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Article on the allowance culture in Africa. Published in a Dutch development magazine Vice Versa in December 2010.
Citation preview
Getting paid to attend a meeting or training for
one’s own benefit sounds too good to be true, but
in Tanzania and many other African countries this
is a daily reality for many. In this article Job de
Graaf narrates how allowances grew from an
incentive to a habit which went out of control.
In Tanzania numerous well attended workshops and
meetings are held every day which are supported
with funds from international development aid.
These include training for farmers, planners, health
workers, etc. and they cover a wide range of topics.
At first glance it is of course a good thing that such a
transfer of knowledge takes place, but
unfortunately there are other motives involved.
The donor culture of the recent decades has
resulted in a situation whereby most participants
give more importance to the financial compensation
they will get than to the expansion of their
knowledge or skills. A workshop in which no
allowances will be paid can be assured of a poor
attendance.
HISTORY
The use of allowances began in earnest in the early
'90s, a period marked by a significant change in
approach in the development sector, moving from a
top-down approach to a more participatory one.
The contribution of the 'target group' became a
high priority and their participation in the design
and implementation of activities was stimulated.
That period was also the beginning of a more
measurable and result-oriented approach. For this
purpose, a special planning tool was introduced that
originated in the U.S. Army and was first used by
USAID in development aid. The Logical Framework
is a very detailed planning methodology with
objectives, activities, resources and verifiable
results in one schedule. Naturally, the column in
which the results were recorded received the most
attention. However, results were often recorded in
the form of outputs (e.g. 100 farmers trained)
without the measuring of the impact of the training.
One does not need to have much imagination to see
that development organizations benefited from
having full houses at their workshops.
During the same period Dutch, German and
Scandinavian Aid supported District Development
Programs and also initiated large projects with a
focus on agro-forestry and traditional irrigation
improvement. Although these were new programs
for the donors, for many Tanzanians this was a déjà
vu. Most of them had grown up with Tanzania's
socialist development approach and its emphasis on
rural development. The Ujamaa philosophy resulted
in many large-scale development initiatives in the
1960s and '70s, most of which were funded by
foreign donors. One consequence of the poor
impact of these major programs was a form of
"development fatigue" emerging. The rural
population showed little interest in yet another
project that was most likely to fail.
In order to create good participation “attendance
allowances" were introduced with the aim of
enticing officials, local project staff and even
beneficiaries to meetings and workshops. The main
justification (as we were told) was that Tanzanian
officials and project staff were poorly paid and
subsequently had a low morale. The introduction
proved a successful formula and was widely known
as 'sitting allowance', one was paid to sit. Before the
meeting or training one signed the register and at
the end of the day one received his or her daily
allowance. For development organizations, this
approach resulted in catching two birds with one
stone: (1) there was good and controlled
participation and (2) the log frames could easily be
filled.
Ph
oto
: Ro
el B
urg
ler
SITTING ALLOWANCES
WELL PAID AUDIENCES
TALKING CULTURE
In the new millennium international political
pressure on development organizations to hand
over projects and activities to local partner
organizations increased. The direct result was an
rapidly expanding meeting and workshop culture
(under the name of capacity building), facilitated
and funded by development agencies. Again the
allowances played a major role in achieving these
objectives and full houses could thus be realized, a
phenomenon which can be best described as a self-
fulfilling prophecy. Tanzanian professionals with a
sense of humour will give a wry smile when the
word "capacity building" is mentioned, as for many
of them it is synonymous with an endless string of
lucrative workshops, trainings and evaluations.
Two decades after the introduction of the 'sitting
allowances' this phenomenon has become
institutionalized with far-reaching negative
consequences. First of all development work has
become more than ever a talking-culture in which
the majority of experts spend most of their time
attending meetings, trainings and workshops. So far
they still appear to be justifiable in project
applications, with little critical analysis by the
donors or organizations themselves on the
necessity and effectiveness of these meetings.
Tanzanian NGO workers in a popular sector (HIV,
gender, microfinance, etc.) can easily double or
triple their salary just by attending these meetings.
For many, it has become the most important part of
their professional life and they barely have time to
involve themselves in implementing their work. On
average 20-30 euro per day is paid to those
attending meetings outside the big cities, while in
big cities like Dar es Salaam and Arusha allowances
can easily reach 50-75 per day. In comparison, the
(very low) minimum monthly wage in Tanzania is
65 euros.
ON STRIKE
For those people who are motivated to do
development work the allowance culture has
become a huge obstacle, because without it hardly
anyone can be motivated. A good example is told by
Justin Lyatuu, an enthusiastic young man with a
degree in community development from a
reputable Tanzanian university. The water project in
which he works is funded by the World Bank and
managed by the District Council and the NGO which
employs him. His main task is to mobilize the
villagers for their active involvement in the project.
The first village meetings he helped to organize
were well attended, but this changed quickly when
the villagers discovered that no allowances were
paid to attend meetings. Simultaneously, he was
under pressure from District officials, who
constantly pestered him to give them day
allowances, for which his organization had no
budget.
At national level the pressure is even higher with
Tanzanian policy advisors of international
organizations complaining about the ever increasing
demands by ministerial staff to provide them with
per diems when they are invited to discuss their
projects. It is now an established fact that when
organizations want government officials involved in
a project, they must be willing to pay for these
services. A good example is the story of Robert
Gamalier, who leads a small NGO which focuses on
unemployed youths. Together with them he tries to
develop activities through which they can get an
independent income. For a recent workshop Robert
had invited relevant District officials, but he had to
cancel this after getting a hefty price list of the
allowances to be paid. The meeting went ahead
without the officials, but on the third day the young
participants went on strike to put their own
demand across for day allowances.
Marc Bergeron works for the French development
agency FERT, a local micro credit organization that
primarily supports small farmers in northern
Tanzania. He explains how as an experienced
development worker he thinks more discerning
than his younger French colleagues who would like
to implement a stricter policy on giving allowances
to beneficiaries. He clearly sees dangers in giving
allowances, but he finds the amounts small and not
comparable with those of international
organizations. The beneficiaries are farmers and
their Board argues that the allowances should be
considered as a kind of compensation for the loss of
productive labour while attending meetings or
workshops. However, Marc does agree that some of
the allowances could easily be paid by the farmers’
organizations themselves. Many of the farmers’
visits to their organization in the town result in
substantial loans with favourable terms. But one
Sitting Allowances article - page 2
way or another, expectations of donor-supported
NGOs are different than from a commercial bank. At
those banks farmers will be required to pay their
own travel expenses and would face a much higher
interest rate for their loans.
GOVERNMENT
The above example clearly shows how the
allowance culture made it difficult for development
agencies and NGOs to take ‘ownership’, something
which on paper has always been the main focus of
development work. In practice most beneficiaries
still see NGOs as project implementers, which
thought is reinforced by the fact that one gets paid
by the NGO to attend a training or a meeting.
The most worrying development in the allowances
saga is the complete embracing of the donor
meeting culture and its inherent allowances system
by the Tanzanian government with far-reaching
consequences for the national budget. A study
conducted by the Tanzanian Policy Forum
(www.policyforum.or.tz) shows the high allocation
for allowances in the government budget. In the
financial year 2008/2009 there was an allocation of
a shocking 59% of the total payroll to benefits
(nearly 380 million U.S. dollars) and a large part of
this was spent on travel and daily allowances. The
high allowances that Tanzanian officials claim may
have resulted in more interest in attending capacity
building activities than in providing quality services
to the population. The study particularly criticizes
the donor community for sustaining the workshop
culture by co-organizing and financing it. A recent
directive from the Prime Minister to stop all
workshops appears to have fallen on deaf ears,
which can be witnessed on the daily Tanzanian TV
news broadcasts, where workshops are still an
important part of the news.
Would it be possible to work without allowances?
Or has it become an unstoppable monster that
stifles development efforts and undermines local
ownership? For Tanzania the eradication of the
allowance culture will require a national approach
and the report of the Policy Forum suggested
increasing the salaries of civil servants and
thoroughly reducing the amount and type of
allowances. Large donor organizations, such as
UNDP, UNICEF and others, should acknowledge the
problem of the allowance culture and must finance
workshops and meetings much more precariously.
FEAR
The newly qualified development worker Justin
continued despite all opposition and after
numerous visits he managed to convince the
villagers that their input into the water project was
in their own interest. It was an unexpected
challenge for him and he was surprised that it was
the donor culture which made his work difficult.
Other development workers did not want to be
quoted for this article for fear of repercussions from
their employers, who would probably not
appreciate their criticism and negative experiences.
While this is understandable, it is not in the interest
of the profession of development workers to
remain quiet about this as is happening up to now.
Fortunately there are voices amongst development
workers and also Tanzanian professionals to abolish
allowances and to train only those who show an
interest in acquiring knowledge, who don’t demand
money for this. This could be a good indicator of the
quality of the training and to determine whether
the audience is really interested. Such an approach
requires action by the donor world and could be
stimulated primarily by much higher demands on
measurable outcomes of training, meetings and
workshops.
Job de Graaf worked from 1978 to 2002 in Zambia, Tanzania,
Botswana and Niger for several develop agencies including SNV.
He is currently based in Tanzania where he is engaged in
development communication.
This article appeared in
the December 2010
issue of the magazine
Vice Versa, a
professional journal
about development
cooperation.
For more information:
www.viceversaonline.nl
Sitting Allowances article - page 3