its rocky coast had always been a
gateway to a wider world. The geography of mainland Portugal is split
by its main river, the Tagus that flows from Spain and disgorges in
Tagus Estuary, before escaping into the Atlantic.
3.3.2 Religious causes
The growth and development of Portuguese trade in the East and
especially in Malabar was paralleled by the development of religious
patronage known as padroado. The Portuguese were zealous in the
propagation of the faith where they were received in every place they
went. For that they obtained the permission from the king and Pope. King
Manuel I, called the Fortunate, assumed the title “Lord of the Conquest,
navigation, and commerce of India, Ethiopia, Arabia and Persia”.2
1 The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India (translated with
introduction by William Brooks Greenlee), Hakluyt Society, London, 1967, p.xi. 22 A.J. Grant, A History of Europe from 1494 to 1610, London, 1964, p.32.
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3.3.3 Economic causes
Portugal was economically poor compared to other countries in
Europe because they did not have any natural resources. So they were
inspired to search for trade and wealth from other countries.
3.3.4 Political causes
Portugal always kept herself away from wars in Europe. They
followed the policy of neutrality in all the battles among the European
powers. Hence they enjoyed political independence and they had good
political relations with neighbouring states.
3.3.5 Royal interest.
Fifteenth century kings had great interest in the navigational
activities and exploring new nations. They patronised the explorers and
sent them to find out new sea routes and nations. The Portuguese had a
very strong adventurous spirit. They were ready to face the struggles to
achieve their goal.3
3.3.6 Policy of Expansion.
By reaching India, the Portuguese wanted to establish an
extensive commercial empire in the east. The crown of Portugal was
powerful and immensely wealthy, for a great part of the Indian trade
belonged to it. Every part of Europe was mainly supplied by the
Portuguese with the productions of the East. The only exception was
the still continuing commercial intercourse of the Venetians, but it
was also scant. During the reign of Dom John III about 1548, the
prosperity of Portugal and the extent of her Indian empire attained
3 The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India (translated with
introduction by William Brooks Greenlee), Hakluyt Society, London, 1967, p.xii.
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their greatest eminence and Lisbon was considered the market of the
world.4
3.4 Portuguese Policy of Expansion
The Portuguese established factories at the beginning and built
the fortress in order to control the trade. Livro das Cidades… points out
that “in the places with more trade….the king ordered factory-houses to
be established …. And strongholds in the same manner as fortresses
with the name factory- house to store the merchandise and defend the
agents and people there….”5 The first Portuguese viceroy in India,
Dom Francisco de Almeida was interested only in the establishment of
factories in India for the purpose of smooth and sustained trade with
India. Dom Francisco de Almeida was against this policy of
establishing a powerbase in the state because he was well aware of the
situation in Portugal. He understood that, owing to the small population
in Portugal, it would be impossible to furnish enough people in
sufficient quantities to occupy so many governing positions in a state.
He stressed that it would be important to have adequate control over
the sea by establishing only factories and not fortresses to safeguard the
sea trade with the orient. He explained his views in his letter to the
Portuguese king Dom Manuel.6 But his successor, the governor
4 J.J. Aubertin, The Lusiadas of Camoes (translated into English), Vol.I, Kegan
Paul, London, 1884, p.xxiii. 5 Walter Rossa, Cidades Indo-Portuguesas, National Committee for the
Commemoration of the Portuguese Discoveries, Lisboa,1997,p.26. 6 Dom Francisco de Almeida wrote to King Dom Manuel: “The greater number
of fortresses you hold the weaker will be your power. Let all our forces will be on the sea, because if we should not be powerful at the sea, everything at once be against us…….Let it be known for certain that as long as you may be powerful at the sea you will hold India as yours, and if you do not possess this power, little will avail you a fortress on the shore….” Frederick Charles
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Afonso de Albuquerque planned to found a great Portuguese empire in
the east. He laid considerable stress on establishing forts with the
factories. He intended to protect trade on the shore and dominate the
native rulers.
3.5 Motives of expansion
There were various factors in the age of discovery during the
15th century for expansion. It was a mixture of religious, economic,
social, political and strategic factors. In Lusiadas de Luiz da Camões,
it is explained:
“And if thou travellest seeking merchandise,
Which in the gold-producing East is found,
Cinnamon, clove and ardent spiceries,
Or drug health-giving, excellent and sound;
Or searchest shining precious stones where lies
The ruby lucid, or hard diamond,
These so abundant shalt thou take with thee
Thy utmost wishes satisfied shall be.”7
Danvers, The Portuguese in India, Vol. I, frank Cass & Co. Ltd., London, 1894, p.xxix.
7 ‘’E, se buscando vás mercadoria Que produze o aurifero Levante, Canella,carvo,ardente especiaria, Ou droga salutifera e prestante; Ou se queres luzente pedraria, O rubi fino, o rigido diamante, Daqui levarás tudo tão sobejo, Com que faças o fim a teu desejo.’’ Luiz de Camões, Os Lusiadas, Canto II.iv;
The Lusiadas of Camoes, Kegan Paul, London,1884,p.59)
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The Portuguese were filled with the desire for Spices and Souls.
According to C.R. Boxer the four main motives which inspired the
Portuguese leaders like kings, nobles and merchants were: i) Crusading
zeal against the Muslims, ii) the desire for Guinea gold, iii) The quest
for Prester John and iv) the search for Oriental spices8. The atmosphere
was very favourable to the Portuguese because in Europe other
countries were engaged in both civil and foreign wars like the Hundred
Years War, the Wars of the Roses etc. But the Portuguese virtually
enjoyed freedom from civil strife. They were blessed with ambitious
adventurers who were patronized by the royal powers. They also kept
the desire to find Prester John of whom they kept a story of powerful
ruler of Catholic community who was surrounded by twelve
archbishops on the right side and twenty bishops on the left. They had
the hope that he could be a saviour for them against the Morocco
Muslims. They were also inspired by the Papal bulls like Dum Diversas
(18th June 1452), Romanus Pontifex (8th January 1455) and Inter
Caetera (13th March 1456). In the first bull Pope authorizes the king to
attack, conquer and subdue pagans, Saracens and other unbelievers
who were inimical to Christ, to capture their goods and territories, to
reduce them to perpetual slavery and to transfer their wealth to the king
of Portugal and his successors.9
3.6 Colonized and Colonizer
Changes happened in the colonized because of the influence of
the colonizer. Imperial administrations, civilizing mission and colonial 8 C.R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire,1415-1825,Carcanet Press,
London, 1988,p.18. 9 C.R.Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire,1415-1825,Carcanet Press, London,
1988,p.20-21.
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cultures were formed by the cultural, political, social and economic
influences and interactions between the colonizer and the colonized. It
created colonial consciousness among the colonizer and the colonized.
The colonizer felt a sense of superiority while the colonizer kept a
sense of inferiority. It resulted in the internationalization and
acceptance of European superiority. 10 It also led to the cultural
imperialism which resulted in the cultural oppression also. Many of
the systems practiced among the colonized were not acceptable to the
colonizers. So it resulted in cultural oppression or a debasement and
negation of the values of the colonized that undermined their
cultures. Hence the cultural imperialism brought socio-economic
consequences for the colonized. But interaction between the
colonized and the colonizers produced new classes of the society.
There were rich classes of farmers, educated elites, traders and
middlemen. Meanwhile missionaries who became the centre of the
colonial project promoted Christian morality and values of
motherhood and marriage.
3.7 Monsoon Winds
The discovery of monsoon winds was an important event in the
history of Indian trade. In 45 A.D. Hippalus made an epoch making
discovery of monsoon winds11. Hippalus found that there was a current
of monsoon winds to the East and also towards the west from India and
10 Barbara Bush, Imperialism and Post Colonialism, Pearson Longman, London,
2006, p.121. 11 The Egyptians came to know about it from a ship wrecked mariner and a
navigator named Hippalus, who was with the Indian sailor on the return journey, recorded it and the Europeans came to know about it and called it as Hippalus Wind. K.M. Bahauddin, “Kerala’s Trade and Relationship with other Countries”, in Seminar on Maritime History, Cochin, 2002.
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it is seasonal. 12The traders began to come to India by following the
monsoon winds and since then there was a continuous flow of western
trade with India.
3.8 Urbanization in Malabar
Urbanization has been a central phenomenon in the history of
India since the urban revolution in the Indus Valley. India is an
agricultural country by its very nature. But there were urban centres
based on trade and commerce related to the agricultural sector. Because
of its peculiar geographical situation, all through in its history there
seems to have been two kinds of India which are mutually
supplementing and complementing:
3.8.1 Continental India
It is land oriented, conservative, more inward looking and less
aware of the economic advantages of international interaction.13
3.8.2 Maritime India
It is lively, flexible and looking beyond her frontiers to overseas
connection.
The trade was thriving and rigorous in maritime activities. It gave
rise to not only ports but also urban centres along the coast. The port cities
emerged and developed according to a pattern and logic and that was very
vibrant and unique in the Indian Ocean region. And Cannanore was the
best example of the urbanisation based on the maritime activities.
12 K.M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese, Bombay, Kitab Mahal, 1929, p.3. 13 K.V. Suji, Iron Age and the Beginning of Urbanization in Kerala, South Indian
History Congress XVIII, 1998, p.126.
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3.9 Formation of a Town
The town reflects the demands of material life and those of
territorial, social and cultural expansion and organizations such as the
port, the market, the warehouse, the street workshops of artisans, their
residences, the sources of water and aqueducts etc. Then the reality of
power can be observed in the urban space such as palaces, forts, walls,
military, prisons, and other works essential for power etc. The
environment, however, is sustainable history, but it is people and
communities who create images of the past resulting in today’s urban
universe. The growth of Cannanore into a Portuguese port town is of
great importance. The present topography along with remains, relics,
ruins and monuments of the past evoke enthusiastic excitement and
interest compelling us to delve into their memories and recreate the
past. There were no compact towns or villages in Cannanore except
along the coast, which were generally inhabited by Mappila merchants
and fishermen. With the arrival of the Portuguese Cannanore became a
principal town in Malabar like Calicut, Tellicherry and Ponnani.14
3.10 Beginning of Portuguese Presence in Cannanore
When Vasco de Gama’s fleet approached the port of Cannanore
in November 1498, the king of Cannanore sent him a vessel with a
Nair, inviting the Portuguese captain to enter his harbour. He then sent
him ships loaded with water, lumber, figs, poultry, coconuts dried fish,
coconut oil and butter. With these deeds the king wanted to show his
interest to make peace and friendship with the Portuguese.15 After an 14 Ward and Conner, A Descriptive Memoir of Malabar, edited by S. Raimon,
Government of Kerala, 1995, p.2. 15 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da Índia, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,pp.114-115.
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exchange of gifts the Portuguese sent Nicolau Coelho with a gift to the
king of Cannanore. The king insisted to talk to the Portuguese captains.
So he built a wooden narrow bridge where he assembled a wooden
house known as Serambi. He sat there with six or seven followers to
have a better view of the ships. He asked the captains to meet him on
their ships so that they did not disobey the orders given by their king.
Thus the captains met the king establishing with him a peace treaty and
a merchandise agreement as Cannanore was a good alternative to
Calicut in case there was no agreement.16 After exchanging more gifts
and receiving more supplies and establishing peace and friendship, the
fleet sailed to Melinde at the end of November 1498.17
3.11 Establishment of the Factory
In 1500, when Pedro Alvares Cabral sailed to Cannanore, the
Kolathiri Raja invited him to disembark and “to take rest from his
tasks at sea.” He then asked the king to get a suitable place on order to
settle his people, suggesting the tip of the bay as the suitable place to
shelter and protect his crew.18 The king took steps to clean the place
and the materials and gave the facilities to build the quarters for the
Portuguese. Within a few days the Portuguese erected the quarters for
the Portuguese crew and a stockade having a big door with a shutter
was built to protect the place from within. Beside the walled
enclosure, a little house with a porch to be used as a chapel for Our
Lady of Conception and another one to shelter the clergy were
erected.
16 João de Barros, Década I, book VI, pp.74-75. 17 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da Índia, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,p.342. 18 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da Índia, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,pp.167-168.
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Pedro Alvares Cabral left Gonçalo Gomes Ferreira at Cannanore
as the factor in 1501 and laid the foundation for a factory there19. Then
Pai Rodrigues the factor of Alvaro who came to Malabar in the fleet of
João da Nova in 1501 remained at Cannanore till the arrival of Vasco
da Gama in 1502.20 After having concluded peace with the king of
Cannanore, Vasco da Gama established the factory there in 1503 21 and
Gonçalo Gil Barbosa with Sebastião Alvares and Diogo Alvares as
copyists as well as a group of twenty men were put in charge.22
3.12 Establishment of the Fortress
The Portuguese king Manuel I hoped to consolidate the
Portuguese presence in Asia affirming the nation’s supremacy over the
sea and controlling the important commercial points in the Indian
Ocean region. Lopo Soares de Albergaria, the commander of the
armada in 1504, handed over a letter to Gonçalo Gil in which king
Manuel I proposed the construction of a fort in the port of Cannanore,
and ordered the factor to carefully examine its possibility after Lopo
Soares de Albergaria’s departure. The situation deteriorated with the
Muslim merchants pressuring the local king against the Portuguese, as
they foresaw that closer relations between the Europeans and the 19 Cronica da Descobrimento e Conquista da India pelos Portugueses, Coimbra,
1974, p.25 20 Thomé Lopes, “Navegação as Índias Orientaes” in Collecção de Noticias para a
Historia e Geografia das Nações Uitramarinas que vivem nos Dominos Portugueses, ou lhes são Visinhas, tom.II, No.1 & 2, Lisbon, 1812,p. 187.
21 Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, tom. II, p.400; Simão Botelho, “Tombo do Estado da India” in Subsidios para a Historia de India Portugueze, Lisbon, 1868, p.28. The three orders and one receipt, written in Cannanore on 22 and 23 February, signed by Vasco da Gama, are the more ancient documents written by the Portuguese in India. Carlos Alexandre de Morais, Cronológia Geral da Índia Portuguesa, Sociedade de Geografia, Lisboa, 1997, p23.
22 João de Barros, Ásia,Vol.I -VI, Lisbon,1988-1992, pp.74-75.
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kingdom of Vijayanagara in the interior would deprive them of their
lucrative trade in horses and diamonds.23 When D. Francisco de Almeida
arrived in Cannanore, the factor apprised him of the need to fortify the
port as soon as possible. He had already built a stone house for the
factory and laid the foundation of the fortress by raising a wall and part
of a trench.24 D. Francisco de Almeida had spoken to the Kolathiri Raja
requesting permission to construct a fortress near the fort. He presented
the reasons in this regard as the need to defend the Portuguese who were
staying there and also his desire to appoint a noble man in charge as
captain.25 The king of Cannanore accepted the request.
Subsequently D. Francisco de Almeida, the viceroy secured the
permission from the king to construct a fortress and the work was
started in 1505 and on completion it was named St. Angelo26. On the
day of the arrival of the armada the construction began and D.
Francisco assumed the title of Viceroy. The general participation of all
members of the armada, including the captains, who became overseers
of the construction and headed various groups of the workers, greatly
contributed towards this endeavour. The local ruler supported it by
providing materials and specialized workmen. The fishermen huts were
evacuated and the palm groves that existed on the site were cut down at
the time. For the local ruler the site had the great advantage of being 23 Jorge Santos Alves, “ A Cruz, os Diamantes e os Cavalos: frei Luís do
Salvador, primeiro missionário e embaixador de Portugal em Vijayanagar (1500-1510)”, in Mare Liberum, No.5, Lisbon, 1993, p.9-21.
24 Fernão Lopes de Castenheda, História do descobrimento e da Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, Vol.II,Porto, 1979,p.17; Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.II, Porto, 1975,p.582; João de Barros, Ásia,Vol.I, Lisbon,1988-1992, p.4.
25 Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, tomo. II, P.400-402 (Letter from the King of Cannanore to King Manuel I, dated 6 December 1507.
26 Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, tom. II, p.401; tom.III,p.306.
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relatively away from his residence. For the Portuguese, the most
important considerations were military ones, and the site had been
widely praised by all as being a “very fine spot of land”.27 The viceroy
himself acknowledged that its geographical situation ensured that it
was “indestructible”.28 It was a long tip of land jutting out into the sea,
flat and low, with enough space to install a small settlement,
completely dominating the bay of Cannanore. A siege from the sea
would be extremely difficult as the site was almost totally surrounded
by rugged cliffs, which produced strong surf and made any approach
by sea unfeasible. Its strategic protection was high and any attack was
possible only via this narrow strip of land in this elongated triangle.
The construction of a wall that stretched in the north-south direction,
from one end to the other and from the sea side to the bay, could
prevent any attack on the fort. On the outside of the wall, parallel to it
and at a distance of about two fathoms, a moat had been dug, thus
linking the waters on both sides, ensuring a great protection of the site
and creating yet another barrier that would hinder the progress of land
based attacks.29 The earth and stones collected in the process of the
excavation of this moat were utilized to build the wall, which was
constructed with the combination of wood and other perishable
materials along with stone and lime.30
27 Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, tomo. II, pp.335-341 ( Letter from Pedro
Fernandes Tinoco dated 18 November 1505). 28 Joaquim Candeias da Silva, O Fundador do Estado “Estado Português da
Índia...”, doc. 18, p.312 (Letter from D. Francisco de Almeida to King Manuel I dated 16 December 1505).
29 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,p.702. 30 Fernão Lopes de Castenheda, História do descobrimento e da Conquista da Índia
pelos Portugueses, Vol.II,Porto, 1979,p.17; Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.II, Porto, 1975,pp.582-583; João de Barros, Ásia,Vol.I, Lisbon,1988-1992, p.4.
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Fig.
3.1
The
For
tres
s of C
anna
nore
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The greater part of the work was done in masonry of laterite
stone and lime produced locally, while the rare and expensive pieces of
square stones were used for the angles, the linings at the water level
and for the frames of doors and windows. Big stone houses were
erected to store the merchandises and the defensive system was
reinforced by double trenches and fences.31
The central element of the fortress was the castle stay, the main
tower. Gasper Correia provides the most complete description of the
castle. The keep, with forty fathoms of internal space in a square room,
had a ground floor and two upper stories, built on wooden palisades, all of
which had ample light provided by balcony windows, whose utilization
by bombardiers appeared unlikely. It was covered by a four sided roof.
On the side facing the west, as well as on the respective vertices, one
could find a balcony supported by corbel work, at the height of the first
floor, which was also covered by tiles.32 Access to the interior of the
fortress was by way of a wooden drawbridge over the trough, worked by
iron chains.33
The second phase was completely dominated by the enormous
keep, behind which were to be found the apartments of the captain, which
were apparently also attached to the southern wall, profusely illuminated
and with a high entrance, reached by a flight of stairs. Alongside these
there were other small single-storied houses that, according to Gasper
Correia, lodged eighty men. The keep was installed in the south east
31 João de Barros, Ásia,Vol.IX -IX, Lisbon,1988-1992, pp.339-340; Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,pp.582-583.
32 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,pp.727-729. 33 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.II, Porto, 1975,pp.713-714, 729.
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corner of a sub rectangular enclosure, consisting of not very thick walls,
covered with roofs with balconies. During the government of D.
Francisco de Almeida, construction of the fortress’ mother church was
begun, with invocation of San Tiago.34
Along the aforementioned door of the quay and continuing the
closure of the internal area towards the bay, the two storied factory house
was raised, built in stone and lime. On the opposite side, along the sea,
were to be found the warehouse for supplies and munitions and the
hospital, both of which were stone edifices built during the time of D.
Francisco de Almeida. At the extreme end of this tip of land was the chapel
dedicated to Our Lady of Victory, built after the naval victory achieved by
the Portuguese off the coast of Cannanore on 18 March 1506. D. Lourenco
ordered the construction of a chapel dedicated to Our Lady of Victory.35
Construction work of the fortress continued during the
subsequent years in order to strengthen its defensive position. In
1512 under the mandate of Afonso de Albuquerque works were
being carried out in Cannanore and all necessary materials were
supplied to the masons and carpenters who were working there.36
Eight years later improvements were made to the structure entrusted
by Pedro Alvares.37
34 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.II, Porto, 1975,p.728. 35 Fernão Lopes de Castenheda, História do descobrimento e da Conquista da Índia
pelos Portugueses, Vol.II,Porto, 1979,p.16; Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,p.729; João de Barros, Ásia,Vol.I, Lisbon,1988-1992, p.4.
36 ANTT, Corpo Cronologico, II, 34-197 (Order by which the masons and carpenters were to be given everything they required for the works of the fortress of Cannanore, dated 15 October 1512).
37 ANTT, Corpo Cronologico, II, 91-151 (Order by D.Aires da Gama dated 27 September 1520).
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Fig. 3.2 Cannanore. Ref. La Cosmographie Universelle
Fig. 3.3 Cannanore. Ref. Marechal Gomes da Cost, Descobrimentos e Conquistas,
Vol.III, Lisboa, 1929, p.314.
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The most important additional construction done in the first half
of the sixteenth century was the building of two more bulwarks on the
external wall and the repairing of the respective moat, ordered in
September 1526 by Lopo Vaz de Sampaio. It is worth noting that of all
the fortresses established on the Malabar Coast in the early sixteenth
century, only Cannanore St. Angelo fort remains to date almost intact.
3.13 The Ecclesiastical Institutions
Along the merchant community many religious orders came to
Malabar and the most important among them were the Franciscans, the
Jesuits, the Dominicans the Augustinians and the Carmelites. All of
them belonged to the different countries in Europe like Portugal,
France, Italy and Spain. Nobody was admitted from the locals to these
orders the claim was that Indians were inclined to wrong-doing and
they were animated by base instincts.38
3.13.1 Churches
It is very clear from the documents written during the Portuguese
period that there were mainly three churches built for the spiritual
needs of the Portuguese people in the fort. It was also used as the place
for the devotional needs of the local converts. These churches were the
centres of missionary activities of the Portuguese. They reached
Cannanore also with intention of finding souls for the Almighty.
In 1500, Pedro Alvares Cabral, during his visit in Cannanore built
the first place of worship in the name of the Immaculate Conception .It
was only provisional. Near the chapel there was the residence for the
38 Pius Malekandathil, Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India 1500-
1663, Manohar, Delhi, p.95.
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fathers, brothers and ministers.39 On the day of departure of the fleet of
Pedro Alvares Cabral to Lisbon, Fr. Henrique Soares da Coimbra
celebrated solemn Mass in this chapel. And in 1504, four Persian bishops
celebrated the Holy Mass in the East-Syrian rite in this chapel.
This chapel was only temporary. It fell into ruins or became
abandoned. During the period of Dom Francisco da Almeida, he built
another church with stone for the divine liturgy. But he changed the name
of the church from Immaculate Conception into St. James, because he was
a devotee of St. James. The Portuguese and the Spanish believed that they
were saved from the attacks of Arabs by the mediation and intervention of
St. James and they built the basilica of St. James with his relics in Santiago
da Compostela which is near to the northern border of Portugal.40
In 1506 there was a war between the Portuguese and the Arabs in
Cannanore. Dom Lorenço de Almeida, the son of the Viceroy Dom
Francisco da Almeida, was the Portuguese captain who fought against the
Moors heroically from the extreme end of St. Angelo’s fort. A canon was
used to shell continuously to the Moors. The Portuguese became
victorious in the war. In gratitude towards Nossa Senhora (Our Lady) and
to commemorate this great victory over the Moors, the Portuguese built a
chapel in the end of the fort where the canon is fixed to shell the enemies
and this shrine is named as the Chapel of Our Lady of Victory. 41
39 A.M.Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989, p.384. 40 Santiago means St. James. Compostela is a place in the North West region of
Spain which is near to the northern border of Portugal. It is believed that in the Basilica of Compostela the remains of the body of St.James is kept and it is a great pilgrim centre in Spain.
41 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947,p.321.
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sss
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.
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. Gas
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Later the church of St. James was found to be very inconvenient
for all the faithful to participate in the Holy Mass. It could not
accommodate the increasing number of Christians. Hence there was a
need for constructing a new church in the fortress. In 1523 the vicar Fr.
Afonso Fernandes wrote to the king the necessity of reconstructing the
church.42 He planned either reconstruct St. James Church or to extend
it. He started to collect donations to reconstruct it. Antonio Carvalho
donated a good amount before his death for this purpose43. He got
permission from the king to construct it. When the Captain General,
Dom Duarte arrived in Cannanore he issued an order to spend the
Church collections for the construction of the church and to select a
suitable place within the fort.44 For this purpose he demolished a few
houses and the owners were given the compensation. He collected
more funds and started to construct a new church in 1523. It was a
good size and beautifully planned with all the necessary adjuncts. He
did ask any money from the royal exchequer.45 In 1533, when the Vicar
General came to visit Cannanore he found the church almost complete
and beautifully constructed.46
42 Captain Aires da Gama had a good appreciation of the activities and spiritual
life of Fr. Afonso Fernandez, Vicar of Cannanore. Carta de Ayres da Gama a El-Rei de Portugal on 2nd January 1519; Gaveta 15, 9-11, ANTT.
43 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947,pp.14-15: Letter of Afonso Fernandes to the king of Portugal dated Cannanore, 10th October 1523.
44 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947,pp.14-15: Letter of Afonso Fernandes to the king of Portugal dated Cannanore, 10th October 1523.
45 A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989 ,p.385.
46 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947, p.337.
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Fig. 3.5. Cannanore. Ref. Livro das Plantas das Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoaçoes do
Estado da India Oriental.
Fig. 3.6. Bazar of Cannanore. Ref. Portugiesische Manuskriptatlanten, Berlim 1953
Fig. 3.7. Fortress of Cannanore. Ref. Faria e Sousa, Ásia Portuguesa, Vol.I, 1666, p.85.
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3.13.2 Monasteries.
Different religious congregations and monastic orders landed on
the Malabar Coast with the Portuguese navigators and traders. They
belonged to Dominicans, Jesuits, Franciscans, Augustinians, Carmelites
and many other religious and charitable communities. The first
missionaries who reached Cannanore in the Portuguese fleet were
Franciscans. They came with Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500.47 In
Cannanore there was a residence for the ministers, fathers and brothers
near the church of the Immaculate Conception.48 In Cannanore they did
not construct a monastery in the beginning. In 1504, Kind Dom Manuel
decreed a start to a residence for the Franciscan missionaries in
Cannanore. In 1505, the Franciscans again came to Cannanore with the
fleet of Almeida.49 The Franciscans expressed to the king in 1518 their
desire to construct a monastery in Cannanore. Franciscan commissary
wrote to the King of Portugal their desire to start a convent in Cannanore
on 4th November 1518.50 The first reference regarding the construction
of the monastery of the Franciscans was the letter of Governor Martim
Afonso de Sousa wrote in 1542 to the king of Portugal. When he
reached Cannanore he saw that the construction of the monastery was
going on which he did not expect. From his letter it is evident that the 47 William Brooks Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and
India, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995,p.xxx. 48 A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989,p.384. 49 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947, p.337. In this letter Livro para os Franciscanos, Pero Coresma, feitor de Cochim, gives the details of the spiritual books he is sending to the Franciscan friars for their spiritual activities. It is a letter to Friar Antonio dated 31 December 1517.
50 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947, p.351: Carta de Fr.Antonio a El-Rei de Portugal ( dated 4th November 1518).
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king did not want to have a Franciscan monastery in Cannanore and we
did not know the reason. The Franciscans started to build a monastery in
Cannanore in the year 1541 or 1542.51
3.14 Religious and Social Institutions
The Portuguese introduced a number of institutions of their
social assistance in their city Cannanore, in keeping with the Christian
spirit of charity. The city of Cannanore offered institutionalized urban
social assistance.
3.14.1 Holy House of Mercy (Santa Casa da Misericordia)
Santa Casa da Misericordia is an important charitable institution
of the Portuguese. They established this institution in almost all the
places where they had settled. It was founded in Portugal in 1498 to
assist the old, the sick, the disabled and the weaker sections in the
society among those involved in the overseas expansion.52 The various
functions of the Santa Casa da Misericordia included regular visits to
the hospital, absolution for the dying, help to the orphans, the sick and
the poor, giving dowries to the girls for their marriages, visiting the poor
in prisons, supporting the destitute and the abandoned children. 53 There
were fourteen duties of the Misericordia that were necessary for its
members to observe. They were defined as being seven spiritual and 51 A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989,
p.386. Governor Martin Afonso de Sousa wrote to the king of Portugal in 1542: “Your Highness ordered me not to allow the Friars of Franciscans to erect the friary which they were bent on founding in Cannanore. I found friars there already, whom I was powerless to expel…” Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.II (1499-1522),Lisboa,1947, p.309.
52 K.S. Mathew, Portuguese Trade with India in the Sixteenth Century, Delhi, 1983, p.222. 53 Pius Malekandathil, Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India 1500-
1663, Manohar, Delhi, p.88
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seven corporal works. The spiritual ones were: giving good advice;
teaching the ignorant; consoling the sorrowful; punishing evildoers;
pardoning injuries received; suffering our neighbours’ shortcomings;
praying to God for the living and the dead. The corporal works consisted
of – giving food to the hungry; giving drink to the thirsty; clothing the
naked; visiting the sick and the prisoners; giving shelter to the weary;
ransoming captives and burying the dead.54
The first Santa Casa da Misericordia in India was established in
Cochin in 152755. Later the Santa Casa da Misericordias appeared in
Cannanore, Cranganore and Quilon. All of them functioned in
conjunction with the local hospitals. In Cannanore the hospital was run by
the help of Santa Casa da Misericordia. Pietro della Valle who visited
Cannanore has given a detailed account of the Santa Casa da
Misericordia: “La Misericordia is a confraternity and a pious
institution.”56 He explains the services of this institution: “keeping things
deposited; transmitting bills of exchange safely, relieving the poor, the
sick and the imprisoned; maintaining exposed children; marrying young
maids; looking after women of ill repute when converted; redeeming
slaves; in short, all works of mercy whereof a city, or a country, can have
need. This pious institution is governed by secular confriers, to which
confraternity none are admitted but worthy persons, upon certain decent
conditions and to a set number.”57 It was an institution for the needy.
54 C.R .Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, Martinus Nijhoff, Hague, 1948, pp.217-218. 55 Pius Malekandathil, Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India 1500-
1663, Manohar, Delhi, p.87. 56 Edward Grey (ed.), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, Hakluyt Society,
London, 1862, p.382. 57 Edward Grey (ed.), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, Hakluyt Society,
London, 1862, pp.382, 383.
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Fig. 3.8. Fortress of Cannanore: Ref. Portugiesische Manuskriptatlanten, Berlim 1953
Fig. 3.9. The urban city of Cannanore. Ref. P.F. Joseph François Lafitau, Histoire des Decouvertes et
Conquestes des Portugais dans le Nouveau Monde, Paris, 1733.
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There are many references to the Misericordia in Cannanore.
In a letter written by Gasper Rabello, Vaz, Ruy Guomez, Gasper,
Duarte Vazz, Joam Barbosa, Fernando Vas and Amtonio Pyres from
Cannanore on 15 December 1554, there is mention about the
Misericordia in Cannanore.58 They say that it was an inevitable
institution in Cannanore as there are a lot of suffering people in and
around there.59 There was a well-established Misericordia in
Cannanore. But we do not have any reference as to the date of its
foundation. However, it is evident that the Misericordia of
Cannanore was there in 1541. It is clear from a letter written on 15th
December 1554 to Dom Joao III in which the provedor (purveyor)60
of the Misericordia of Cannanore referred to a letter that he wrote
thirteen years ago requesting the king for an altarpiece.61
There was another reference to the Misericordia of Cannanore in
the Tombo do Estado da India in 1545. According to the document the
Misericordia of Cannanore used to have an offering of ten pardaos
every month.62 But the Misericordia of Cannanore seems to be smaller
58 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I , Document 72 (Misericordia de Cananor) ,Lisboa,1947,p.375-377.
59 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I , Document 72 (Misericordia de Cananor) ,Lisboa,1947,p.375.
60 The provedor was the responsible person of the Misericordias. He was the superintendent of the affairs. It was an honour for any Portuguese citizen to be a provedor of a Misericordia. Verbo Encyclopedia Luso-Brasileira de Cultura, Vol. XII, Lisboa, 1972, pp.313-314.
61 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I , Document 72 (Misericordia de Cananor) ,Lisboa,1947,p.375-377. That is in the year 1541.
62 Simão Botelho, “Tombo do Estado da India”, in Subsidios para a História da Índia Portugueza Publicados de Ordem de Classe de Sciencias Moraes.
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than that of Cochin because the offering the Misericordia of Cochin
received was thirty pardaos per month where as that of Cannanore
received only ten pardaos par month.63
In many Portuguese centres in Malabar the hospitals were
attached to the Misericordias. It might be for the sake of treating the
sick that it was established close to the hospitals. The brothers of the
Misericordia used to do service in such hospitals. Hospitals and
Misericordias were two similar institutions.64 The brothers of the
Misericordia of Cannanore reminded the King of Portugal in 1554
about the lack of a hospital in Cannanore and that the building which
existed there was quite small that it was not very useful. The existing
facilities were not sufficient to cater to the needs of the time. For
example, there were no sufficient beds as the number of the sick was
high, nor were there enough blankets to cover them. There were a lot
of sick and wounded people in Cannanore due to the large military
presence and frequent wars in those areas.65 In the year 1549 the ship
Sao Bento reached there with more than 80 sick and in the same year
54 sick and wounded arrived in Cannanore in the ship Santa Cruz
from the outer sea. There were a lot of sick in this fort. But by the
grace of God none died except one. The credit of the same went to the
Politicas e Bellas-Lettras da Acadamia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e sob a Direcção de Rodrigo José de Lima Felner, Lisboa,1868,p.30
63 Simão Botelho, “Tombo do Estado da India”, in Subsidios para a História da Índia Portugueza Publicados de Ordem de Classe de Sciencias Moraes. Politicas e Bellas-Lettras da Acadamia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e sob a Direcção de Rodrigo José de Lima Felner, Lisboa,1868,pp.22-23.
64 Jose Manuel Correia, Os Portugeses no Malabar,(1498-1580), Lisboa,1997, p.196. 65 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I , Document 72 (Misericordia de Cananor) ,Lisboa,1947,p.375.
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Misericordia of Cannanore. There was also a request for the tiles so that
the house may not be burnt. 66
In Cannanore there were a lot of poor people and windows whom
this Misericordia protected. They supplied money for the marriage of
orphan girls. They had the responsibility of arranging suitable husbands
for the orphan girls among the Portuguese men in the Estado da India.67
Husbands of the orphan girls were given jobs and land. The original
intentions behind the foundation of the Misericordia were to teach the
simple people, to look after the formation and education of the
abandoned children, punish the erring and the evil doers, console the sad
through the visit of the hospitals, forgive the sinners, pray for the
widows and the dead., redeem and free the prisoners and slaves, cure the
sick and help them, cover the naked, give food and drink to the needy,
supply lodging facilities to the pilgrims, and to bury the dead.68 But in
course of time when it was implanted in the Portuguese overseas
possessions, some modifications were brought about in the objective.
3.14.2 Confraternity of the Chagas (Confraria das Chagas)
Confraria das Chagas was a religious community of men doing
religious and charitable services. It is a typical Portuguese institution.69
The Portuguese word chaga means stigmas of Christ. It shows that they
66 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I , Document 72 (Misericordia de Cananor) ,Lisboa,1947,p.376.
67 Fatima da Silva Gracias, Kaleidoscope of Women in Goa, 1501-1961, New Delhi, 1996, p.32.
68 Verbo Enciclopedia Luso-Brasileira de Cultura, Vol. XII, Lisboa, 1972, pp.892-893.
69 A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989,p.383.
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were a religious group established in the name of the stigmas or chagas of
Christ. There are some references to them in the Corpo Cronologico. On
an order written on 6th July 1509, João Vaz de Almada, the military
major (alcaide mor) of Cannanore fort is asked to collect one cruzado
from Gonçalo Mendes, the feitor of the Cannanore factory in order to give
it to the Confraria das Chagas as a charity. The same day João de Vaz de
Almada collected it from the feitor and informed the work to Laurenço de
Brito.70 There is another letter of the same cause of giving money is
written on 17th June 1510. It shows that Confraria das Chagas were the
religious community who were supported by the Portuguese king and
they were in India to do the religious service of the king for God.71
3.14.3 Hospital
The hospital in the fort of Cannanore was very popular and it
was the best maintained. It is believed the hospital was constructed by
the Viceroy Almeida in 1504.72 There is a reference of the hospital of
Cannanore in the document signed by the Capitão-mor, Lopo Soares
on 5 January 1505 in which he states that he set the ships on fire in
Capocate (Kappad) near Calicut.73 It places on record the origin of the
hospital of Cannanore.74 Hence it is found that there was a hospital in
Cannanore before 1505. 70 ANTT, Corpo Cronologico, II, 1.8-10. 71 ANTT, Corpo Cronologico, II, 22-73. 72 A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989,
p.384. 73 “....na pelaja que ouve em Capocatejumto de Callecut em que queymey as
naos....” ANTT, Corpo Cronologico, II, 9-38. Lopo Soares recommended to his feitor that nothing should be spared those who had been wounded in this battle whom he was leaving in his capable hands.
74 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ,Lisboa,1947,pp.332-335.
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Fig. 3.10. City of Cannanore Ref. Johannes Janssonius van Waasbergs, Naauwkeurige
Beschryvinge van Malabar en Chromandel, Amsterdam, 1672.
Fig. 3.11. The moat of Cannanore, Ref. Histoire Generale de Voyages, Vol. XVII; 1749, p.542.
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In the beginning it might be only room for treatment. But after
the siege in 1507 the Portuguese felt the need for a good hospital in
Cannanore. The infirmary was not big enough to accommodate the
large number of wounded and sick. Hence there was a reconstruction
of the hospital in 1509 together with the gun powder factory.75 Beside
the botica of Cannanore and near the church of Nossa Senhora da
Vitória stood the hospital among the coconut palms. In the map of
Gasper Correia the hospital building was in between the Casa dos
Mandamentos and the church of Nossa Senhora da Esperança in the
fortress. 76 It was erected parallel to the Arabian Sea. It is found that
the water and climate in Cannanore hospital had better curing effects
and could heal certain tropical fevers.77 Since Cannanore had
salubrious atmosphere and water for curing diseases contracted in the
course of the voyage from Lisbon, the hospital attracted several sick
people especially those who were suffering from scurvy. The Viceroy
instructed the physicians at Cochin to send the sick to Cannanore for
getting cured.78
Since it was on the route from Goa to Cochin, it was
considered a centre for getting treatment during the journey. The air
and water are very good in the fort of Cannanore. It was considered
healthy. Even though the fort was on the sea shore the water in the
wells of the fort was not salty.
75 According to Correia the fortress was then rebuilt in stone. The Viceroy
probably carried out some repairs and rearrangements after the siege. Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,pp.714-715; Vol.II,727-731.
76 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.III, Lisboa, 1862, p.16. 77 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,p.729. 78 Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, Vol.I, Porto, 1975,pp.729-730.
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Fig 3.12. Cannanore Ref.Enchelle de 50 Verges, Mesure de Rhynland.(in Ensaio de
Iconografia das Cidades Portugueses do Ultramar, Vol.3, p.408.
Fig 3.13. Cannanore Ref. Antonio Maris Carneiro Descripçam da Fortaleza de Sofala e das mais da Índia com huma Rellaçam das Religioes todas Q ha no Mesmo Estado, Carta no.34, 1639.
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The hospital of Cannanore was famous in India though it was
mainly for treating the Portuguese soldiers and officials. On 26 August
1510 Afonso de Albuquerque returned with his men to Cannanore after
the attack on Goa and found that the hospital of Cannanore was
overflowing with patients, some of whom had been there for three or
four years and in addition had to treat the wounded from Goa.79
The administration of the hospital was reputed to be best in
Malabar80 and it was entrusted to provedores. A provedor, a
secretary and a surgeon – who was also an apothecary - treated and
fed not only the sick and wounded from the fortress but also those
sent from Cochin and Goa.81 The factors gave them necessary
equipments and medicines. The brothers of Santa Casa da
Misericordia assisted in the hospital. The hospital was provided with
bed and other necessary items.
3.14.4 Alms Giving
The Portuguese spent a lot of money giving alms to the poor. In
Cannanore the vicars distributed alms on Saturdays.82 Vicar Dom Aires
da Gama promoted alms giving because he found a direct relationship
between alms and conversion. His successor João da Silveira was also
very generous and he knew well the misery of the people. But he was
forced to cut down the alms because of the lack of money in the
79 Fernão Lopes de Castenheda, História do descobrimento e da Conquista da
Índia pelos Portugueses, Vol.II,Porto, 1979,p.86. 80 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ,Lisboa,1947,p.333. 81 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ,Lisboa,1947,p.333-334. 82 A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989, p.383.
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Portuguese exchequer83. The Portuguese exchequer had the responsibility
of maintaining the children of Portuguese casados and the new Christians.
But often the exchequer was empty due to lack of enough trade and many
of the commodities imported by the Portuguese were unsold because
there was no demand for them in the Indian market. Hence there was a
difficulty in distributing alms to the poor. In 1514, Fr. Afonso Velho
wrote about the cases of many women resorting to abortions due to their
inability to feed the children if born. So he pleaded with the Portuguese
king for the continuation and enhancement of the alms to the poor in
Cannanore. 84Dom Aires da Gama wrote to the king about the good
habit of Fr. Afonso Fernandez, the vicar of Cannanore in 1519, of
giving alms to the poor people.85
3.14.5 Botique de Cannanore
Botica signifies a shop of medicines. It would be called a
pharmacy in the modern terms. It is a shop of medicines, medicinal
plants, drugs etc. From there the Portuguese collected the drugs and
medicines for those who were in the ship and their people. There are
many documents written about the transactions of the boticas. In one of
the document written on the16th of July 1510 Rodrigo Rabello, captain
83 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do
Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.II, Lisboa, 1947, p.13. Cfr. The letter of Fr. Sebastião Dias to the king of Portugal dated Cannanore, 10th October 1523.
84 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.II ,Lisboa,1947,p.343. Carta de Padre Sebastião Pires, Vicar of Cannanore,dated Cannanore,8th January,1518; Corpo Cronologico I 23-25, ANTT.
85 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.II ,Lisboa,1947,p.372: Carta de Dom Ayres da Gama a El-Rei de Portugal ( dated Cannanore, 2nd January 1519)., Gaveta 15,9-11 of ANTT.
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of the St. Angelo’s fort in Cannanore orders the feitor of the fortress to
pay a bill of drugs and other things brought from the botica.86 And it is
mentioned that the person in charge, may be the owner of the botica was
a Valanciano and his name was Francisco Savantes.87 The captains also
asked him to verify whether the amount is paid at once. If not so it
should be paid and noted down in the account book. And in a reply,
another writer Antonio de Foyos informs Captain Goncalo Mendez that
he had verified the account and had that day (16th July 1510) paid the
amount for him and it was 78.5 fanams. They paid it in Indian currency.
3.15 Education in the Portuguese Settlement of Cannanore
At the beginning the Portuguese paid no attention into the
education of the people because they did not have any plan to colonise
the country. But as the Portuguese settlers as well as the native
Christians increased in number, the Portuguese started schools for the
education of the children in the fortress and town, run by the church
authorities and subsidised by the government. The education thus
imparted was obviously religion oriented and west oriented.
3.16 Cannanore as seen by the Travellers
3.16.1 Tomé Pires
The land of Malabar consisted of a number of kingdoms
including the kingdom of Cannanore. According to Tome Pires the
86 ANTT, Corpo Cronologico, II, 90-119, written on 16 July 1510. 87 Valencia is a province in Spain. Francisco Sevantes was from Valencia and he
was running the botica there. It also refers that people from neighbouring countries also reached Malabar for trade and business there. Francisco Sevantes was one among them. Carlos Alexandre de Morais, Cronológia Geral da Índia Portuguesa, Sociedade de Geografia, Lisboa, 1997, p.34: “Começa a funcionar em Cananor uma botica dirigida por Francisco Sevantes”
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kingdom of Cannanore is the second in land and population to the
kingdom of Quilon which was first.88 The kingdom of Cannanore
consisted of the ports of Kumbla, Kattakulam, Nileswaram, Hyeri,
Madayi, Balipatanam, Cannanore and Dharmapatan.89 He asserted the
importance of the port of Cannanore as first among them. It is also noble
and had much trade. He had a good appreciation of the kingdom of
Cannanore as a land of good air and water. The kingdom and the town of
Cannanore were very large and had much trade.90 But he was afraid of
the kingdom coming under the control of Moorish merchants. So he
expressed his anxiety to the king of Portugal: “If Your Highness had not
taken this kingdom under your rule, it would be a Moorish by now”.91
He was also afraid that the Moorish merchant Mamalle Marakkar would
become very influential at that time. Even the Brahmin king also looked
like a Moor with a long beard, so he feared that he could be converted to
Islam with the influence of the Moors thus affecting their priorities that
of earning souls and then spices.
3.16.2 Letter of Giovanni Francesco de Affaitadi
The letter written by Giovanni Francesco de Affaitadi written on
26th June 1501, from Lisbon addressed to Sier Domenego Pixani, in
Spain, also mentions about Cannanore and the king: 88 The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires and the book of Francisco Rodrigues, vol.I, p.74. 89 Kattakulam is place in modern South Canara. Hyeri is situated in the bay south of
Mount Dely. Neeleswaram is in the north of the Cannanore kingdom but before Kattakulam. Madayi was a very important trade centre and port before Valapattanam and Cannanore. After Madayi, Valapattanam became an important trade centre. It is five kilometres of north of Cannanore but before Madayi. Durmapatan, today known as Dharmadam, was also a very important trade port including the British period. It is in the south of Cannanore and before Thalassery. Cannanore became an important centre of trade with the influence of Portuguese.
90 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol.II, p.81. 91 The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and the book of Francisco Rodrigues, vol.I, p.77.
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“After they had left Chuchi (Cochin), as has been said before,
when a distance from the said place of two hundred leagues, they found
another land called Lichinocho (Cannanore), and there lived a very rich
King, who sent presents to the captain and sent him two ambassadors
who came to the King of Portugal.”92
3.16.3 Cannanore in the letter of King Dom Manuel
King Dom Manuel in his letter written in Santarem to King
Ferdinand and Isabella on 29th July 1501 “Concerning the News of India”
explains the meeting between the Captain Pedro Alvares Cabral and the
king of Cannanore:93
“While he (Cabral) was in the kingdom of Cochin, there came to
him the messages from the King of Cannanore, requesting him to come
to them because they would make more profitable trade with him…
From there he went his way, which was to the kingdom of Cannanore,
ruled by one of those kings who invited him. And as he was passing, as
soon as those on land caught sight of him, they sent him another
message, asking him to stop there, because the king wanted to send a
messenger to me by him, whom he brought me. And in the single day
that he was there, he ordered so much spicery to be brought to the ships
that he might have entirely filled them, had they been empty; and they
gave what they might carry free, as a present to win my friendship. And
all his chief men came also to my captain, telling him on behalf of the
king that they would see to it that he was treated there in a different
92 William Brooks Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and
India, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995,p.128. 93 Queen Isabella of Castile was the first cousin of Dom Manuel. Her husband
King Ferdinand was the father-in-law of King Dom Henry. He married their daughter Isabel and after her death their another daughter, Maria.
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manner than in Calicut, assuring him that if he wanted to make war on
Calicut they would help him, and that he in person would go on land,
and all his fleet on the sea. And after thanking him greatly in my name,
he took leave of him, saying to him that in the other fleet which I was
to send soon, I would send him my answer regarding everything.” 94
3.16.4 Visit of Cabral by an Anonymous Narrative.
It is believed that it is one of the earliest and most complete
contemporary accounts of the voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral written
by a member of his fleet. The author is an intelligent Portuguese but he
is unknown. It looks like an official record meant for the publication of
the narrative. In this narrative he has narrated the visit of Cabral in
Cannanore:
“On the 15th of January we reached a kingdom on this side of
Calichut (Calicut), which is called Chanonon (Cannanore). It belongs
to the Caferis,95 whose language is like that of Calichut. As we are
passing by the aforesaid kingdom the king sent word to tell the captain
that he was greatly displeased that he had not come to his kingdom, and
he begged him to cast anchor, and said that if our ships were not
loaded, he would load them. When the captain learned this, he
anchored and sent a Guzerate on shore to tell the king that the ships
were already loaded and that they needed only a hundred barchara of
cinnamon, which is four hundred chantaras. And immediately the king
sent the said cinnamon to the ships with great diligence, trusting greatly
in us, and the captain sent to pay for it in so many cruzados. And then
94 William Brooks Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and
India, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995,p.50. 95 Caferis means the infidels or those who does not believe in Allah (Islam).
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much cinnamon came to the ship and there was no place in which to
put it. The king sent word to the captain that, if it were for lack of
money, we should not fail to load on as much as we wished on this
account that we could pay him on the return voyage, for he had well
learned how the king of calichut had robbed us and what good and
truthful people we were. The captain thanked him very much, and
showed the messenger, that is the ambassador, the three or four
thousand cruzados which remained, and then the king sent to inquire
whether he wished anything more. The captain told him no, except that
His Highness might send a man to visit Portugal. The king immediately
sent a gentleman who was to come to Portugal with us….In this place
we did not remain longer than a day.”96
3.16.5 François Pyrard de Laval
François Pyrard de Laval was a French traveller who visited
Goa, Cochin, Cannanore, Ormuz, Bengal and other borders of Indian
Ocean from 1601 to 1610.He leisurely observed men, their way of life,
their social organization, their customs, their food, the rhythms and
gestures of their daily life. He was easily gifted with foreign languages,
so he quickly learned how to express himself and understand others. He
left St. Malo of north-west France on May 18, 1601 in a ship called
Corbin.97
96 William Brooks Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and
India, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995,pp.88-89.. 97 Genevieve Bouchon, A French Traveller in Portuguese India (1601-1610)-
Francis Pyrard de Laval, a paper presented in the IV International Seminar on Indo-Portuguese History,Lisbon,1985,P.4. She gives the detailed study of the voyage of Pyrard basing on the works of The Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brasil translated in to English by A. Grey and H.C.P. Bell and Viagem de Francisco Pyrard de Laval translated by J.H. da Cunha Rivara.
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3.16.6 Pietro della Valle
Pietro della Valle visited Cannanore on the Christmas day of 1624.
He landed Cannanore from Calicut. He has given a detailed description of
the port of Cannanore while he travelled to Calicut from Mangalore. On
the way he saw the Mount Elly and he explained it as mark of finding the
Malabar coast. He describes: ‘Cannanore is a little place upon the shore,
but near a Promontory which makes a kind of Haven. The city is
surrounded with walls, not very strong, or well made in some places”98.
He continued about the institutions in Cannanore also: “It has four
churches, to wit La Sede, or the Cathedral. La Misericordia, which is a
Confraternity, and a pious institution.”99 According to him the third
church of Cannanore was that of San Francesco, where the friars of that
order reside and the fourth was that of Santa Maria della Vittoria .He
described the market of Cannanore: “It is a great open space, which they
call Bazar, where all sorts of provisions and other merchandize are sold. It
is like that of Calicut, and perhaps better. It is governed by a famous
Malabar Moor Agà Begel.”100
3.16.7 Description of Cannanore by Van Linschotten
Van Linschotten in his book on Voyage to India explains in
detail about Cannanore in chapter 11. He describes that the distance
from Mangalore to Cannanore is about 15 miles and from Cannanore to
Calicut, it is around 8 miles, and the city of Cannanore lies under 11
98 Edward Grey (ed.), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, Hakluyt Society,
London, 1892, p.382. 99 Edward Grey (ed.), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, Hakluyt Society,
London, 1892, p.382. 100 Edward Grey (ed.), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, Hakluyt
Society, London, 1892, p.383.
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degrees and a half.101 He continues that the fort of Cannanore is the
best fortress of the Portuguese in the whole Malabar. Van Linschotten
testifies that the fort of Cannanore is rich with much pepper. And
Malabar is only a village with a lot of small houses built in their own
particular manner and there is also a daily market. Van Linschotten had
a nostalgic feeling of Hollandese markets when he found the Malabar
markets in Cannanore. He felt wonderful that he could see all items of
daily life in the market. He gives examples of some items in the market
for truthful testimony like eggs, hens, butter, honey, Indian oil, Indian
figs etc. He describes that the Indian figs are brought from Cannanore
itself and he was sure these are the best in the whole India and they are
very great also. They are also abundant in quantity and very fair. He
accepts that no one can find such a better quality item in all Norway.102
Van Linschotten is also great admirer of nature. He becomes a
lover of nature while explaining the beauty of Cannanore. According to
him the whole coast of Malabar, especially Cannanore, is very green
and a pleasant land, full of fairy tall trees and a land filled with fruitful
things. He becomes Wordsworth while explaining the beauty of the
nature of Cannanore.103
Van Linschotten gives then an account of another existing
merchant community in Cannanore. They are, he termed, the “Mores”.
They are followers of prophet Mahomet (Mohamed) and they had trade in
101 The distance given by Van Linschotten is of the sea route and not the land
route. It is an average calculation of the distance of his time. 102 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to
the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, p.67. 103 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to
the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, p.67.
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the Red sea. But they are controlled by the Portuguese. They need a
passport to do trade in the Indian Ocean from the Portuguese. Otherwise
the Portuguese army would take them to prison. No country was allowed
to trade in the Indian Ocean region without a passport from the
Portuguese. This was a safety precaution for the merchants too, because
this safeguarded them from the attack of pirates. The Mores had trade
with Sumatra, Cambaia and Malabar and they used the Indian Ocean as a
route to Red Sea with prior permission from the Portuguese.104
Even though the Mores were in good contact with the Portuguese,
they collected money from Arabia, as Van Linschotten describes, and
distributed secretly great sum of money among the people of Malabar to
hold connection with the people there. Apparently they respected the
Portuguese because of their fortress in Cannanore. He says actually for the
Mores the Portuguese were their deadly enemies and they wanted to
“trouble the Portuguese by all the means they can devise”.105
3.17 Conclusion
The commercial history of Cannanore begins with the advent of
the Portuguese in Cannanore. The nearby towns of Cannanore were the
centres of commerce from the early period. But Cannanore did not
have a flourishing trade before the arrival of the Portuguese. There
were centres like Madayi, Pazhayangadi and Valapattanam which had
trade relations with the Arabs and it is believed that there was a
104 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to
the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, p.67. 105 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to
the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, p.68.
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settlement of the Jews in Madayipara. The area was quite suitable for
trade and traders saw Mount Eli (Ezhimala) as a landmark on the
Malabar coast. The land was also rich with spices. All these favourable
situations attracted the traders to this Malabar region.
The town of Cannanore developed with the advent of the
Portuguese for trade. The development of the area is closely related to
their relation with the Portuguese. The arrival of the Portuguese created
a mercantile community there. Some of them were appointed as the
middlemen of trade. The foreigners had difficulty in communication
and they needed the support of responsible persons to trade with the
local people. This situation created a class of middlemen and local
merchants in the society.
In the religious level the Portuguese were a zealous community.
They had inherited a strong zeal for propagating their religious faith.
They witness their well known dual motives in trading for spices and
for the saving of souls. From a commercial point of view they searched
for the spices and trade goods while from a religious aspect they were
in search of souls. Hence we find that wherever they went they went
with missionaries and religious. It led to the birth and growth of
Christian community in Cannanore.
Another community which originated there, was the descendents
of the Portuguese and the mixed community. The Portuguese started to
marry the local women who became Catholic and their children
became part and parcel of the society. It was a new group of the
Portuguese who began their life as the indigenous group of the society.
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There were not only the traders, but for the everyday work many
groups within society emerged in Cannanore. There was the presence
of masons, carpenters, khalasis, bakers, fishermen, cobblers, painters,
cook, rope makers, cleaners, shipwrights, seamen, gunners, guards etc.
Apart from trade the urbanization and prosperity of Cannanore in the
beginning of sixteenth century was the result of the effort of the
Portuguese traders.
….. …..
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