Bachelor Thesis

17 credits, undergraduate

Territories, Edges and

Multi-functionality in Mixed-use Built

Environments

Galina Lalova

Exam: Bachelor of Science Supervisor: Per-Markku Ristilammi

Subject area: Built Environment Date of final seminar: 3 June 2015

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© Galina Lalova

Malmo Ho gskola, fakulteten fo r Kultur och Samha lle, institutionen fo r Urbana Studier Malmö University, faculty of Culture and Society, institution of Urban Studies

Title (eng): Territories, Edges and Multi-functionality in Mixed-use Built Environment Titel (swe): Territorium, kanter och multifunktionalitet i funktionsblandad byggd miljö

Supervisor: Per-Markku Ristilammi Examiner: Victoria Sjöstedt Malmo Ho gskola Program: (eng)Architecture, Visualization and Communication (180credits)/(swe)Arkitektur, Visualisering och

Kommunikation Course title: (eng) Thesis (Bachelor Thesis in Built Environment) / (swe):Sja lvsta ndigt arbete (Kandidatuppsats i byggd miljo ) Course code / Kurskod: BY212b Thesis outlines (ECTS): 17 credits / Arbetets omfattning (hp): 17 hp Level and specialization G2E/Niva och fo rdjupning: G2E

Serial name: Bachelor Thesis at the Faculty of CS, MU / Serienamn: Sja lvsta ndigt arbete vid KS-fakulteten, MAH

Malmo , spring 2015 / Malmö VT 2015

Photographs and illustrations: © Galina Lalova, if not mentioned other Bilder och illustrationer: © Galina Lalova, om inte annat sagt

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT 6

1.CONTEXT SUBJECT 7

1.1. WHAT IS MIXED USE AND SMALL SCALE? 7

1.2. MIXED-USE BUILT ENVIRONMENT AS CONTEMPORARY CITY PLANNING STRATEGY 9

1.3. MIXED-USE AND SOCIAL LIFE 11

1.4. MIXED-USE AND SMALL-SCALE IDEAL IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY EVERYDAY LIFE 12

2. INTRODUCTION 13

2.1. RESEARCHED SUBJECT 13

1.2. SCOPE, PURPOSE AND PROBLEM DEFINITION 14

2.3. THEORETICAL APPROACH 16

2.3.1. ACTOR-NETWORK THEORY AND TIME 16

2.3.2. TERRITORIES AND PUBLIC REALM 20

2.3.3. BARRIERS AND BOUNDARIES 22

2.3.4. IN-BETWEEN SPACES 23

2.2. METHOD 24

2.2.1. MAIN METHODS 24

2.2.2. ACTOR-NETWORK THEORY AS A METHOD. STABILIZATION OF NETWORKS 25

2.3. PARTICIPANTS 26

2.4. RESEARCH OUTLINES 28

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3. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS 29

3.1.VERIFYING IF PATRAS IS A MIXED-USE AND SMALL-SCALE CITY 29

3.1.1. URBAN FUNCTIONS AND THE USE TYPE. URBAN FABRIC AND DIMENSION 29

3.1.2. CITY PLANNING AND ITS RELATION TO SOCIAL LIFE 34

3.1.3. A CITY THAT DOES NOT SLEEP 36

3.1.4. EVALUATION OF THE CITY OF PATRAS

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3.2. TERRITORIES, BARRIERS AND BOUNDARIES IN MIXED-USE ENVIRONMENTS 38

3.2.1. MIX OF TERRITORIES AND USERS 39

A. The effect of undefined territorialization. How people deal with mixed-use

environments and problems like compromising with privacy? 39

B. Competing Territories. Access and Maintenance 40

C. Territories and Access in Relation to the Scale of the Business Ownership 42

D. Mixed Use and Mix of Difference and Indifference 43

2.1.2. FIELD STUDIES 44

A. Flexibility in Time. The Bar Chair and the Mix in Time 44

B. Plateia Nikis and the Public Secret 48

C. Plateia Olgas - the City Jungle 54

D. Plateia Georgiou - the Open Space 60

E. Sea Front - Boundary or Public Space? 66

F. Conquerors of the Streets. Multi-functional Spaces 67

F. Mix in Semi-private and Public Space 73

G. The Neighbourhood and the “Hidden” Strategy 76

H. Mixed-use in Dwellings 80

4. ANALYSIS SUMMARY 83

5. CONCLUSIONS 84

6. FURTHER DISCUSSIONS 85

REFERENCES 87

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Territories, Edges and Multi-functionality in

Mixed-use Built Environments

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ABSTRACT

The following research investigates mixed-use built environment within its natural settings. With the help

of qualitative methods I search for relations between the idea of Urban Renaissance, which promotes

small-scale and mixed-use environment as seen in traditional European cities, and the social life in the

city. In the course of the study I found interdependency between those two concepts as the mixed use is

produced to serve certain social and economical needs on the same time as it supports these needs. The

complexity of this relation involves also other elements to hold the model together like habits, desires,

urban rituals, will, private and public interests and so forth.

The subject of the wider study is the city of Patras, Greece where I have observed the mixed use at all its

levels, from a city level to the small urban furniture, as well as the public and private spaces and the kinds

of spaces in-between. These spaces overlap their territories creating multiple relations in connection with

the social life.

In this study I have chosen to focus on explaining the flexibility of the different territories and how the

limits form and function. Together with the empirical explanations the analysis has the task to de-code the

social meaning of the phenomenon. This research has the purpose to give a base for further studies

through spatial mapping.

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1.CONTEXT SUBJECT

The context of this research is the idea of compact cities with emphasis on planning for small scale and

mixed-use urban environments in order to save resources and to enhance the economical opportunities

and the social life. Various cities in the world, like Malmö where I study, have adopted the idea of

the mixed-use environment as a solution to problems like social alienation, segregation and

criminality (City of Malmö 2014a, Grant 2002, Layden 2003). It is believed that the mixing of

different uses gives flexibility to spaces and more efficient everyday life in terms of saving time

and adding possibilities for people to meet more often (Ibid.).

Along with the many positive outcomes from this kind of urban planning there is also a criticism

from authors like Rowley (1996) who are arguing that the implementation of small scale and

mixed use is not always consistent with the contemporary life in the cities.

Finding this controversy interesting as a starting point, this research will reveal some specific

phenomena which emerge from compressed spaces and traditional mixed-used cities like

floating/flexible territories, barriers and boundaries, multi-functional spaces.

In order to understand how these settings function I will first give an explanation of the context

in which they appear.

1.1. What Is Mixed Use and Small Scale?

Searching for definitions about mixed-use built environment I have uncovered some variations

that depend on the scale of the subject, namely if we observe on a city level or if it is about a

building design. As a guideline I will use Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s (2005:71) definition for

“mixture of various spatial levels and also the mixture of time”. The authors also notice that the

“[M]ixed land use tends to increase the kind of combinations and interactions - physical and

social as well as visual...” Mixed-use environment is very much about creating multiple degrees

between private and public, as one single space may accommodate several activities and

different groups of users at the same time. As a “side” product of this mix we get some

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additional in-between spaces, referred to by Ka rrholm (2012:121) as interstitial spaces as well as

visual shifts in the atmosphere of the spaces.

On the city level , with the help of Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s analysis (2007:970) the mixed

use can be defined by the grain and the mix of the base functions which vary in the different

literature, but in connection with my study I choose to follow these four: residence, employment,

recreation and public services. Besides the base functions, Jacobs (1961 in Hoppenbrouwer and

Louw, 2007:970) describes also secondary functions which create flow between the base

functions and Ka rrholm (2012:122) discusses waiting and in-between spaces which in my

opinion may adopt flexible functions.

Robert and Lloyd-Jones(1997:159 in Hoppenbrouwer and Louw, 2007:972) define grain as “the

size of the urban block and the division of the block”. On a city level a fine grain then is when

“like elements are widely dispersed among unlike elements and a grain is coarse when extensive

areas of one element are separated from extensive areas of another element” (Hoppenbrouwer

and Louw, 2007:972). Abrupt change in elements creates clusters. An example here would be a

modernist residential area with predominant houses and one shopping center with only

commercial functions. This gives relatively small lots and out-of-scale areas. The opposite

situation is a gradual transition which creates a blurred grain (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw,

2007:972). It is then the fine grain and the blurred grain that support the mix use from a city

planning point of view.

Using Rowley’s conceptual model of mixed land use and development (1996:86),

Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2007:972) notice that it applies mainly on flat surface, so they use it

as a base for their horizontal dimension. Rowley’s model shows interdependency between:

public policy and regulation, property markets, cultural ideas and values and the land use

settings. These settings depend on location (city center, neighbourhood, suburb and greenfield

areas) and also on spatial scale (buildings, building blocks, streets and districts).

Continuing this logic they develop their conceptual model of mixed land use for four

dimensions: shared premises (point) when for example, a dwelling is also used for working;

horizontal - units with different functions in close connection within a building, block, district,

etc.; vertical - different functions within a unit, and time - different functions changes with time

(Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2007:973). This model can be applied even within a building, in a

smaller scale.

The small scale has been discussed widely by Gehl in his book Cities for People (2010) referred

to as the human scale. The human scale as concept, studies the built environment on the human

eye level and explores perceptions of distances and heights. For example, he suggests that a

space is perceived as safe by a human if it is no bigger than 100/100m as seen as pattern in old

European cities and some other scales, for instance which evoke emotion - H35m/L115 feet, is a

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pattern that is used in most theaters as this is a distance at “which audiences can read facial

expressions and hear speech and song” (Gehl 2010:38). In the conversation with architect M.,

(one of the participants in this study, see chapter Participants) she described small scale as a

scale defined by dimensions which allow a human to approach a space.

So even if the space is bigger it should include elements which match the human size and allow

entering like the example in the photo on the left. The photo on right shows how the city shapes

bodies different than people, for example transportation means.

Fig.1. Fig.2.

1.2. Mixed-use Built Environment As Contemporary City Planning

Strategy

Proximity, density and mixed use are the three concepts that highlight a new city planning ideal

considered as a better alternative, where democracy is a given right and it is expressed in the

physical environment (City of Malmö 2014a). The positive impact of this strategy should include

enriched social life on which my research is focused on. The idea of mixed-use design and

planning comprises mostly commercial and business areas where the retail is combined with

other functions but recently it has also been adopted by the public sphere. In the planning of

public services in Malmö for example, it is recommended to consider multifunctional areas and

premises as spontaneous sport activities or park in the schoolyard, club meetings at the

elementary school in the evenings, public playgrounds in schoolyards after school hours and so

on (City of Malmö 2014b:30), but this was not implemented in practice at the time I finished my

practice at The City Planning Office in Malmö (January 2015).

According to Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005:968), the mixed-use type of planning has become

increasingly important in various European and North American cities because of its social,

economic, and environmental benefits. In Europe it is considered as an element of so-called

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urban renaissance, or the concept for dense city, and in the United States, this process is referred

to as New Urbanism strategy (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2005: 968). The city of Amsterdam

applies it since the 1980’s (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2005) and in Canada it has become a key

planning principle in the last decades (Grant 2002).

Many planners may be tempted to implement mixed use primarily because of the economic

benefits it brings. Some results of this reason for application are the shopping malls and the

pedestrian precinct tat Kärrholm (2012) discusses. He sees the transformation of the streets as

institutionalising of a place:

“The territorialisation of the pedestrian precinct is not just about institutionalising of a

place in the minds of the people by the way of representations, brandings or associations,

it is also about setting limits and creating opportunities for different activities. It is about

the stabilisation or institutionalisation of a specific set of usages and, at the end, the

production of a pedestrian precinct culture.” (Kärrholm 2012:47).

Both material limits and associations change the status of a pedestrian from a citizen into a

consumer. Alternatively, like Bell (2013:1) states: “Mixed-use developments are the

heavyweight champions of commercial real estate”. Such places are all very mixed-use but the

residents cannot express themselves freely as citizens and also not everybody is welcome. It

means that many voices cannot be heard, especially if the use of semi-private space replaces the

use of public spaces and important decisions or conversations take place in semi-private

conditions.

Wary in their positive statements, the authors Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005: 969) discuss

also some practical obstacles and negative consequences of implementing of the mixed-use

concept, such as urban stress that can reduce the demand for real estate and thus hinder economic

sustainability. According to Rowley (1996:85) there are some doubts whether implementing the

mixed-use model into a modernist one can deliver the desired results:

“The concept of mixed-use development is ambiguous. The design and management of

some mixed-use schemes mean they offer few of the benefits associated with traditional

mixed-use areas. It is probably easier to conserve existing mixed-use areas than it is to

create new developments let alone to significantly restructure parts of modern cities”

(Rowley 2010:85).

What the author means is that simply applying that model to overcome nostalgia is not enough if

characteristics like cultural priorities and lifestyle are not considered. In their study of the

Amsterdam’s Eastern Docklands, Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005:982) notice that the mixed-

use environment itself is not a guarantee for a vibrant street life, though its success could be

measured in relation to established goals.

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1.3. Mixed-use and Social Life

But what if the goal is to achieve vital qualities that Jane Jacobs (1961) and other authors are

arguing for, namely, to enhance the social life? I think, if a change is to be made, it is important

to get to the core and find out how a mixed use is formed and what else is needed to support it in

the way that it actually enriches the public realm. Changes in the built environment must give an

opportunity for taking part of the city’s knowledge under the form of education, culture events,

meetings, and so on but also, in a smaller scale, people should be able to sustain good

relationships with each other within a building, a block or a neighbourhood.

Authors like Layden (2003) define the concept of social capital which he finds in a mixed-use

environment as “the social networks and interactions that inspire trust and reciprocity among

citizens” (Layden 2003:1546). These findings also reveal that higher levels of social capital help

the proper functioning of democracy, the prevention of crime, and enhanced economic

development. Sennett (2010:269) suggests that voluntary organisations as churches, political

campaigns, sport groups, and others in the same fashion can help people to overcome the

alienation problems, and he also notices that these voluntary activities are indeed social capital.

In relation with small scale and mixed-use environments, I will study city elements, micro-

architecture, territoriality, definition and redefinition of materiality in connection with people

and their relationship to the environment and with one another in order to closely examine

floating territories, barriers and boundaries. In the early 1960s the journalist and activist Jane

Jacobs argued for the mixed-use environment, inspired from the days before the modernist

master planning. Though the basic nature of human needs does not change so drastically over

time, there are some changes in the contemporary everyday life. That is why I think it is

necessary to revisit the Jacob’s mixed-use model through the context of newer empirical data.

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1.4. Mixed-use and Small-scale Ideal in the Context of

Contemporary Everyday Life

Jacobs (1964 in Rowley 2010:88) suggests four strategies for a mixed-use neighbourhood:

a. The district, and indeed as many of its internal parts as possible, must serve more than one

primary function; preferably more than two. These must ensure the presence of people who go

outdoors on different schedules and are in the place for different purposes, but who are able to

use many facilities in common.

b. Most blocks must be short; that is, streets and opportunities to turn corners must be frequent.

c. The district must mingle buildings that vary in age and condition, including a good proportion

of old ones so that they vary in the economic yield that they produce. This mingling must be

fairly close-grained.

d. There must be a sufficiently dense concentration of people, for whatever purposes they may be

there. This includes dense concentration in the case of people who are there because of residence

(Jacobs, 1964:162-163 in Rowley 2010:88).

Rowley (2010:88) argues here that these settings are not considering the contemporary

conditions of the city life and if not managed carefully, they can make the mixed-use model

unachievable. As the author notices, increasing density and blending of functions acquire

acceptance and compromise in order to deal with the consequences coming with these types of

settings. He explains the paradox of cities, which attract people with their possibilities but to live

above a shop or a bar is a choice made only by a few of them. Most people are in this kind of

situation only for a certain period of time or they cannot afford a home with qualities like more

privacy, silence or contact with nature (Rowley 2010:89). In the conversations with my

respondents who will be presented further on, I also picked up a discussion about how people

deal with this kind of urban environment. There I was able to identify empirically some effects

of the mixed-use environment like compromising with privacy, space domination and difficulties

in distinguishing between private and public space. These effects will be discussed more closely

in the empirical part of this study.

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2. INTRODUCTION

In the context of mixed-use and small scale built environment I noticed the overlapping territories, which

I focus on. Their limits are diffused and instead of one sharp edge between two territories I observed

multiple levels of transition which may hide answers for the problems with implementation of the mixed-

use and small scale urban and spatial planning. In this part I introduce the subject of the study.

2.1. Researched Subject

Initially I had decided to make my study in the city of Patras, Greece, because after my previous

visits, the memories I had about how the inhabitants organize their public spaces made me

assume that the city is mixed-use. However this assumption needed to be proved first before

discussing the specifics. That is why as my general research subject, I explored the city in all its

levels, from the city as a whole, to neighbourhoods, squares, building blocks and private

dwellings. I was looking for signs like shared premises and multi-functional areas to prove

empirically that it is indeed, a mixed-use city. As I was interested in the social effects of this kind

of environment, my observation was focused on the social meaning of the physical environment.

As a starting point, I rely on the Hoppenbrouwer - Louw’s typology (2005: 980) to verify a

mixed-use environment by analysing these four elements:

- urban functions

- dimension

- urban scale

- urban tissue

Zooming in into details to search for the specifics I further examine the following settings:

- territoriality and ownership

- barriers, boundaries, edges

- time

- public memory and culture

Through the observations I started to search for the specific phenomena which emerge from the

combinations of territories, time, space, users and functions. Then, sorting out the data, I noticed

the importance of mapping the flexibility of the examined territories, and their barriers and

boundaries because they were a result of a certain social behaviour. That is why they became the

main research subjects in this particular study. Cultural settings were excluded later in the

process as they proved irrelevant to the main research subject because the observed phenomena

could to be explained through the work of non-native theorists.

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1.2. Scope, Purpose and Problem Definition

The subjects of my research which I found in the city of Patras are observed through the scopic

regime of me as a walker and from the point of view of a visitor who comes back. As I had

visited the city three times before, I was able to compare some changes in time and to notice

certain patterns in human behaviour. In order to reveal how the mixed-use space is produced in

this specific city, my observations include the design on the city level, on the level of the

neighbourhood, the square and the streets, the building and small urban furniture. As this scope

is too wide here I will only discuss the phenomena of floating territories and flexible barriers

which showed to be present in a mixed-use and small-scale built environment.

In the research I will not focus on cultural setting and weather conditions but on what is specific

for a given building or public space.

“Discussing culture and what is different from city to city may lead to describing local

treatments of the universal” (Yaneva 2012:4).

The risk with involving cultural and weather settings is that it may lead to attempts to apply

“copy/paste” solutions because of similarities or ignoring good ideas because the culture or the

climate is different. In the observations though, it proved impossible not to mention aspects of

the urban culture as it is connected to the physical environment. That is why I stress the

importance of extracting methods and concepts, instead of discussing the cultural specifics in

depth.

I do not see language as a barrier for my observations because I will not use interviews for the

field study. Instead, the specific settings will be analyzed - some of them with the help of theory,

some of them with the help of few respondents who agreed to discuss in English. In that way the

result of this study can be used as base other situations although the presented observation could

never be repeated within the same conditions.

The choice of the location is proved relevant as the aim for observations is to understand how the

phenomena evolve in “natural” mixed-used environment. Although the city planning in Greece is

very centralized as explained further in the text, there is a hidden mechanism, which gives the

possibility of mixed-use development as base, but as we shall see, at the end it is a free choice if

an individual or a building contractor will choose this kind of design. Yet, the mixed use is

almost always preferred. How does this choice affect the people’s everyday life? As this question

is too complex, I will examine only the social effects of the floating territories and the flexible

barriers which the mixed-use environment produces.

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In cities built more or less according to the rules of the modernist model (separating the urban

functions in different zones), the mixed use in recent years is considered as a strategy for

changing the existing environment. The expected positive results seen in other cities with more

traditional developments are due to processes evolved through time. Without the ambition to

decide here if this model can be implemented in cities where modernist influence had led the

course of environmental changes in the last century, the role of this research is to explain how

mixed-use environments are constructed through the people’s behaviour. The main idea is to

understand that territories and barriers exist not only physically but they are also imagined,

accepted, ignored and lived. Besides understanding an empirical construction, this research is

focused on results and the meaning of the research subjects.

The example with the city of Patras is not as romantically perfect as the expectations from the

implementations of the mixed-use model may be. The driving force of an ideal is not to be

underestimated here, but the aim is to show a real-world example with both its advantages and

difficulties, which is not to be confused with a critique of an ideal.

This study is about to follow a mixed-use city through the complex relationships and the

materiality created as well as their meaning for the social life. Through diffusing and blending in

each other’s territories the mixed-use environment created series of complex relations, physical

as well as social, which define the urban life.

The main purpose of this study is to enrich the theory for mixed-use built environments with new

concepts and to develop a base for mapping floating territories and flexible barriers. These two

elements help building an environmental image of places with dynamic functionalities.

The problem investigated here is how floating territories and flexible edges in a multi-functional

built environment relate to the social life.

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2.3. Theoretical approach

2.3.1. Actor-Network Theory and Time

The social meaning of time and the dynamics of the territorialities in time are one important part

of this research. Initially, the subject of the research was meant to be architectural and it would

be logical to use the main architectural theory as leading approach. However, from a critical

point of view, architectural theory is not enough to explain the observed phenomena as it tends to

divide architecture with its materiality as consequence and society as a cause for building

activities (Yaneva 2012:1). On the other hand, using a clear sociological approach would be

impossible as it is “restrictive” and “incapable of grappling the phenomena of architecture in

making”(Yaneva 2012:1). What I will do instead is to use Actor-Network Theory but in a rather

“loose” manner, without limiting inputs from other theories.

Actor-Network Theory (ANT) explores the relationship between people and material, and how

they affect each other in different situations which means including of observation and

explanation of reciprocal processes. This theory/method created by Michelle Callon (1991),

Bruno Latour (1992), John Law (1986) and others, is an attempt to understand the process of

scientific innovation. The authors introduce the concepts of actor, network, generalized

symmetry and equal agency. ANT does not distinguish between human and non-human actor

(artefacts, organizational structures, etc.): all elements can equally act and get the other reactants

to act. What is interesting is not why a network exists, but how it is formed, what keeps it

together and what causes it to collapse (Latour 2005a). This ANT-researcher is not interested in

meaning therefore I will need to cover that part with other theories.

Actor-Network Theory is explained further in the text, and here I use the main concepts in the

theory as follows:

Network - a concept and a tool, which helps to describe how much energy, movement, and

specificity we are able to capture (Latour 2005a:131);

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Actor - what is made to act by others, and at the same time is an entity that modifies other

entities in a network (Latour 2005a:47); and an actant is an entity which has the possibility to

become actor (Latour 2005a:71).

Another concept in ANT is the concept of the event, which is much more complicated and

cannot be defined only through time and space. In an event, it is important to see who and what

counts, or matters. If a place is irrelevant, then it is not related to time, or as Latour puts it, a

place is not a topos (from Greek - place) and a time is not kairos (from Greek - the supreme

moment). I assume these two concepts are not invented by accident because they also refer to an

ancient study - the rhetoric. Topos is used first as term by Aristoteles and it means a place where

a speaker creates a topic for speech (Miller 1992:313). Nevertheless, it also carries the meaning

of the process of verbally repeated ancient stories in different civilizations. Kairos is used both

for the weather and for time but as a time lapse, a moment of indeterminate time in which

everything happens and it has more qualitative nature. In a rhetorical context it means that “[T]he

proper time (the kairos) for presenting an argument may be seen as something the speaker grasps

and utilizes (a tool) or a situation in which the speaker exists and recognizes (a realm)” (Ibid).

With other words, to say the right thing at the right moment.

As we put some background to Latour’s expression, now it is easier to understand that the

actants in a system, or network, interrupt, modify, interfere or interest each other and instantly,

they produce as many topoi-kairoi (both are in plural) as many relationships they create. In these

creations, there are three shiftings that Latour describes as occurring simultaneously in each

instance: a shift in space, a shift in time, and a shift in actor, or actant.

“Deeper than the question of time and space is the very act of shifting, delegating,

sending away, translating” (Latour 2005b:178).

These shifts in time, space and actants as terms should, according to Latour (2005b:178), be

referred to as timing, spacing and acting and they should always be combined with their

intensity. As we shall see, these shiftings were examined in my field study in Patras through the

mix of space (private and public; indoor and outdoor, etc.) The intensity of being in a space,

Latour (2005b:179) defines the fifth dimension which makes difference between simple passage

of time and historicising, or in other words, it adds such elements like previously occurred events

and memories. When in certain situation a “no-place” becomes a place of significance, a topos,

because of some kind of interruption, it gains “situatedness”. The same happens within a shift of

actantiality when two different processes can occur: the move from one actant to another -

extensive repetition, and modification of all the actants - intensive repetition (2005b:178). In his

network following (the twin travellers paradox, see the chapter Actor-Network Theory as

method) Latour is able to distinguish transportation with transformation from a transformation

without deformation through intensity.

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To be able to use this fifth dimension, he is arguing that despite the scientists tend to be obsessed

with time measuring we must lift the spacing to the same level as timing, because they have

equal importance. Here he gives an example with the wandering Jew (a character of Eugene Sue,

1844), who moves from place to place each day so he cannot make a difference between place

and date because he never comes back to the same place again. A displacement though, like in

this case, to return to a certain town, will put this town into space instead of time, and through

this kind of movement, you have “spaced” the town. “It is only because we come back to the

same place over and over again, that we generate the notion of place, of a topos, that lasts and

stays the same, while we have moved” (Latour 2005b:180). Alternatively, I would also suggest,

as one of my empirical observations reveal (see chapter The Bar Chair and the Mix in Time), this

is also valid if the space generates events in time as we did not leave our position. This

phenomenon turned out to be very common in a mixed-use environment.

According to Latour (2005b) and his theory, the connections, created through the interactions,

enabled a traveller who returns to detect multiple time scales and thus, to encounter a place, a

topos. These time scales can show, in the case of my observations for example, the age of the

material (the marble), the time when that material was gathered, when the building was built,

when the shop owner put his small table on the sidewalk, and when he baked the bread. This is

possible, because “the “spacific”, “situated” site met by the traveller who comes back becomes a

connection of interactions dispersed in time, space, and action and reassembled, kept up,

instituted in an event-producing topos” (Latour 2005b:180). These interactions meet with the

wanderer, who can differentiate between the building’s age and his own age, because the

structure “still holds, makes space, makes history, breaks the continuity of the vision, bends

attention, interrupts the travel of the voyagers, and creates hierarchies”(Ibid). Thus, a building

becomes not just a “spot-in-space” but the event itself. This event continues through time and is

kept by the local tradition as a place.

“Long before we talk about space and time, it is these sorts of connections, short-circuits,

translations, associations, and mediations that we encounter daily” (Latour 2005b:181).

“The phenomena are much more stunning; they rely on the subversion, disjunction,

displacement, rescaling, crossing-over of relations between spatial, actorial, and temporal

features” (Latour 2005b:182).

In my research, I go further to questions, which directly address the social meaning of time. The

Industrial revolution has created heavy instrumental mechanisms to synchronize the machinery

of this new, forever producing society. These mechanisms produce, as Latour (2005b:183)

argues “the effect of an isotopic space and an isochronic time… All of that instrumentation, he

continues, being very practical, very clear, very material, very local, but at no point saying

anything about the mind’s inner working or explaining the ways by which no-places become

event or events become non-event.” The author argues here that the phenomena of synchronizing

people’s lives with the rhythms of industrial production are anything but personal. It does not

19

express understanding of how the mind evolves or how other civilizations deal with time, thus,

the ontology of world-making (Ibid). In that matter, I think the Urban Renaissance is indicating

an understanding that something is missing from the everyday life, namely, the notion of time,

however it is rarely understood behind phrases like “vibrant milieu” for example.

In a very clear, calculated world, we can predict the future. As Jeremy Till (2009:97f) suggests,

this does not make the everyday life challenging because events repeat over and over again, in

the same way and this excludes the otherness that Latour is discussing about. Till is arguing that

the everyday consists of repetitions and cycles, but also randomness and unexpected events. In

addition, another idea mentioned in Latour (2005b) becomes important, namely Isabell Stangers’

idea to distinguish virtualities from potentialities. Potentiality is something stable, which

includes a number of predictable variations, “the realization “in time” of what already is in

potentia” (Latour 2005b:185). Virtuality, on the other hand, is very dependent of the otherness,

which leads to surprising differences. It also depends on the fifth dimension of process and the

quality of connections with other actants or, as Latour puts it, “the intensity of time and space”

(Latour 2005b:186). So, a world that “run[s] smoothly as like clockwork” is “a world where

nothing happens” (Latour 2005b:186).

According to this philosophy, there is something deeper than cultural differences which must be

taken into account when implementing changes in the physical environment and

that is the everyday rhythms and the personalisation of time. These aspects are closely examined

in the next chapters through observations and through conversations. Following Latour’s

suggestions, I have studied the other entities that are necessary for maintaining one in existence,

and also their quality expressed by their transportation, displacement, translation and if/how they

transform, deform, or perform metamorphosis.

Latour (2005b:176) argues also that time and space are “consequences of ways in which bodies

relate to one another”. This means that the different relations produce different instances (space-

times). Entities/bodies that have no impact and make no difference he calls intermediaries, and

those who “define paths and fates on their own terms” are called mediators (Latour 2005b:176).

Another part of my research deals with observing and analysing consequences of activities and

their relation in time.

“Timing depends on that sort of ontological difference, not on the mind’s apperception”

(Latour 2005:176).

Time multiplies if other entities are necessary to ensure our existence. If not, times and spaces

are reduced to one time-space or further to a simple form. With this logic in mind, the author

describes the situation with the traveller in the jungle who makes the path as a ratio of

transformation over transportation and the one with the traveller in the train as the visible work

20

needed to be done before the event that is the creating of the path (Latour 2005:177). Therefore,

as a way to understand a network, I take into account some previous events.

2.3.2. Territories and Public Realm

Territories in this study are examined with the help of the concepts of private and public but

more importantly, the states in between. In particular, I focus on the mix of semi-private and

public; private and public, semi-public and public. I will use the terms “private” and “public” but

also two “in-between” terms, that are “semi-private”, which in my study represents privately

owned cafeterias, bars, shops, clubs etc., because they are private but open for the public, and

“semi-public”, which are represented by institutional entities like schools, hospitals, museums,

because they are publicly owned, but there is a level of enclosure that means the access is not

free in every meaning.

To analyse the space production and the territorialisation of materiality, the Actor-Network

Theory is used at some level, because as Kärrholm (2012:48) argues, the material culture studies

(Latour 2005a, among others) have the advantage of accounting not only for what materiality

and form are but also for what they do. A disadvantage he sees in the matter is a focus on the

individual artefact (the object, the thing, the commodity), rather than on complex and spatially

assembled artefacts (such as public space). That is why the author suggests to combine ANT

with discussions on spatial artefacts, such as pedestrian crossings, town squares, and dining

rooms in order to use Actor-Network Theory for architecture study. This perspective “opens up a

way of investigating the meanings of spatiality, materiality and artefacts through the roles they

play in different territorial networks, where some functions might remain constant while others

change”(Kärrholm 2012:48). To account for the differences that territories and places make in

terms of production it is not enough to trace their networks and the stories/genealogies of

network construction.

To analyze human actants from a more sociological point of view it is important to review some

trends which define the modern societies. In his book The Fall of the Public Man Richard

Sennett (1976) analyses the changes in cities through time, exploring what life in the city really

means. The changes described concern the transformation of the self in the context of the public

realm or intimacy through the course of time. Due to the economical and industrial evolution, the

last century has changed the way an individual construct the world outside - “Each person’s self

has become his principal burden; to know oneself has become an end, instead of means through

one knows the world. ...the more privatized the psyche, the less it is stimulated, and the more

difficult it is for us to feel or to express feeling.” (Sennett 1976:4). With this knowledge in mind

I will closer examine the mixing of private and public owned territories, or how willing people

are to share their privacy.

21

In another work, Sennett (2010:261) explains the concept of the public realm simply as a “place

where strangers meet”. Of course, public realm is a concept wider than the concept of public

space. But the public space is defined by the social relations created in the context of the public

realm. Sennett (2010) describes three points of view of what a public realm means. The first one

is Hannah Arendt’s philosophical idea about the freedom of anonymity, which allows individuals

to stand free from their personal circumstances. When individuals meet, their ethnicity, gender,

style of life, class, etc. are not relevant. They all have the equal right to express an opinion as

citizens (Sennett 2010:261). This approach though, in my opinion, has also a negative side - it

can lead to alienation and indifference in the society.

Another idea, described by Sennett (2010), is inspired by Jürgen Habermas and his book

Knowledge and Human Interests (1968) and defines public space as “any medium, occasion, or

event which prompts open communication between strangers” (Sennett 2010:262). This “free

flow of communication” is to gradually gain more interest about the others, which includes the

personal circumstances, but in a way that the people “rise above them” (Sennett 2010:262).

These thoughts focus on deeper understanding of social relations, which explain why simple

mixing of people and uses does not create social capital in the Layden’s “healthy” meaning.

A third point of view is Sennett’s own understanding of public realm, which is developed as idea

together with the anthropologist Clifford Geertz and the sociologist Erving Goffman, and which

is about how people express themselves to strangers.

The interests in focus here are street clothings, rituals of dining and drinking, ways of avoiding

eye contact, the places where people crowd together and the places where they prefer to keep

distance. This approach, called by academics “the performative school”, helps the author to

connect the architecture and the sociology by making a dialogue about how people use the

buildings and the spaces but it applies mostly to small scale, local in character and public realm.

It does not seek the political expression and enlightenment like Arendt’s and Habermas’ ideas

do. Instead, while studying the urban culture, Sennett suggests that the approach reveals more

insights about another sort of human bond, that is the ritual (Sennett 2010:263f).

Generally, and considering philosophic ideas from antiquity to nowadays, the ideal public realm,

according to Sennett’s conclusion, is the “one in which people react to, learn from, people who

are unlike themselves” (Sennett 2010:268). However, in reality we can find examples where this

ideal situation is not applied even in mixed-use environments. The author gives an example of a

neighbourhood, which mix people with very different backgrounds but the reason it attracts its

inhabitants is mainly the mutual indifference, which is more close to Arendt’s freedom of

anonymity. He calls this situation a “mixture of difference and indifference” and according to

him, it is a common, “prosaic” phenomenon as the example he gives in New York (Ibid). A big

part of this mixture is created repeatedly by daily routines. As both Sennett and Latour suggest,

the interruption of a trip is what gives to a place a meaning: “...ordinary experience does not

22

much register if it lacks disruptive drama” (Sennett 2010:269). Another element of closure is the

“mutual neutrality” performed by societies, which live segregated lives close together. People

mix but they do not socialize.

“The combination of difference and indifference casts a shadow over the value of

diversity which has orientated the practical work of enlightened planning: in building

new housing or organizing schools, planners want to mix together different ethnic

groups and social classes, yet a large number of studies document that these social

ingredients do not chemically interact. The sheer presence of diversity does little to

counter mutual indifference” (Sennett 2010:269)

Another way to distinguish private from public space is to identify signs of territorialization. As

Madanipour (2003:111) argues, the access is what defines if a space is a public space or not. The

author describes the access as access to the physical environment and access to activities,

information, and resources (Benn & Gaus 1983 in Madanipour 2003:111). These kinds of access

can be explained with the desire of individuals to expand their knowledge outside the familiar

environment and also to exchange such knowledge with other strangers (Sennett 2010:261). A

public space in this meaning is a space where everybody is allowed but there are certain rules

created by the public organization which maintains the territory and which sets different levels of

access through these rules. In searching for their personal and private interest, individuals meet

the public interests and that is how social relations are created (Madanipour 2003:111f).

2.3.3. Barriers and boundaries

Due to compressed scale and multi-functionality the mixed-use environment creates floating

territories with flexible physical and non-physical edges around them. To be more specific, I will

introduce some thoughts of the sociologist Richard Sennett (2010:265) who explains differences

between borders and boundaries. As in the city I made my field study exists an actual state

border, further in the text I will “replace” Sennett’s term for border with the word barrier to

avoid a confusion and use the word border when meaning a state border.

With the help of biological terms Sennett (2010:265) defines borders as more intense zones of

habitat, where the organisms become more interactive due to the changing context, or the

physical conditions. Borders function more as a cell membrane (again from biology), which is

both porous and resistant because it lets the matter flow in and out selectively. Boundaries are,

on the contrary, more static states, which establish closure through inactivity almost like a limit.

From the perspective of the city, an example of that on a city perspective is the highway, which

cannot be crossed by a pedestrian and thus, it cuts parts of the city.

23

On a city scale, edges are described by Lynch (1960:47) as linear elements, boundaries between

two phases which brake continuity like shores, railways, walls etc. He also notes that some of

them are penetrable some not; some are crossable, some not; and some of them are found with a

series of paths and other activities along them (Ibid). For people, edges are important organizing

structures, particularly holding together generalized areas (Ibid). Comparing three different

cities, he also notices that edges can be visually prominent but uncrossable, or the other way

around (Lynch 1960:63). With the help of Sennett’s explanation and differentiation between

borders and boundaries, we can now proceed with explaining the observed phenomena. For the

reason mentioned above I will from now on use the term barrier for an active, membrane-like

edge, boundary for a passive edge, and border for a state border.

2.3.4. In-between Spaces

In the late 1950’s Aldo van Eyck, considered as the “sensitive modernist” introduces the

discoursive concept of the in-between space as place, or the threshold, which is a “meeting

place” (Teyssot 2008:33). In “Commencement Address”, published in 1981, van Eyck argues

that separation is wrong and it is not in favour to people. According to him, “...architecture -

buildings - should no longer help mitigate inner stress, but should, instead, provoke it” (van Eyck

1981:7). His Sonsbeek Sculpture Pavilion(1967) demonstrates this statement while the small

spaces between very long walls put people very closely together and also close to the art

(sculptures). The roof is “translucent but not transparent” so the shadows created by the daylight

are not just black but blurred, and thus multiple nuances appear. These are ideas that advocate for

more interrelations between people, provoking more reactions and activities. Not surprisingly

then, the concept of the in-between space is theorized as a “bearer of inter-human events”

(Teyssot 2008:34). In-between spaces, according to Hertzberger (2000:215 in Kärrholm

2012:120), depend on interpretation. If they belong more to the house or more to the street can

vary from situation to situation and from user to user, but in the end it is a part of the both

spaces.

Kärrholm (2012:121) uses the concept interstitial spaces, which create spaces “wherever one

may want to, in order to develop actions of one’s own, rather than just reacting to strong

territorial strategies and their regulation”. As we add more in-between spaces we add “new rules

and new things” (Kärrholm 2012:122). For Kärrholm truly interstitial spaces lack dominant

territorial strategy or are related to “in-between times” for example commercial waiting spaces

which synchronize with urban rhythms (Ibid).

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2.2. Method

For this study I will use qualitative methods. Groat and Wang (2013: 218f) suggest five key

characteristics of a qualitative research, four of which I take into account in this research:

* Emphasis on natural settings, i.e. the idea is to examine objects in their natural, everyday

settings and circumstances;

* Focus on the interpretation and the meaning - introducing the analysis and understanding the

gathered data and their significance for the participants and the survey;

* Use of multiple strategies - the idea of bricollage, various tools and practices, aggregated

together to address a specific problem;

* The significance of the inductive logic - a qualitative survey developed in the iterative process

from the bottom-up.

2.2.1. Main Methods

As a main method, I have used case studies, as explained in Creswell (2003:15) where I, with the

help of various qualitative ways for data collection, have investigated sites in Patras, Greece,

during the period 17/03/2015 - 01/04/2015. Groat (Groat and Wang 2013:242f) argues for an

integrative approach that takes into account the socio-spatial experience in a system of specific

time, body, people and spatial elements that interact in a relationship. This approach offers the

possibility to combine and redefine various transformative research traditions. For example,

combining a historical and an interpretive approach helps in my case to understand better, how

and why people act like they do in the context of blended functions and what the results and the

meaning of their behavior are like. I have used an empirical interpretation which means I identify

theoretical terms with empirical meanings.

Besides case studies and interpretation I use field observation of various public spaces and their

connections with the semi-public, semi-private and private spaces. According to the inductive

logic I observed the research subjects (floating territories and flexible barriers) and the occurring

social intensity to uncover how they relate.

Using triangulation, explained by Groat (Groat and Wang 2013:84) as “utilization of a variety of

data sources, multiple investigators, and/or a combination of data collection techniques in order

to cross-check data and interpretations” helped me to verify the gathered data. As one of my

main methods used in the field study was walks, which is a very personal experience, I discussed

the observations with few professional participants put in the role of both references and

investigators, presented in the following chapter. In the discussion were used mainly verbal

25

explanations but also drawings and maps to avoid accidental misunderstanding about names of

locations and terminology due to the use of English as a second language for both me and them.

As combination of data collection I changed mine and in some cases, their role from an observer

to a participant in events, which gives us the possibility for changing viewpoints.

Data collection was carried out by the means of photography, drawing, mapping, walks, personal

log, dialogues and discussions.

2.2.2. Actor-Network Theory as a Method. Stabilization of Networks

As another method, I have used concepts and techniques from the Actor-Network Theory and

Latour’s paper Trains of Thought. The Fifth Dimension of Time and its Fabrication (2005b),

which explain the relation between transportation and transformation.

I have observed networks and how they transform, deform, or go through metamorphoses. The

notion and the production of time-spaces are possible through networks and actors in another

time-spaces, or as Latour (2005b) describes the otherness.

To exemplify this idea he speaks of the so called paradox of twin travellers (Latour 2005b) in

which the first traveller takes an undisturbed fast trip with a bullet train from point A to point B

and the second traveler takes the same journey but walks through a jungle of hinders, and thus

transforms, ages and injures her body. The first one has no experiences of the places between

point A and B; it is an “uneventful trip”. These places are imagined, unreal, and irrelevant. The

second traveller experiences each place through the transformation and thus the places and all the

relations, actors and networks between points A and B are very real and relevant to her journey.

So with these two examples Latour separates two entirely different types time and space

productions. The first one, moving through space in time and the second one, ageing, living,

suffering and participating in events (Latour 2005b:175).

As Kärrholm (2012:48) notices, ANT as method is typically used to follow traces of time left by

an actor/actant in a network or is used to describe immediate effects. In addition, I allow myself

to get involved or to participate in events. There is no better way to describe a phenomenon than

to live it by yourself, and thus to enter the observed network. Many times during the field study,

I tried to step out of the role of the observer and blend in, relying on memories (personal log) to

reconstruct the event and analyse it afterwards. This does not mean that I hid from others what I

was doing but simply by being friendly I got into conversations, or joined music events, walks,

car trips, games or other events.

In my research, I have combined the knowledge about Latour’s concepts, namely, the production

of time-spaces with other methods like, for example, searching for ethnological and historical

26

explanations. In the quest for finding the core of the urban life in a mixed-use environment, I

encountered the phenomena of the urban rituals explained by Sennett (2010:262f). These rituals

can be as simple as the way you are supposed to hold your ticket so the bus driver can tear it with

one hand (when the check machine is broken) or more complex as the human behaviour in

situations when the people use bar chairs as a communication strategy. The meaning of the urban

rituals cannot be understood by a simple observation, either they must be lived through a longer

time or somebody must explain them to a visitor. Once introduced to the context, the rituals open

up another dimension in a certain observation.

Using Actor-Network theory as analytical method, I search for different patterns of movement

which become practices. Kärrholm (2012:51) defines such processes as stabilised networks

dependent on stability in Euclidean space (1). This stabilization occurs when:

1) Euclidean objects/ spaces (created by a network) make networks durable;

2) fluid spatiality with no particular structure (network or Euclidean space) is privileged - “things

can change shape and still remain their identity and use as long as they change bit by bit, do not

become defined by a particular boundary, and the actants to some extent remains a certain family

resemblance between the assemblage at hand and assemblages with which it is associated” (Law

2002; Law and Mol 1994,2001 in Kärrholm 2012:51);

3) presence of actants outside the network, which are not in dependency but keep the network

stable (Ibid.).

(1) Euclidean space - the space in a three-dimensional coordinate system

2.3. Participants

The selection of participants for this study is divided in two: professionals in the field of

architecture and city planning and random participants whom I encountered during the data

collection process. Four conversations with two architects, a student in architecture and a

professor in city planning (all live and work in the observed city) had the important role to:

- help me to confirm, rethink, or explain some phenomena in relation to my observations;

- translate the environment with its cultural specifics;

-give their opinions as professionals and as citizens;

-walk me through the historical facts.

To some extend these four participants have also contributed to the data collection by drawing

my attention to certain subjects and by providing me with information about historical facts and

regulations. Generally, however, dialogues and discussion with the professional participants

27

were not used for data collection but for verifying/falsifying and discussing already gathered

data. In that way I was able to “filter” the personalisation of the study and to rethink some of my

conclusions.

The professional participants in this research are as follows:

Tatiana Dimou, PhD architect, age 25-35, abbreviation: architect D.

Met at her office on 22/03/2015 (Sunday).

As she had moved from Athens a few years ago she brought in another type of

viewpoint, that of the comparison between the capital and Patras as a new (for

her) city, especially in terms of personalizing of time and urban rhythms. I

contacted her through a friend who was her client for designing a gym in

combination with a nail art studio. Her work shows an understanding of multi-

functional areas.

Kleopatra Tsirli, Bc Political Science, University of Thessaloniki, currently a student

in architecture at the University of Patras, age 25-35, abbreviation: student T.

Met in a café at Georgiou Square on 24/03/2015 (Tuesday)

Her background brought a critical point of view as she understood well the

social and political aspects of the public spaces in Patras. Contact mediated

through the network of architect D.

Eleni Malli, PhD architect, age 25-35, abbreviation: architect M.

Met at the University of Patras’ campus on 30/03/2015 (Monday)

She contributed with her knowledge and definition of the small (human scale),

see chapter What Is Mixed Use and Small Scale?. Contact mediated through the

network of architect D.

Vasilis Pappas, a civil engineer and a professor at the University of Patras, teacher

in City Planning, Cartography and Spatial Planning, age 50-60, abbreviation:

professor P.

Met at his office at campus on 30/03/2015 (Monday)

He contributed to the study with the concept of space domination, as well as

explanation of the urban planning system in Greece and the organization of the

public spaces. He has a post doctoral degree from Sweden which allowed him to

explain and compare three different models of spatial planning from his

28

professional experience in Sweden and Greece. Recommended as an expert

through the City Planning Office in Patras.

Since the main purpose of the discussions was not to gather empirical data my questions to these

participants were triggered by the various phenomena that I had encountered during the

observations, so the conversations do not have the same structure for each one of the meetings.

Field studies were made each day so from the first meeting to the last there was a difference in

my experience too. If needed, it is possible to compare views where the participants’ experience

interfaces. However, as the statements used in this study are based on professional experience

and theory I use them more as a reference than as a source for data collection. This is also the

reason I include some of their statements outside the empirical part, most often in connection

with definitions.

As the milieu I studied is not fully familiar to me, to be able to analyse specific phenomena as

the before mentioned rituals, in some cases I turned to people who live in Patras. I took any

chance to involve informal participants like a friend of mine-G., a mother of two, and a nail artist

who helped me with information about the schoolyards and some urban rituals; but also people

who initiated contact with me at the places of observations.

2.4. Research Outlines

The empirical data will be presented in two parts. The first part is dedicated to presenting the city

and data to verify if it actually is a mixed-use city. As evaluating the city is not the main purpose

of this study here I will integrate theoretical terms about architectural settings, and present the

results in the same chapters as well as a conclusion for this particular question.

In the second part empirical data will show the results from the research subject study, namely,

the territories and the edges around them. The analysis will be followed successively in

immediate connection with the empirical data. This part will be followed by a summarized

analytical part and then conclusions and further discussions.

29

3. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS

3.1. Verifying if Patras is a Mixed-use and Small Scale city

3.1.1. Urban Functions and the Use Type. Urban Fabric and Dimension

The city of Patras and is located at the Peloponnese peninsula in Greece. Patras is the prefecture

centre of Achaia, with a population of 144 035 people and together with the small satellite

settlements Vrachneika, Messatida, Paralia and Rio it reaches 177 245 inhabitants (1). To the

number of the residents is to be added the number of students at the University of Patras which

were 14 271 in the 2012/2013 (increasing tendency comparing to decreasing in the general

statistics for Greece) (2).

As discovered through conversation with architect D., the modernist movement in the

architectural meaning had an insignificant impact on the urban development, particularly in

Patras but also in Greece in general. The main reason for this is the optional involvement of

architects in a project. The same authority for the design part of building projects is given both to

architects and civil engineers but a civil engineer is always required for calculating the

construction. The construction engineers kept the mixed use as simple as possible and it

continued to flourish in this form despite the international modernist influence, because less

architects where involved. However, the built fabric and structures lacked some architectural

qualities such as sound transition between private and public, because the priority was to build

the highest quality of construction at the lowest cost possible. The high quality in construction is

required because of the active tectonic activities in the area and the lowest cost was needed to

gain a higher profit so the demand for architectural and social qualities of a building was a rare

priority.

Although the mixed-use won unconditionally over the modernism, the city has suffered from the

enormous speed in building activities, especially in the 1970s, which has generated very dense

urban fabric in the central part of the city. Small houses with gardens were replaced by what may

resemble the insula type buildings described by Sheer (2010:37ff), called polikatoikia (from the

two Greek words: -many and -resident). Polikatoikias are usually more than 2-3

floor buildings, in which the ground floor is used for other than residential functions, in most of

cases commercial uses or car parking.

30

Fig. 3 and 4 (from left to right): an old type of house with a garden(left) and the polikatoikia type(right).

To have another function on the ground floor, however, is not a rule, but the active ground floor

is present in most of the cases and creates multiple interrelations at the street level. The dense

urban fabric, as explained by professor P., is developed not by the pressure of population growth

but mainly because of the stable areas of the main land uses, defined by regulations on one side

and the private interest for increasing the price of the land through denser building structures

from the other. As discussed with student T., the building companies offered a certain number of

apartments in return of land owner’s small house with a garden. After the house is replaced by

the high polikatoikia the owners either sell or rent their apartments inviting more residents into

the block. The building companies usually sell the apartments in order to get a fast profit.

The result, as I see it through observations is that we have many small-flat owners instead of one

owner of a big real estate. This in turn leads to the fact that many different private interests

define the use of the building. In residential buildings, one can also find small offices, private

medical care, or laboratories because the rent rates for commercial uses are higher. That is how

the vertical dimension of Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s mixed-use model is seen in practice but

here it is actually as a hybrid. On vertical dimension, we have the mix of the private apartment

owners who rent for different uses and on horizontal level, we have the mix of the horizontal

dimension because the ground floors of the buildings, as said before, are almost always used for

some other purpose than dwelling.

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Fig. 5: Patras urban fabric. Note: the map does not include settlements outside the city which continue on North and

South

32

Fig. 6. Fig. 7.

The urban fabric of the city (fig.5) is designed according to the principles of the orthogonal grid

planning and maintains the initial plan of Patras from the 19th century (fig.6). The historical

facts (3) reveal that the person who designed it back then was the military engineer Stamatis

Bulgaris (4) which predetermined the strategical organization of the urban fabric with parallel

and perpendicular streets in relation to the sea edge. Visible from the map (fig. 5) the North

direction is on left which shows the important perspective of a visitor who comes by the sea. In a

historical review of the city Bakounakis (2005:153) writes:

“The design of the city of Patras was the most important work of Stamatis Voulgaris, the

first Greek city planner”.

At that time, the residents were around 4000. The city is up to nowadays organised in three

zones: Upper and Lower City, and the artificial harbour. The applied model has great

advantages, it especially improves the navigation. Although the dominating vertical dimension of

the buildings is presented, the mountain and the sea are usually visible from the street level.

The good navigation is not only contributing to saving time but it also gives a citizen and a

visitor a greater sense of safety (see fig.7,8). Because of the sense of the whole as described by

Lynch (1990:108) certain elements on paths, like for example the orange tree alley Trion

Navarhon (see fig.6: the diagonal street which leads to a pier), small squares and churches,

indicate one’s position. As the old urban fabric is preserved, most of the streets are very narrow

and adding the parking lines, there is not enough space for two files on the road, especially in the

city centre. The solution used is to make the streets one way only so each street has its direction.

The building blocks are small in general, around 100 by 100m which supports proximity and

human scale discussed previously.

33

Fig. 8 and 9

The urban fabric can be described as a static tissue, a concept developed by Sheer (2010:51),

because of the stable grid, which allows changes only within the lots. With the course of time

these lots became smaller and smaller (see Fig.7)

(1)Data from the Hellenic Statistical authority, 2011 http://www.statistics.gr/portal/page/portal/ESYE/PAGE-

themes?p_param=A1603&r_param=SAN21&y_param=2011_00&mytabs=0 (2)Data from the Hellenic Statistical authority, 2014 http://www.statistics.gr/portal/page/portal/ESYE/PAGE-themes?p_param=A1403&r_param=SED33&y_param=2012_00&mytabs=0 http://www.statistics.gr/portal/page/portal/ESYE/BUCKET/A1403/PressReleases/A1403_SED33_DT_AN_00_2012_01L_F_EN.pdf (3)(New Generation Radio blog, http://ngradio.gr/blog/foivos-piompinos-blog/stamatis-voulgaris-protos-poleodomos-neoteris-elladas/) (4)in Greek - , Stamatis Voulgaris. Although with a Greek origin, in this research I use the Bulgari spelling because the

person was born on the Corfu island which under the medieval period was ruled by the Venetian republic. Under the time he lived, the island was

also under French and British influence, and many references use the spelling Bulgari. For further reading in English I suggest searching after

the following spellings: Voulgaris, Boulgaris, Bulrgaris, Bulgari.

34

3.1.2. City Planning and Its Relation to Social Life

In terms of public regulation and city planning, professor P. explained that the system in Greece

works centrally. Although the city and the city council do discuss about the city plan, the final

decision is taken by what is called the periphery (the region).

The administrative system in Greece is based centrally in Athens. On a local level it is the

responsible ministry, the so called periphery, which is funding the different plans or is taking

other important decisions. Depending on the beneficiary, that means the city, the periphery

controls the whole planning process. After a specific procedure is completed, the city’s council

can give its opinion about the planning. They send their opinion to the region (periphery), and

the periphery, which is closely connected with the ministry, takes the final decision. So,

according to professor P., the responsible people and the responsible organisation must be the

municipality but its role is not the one it should be. It is a limited one, because they are only

allowed to give their opinion. They do not have the proper environment (a freedom) to take

decisions directly. In addition, due to mainly financial flows, because the ministry pays and the

legislation framework is based on this centralized system, the final decision is taken by the

ministry through the periphery. Of course, the opinion the city council counts, but the city

council doesn’t have the last word.

The authorities share the responsibility for the city planning in that order: the central (state) level,

the regions, the municipalities. In some rare cases, the settlements also have responsibility, but it

is very limited. The implementation of the approved plan is the responsibility of the city through

the direction of the municipal organisation. This is the administrative pyramid in Greece, which

reflects on the different levels of planning: on national level, on region level and on city level.

The general master planning defines the main land uses, for example: protected areas,

settlements, the new port, the commercial centre, and from there more detailed plans are made

according to the linear centres, the historical centres and so on. These kinds of lines are very old,

as professor P. showed, through the years, due to this centralized model the lines between the

different land uses stay stable. And this is the main reason, according to him, for the dense urban

fabric as mentioned above. As professor P. stated, these processes do not follow a vision but they

are results of, as he put it, “administration of space”, which he assessed to be a big problem and

disadvantage.

It was a mystery to me then, how the mixed-use is happening all over the city despite the lack of

strategy. It became obvious, though, that in fact there was a hidden strategy indeed, which

professor P. explained to be regulated through an official document:

“...this is from the legislated framework, one of the old laws(1),..., which says that the

main land uses of the masterplan are these:

35

Pure housing, General housing, Urban centres, Tourism and recreation and so on.

In my opinion, the crucial terms are the first two: pure housing and general housing.

What is the meaning of pure housing? This one: in the areas of the pure housing of

course, you have housing but also:

- small hotels, small commercial installations, social welfare, education, athletic

activities, religion places, and culture. It is actually not pure housing, it is a mixed one.

Moreover, what we are calling general housing is, apart from the housing,

- big hotels, commercial stores, services, banks, education social welfare, education,

athletic activities and even gas stations etc.

That means the existing legislation supports the mixed land use and although we try to

build everywhere, the mixed-use is a big advantage in the Greek cities”.

With these explanations, the mechanism, which supports the mixed-use, was uncovered, and

although it is optional, the majority of the buildings in the city are mixed-use. I have concluded

that either the people perceive the mixed use positively, or they are just used to it. If presumed

that the people are just used to the model and ignore some negative effects, which in fact was

confirmed with all four of the respondents, they still have the choice to move further from the

dense city centre and without losing the everyday services they are used to. The reason is the fine

and the blurred grain as has been explained earlier, which supports the mixed use with its small

corner shops and cafés, and restaurants and even private medical services and free time activities

never stops, and the basic services and commodities are always near.

As we saw from the theory a mixed use alone is not enough to satisfy higher social needs. So

how is the city planning related to social life? With the help, again from professor P., I was able

to explore three city planning models. The first one is more known in Sweden, where the city

limit is very clear so that the city stops suddenly. In addition, the neighbourhoods are mainly

with a residential use. The open spaces in such areas are not as much appreciated, which gives a

poor social life outdoors. The problem highlighted here is not “the cold weather” but “too much

planning”. With “too much planning” professor P. meant that everything is predetermined in

advance, from the infrastructure to small details so the users are not given the possibility to

adjust the environment according to their current needs and activities. Too much planning makes

neighbourhoods boring and predictable, according to him. This is one reason, in his opinion, that

the people do not use the public open spaces in these areas so much. Another point here is that

the much-planned situation/space does not support democracy. Moreover, I can conclude here

that, indeed, this kind of situation does not leave much choice to an individual, a family, or a

small community for self organizing and self revision of the space.

The second model is the Greek empiric model, as it is right now: too much construction activities

without rules. The urban sprawl in Greece, as visible on the Patras map (Fig.5), is showing

36

dispersed building activities outside the city. Professor P. concluded that the problem here is the

well known car dependency and also that the public services cannot reach the residents.

The ideal model according to professor P. is something in the middle, which follows the

principle:

“Plan the roads, construct the roads and the rest, leave it according to some rules! Not in

a well detailed planning. And also allow the mix of use”.

This philosophy is giving a very good foundation for a flexible city planning and some working

monitoring mechanism, which can regulate “the natural growth”. This idea may also resemble to

another theory, The Unified Architectural Theory which argues for fractal language in design,

inspired by nature (Salingaros 2013). Salingaros examines traditional city planning patterns, as

well as orthogonal grids on fractal principle in the same way as biological systems in nature.

“Importantly, fractal urban structures typically provide multiple combinations of benefits

that work in synergy” (Salingaros 2013:162).

There is an example of branching paths through the city, which give the possibility for carrying

out multiple tasks simultaneously. Another effect is the “spillover” informal exchange with other

people, which happens on the way to some event and thus the time used for the main reason for

the walk is more efficiently used. This strategy is directly linked to economic, social, and other

benefits (Salingaros 2013:162).

(1)(articles 230–240, Code of Basic Planning Laws)

see also: http://www.greeklawdigest.gr/topics/environment/item/101-spatial-and-urban-planning-

land-uses (Autors note)

3.1.3. A City That Does Not Sleep

Thinking about time and how it is expressed in this city particularly, it is very interesting to

highlight the urban rhythm, which the special timetable creates. The density in the streets

dependends on day hours and days in the week. The shops and other services have very specific

working hours:

Monday - 9am - 2:30 pm;

Tuesday - 9am - 2pm; 5pm-9pm

Wednesday 9am - 2:30 pm;

Thursday 9am - 2pm; 5pm-9pm

Friday 9am - 2pm; 5pm-9pm

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Saturday 9am - 2:30 pm;

Sunday - closed

This timetable is not as monotone like a Monday to Friday 9am to 5pm week. It helps the sense

of time in a better way and helps to divide the day in two, but it also differentiates the days in the

week. I think it contribute to organize the urban density too. At the time of my observations, the

citizens in Patras did not seem stressed, and that was shared opinion with the architect D. who

has moved to Patras from Athens and she noticed the difference, too.

“Here we work in the morning and in the afternoon we go home; we have a break during

the day. Patras is a small city and everybody does that. Just a few people work from 9 to

5 continuously. But you can do that because your house is ten minutes walking away and

you can just eat, sleep or relax for a little bit and just come after, and that’s a gift, too.”

The timetable is the same for the whole Greece except in the bigger companies in Athens, which

try to synchronize with the international timetable. Together with the commercial sphere and its

materiality, it has created an urban rhythm which follows the pattern of the timetable 24 hours a

day as “...the role of architecture is much more extensive, affecting the mobilisation of the

different rhythms, flows and activities of everyday life” (Kärrholm 2012:39).

The late working hours, of course generate more activities at night but people may meet in the

afternoon, too. Thus, the streets are always busy. Different clubs and club activities are very

common phenomena even in residential areas and in combination with all kinds of small

educational centres, sport activities, and small shops, they contribute to a high level of

independence and social life of every small neighbourhood. The nightlife is very intensive and

various urban sub-cultures emerge as formations around specific cafés, bars and music clubs or

diverse preferences like sports, which is most visible as practice in the evenings and at night.

Along with the rich social life, I find in the city, there is also very active political engagement

among all ages and groups. Protesting in Greece is an implicit right, which is usually exercised in

Patras each time when civil rights are suppressed. In my opinion, the city of Patras never sleeps

both literally and consciously.

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3.1.4. Evaluation of the City of Patras

In conclusion, Patras gives the possibility to find a traditional mixed-use development. After I

examined the city on all its levels, the observations and analysis of the results prove that the

environment is properly chosen in terms to study research subjects in their natural settings.

As the context matches the necessary settings to suit the purpose of this study, I will proceed

with the presentation of the empirical data in connection with territories and their edges in a

mixed-use environment.

3.2. Territories, Barriers and Boundaries in Mixed-use

Environments

After verifying the context, it is time to proceed with the central research. The field study was

performed at multiple levels following the logic of zooming in. As I go through from a bigger to

smaller scale, I analyse further the neighbourhood, the building blocks, the buildings, and places

in between. Following my observations, I have distinguished the following types of mix

happening in connection with the subject of study:

- mix of territories;

- mix of users;

- mix of functions;

- mix of indoor and outdoor;

- mix in time.

These mixes occur in most cases simultaneously which makes it harder to discuss them

separately. To avoid confusion, and because of the crossed levels of observation it is necessary

to attach the analysis immediately after presenting the results for each situation. For a better

structure I will summarize the analysis in a separate chapter.

In addition, and with the help of the conversations, I develop the following leads:

- relationship between design, urban rituals and rhythms, and everyday routines;

- the role of city planning for the design on a smaller scale and for the social life;

39

- the importance of the public spaces for conceiving and developing democracy over time.

In the chapter 2.2.1 I will discuss the phenomenon of overlapping territories and its effects and in

chapter 2.2.2 I will present the series of field studies sorted out by the main mix discussed.

3.2.1. Mix of Territories and Users

A. The Effect of Undefined Territorialization. How People Deal with Mixed-use

Environments and Problems like Compromising with Privacy?

Architect D. expressed her opinion that to live in a mixed-use block is a matter of “getting used

to it” and a choice, which is made when a person buys an apartment. Some of the contradictions

are adjusted by through transactions, for example, a bar pays to the residents above not to

complain about the noise. For her, these kinds of situations are not a problem as far as the people

who inhabit the area give their consent to these activities.

For architect M. this is the status quo that her generation is used to and younger people do not

pay attention to such relations. The previous generations, however, are used to a more “quiet”

lifestyle and they would not prefer the mix and dense urban environment if they could choose.

More critical was student T. who argued for more gradual transitions between the different

functions and users, and more space for individual privacy, and a kind of more private space for

the close neighbours in a building. According to her, because of the different users within a

dwelling building, the mixing of housing with commercial functions creates a “chaos” in private

and public meaning. As discussed in the theoretical part the mixed use is seen both on the

vertical direction (renting apartments for commercial purposes) and on the horizontal direction

(active ground floors).

In the conversation with professor P., he expressed the opinion that moving outside the city in a

house with a garden is a common dream all over the world and it is not certain that the search for

more privacy is the reason people move out of the cities. However, we discussed the problem,

which may emerge from the mixed-use and small-scale environment that is the space

domination, which means, as he shortly defined, “I control my space”. The term is explained in

the context with the drawing below (Fig.10) which shows sections of two buildings and the

possibilities that the space gives to neighbours to intentionally or not watch each other over their

balconies, because they are too near and nothing stops the visual access. As professor P.

explains, in this kind of situations we have less criminality, than other spaces, but the downside

is the contradiction between privacy and space domination.

40

Analysis: The problem of space domination can be explained wider as the effect of physical or

non-physical territories which overlap. How this overlapping is related to the healthy social life

depends on the user’s behavior. Further it is also connected with Sennett’s discussion about the

privatization of the self which affects the level of comfort/discomfort in such situations.

Fig. 10. Space domination exercised by neighbours on the balconies over neighbours in the private garden

B. Competing Territories. Access and Maintenance

When it comes to maintenance of the public space it can also be used as an indicator for a

territoriality. During my wanderings and observations in the streets of Patras, I was surprised to

see how the privately owned shops and cafeterias care for the public space around them and also

change the design to promote their businesses. Although it is not a guarantee, this gesture seems

to prevent or reduce acts of vandalization even at closing hours, while the sidewalks where a

store is permanently closed is immediately claimed as, not public, and thus, everybody’s, but

nobody’s instead.

Analysis: The result is that these territories become “victims” of deformations, created in time,

like erosion due to weather conditions but also vandalism and in some cases; they become a

home for various animals like street cats and birds, and the vegetation slowly destroys the built

environment. Such sad examples have increased, comparing with my previous visits in the city

four years ago and with the economical crisis it got more spread in the city centre making the

phenomenon even more obvious. As discussed in the conversation with student T., this kind of

maintenance and especially the change of the design by the shop owners is understood and

explained as interference in the public space and in some cases regarded as an illegal act. The

reason according to student T. is that this kind of environment does not allow a person just to

stay in the area without the intention to consume.

41

So the matter of maintenance as indicator of ownership may tend to express territoriality and so

does the vandalism. The both phenomena are two opposite ways to claim public space. The

maintenance by the private shops and cafeterias tries to dominate and no matter with legal means

or not it transforms the public space into a semi-private or in the optimal situation, into a mix of

semi-private and public. On the other hand we have the vandalism which with illegal means

transforms the public space into “nobody’s”. The access is free, but it is no more attractive to

people. These two are agencies, which compete for the domination over the public space.

The vandalism and criminality is a problem in every big city. In these situations, as professor P.

says, a planner or architect cannot change the behaviour itself, but instead the possibilities of the

space can be improved. The mix of territories that happens on Patras sidewalks by mixing

pedestrian flow with the shop and cafeteria extensions also changes the possibilities of the space.

The phenomenon registers and demonstrates a space domination described by professor P. and

thus, if not prevents at least reduces crime activities, as we clarified, in that particular space. If

the public space lacks maintenance or is freer from demonstrating space domination, it becomes

“nobody’s”.

According to professor P., the issue with the semi-private space floating into the public is nearly

in the way people exploit the environment. The important is to secure the flow on the sidewalk

and the possibility to stay there. In the conversation, he explains three models that can occur

when semi-private space extends into the public space. The first model is as it is supposed to be

the “Greek model” and it contains tables and chairs, whatever the furniture in front of the

privately owned businesses and the pedestrian flow is allowed to move between this furniture

and the customers. This model creates the moment of interruption Latour is arguing for and thus

it appears to support social relations and place making. The opposite model is the “Swedish

model” where the semi-private space around the tables on the sidewalks is surrounded by a

physical and mental boundary (a fence) and in that way it “cuts out” a bit from the public space

and no interaction is happening between the two spaces. The third model is when “the Greek

model” spreads out beyond the legal rules and creates a commercial “trap” where the public

space is suffocating for territory.

The problem was described as a negative phenomenon also by the other three professional

respondents, but according to my observations, and confirmed in the conversations, most people

in Patras and in Greece generally do not seem to realise the difference between public and semi-

private. The local specifics of the relations between business owners and consumers tend to

outweigh in favour to the latter and that allows people to feel freer in semi-private space. One

example is the mass ignorance of the sign no smoking at the cafeterias and restaurants. In this

kind of relationships people may tend to confuse the two types of spaces and create false

standards. There is a level of risk in these situations because a public space is not loaded with the

same rules as the semi-private. As Kärrholm (2012:57) notices, bars, restaurants, and shops tend

to determine the kind of people and behaviour they allow inside and their rules impact

42

cumulatively the space outside. In Greece, the impact happens in both ways and due to the

common belief in free access in the city in combination with the financial crisis business owners

retrieve in holding on to their rules in order to keep their places occupied. First of all, the point

here is to understand where the mental limit is in this mix of territories.

In the conversation with professor P., he expressed the opinion that the danger comes when this

mental limit is out of balance. On the one hand, if the semi-private rules become the common

thing, democracy is under threat because the individuals do not have the freedom to express

opinion or to exercise their rights as citizens. In addition, territorialisation through the materiality

affects behaviour and thus, changes the possibilities of the spaces as explained by professor P.

This automatically creates “both actual control and a sense of direct or indirect control”

(Kärrholm 2012:64). In the other extreme situation, the business owners become victims of their

own hospitality.

Recently redesigned Riga Feraiou Street in Patras suffers from imbalance between public space

and cafeterias. Architect D. and student T. expressed opinions that the people seem to like it

because it is always crowded. The problem was, according to the two, the commercialization of

the public space, which a professional sees clearer. Although well populated such places would

not contribute to higher quality of social life because “the democracy is conceived and developed

in the public space”, as architect D. said.

C. Territories and Access in Relation to the Scale of the Business Ownership

Another aspect is the scale of the ownership. In Greece, as seen in

Patras, there are many small business owners who keep the

diversity alive and respect civil rights even if the areas are

primarily commercial, as in fact, allowing the clients to dictate in

to some degree. Many private offices like architects, lawyers and

even public authorities are in direct connection with the

sidewalks as architect D.’s office (see fig.11).

Analysis: Such practice makes professionals very accessible and

also keeps them near the “real world”, or in the theoretical terms

of this study, exposed to the otherness. It allows unexpected

meetings and the mix of all kinds of people. In relation to the

smaller scale in Patras the mix of services is supported by the city

planning and it has a positive impact on the social life.

Fig. 11.

43

D. Mixed Use and Mix of Difference and Indifference

The phenomenon of mixture between difference and indifference generally was not present in

the urban culture of Patras as described by Sennett. In the observed city, it is more likely for

people to help strangers rather than to ignore them. Even further, it is enough to give

unintentionally around the signs of confusion and it is always somebody who comes and offers

help. This is an accidental experience in connection to few field observations but not

intentionally gathered data. It means that people give attention to each other and in a matter of

second they can decide to trust/help somebody or not. While observing the flea market just after

my arrival, a woman beside me, after few phrases exchanged asked me if I could watch her

shopping carriage so she could go on the other side of the “shop”(a huge table with many clothes

and buyers all around).

However, as an example here, I would add some of my personal experiences in the past. Four-

five years ago when I visited the city, there were many illegal immigrants who crossed the

borders of the harbour and walked along the city, many of them survived by the help of the local

citizens who supported them with clothes and food. Some volunteers even organized language

courses for free and tried to learn more about the strangers. I have observed some of their lessons

and it is very much like the Swedish SFI (Swedish for immigrants) but the difference is, it is

totally organised with personal resources: somebody is a teacher, somebody has a free space and

they do it together. Attendants do not need to register it is enough just to show up. After my last

visit, the situation with the immigrants had suffered from a change as the amount of immigrants

has increased significantly, because of the conflict in Syria. Combined with the financial crisis in

Greece, people started to get used to the new conditions and were trying to ignore the waves of

people begging for money or selling small stuff between the coffee tables on popular spots.

However, in my opinion, this is a behaviour nearly caused by extreme conditions rather than the

indifference for the different described previously in the text.

Analysis: The important aspect to mention here is that in this case the physical access and the

overlapping territories produced by the mixed use create intermediaries because the bodies have

no impact on each other or at least the intensity is lower. This is an example of how the mix use

is not capable to deliver social exchange because of other factors.

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2.1.2. Field Studies

A. Flexibility in Time. The Bar Chair and the Mix in Time

As Latour argues, a space is a topos when wanderers are coming back to the same place, because

of the transformation, for example ageing, through which they compare the transformation in the

environment with their own, acknowledging that the environment has not changed significantly

compared to their own transformation. My role as a wanderer gave me the opportunity to see

how this theory was working in practice, but also to discover further, that the opposite process

can also be possible. For a relatively short time the environment can change, undergoing

metamorphosis, while me, the wanderer, is still at the same place. That, of course, creates

another instance, another space-time, where you become a part of the environment while other

actants change their positions.

Using the walk as one of my methods and entering in the role of Latour’s second traveller who is

able to interact and take the challenges of the environment from point A to B, I have seen the

street as a whole, which I have divided into a series of smaller time-spaces. As I have been

walking through the streets of Patras, my journey was constantly interrupted by events, created in

this mix of “everything”. The sense of time noticeably adopted its meaning through the dynamics

of all the networks and the relations between biological and non-biological bodies like cars,

baskets, tables, bar chairs, people, doves, trees, talking, hail, laughing and countless actants

more. I have been able to observe or to be involved in events. The mix of public and retail space

on the sidewalks was changing as I walked through long streets like Maizonos and Korinthou. As

I have moved through spaces and times I could notice the expansion and the retraction of the

shops and cafés as they were alive bodies or sea waves. One reason is of course, the special

timetable of the shops but also many other relations like how the owners of the shops organize

their spaces; or how the people deal with the hinders on their way.

45

Fig.12. Mapping space-times. Study walks along Korinthou, Maizonos and the streets around

As shown in the active space-times study above, I have performed study walks on different days

and at different times. Hundreds of photos were taken to show transformation of time-spaces as I

walked. In this experiment both the environment and the researcher move and transform. When I

started walking from my home down the Korinthou street at 1:30pm, I saw the corner shop with

the vegetables, the other people also walking zig-zagging around the street furniture and the shop

extensions, cars parked along the sidewalk, cars moving on the road, a bird landing on a coffee

table, a man paying and taking his goods, an old lady doing a cross on herself as she was passing

along a church - not on this street but on the parallel one (because all this was visible due to the

specifics of the urban fabric). As the Korinthou Str, alike the other streets here, is rather straight,

a person on that street is able to view, if not all of it, at least a very big part of it and thus, to stay

physically at the same place (topos). But as the time goes by, for example at 1:50pm, some

pieces of materiality belonging to the shop and some café extensions are gradually removed by

waiters and shop personnel and at the time of 2:00pm the streets are quieter and the available

space on the sidewalks is wider. At some point, I stop and I stay for the afternoon at a friend’s

for a coffee and chat. When I decide to turn back, it is already around 5:30. Going down the

46

same street again, I experience the slow expanding of the shops and cafeterias to the point where

everything is open again and even more, the people, occupying these spaces makes the available

space of the sidewalk even more narrow and dense.

Analysis: This is an example of the transformation of public space in time. Kärrholm (2012:67)

defines these processes of retail deterritorialization as territorial synchronisation, which is

consistent with the urban rhythm in order to function more efficiently. In Patras, and in Greece as

a whole (with some exceptions like Athens), it is the retail timetable and thus, deterritorialization

that gives the urban rhythm. As a result, this affects first of all the business in their demand for

flexibility in their space design and that influences the rest of the urban environment as a model.

Here I have used mappings of space-times, photographing frames as I moved through time and

space, as an analyzing tool. Walking in one direction and then coming back, I was able to

identify certain object/entities, how they change position, or disappear when the shops were

close, but also what was left behind. These entities also defined the territories.

Passive space-times study is the experiment to pick a cafeteria and stay as long as possible there.

In this case the researcher is still while the environment is transforming. When talking with

student T., the idea was to find a quiet cafeteria on a small street. When we came in at around

7pm there was only one or two tables occupied and some relaxing music. As the conversation

between us two was developing, the cafeteria became louder and louder, and more and more

people arrived. They moved the chairs and they ordered drinks that filled the tables to the point

when a party started and I could hardly hear what my companion said. I needed to shout to make

myself heard and due to all of the “new” people, I realised that I did not have enough space

around me to be able to change my position too much.

Analysis: Therefore, if we only passed by, without knowing something about the place, the

conclusion would be that this was not a place at all. In cases when you as customer consume in

short frame of time and leave the place to allow the next client to replace you it is not possible

either to notice the change. But the fact that we stopped by, stayed, and there we felt no pressure

to leave soon, enabled us to witness the evolution in time and to “situate” the cafeteria as a topos,

an event-generating place.

Urban ritual study also occured in a semi-private space, which is in a mixed-use building. Most

of the days (except special occasions like the Patras carnival) this is a visited but quite quiet café

and in the evenings and nights, a place for a party. Besides the intriguing design, a professional

eye can recognise signs of science behind the physical environment, science about lighting, the

organisation of the space and socialization at least. The space allowed many possibilities of use:

not only to sit down at the tables, and not only to sit at the bar but also many possibilities in

between - to choose higher or lower level, or to stand by small bar tables, high and low chairs,

indoor and outdoor, but also in between. Above all this, the possibility to just to pass by, created

by remaining existing patterns of movement in the building and even those outside the building.

47

Such kind of scientific approach is very common for semi-private spaces in Greece, like bars,

cafés, restaurants, and clubs. These spaces are very appreciated by the residents, because they

increase the interactions between people.

The exploration of the bar chair got to its culmination here at this particular place, when I was

introduced to the meaning of the sitting height by my friend G. and her story about bar chairs and

high heels. She and some of her friends were out, socializing at a typical cafeteria in Patras. She

asked why everybody likes to either sit on a bar chair or just standing up at a bar table although

they wear high heels and their feet may get tired. Her friends smilingly said that when they sit

higher, the spirit is higher, too! In addition, she really noticed that when, after a while, sitting

down on normal chair, she and one more from the company did not laugh and talk as before

when they were sitting higher, because they relaxed their bodies in the comfort of the sitting

chairs.

This phenomenon is widely exploited all over the city (and surely in the whole country) and the

bar chairs and bar tables have become a common feature among the street furniture like

something in between the states of “passing by” and “sitting down”, i.e. “sitting up” and

“standing by”.

At the time we discussed the story, the cafeteria we were at, slowly started to transform itself, in

waiting for the nightlife. The waitresses took the unoccupied coffee chairs and with the help of a

giant screw in the middle of the tables they adjusted the height of the coffee tables which were

now transformed into bar tables. Some adjustments with lighting and other details like personnel

shifts and so on, enabled the metamorphosis of the place, which now became a new kind of place

in a matter of few hours.

Analysis: The bar chair has another ability, that is, to meet people by creating what Latour

describes as kairos. When the bar chair is combined with a passage, the situation generates more

virtualities, described in the chapter Actor-Network theory and Time. The user’s eye level is the

same as for the people who are passing by, and in this way, in the right moment, the phenomena

of the unexpected meeting is made possible. Moreover, not only that but also tens and hundreds

of interactions with people. Of course, to put the otherness in action, it is not enough to have a

bar chair and a passage. In order to create the possibility I have just described, series of actions

need to be done, for example, a polikatoikia type building must be built, some interested investor

must hire an estate on the ground level and decide to use it in a certain way, then comes the

interior designer who puts her/his knowledge in collaboration with the owner, and sometimes

with the owner’s neighbours. And to go even further, to create the supreme moment for the

unexpected meeting you need the activity to continue in certain (maybe late) hours, and above all

this you rely on human factors like to attract somebody to sit on this bar chair and also the

neighbour’s acceptance of some characteristics of that moment, for example noise or music. In

48

addition to these other space-times before the event, the knowledge of a certain urban ritual is set

into practice.

B. Plateia Nikis and the Public Secret

Fig.13.

Nikis Square (Plateia Nikis) is situated on the North of the city centre near the Church of St.

Sofia. The neighbourhood is mainly residential, but mixed-use, with small specialized shops for

fruits and vegetables, meat, small supermarkets, pastry shops, fast food, clothes, shoes and so on,

plus the traditional periptero (newspaper kiosk) - everything needed for the everyday life. The

easy access from the city centre via one of the main streets, Maizonos, which continues in

Konstinoupoleos Street gives the wanderer straight path to follow, reaching the square, and

situates the place not only locally but also in the city.

The square’s dimensions are defined by the church on the East and a school on the West. The

street from the South gives visual access to the sea on the West and to the mountain on the East.

Here I came twice and I stayed for some hours observing the character of the place. Plateia Nikis

combines educational, religious, recreational, and commercial functions. Cafés, public owned

drinkable water and different types of playgrounds make the place very attractive for parents

with children, old people, and teenagers. After school hours, the gates of the school are locked

but around 3p.m., many of the children cross over the fence and use the space for playing

different games and sports. As the fence was 1,60m high at the lowest parts and only vertical

long narrow pins it was a mystery how the children climb over it. I took the role of a detective

and walked around the schoolyard to see if the fence was broken somewhere. There was no

suitable hole, which could be useful even for kids. The only place was at the main (delivery) gate

49

on the side of the street. I waited beside the gate but nobody showed up, while the schoolyard

was constantly filling with playing children. I turned back to the square and checked out the

small gate (see fig.15., down left). Nothing happened in a while until I saw a ball flying over the

fence as shown (see fig. 15 down right). It was not by a mistake but the kids used the fence as a

kind of volleyball net. Then one of the kids revealed the mystery of the practice of crossing over

when she went through a place in the fence where one of the pins was slightly deformed

(Fig.14).

Fig.14. Barrier acting as a membrane

50

Analysis: So the space was defined not

only by the materiality but also by the

activity. The tree was a roof, the bushes

guarded the ball from escaping (most of

the times) and the schoolyard fence was

the volleyball net, but it was the

activities that turned the place into a

playground. The first activity is when

somebody some time ago (a different

space-time) came and deformed the

fence so that a small body of a child can

pass through. Adults were those people

who surely made this, equipped with

tools, and unfortunately, I could never

know the reason why they did it. It is the

result here that is important - the fence is

a physical filter, a membrane, which

allows children to go through, but not

adults. It helps breaking a rule,

signalised by the gate locks, that is

“nobody is allowed”, making the public

mind more important than the rules,

created by the activity of closure through

physical environment. The concept of

the public mind, emerged from this

study as I observed the importance of

the public opinion and the actions and

consequences which it creates. This is

also an example of self-revision, discussed by Sennett (2010:264) where he argues for “open

system” where “built form proves capable of metamorphosis”.

The second activity is the game, which extends the space behind the fence, inside the schoolyard,

which transforms the space once an entity adopts a different meaning, that is in this case, the

fence.

Fig. 15

51

Fig.16.

The second visit showed another way to use the same space (Fig.16). The ball was moving

mainly in a parallel to the fence direction and the two boys playing were guarding imaginable

target gates. In this case, the fence and the bushes define the playground. As Sennett (2010)

notices, “kids are playing in spaces meant for other purposes”, because they participate in the

creation of playgrounds and through appropriation, use the spaces in a way different from the

initial design intention (Sennett, 2010:265).

Analysis: If we zoom just a bit out of this small system, one can find another system, where

intentionally or not, the break in the fence is again a central act/entity. In this system, we can

analyze the act of public (informal) surveillance. In the centre, there is the act and the point of

the passing-through/ crossing-over and the actants are the children and the ball. People usually

occupy the benches in front of the schoolyard, and if not, the possibility that somebody comes is

high, because the space offers a bench under a shadow and the beautiful sound of children

playing and birds singing. The people who occupy this space, unintentionally provide the act of

guarding the children and also often the act of returning an “out of control” ball back in the

playground defined by the playing activity. On the other hand, the cafeterias offer coffee and

other drinks under tents or parasols and thus, attracting more people who can practice the act of

informal surveillance over the act of crossing-over.

Another schoolyard I observed was at a high school nearby Plateia Nikis. It lies in front of

church St. Alexios on a main street called Ellinos Stratiotou. There I found the same pattern in a

system of entities: Periptero, a church, a school and benches in front of the schoolyard occupied

52

by old people. The first time I was there, the gates were locked, but the schoolyard was occupied

by teenagers and up in age young people who were performing spontaneous sport

activities(Fig.17). It was not possible for a stranger to go in so probably somebody with a key

had let the young people in. The huge area and the big parking spot behind the schoolyard make

informal surveillance more difficult here, though not completely impossible due to the high

buildings around.

The second time I was there the gates were unlocked and open and more young people were

playing, basketball, and volleyball (Fig.18). Again, the games had a spontaneous character.

Fig.17 Fig.18

Two schoolyards I visited were also locked after school hours but one (on the Riga Fereou Str

nearby city centre) was empty at the time I was there. Without trying to identify a reason for the

empty schoolyard, I would mention that the school on Riga Fereou Street is also near Plateia

Olgas (the Olgas square), which provides plenty of possibilities as we shall discuss further in this

research.

As the City Planning Office in Malmö is very interested in opening and using the schoolyards for

other than educational purposes, I focused this part of my research on this topic. Opening the

schoolyards in Greece would be nearly, as it showed, an opening of the last frontier in city

accessibility of territories, as everything else, which is not private is free to access due to the

mixed-use environment. I discussed that with architect D. and she knew about the practice of

crossing-over the school premises. According to her, to cross over the fence is not an issue if it is

the students who use the space. If an adult tries the same tactic, there is no rule that forbids that.

It is then the public, which makes decision and somebody can argue that this area is for students

and not for adults. The concern comes primarily because of criminal actions against children.

The great surprise is that open schoolyards are a public secret in Patras. Searching for additional

information about the city after I came back, I found an official document which revealed a

decision that the school yards in this city should be open to the public after school hours, valid

since 2011:

53

“Recently there has been an important administrative decision (after months of

negotiations with local authorities) which has led to the opening of school premises

during the afternoon (after hours) so these can be utilized as free common public spaces

for initiatives and as social gathering areas” (Council of Europe, Nov 2011:4).

“Possibly one of the most effective initiatives taken within the last year with respect to

breaking down possible neighbourhood barriers, has been the opening up of school

grounds together and developing intercultural projects within the artistic, musical,

theatre spheres of action, sporting events therefore involving all persons within this

newly found space which was never before available for civilian activities”. (Council of

Europe, Nov 2011:6)

“The opening up of school premises, after hours for the use of such children and their

families, has markedly increased the places and times where intercultural mixing has

become possible”. (Council of Europe, Nov 2011:10)

Analysis: During my field study, nobody that I have asked knew something about opening the

schoolyards. Many of the expressed opinions were that it would be nice but there is a risk for the

children to become victims of criminals, such as drug dealers. As the children informally have

already used the areas on their own terms and under the terms of good intention of the informal

surveillance, the act of opening the school grounds for everybody with a free access would

change a working system in a way that the described acts of crossing-over and filtering would be

deformed and thus the places would change their current meaning and state.

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C. Plateia Olgas - the City Jungle

Fig.19.

This square is one of the few places in the city with diverse vegetation, which has become an

attraction for many kinds of birds but also a diversity of people in different age, ethnicity and

interests. Due to its central location, the place is widely exploited by a mixture of uses:

commercial, residential, recreational, educational, cultural, and political. Its official name is

Ethnikis Antistaseos Square (National Resistance Square) but is most popular with its old name

and because of the many trees (planted when constructing the square) was also called Queen

Olga’s Garden. In the conversation with architect M., she shared that the place has been changed

since she was a little girl but not in a physical way. Although, in my opinion, the square is visited

by many people, she said that when she used to come with her mother there were even more

people and now the square is considered declining.

Here(Fig.20), as before, I notice the crossing-over practice, this time performed by everybody

who happens to use this path, created by an activity. This barrier, initially designed to protect the

grass area is a feature, which disconnects the square from the street, where on the other side is

situated a music school (which is on the corner of Maizonos and Aratou Streets) This spot has a

very good opportunity to extend on the square and transfer the culture activities there.

The music school holds its doors open and the access is easy from the square. In the same

building, there was the old archaeological museum. As Bakounaris(2005:153) writes, the whole

building is the former home of the raisin trader John Karamandani who donated it to the city of

Patras. The Archaeological Museum was housed there between 1930 to 2009 when it was moved

out of town. In the music school nowadays, they organize concerts and other cultural events.

55

Fig.20 Fig.21. Waiting room and a door to the inner garden

Fig. 22

The spot (Fig.23) has great possibilities to extend on the square and transform the space there for

temporary events or using the cafeterias’ practices, to promote its activities. This example is to

show also the way in which the public space is invited inside the semi-public with several levels

of transition: the door on the street, the small space before the stairs, used for announcing events,

the waiting room with connection to the inner garden, and finally the reception. With door 3. is

given even further access if the owner choose so which enables more flexibility and dynamics of

the space.

The practice of crossing-over is already showing that there is a link missing in the square’s

design because the physical environment does not follow an activity. If the small fence breaks to

open the link, it would create an even denser mix of uses, which are non-commercial. Mainly

Fig. 23. Waiting room and the inner garden.

Plan.(Left)

56

commercial types of activities, which extend into the greenery, surround this green oasis in the

middle of the city. The role of the small fence is to set limits to that expansion but it also creates

a backyard state as the cafeteria extensions have their fronts in the opposite direction. This also

allows some fine level of privacy for those who are inside the square, but on the other hand, this

results in reduced informal surveillance. This is mostly noticeable during the cold season,

because the cafeteria extensions use weather protection made from transparent plastic, which are

not present in the warmer season.

Fig.25

Fig. 24.

57

The diagram above shows the actual paths, people are using (except the ones defined by the

traffic regulations at each corner). The paths include the ones used according to the design of the

square but also the ones created by people’s activities. The shortcut on the corner of Maizonos

and Aratou Streets, which starts from the music school, is the one, and the other one is on the

opposite corner, at the intersection of Kolokotroni and Riga Feraiou. It shows a deformation of

people’s activity (practice) through time, that is taking the shortest way while crossing the square

diagonally. While the people’s intention is to pass through as fast as possible, the design of the

square shows its intention to make people wander around for a while. The other diagonal

direction is not created because of the close connection of the kiosks and the cafeteria extensions,

combined with the small fence. The initial intention for the square was, according to stories told

by people who live close to the area, to be designed as for a market place.

“The square was planned to become cereal market, but very quickly it acquired the

square operation and named Amalia. According to the reports of city council, the 1852

Amalia square was one of the four squares designed in the city of Patras. It keeps the

name of Amalia until the 1878, it renamed for a while in Omonia Square. Finally, at

October of 1878, renamed in Olga and it keeps it in that way until nowadays. In 1880 the

square was planned on 4 sides”. Bakounakis (2005:153)

“The city council of Patras commissioned in 1925, in Patras origin, sculptor Antonio

Soho, to charting a memorial in honour of the fallen in war. The memorial, which was

the subject of journalistic scandal for men - women form of Liberty, is one of the most

important monuments of the city”. (Ibid.)

However, at the end they decided to dedicate the place to a more gentle function - recreation.

With its physical boundaries, the place does not allow too much mixing of spaces. What the

place allows, though, is a mix of different groups of people through its symbolic and aesthetic

meaning and because of the fact that behind the low fence, the space is totally free from

commercial use. It is an interesting phenomenon that even nowadays, the place is attracting the

same vulnerable groups of people the patron of the square cared for and looked after so many

years ago. Anyone can (just) be there.

This is a question that I have discussed both with architect D. and with student T. in the

conversations. Their opinion is that the city is missing more places like this, where you can be

free from the obligation of consumption. It is also, as student T. suggests, the thing, which is

missing in the social life in Greek cities, namely the respect for values like nature for example.

Analysis: The low fence around the green area is acting like an edge which separates the

recreational from the commercial area. Although in this case it functions more like a passive

boundary, it actually contributes to a social life released from the obligation for consuming. The

58

enclosure is supported by the cafeteria extensions which provides more privacy but in exchange

of weakened informal surveillance. There is, also, certain segments of the fence which are

ignored or deformed by people’s acts of crossing over and thus they change the initial design by

choice.

The next group of paths created by people’s activity is the ones that waiters and waitresses use

during their duty. This activity is very typical for mixed-use environment. These invisible paths

cross the road between the square and the buildings on the other side. They usually do not cause

a physical deformation, except sometimes a spilled coffee or broken glass, but they do slow

down the traffic. Other people also start to use this pattern just to cross over as shortcut

somewhere between the spots for legal crossing. Street sellers on their turn use the waiting time

of the traffic lights to also move between the cars.

Fig. 26, 27. Crossing patterns through the road

Analysis: As seen from the mapping, and according to the theory (Lynch’s edges, Sennett’s

boundaries) the roads around the square should be acting as passive boundaries because of the

car traffic. But in this case what I observe is the transformation of the edge from a boundary to a

flexible barrier. The described transformations of spaces are not mainly driven by social reasons.

They evolve through actions of entities in a system, which affect other entities, both human and

non-human. As discussed in the chapter Main Methods, Kärrholm (2012:51) suggests that some

entities may keep the a system stable although they are not a part of it. In this case the waiter’s

pattern keeps other people to repeat their movement without actual interaction or connection

between these two types of actors. Wetherell (2013) argues, that it is the participation of the

emoting body that makes an assemblage an example of affect rather than some other kind of

social practice. This logic shows how an activity performed by an actant becomes a model, a

pattern, affecting other actants to copy this activity. What is, though, the social meaning of the

described practice is that, again, we have an example when the public acceptance makes these

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“unwritten rules” override the existing legal regulations or the physical signs of them. In another

point of view, repeating patterns may tend to stabilize networks if the materiality supports them.

The dependence of the Euclidian space is possible when “tasks become delegated to more and

more artefacts telling the same story, as certain actors become durable, and indispensable, and as

the network relations find a more stable shape” (Kärrholm 2012:51)

Another story is the controversy of this territory. “The Garden of Queen Olga” has gained some

minor physical transformations over time, except the enormous growth of the planted trees, but

its historical meaning represents much of the burden of the country’s political conflicts through

the past. Olga Constantinovna of Russia becomes Queen of the Hellenes at the age of 16

marrying king George I in 1867. She is described as very shy and is praised for her charity

engagement, which includes founding of the largest hospital in Athens, Evangelismos Hospital,

the Navy Hospital in Piraeus, and the first separate prison for women, as well as charity

organisations supporting orphans and poor women. Her personal life was affected by the political

cataclysms of the time. She was expelled from the country and only on the goodwill of a

supporting politician made possible for her to be the only family member of her grandsons’

burial. With the change of the regime later in the history in 1974, when Greece became a

republic, the Olgas Square changed its name to Ethnikis Antistaseos Square (

, Plateia Ethnikis Antistaseos), in English, the National Resistance Square. Even

nowadays, the square is a political arena for resistance statements, as those visible in the Fig.

28,29 and a place for political demonstrations I have previously witnessed. So, the change of the

design could be read also as a political act. On the one side we have the act of preservation of a

memory, a symbol of the philanthropic beyond political meaning, and on the other side public

practices which injure the body of the place which are developed in mixed-use environments

where the access is almost unlimited, thus, it demonstrates this as a citizen’s right to enter a

territory.

Fig 28,29. Photos from Olgas Square showing signs of social and political expression.

According to Dolores Hayden (1995:13), “... saving a public past for any city or town is a

political, as well as historical and cultural process”. So preservation of historical places as the

60

author means, is a process of deciding what to remember and what to protect which involves:

“the grounding of the historical scholarship as well as the possibilities of public history,

architectural preservations, environmental protection, and commemorative art”. In the memory

of the Patras residents, the square is still popular with the old name, which in a way shows the

choice for preserving that memory. “Places, writes Hayden (1995:42), make memories cohere in

a complex way. People’s experiences of the urban landscape intertwine the sense of place and

the politics of the space”. In this meaning there are to be considered the humans’ material, social,

and imaginative attachment to a space as construction dimensions of that space (Hayden 95:43)

D .Plateia Georgiou - the Open Space

Fig.30

Plateia Georgiou is, together with the stadium and the port, one of the largest open spaces in

Patras. Here is presented the Italian influence in the architecture with the Apollo Theatre and the

winged lions at the two fountains, a symbol of St Mark in Venice.

Observation 1. On the next day, I had the chance to explore a political event happening on the

square, at the same spot where the children played earlier. Only young people protested and

played AC/DC’s “Highway to Hell”. For the needs of these activities, the stairs in front of the

theatre were used as an advantage and they functioned as a scene. This is both a very practical

and symbolic act. The qualities of the square are mostly visual but the two fountains together

with the benches around make it a perfect meeting spot. In the conversation with student T., she

informed that about three to four years ago, after an architectural competition, the square was

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redesigned to its current look. The problem, according to her, was that they did not design the

space well.

“So in the summer you cannot stay on the square because it is too hot. Moreover, when it

is raining it is slippery. And the material change, for example: benches, they did not

make a change for the city. So, it is not only the materiality that can make change but a

combination of needs: the trees, the water...the whole environment. The possibility to sit

does not produce something bigger like social relation if it is not combined with

something else. I think for the Greek people, you need also an activity, not just to sit but it

must happen something there. For example, a political discussion, a concert, a play. So I

think a good design is not only an architectural design”.

Fig.31. The photo above shows a political demonstration, which took place on the 24/03/2015. In front of the

demonstrants is the theater and the speakers used the steps to stand up and talk to the people on the square.

Despite the criticism about the design of this particular square, most public events happen here.

It is used very often for political demonstrations. As explained by student T., when the political

parties, and especially the communist party, have contrast with the government, and after

walking down the streets of Patras they finally gather and demonstrate on this square.

62

“Finally, they come at Plateia Georgiou because it is the only huge open space and they

do not have anywhere else to go, not because of the materiality. It is just only for the

large free space. They put a movable structure and they are talking. It is not something

that it is designed. The event just happens and the stairs in front of the theatre simply take

part of something that already is there without a programme” (Student T.)

Fig.32

Therefore, it is on this square where massive events happen. Here is also the place where the

carnival procession gathers each February. More about this event is to come in the chapter

Conquers of the Streets. Except for massive events and for meeting, this open space is used by

intensive pedestrian flow mainly from the Maizonos and the Korinthou Street but also in

perpendicular direction as well as crossing patterns traced by the graphic pattern of the square. It

is an arena for events and the actors are countless: coffee people, bar people, waiters and

waitresses, Gavroche gangs, teenagers, old people, taxi drivers, artists, street sellers, doves,

balconies, fountains, medical doctors, architects, benches, rasters, bar tables and bar chairs and

the flexible fence.

The flexible fence is used in many different ways. It is one of the most important features on the

square as it is part of the most important events and adopts many different roles.

63

Fig.33

Fig. 34, 35. The photos above show event for kids with the help of flexible fences, which happened on the

23/03/2015.

Observation 2. An observation of an event for kids at the square showed that the flexible fence

together with the adults (Fig. 34. 35) acts, again, as a membrane, but this time it is made to scale

down the huge open space to the kids’ size and to let kids and adults inside but to keep the kids

safe inside and strangers outside. The children were playing in a closed area in front of the

theatre and the parents were outside the barrier watching their children and filming or taking

photographs.

Analysis: The combination of the non-human structure and the parents moving back and forth to

be able to watch and capture their children’s happy moment turns the barrier into most active

zone. This is how the square becomes physically flexible to suit different purposes but it also

exemplifies how semi-public space, while occupying a public space, is conceived and developed.

Here, behind the fence, and now, at this very moment, this place is no longer freely accessible

for everyone. It is accessible only visually, and you get access to the information but you do not

have the access to the materiality inside the fence. It has been created as a schoolyard situation in

the middle of the square with the same mutual agreement that children and teachers, and in some

situations parents, are allowed inside and the public is watching over the children collectively.

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The steps in front of the theatre are used again as a scene and sitting place, which reminds of the

environment in the school but the event is exposed to a more open and urban atmosphere.

Observation 3. Without preference for or against the extensions of the privately owned cafeteria

and shops, my research is examining mainly the results of the existing systems and how they

function. Throughout my observations, I have found many creative examples in the semi-private

environment, developed along with some typical urban rituals. The next example is the same

square and shows another barrier, this time visual. Instead of the usual screens which are used to

separate coffee tables from the people passing by, this barrier is constructed with the help of a

plexiglass and decorative bush as natural separator but it is modified further into a bar table and

in combination with bar chairs it immediately activates the zone.

The flexibly is noticeable at late afternoons and evenings when the spot is one of the most

popular on the square. It is also a good place for spontaneous encounters because to a large

extend the pedestrian flow turns exactly here and follows the diagonal lines of the square’s

raster, continuing towards Korinthou Street

Analysis: This small fence (Fig.36) used here is an edge to separate the public from the clients

both physically and visually, and thus to create more privacy. In this case we have the effect of

“cutting out” a territory from the public space as discussed with professor P. What happens in the

evenings, however, is another phenomenon. The barrier attracts a series of activities and actors in

connection with urban rituals like using bar chairs in social communication (sitting by a bar table

and a pedestrian flow). Once on the bar chair the actors have visual access of the territory behind

the barrier and additional interactions are possible. What happens here is that the flexibility of

this edge is related to the urban rhythms and the urban rituals.

65

Fig.36

66

E. Sea Front - Boundary or Public Space?

The streets with East-West direction lead to the sea front. The port of the city has played a

significant role for the development of the city over the years. The old town and the fortress have

been built up on the hill and away from the port due to the constant invasions in the past. It was

finally in the 20th century when the sea front started to be opened for public use but still,

according to the people, I have talked to; not enough has been done to give the citizens free

access. It is mainly the marina on the North, which is open and there are cafeterias, a summer

theatre, a playground, and places for recreation. Near the summer theatre, the remainings of the

state borderline are still present. It was here where few years ago many illegal immigrants and

refugees started their European journey. Hidden in the arriving boats they used to wait outside

for the night to sneak into a long vehicle, tear its cover, and hide inside it until, if they were

lucky, they arrive into West Europe. Sometimes it took several days until they succeeded find

transportation. So, they used to wander along the road, and they used to inhabit the abandoned

buildings along the coast. Back then it was here where two contrasting worlds met face to face.

Nowadays, the port has changed its location more to the south, which only moved the problem

elsewhere. Large areas of the port now are staying empty with their walls, reminding of the

tragedy of so many people. The lack of a strategy for the sea front was highly criticized by

student T and professor P. As ideal, student T. gave the example of Thessalonica because the

design of the sea front is public in the real meaning: everybody has access to it and it is an open

space free from semi-private commercial shops and cafeterias. In Patras she sees the sea front as

problematic because of the physical boundaries and limits. Sometimes to reach the sea, one must

take a long promenade along the high wall made of concrete and steel, and the railway road that

stretches along the sea side in front of the wall (Fig 37).

Fig.37 Fig.38

Analysis: As Sennett (2010:265) notices the wall itself is not a boundary or a static hinder and is

proven to be active once in time with the migrants who crossed over. But there is one boundary

which is more static in crossing over terms because of the high speed and that is the railway in

front of those walls and one more that is the road for the car traffic.

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Although the state border is now moved elsewhere, the passive edge which hinders access to the

sea is still there. These are remains from an old defensive strategy used in the past to protect the

citizens from dangers. Now, the need for free access is more important, but it is hard to deal with

these stable edges.

Because of the centralized city planning, discussed with professor P., and also financial issues,

the redesigning of the sea side can take long time. But if the crossing over was possible once and

experienced by the migrants, it should be possible even the other way around. There are some

attempts for temporary use like the Ferris wheel visible from Plateia Georgiou (Fig.38). This was

a private initiative, which aims to invite the citizens to cross over. What the residents need is an

incentive to actually make the effort, but also to cross a territory which until now was repulsive.

F. Conquerors of the Streets. Multi-functional Spaces

Inside out. Some may argue that changing an atmosphere is

maybe just another type of territorialization of space but it is

deeper than that.

The dance studio (Fig. 39) is from a sidewalk under arcade

and it is connected with the activity in the building. The

territory is public but designed and maintained by the dance

studio which is not directly advertised on this side, which is

the main street, but on the smaller perpendicular street with a

small sign above a small front door. In relation to the studio

the place under the arcade is the backyard, the secret garden

and in contradiction with the location-namely, the main street.

This is a form language which is widely used in the city on a

smaller scale. Regardless if it is commercial, private or

cultural related it is to encourage strangers to communicate

more freely.

Analysis dance studio: The person who enters the main door is not that important. The important

is the user’s performance. Aalmost as a theatrical expression, it is displayed not who the user are

but what they do. Designing outer space with the means of the intimate private space is act that

provokes surprise but also on some level, while entering such spaces one can experience shifts in

the perception of other people who are strangers. Sennett (1976:27) is arguing that “the notion

that strangers had no right to speak to each other” has grown up. Entering a visual representation

of a private space from a public space without any warning on the way may have the effect of

Fig.39.

68

dropping the “invisible shield”, as Sennett is calling this kind of behaviour. The defence

described is characterised with silence and withdrawal which in the city of Patras is constantly

discouraged.

Here are some more examples of the same phenomenon, as observed:

Older examples. On the south side of the city older

architecture is still present. It is very clear that this

is tradition passed through the passage of time

(Fig.40). The example with the abandoned building

is from the south end of the Korinthou Street. The

sidewalk pavement in front of the old shop and the

private home is made from material that is usually

used for indoor halls. The decorative lamps and the

small carpet in front of the doorstep create a bit of

intimate atmosphere in the public space.

Cafeteria. The next example is from a very small street between two polikatoikias (Fig. 41). On

the first photo, on the left side is the entrance to the residence apartments and the rest of the

ground floor there are cafeterias and a clothing shop. The pressure of the very high vertical scale

of the buildings is neutralised by the shaders and that is how the small-scale approach is achieved

here. The “girly” design is rather “personalized” in an attempt to create a quiet, secret

atmosphere in contrast to the busy pedestrian street (Riga Feraiou) close by.

Fig.41

Fig.40

69

Fig.42 Fig.43

Carnival. The small scale of the streets and the lack of big open spaces results in many inventive

ways of using the city. The photos (fig. 42,43) show the annual carnival, which is a large-scale

event during a week in the end of February or the beginning of March. Its characteristic

principles are spontaneity, improvisation, inspiration and volunteerism. Different individuals

gather in groups only on the base of the common costume. People who have chosen the same

kind of costume meet in a “home” café or shop and just have fun. On the big day of the carnival,

a procession of dancing people walks around the meeting points and joins the groups in a parade.

The rest of the residents either join them or watch from their balconies and throw small

chocolates and small presents to the crowds. The streets become alive not only on a ground level

but also vertically by the active facades (the vertical dimension).

Analysis: The mixed-use model of combination between the Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s

horizontal and vertical dimension here can be discussed in relation to Latour’s fifth dimension -

the intensity. How that intensity is created? By the rule, balconies cannot be covered with

permanent structures like bricks, for instance. The facades of the buildings become an occupied

active space/edge, visually accessible for the public.

70

Fig.44.

Spontaneous sport activities. Another way to change the street function is occasional street

jogging as shown in this example (Fig.44). Apparently, a sport team just had decided to train that

way instead of jogging around in a boring circle. The advantage of the specifics here are that as

most of the small streets in Patras, this too, is a one-way road. A pedestrian can always tell the

direction of the car movement by the orientation of the parked cars. Jogging and other

spontaneous sport activities transform not only the streets but also certain areas along the

seaside.

Analysis: In the conversations with architect M., she gave me an example with a path in a small

forest near the sea which appeared only through such activity and became popular as a jogging

path. At a certain time some people put machines for exercise there and a design was created

naturally and the network stabilized by the appearance of different materiality supporting the

network. In the example with the sport team jogging on the road, by repeating this pattern and as

well as the pattern of crossing the roads around Olgas square, some streets can become

pedestrian over time. In addition, this is another result of a mixed-use - to allow transformation

and stabilization according to the choice of the people.

71

Fig.45

Grill party on the sidewalk. Besides the roads, the sidewalks can also be claimed. Depending on

the character of the neighbourhoods, there exists another type of café, which I observed, called

kafeneio (Fig45). As explained by professor P., this is the kind of semi-private territories, which

are more close to the public space than the cafeterias in the city centres, which means that you

can access without ordering, use the toilet, etc. because the owner is used to that. Here is a café,

mainly to gather older people to play cards, backgammon, etc. and they sell coffee and other

cheap things and it covers some social needs. The example above shows a situation where the

sidewalk is turned into a backyard. This time-space happens in a relationship with such kafeneio

after a church service nearby, thus it is very possible that this was a name-day celebration.

I also observed cafeterias of the more commercial type, but directed to teenagers, which have

some of the characteristics of the kafeneio, for example they offer games like domino, chess and

they also try to keep lower prices. As observed, these types of cafeterias attract people from all

generations because it is a combination between kafeneo and a commercial café.

Flea market. In Patras, the flea market moves from one neighbourhood to the next depending on

the different days in the week. This is a very lively place because the sellers are shouting in order

to attract customers. People jokingly call it the “street mall” because one can find everything

here.

72

Fig.46 Fig.47

A big difference is that it is around the corner and the prices are very low. The market is usually

placed at a crossing, where the roads are closed for car traffic that day. They sell cheap clothing

and fresh fruit and vegetables. I was informed by architect D. that the market is floating around

different streets in the week so that the whole city is covered in a week. It is organized by the

municipality, which takes the responsibility to clean up the mess after the end of the day.

Analysis: The event seems to have a positive effect on social relations. Due to its local character,

it is very likely to meet a neighbour or to recognize a seller and chat a bit. One negative

consequence is that the permanent shops do not have much work, as too much attention is

directed to what is happening in the flea market area. As explained by architect D., the

permanent shops and the flea market just cover different needs. The flea market provides goods

for the week and the permanent shops for the everyday needs.

The patterns of movement follow known practices from the retail. The clothing “shops” consist

of big tables and in some cases movable roofs. The customers go around the tables. This

situation turns the street into a giant wardrobe in relation to the dwellings around. The vegetable

row keeps the buyers on the road creating territorial barrier and more private space for those who

live behind.

This example shows once more the importance of time and urban rhythms for the multi-

functionality of territories. An interesting aspect here is the extension of the flea market territory

by the means of the sound. The noise from the market activity is easily heard by for all living in

the area that day and thus it accesses actants outside the physical territory.

73

F. Mix in Semi-private and Public Space

Fig 48

The most usual mix of territorialization, which appears

on the streets, is the mix of retail and public space. It

shows through materialities like chairs, tables, plants in

pots, as well as adverts and exposed products on the

sidewalks. The expansion of the semi-private territory

not only shares space with the public, but also blends

and interrupts public patterns of materialities.

The example on the left is on a small pedestrian street. Along the street there is a pattern created

from the publicly owned benches and the trees. When the cafeteria is open it assembles a

symbiosis between the public and the semi-private furniture.

This allows natural possibility for interactions between the users of the public space and the

users of the semi-private space. It also allows further expansion of the activity, which the semi-

private territory is promoting but without its rules. So, if somebody buys a cup of coffee and

decides to stay the whole day on the bench it is his/her right. In some cases, because of this kind

of blurred transition between the two territories, some of the activities typical for public spaces

can transfer to the semi-public. For example, on Plateia Georgiou there are some tables, placed

between public benches and out of the visual control of the cafeteriaís personnel so users of the

public benches can also use the semi-private table and chairs.

Fig.49

74

Fig. 50.

Analysis: In many cases like on the Fig. 48,49, the role of time is to mix or not the semi-private

and the public territory. When the cafeteria is closed (Fig 50,51) the only space left is the public.

Some parts of the cafeteria furniture are left for the public to use by the rules of the public space.

In this case, the shade is left unfolded and it can be used as a weather protection. The little bar

table from another example is rather usual feature in front of small cafeterias under arcades.

They are part of the semi-private space but they are left outside for public use during the

weekend or the afternoon break.

Fig.51.(Left)

75

Fig.52. Fig. 53.

Another way of mixing semi-private and public is the opposite way, performed mainly by shoe

and clothes stores (Fig. 52, 53). This is an example which benefits both the public by borrowing

space from the shops and the shops, because they multiply their advertising area. The initial idea

is, of course, to promote the products in the shop, which is possible even after working hours.

But in many cases such spaces are used by the public with different purpose like talking on the

phone or hiding from the rain. In any case, within this space, the mix of territory allows people to

interact without some commercial obligations. This kind of possibility for interaction, however is

not supported by any further elements like some chair, or bench, or even an edge you could sit at

and thus, such spaces does not develop deeper social relations and interactions.

Analysis: As shown in the Fig.53, we do have the step which can be used for sitting. But in

combination with the location - a busy commercial street and the really low level of the step,

sitting there reminds too much of the practice of begging. The same situation in a quiet

neighbourhood (Fig.54) is more supportive for developing social relations.

76

G. The Neighbourhood and the “Hidden” Strategy

The possibility for mixing uses within neighbourhoods given by the very old regulation,

explained by professor P., supports many of the social relations and makes the areas more active.

Many of the public interactions happen on the streets.

The next examples are from a residential area where private doorsteps on sidewalks generate

interaction, different from the case with the shoe store (Fig.54, 55). Even here, we have many

small shops on the ground floors, because of the more domestic context, doorsteps are used for

sitting and socialising more often. Water pots for thirsty street cats attract animals, which in their

turn attracts people. Such examples are very common. It reminds on the situation with the

fountains on squares. While I was studying an old building, an old lady came to me and start to

tell me about the cat she used to feed, and also about the building among other things. The

character of the neighbourhoods on the south side of the city is more traditional, with many old

dwellings that show how form types and also the mixed-use have remained their specifics over

time. Here the human scale is more common and the scale is even smaller than that. Some

entrance doors require leaning forward in order to pass through. The high vertical dimension is

visible through the small spaces between the buildings within a block (Fig.56,57) which creates

large contrasts with regard to dimension.

Fig.54(Left).

Fig.55.

77

Northern residential neighbourhoods are newer and have open access to the sea. The active

building activities have left area spillovers, which require some original solutions in order to use

the spaces (Fig.58). The building shown accommodates an office, dwelling, and a roof terrace.

The access to the street is traced out through an unbuilt piece of land and a net separates the path

from the other territory. A smooth transition between private and public space here is constructed

by the passage of stairs and the small waiting/recreation space before entering the building itself.

The in-between space is supported by sitting possibilities and a weather protection.

Fig.56. Fig.57

78

Fig.58

As the mixed use continues on smaller scale even in the most quiet neighbourhoods it is common

practice to have different activities for kids and adults on the ground floor of polikathoikia like

sports, language or art schools, culture and religion organization and so on. Here at this Taekwon

Do club (Fig. 59) we have an activity for kids and while they are waiting for their kids, the

parents can socialize outside. The form of the building creates a roof and protects from the rain,

the growing trees separate the sidewalk from the road and the traffic, and the parents use the

doorsteps of the private home beside to sit and also a chair which they take when they go out.

This materiality supports the social relations which are created in addition to another activity.

The practice of “allowing the pedestrian flow to pass” is repeated as seen in the mix configured

by cafeterias and the public on the sidewalks which means that other people, strangers or not can

take part of their activity.

79

Fig.59(up). Taekwon Do club activity in a residential building

Fig.60(Left).

Analysis: Usual feature in these cases is the edge

between two territories, like door steps which become

more active in a less commercial neighbourhoods.

Seen as active zones, they attract various actants like

humans, animals, water pots, chairs, plants, etc. In that

way they also increase the intensity. They also create a

smoother transition from private to public adopting the

role of an interstitial space.

Developing deeper relations here is supported by the

urban rhythm and the repeating activity allowing

people to come back to the same place. However, the

existing materiality is creating the frame and enables

transformation of a public space into semi-public. The

territories ( like the Taekwon Do club) expand out on

the sidewalk at certain moments.

80

H. Mixed-use in Dwellings

My observations in the residential areas showed examples of multiple stages between private and

public and ground floors used for multiple purposes. In the example here we have two-leveled

ground floor, the first one lower than the street level, and the second one, higher than the street

level. The configurations allow various ways of use like the one on the down left which can be

used for a café, workshop och small shop; and the one above which can be used for offices or

apartments. Unlike the apartments above, these multi-functional spaces on the upper ground

floor have elements of territoriality similar to the ones on the street level like small walls and

small metal wickets.

In the conversation with student T., she expressed her dissatisfaction with the lack of such in-

between spaces in the most buildings, and the main reason for her is that architects are not

involved in the design. In fact, it is really hard to find such good examples as Kärrholm is

arguing for. They exist, however, almost as a rule in the commercial premises, which are created

due to the will for investing in good design; and also, unintentionally created in-between spaces,

just as a result of other activities, between buildings. In the vertical commercialization of the

polikatoikias (renting apartments for offices, medical services or commercial activities) the lack

of in-between spaces causes conflicting networks, or as student T. expressed herself, a “chaos”.

Owners of smaller houses, tend to demand these architectural qualities, which refer to the older

traditional house with a garden. This house for two families (Fig.61) has a multi-level transition

between the street and the residence. Despite the fence, the space is rather well visible from the

street. It has a garage, and a place for socializing, dining, or just drinking coffee outdoors. The

levels of transitions are as follows: the small step at the gate, the gate itself, the small space

under the balcony, the stairs, and the balcony with the bench. The concrete wall provides very

discreet sitting spot at the base of the stairs. The upper floor also has levels between indoor and

outdoor. First is the balcony with the chairs and the table, and the small balcony with the plant

pots which has the actual possibility for contact with the street and whoever is on the balcony on

the upper floor. The blending between public and private happens on the sidewalk as a different

ground material is used and also two signs “don’t park”.

81

Fig.61 Fig.62

Analysis: This is a good example to avoid the “chaos” created by the combination of mixed use

on horizontal and vertical dimension student T. was talking about. Within the usual polikatoikia

there is almost always some other activity than dwelling on the ground floor and it is more often

at the city center but there are a lot of examples even in quiet neighbourhoods. This situation

attracts flows of strangers into the private areas.

On the example below (Fig.63,64), the first level is for parking and a small shop and the second

level is an office on the left and an apartment on the right but the apartment has more signs of

openness than the apartments above so it can change its function at any time. Both have some

own space in front. Although well defined by small barriers, these spaces create additional

relations with the spaces beside. For example, someone has the possibility to sit on the low wall

on the second level and use the place to wait for somebody (waiting space) (Fig.64). Another

relation can occur between the space in front of the shop on the ground level and the small

terrace on the second level.

82

Analysis: Here the mix of the functions extends to the level of the building as a whole only,

because the territories are clearly defined. They don not blur as retail and public space do.

However those people who live here have the possibility to share materialities like edges, ramps,

steps and at the same time the commercial parts attract other people. Through including more

functions within a building, multiple levels between private and public and interrelations are

automatically created by these specific signs of territorialization. These signs can be used in

several different ways: separation, sitting, resting or as shelf and table.

Fig. 63, 64. Flexible ground floors in residential area.

83

4. ANALYSIS SUMMARY

The detailed analysis was presented successively for each observation. Here I present just a

short summary.

In many cases, barriers are easily ignored or adopt a different purpose than to separate things.

The territories I investigated include three schoolyards, the harbour (the state border) and the

Olgas Square (Plateia Olgas), but also flexible ones such at Georgiou Square (Plateia Georgiou)

which are used for temporary events. These barriers, created initially to separate different

territories are used as a part of activities, which violate the intention of the design but also appear

to express natural will to access an open space. In some cases, the fences that represent the act of

work performed in order to mark differences in ownership, territory, access, etc. are designed so

they could not fit/allow a certain body between these two spaces. When a body (it may be human

but also animal) does not understand or ignores the difference between these two spaces in its

own terms, it attempts crossing over. This act of crossing over can involve a thrill or joy but in

any case, it is by itself a physical and mental exercise. As these exercises are repeated through

time, they evolve in different crossing-over practices developed by various actants.

Either the barrier in that case goes through transformation, which can be only imagined or it can

also be directly deformed so that it allows another body to pass through or to cross over.

What this means on a city level is that the mental, or even social changes are ahead the changes

in the physical environment which are more static. At least in the case of my field study, it is

mainly due to the centralised city planning as explained in the conversation with professor P. In

that case, it is hard to transform the physical environment legally and by local suggestion. On the

other hand, it is the flexibility of the mixed-use, so widely spread, not only physically but also

mentally, which results in transformation of space. Supporting practices of these processes are

mainly the disabled controlling mechanisms of the local authorities due to financial shortages

and of course, the acceptance of the public. This also means that it is the local people (the public

mind) who create unwritten rules and informal surveillance. These rules can in some cases,

override the legal rules as shown in the examples.

Observing the researched subjects I was able to integrate mapping in the drawings as an

analytical tool, to explain various phenomena. In the chapter Further Discussions there are

extracted examples for further mapping based on this study.

84

5. CONCLUSIONS

In this research I have examined floating territories, barriers and boundaries between them and

how they relate to the social life. I have found that the commercial means of design are

incredibly inventive in order to increase the intensity of the time-spaces and the best examples

are found here. However, the design found in public spaces and in most of the poikathikias

seems not as well developed as retail spaces (as observed at Plateia Olgas among others). A

better design inspired by the mixed-use and small-scale ideal can be used in order to mix non-

commercial uses.

Allowing mixed use of space gives a choice or the possibility for two or more territories to

compete and a space to transform from one use to another, thus in time, to stabilize in the better

one or the one that suits the current users. Studying public spaces in the city of Patras I found

that the public opinion is the one that matters because the legal regulations are stable and loaded

with the burdens of the bureaucracy. Many of the examples I have studied showed good results

after public initiatives which proves the importance of studying existing patterns and routines

outside the planned design.

The mixed use triggers various mediators to deal with barriers in a way that changes the

environment. Barriers can “secretly” possess the possibility to be changed physically or

functionally in order to encourage “interventions”, which enable natural development of spaces.

In the course of this research there were some concepts and ideas which can contribute to the

theory for mixed-use built environment as follows:

-understanding for generation of place(topos) in 2 ways:

a. Active space-times study: the actor is moving/coming back to the same space (as Latour

suggests)

b. Passive space-times study: an actant (passively) is observing/experiencing events in an

active/multi-functional space. The actant may be also non-human. For example one can

investigate “scars” left by events in/on a building and map them.

-the public mind connected to the idea of self-revision (Sennett) and self-organizing (Salingaros)

in planning and architecture.

-complexity of flexible and floating territories - In a mixed-use environment, these territories are

defined by the private and the public space but the role of the “in-between” states is even more

important, because it is harder to distinguish them from one another due to the blurred limits. A

better understanding of how these blurred limits affect the actants in a system can help a designer

or planner to create a healthier transition between public and private space in a mixed-use

environment.

85

6. FURTHER DISCUSSIONS

As mentioned in the chapter Analysis Summary this study can be used as base for process of

mapping as an analytical tool. The idea of mapping is not new. From geography to statistics,

each map is to show a certain phenomenon through a certain point of view. With new

technologies and software we can step further and find new ways to explain social relations.

Through studying the dynamics of interactions and interdependence of a mixed-use environment

we will be able to gain a better understanding, and most importantly, we will be able to represent

visually what we observe.

The kinds of maps which can emerge from this study can be many. Here I suggest some of the

possibilities but rather conceptually.

What can be mapped based on this research:

Mapping territories not only within their physical but also sensitive edges like sound, smell,

visual access.

Mapping urban rhythms: retraction and expansion of the semi-private space and overlapping

with the public space.

Mapping time-spaces: Mapping social and physical interactions on sidewalks with the help of

animation in 2D or 3D by showing private and public spaces and the transitions between them

from the point of view of a walker, biker, driver, etc., which means showing the dynamics of the

settings moving through time and space. Another method could be filming and using different

colours in post production as another layer.

Mapping intensity: Observing limits of territories, it is possible to map their intensity showing if

it attracts (or on the contrary) different actors and thus decide if the limit is an active barrier or

passive boundary.

Mapping in-between spaces: The transition between a given space with a given function to

another space with different function can be examined through the grades between the two and

the intensity of the space in-between.

86

Design of flexible barriers

To create more flexible spaces barriers can be constructed in a way that they serve another

function besides separation of territories. They can be, for example a place to lean, or sit. It is

also helpful in that matter if they are made from material, which is not durable so they can allow

distortion and thus, allow spaces to be shaped by choice. Also considering them in combination

with other setting like location or additional elements in a system (network) will improve their

intensity.

Undeveloped discussions

As one main discussion, left undeveloped due to focusing on the researched subject is the idea of

mutual neutrality - people mix but do not socialize. This is a problem for planners who adopt the

idea of implementing mixed-use environment as a cure, instead of using it as support system for

something that already exists. How active are floating territories and flexible barriers in these

cases? Are there any benefits of them?

Another concern is the implementation of mixed use only for the purpose of the economic

growth, which leaves social problems unsolved.

87

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Wetherell, M. (2013). Affect and Emotion. A New Social Science Understanding. London, Sage

Web:

Council of Europe. “Cultural Heritage”. City of Patras. Intercultural Profile November 2011. Web. [ accessed:

2014-05-09 ] http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/culture/Cities/PatrasProfile_en.pdf

http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/culture/Cities/patras_en.asp

Greek Law Digest. “Environment” Spatial And Urban Planning – Land Uses Web. [ accessed: 2014-05-09 ]

http://www.greeklawdigest.gr/topics/environment/item/101-spatial-and-urban-planning-land-uses

MO. “English”. Aldo van Eyck and the City as Playground. Web. [ accessed: 2014-05-09 ]

http://merijnoudenampsen.org/2013/03/27/aldo-van-eyck-and-the-city-as-playground

Published in Ana Mendez de Andrés (red.) (2010)Urbanacción 07/09, La Casa Encendida, Madrid, pp. 25-39.

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List of Graphics:

Figure No. Page Credits

1,2 9 Own production

3,4 30 Own production

5 31 Own production

6 32 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Patras_old_city_plan.jpg

7 32 Own production

8,9 33 Own production

10 40 Own production

11 42 Own production

12 42 Own production

13 48 Google maps

14 49 Own production

15 50 Own production

16 51 Own production

17,18 52 Own production

19 54 Google maps

20,21,22,23 55 Own production

24,25 56 Own production

26,27 58 Own production

28,29 59 Own production

30 60 Google maps

31 61 Own production

32 62 Own production

33,34,35 63 Own production

36 65 Own production

37,38 66 Own production

39 67 Own production

40,41 68 Own production

42,43 69 Own production

44 79 Own production

45 71 Own production

46,47 72 Own production

48,49 73 Own production

50,51 74 Own production

52,53 75 Own production

54,55 76 Own production

56,57 77 Own production

58 78 Own production

59,60 79 Own production

61,62 81 Own production

63,64 82 Own production

63,64 82 Own production

Back cover - Own production

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©Galina Lalova 2015

For further information:

galina.lalova@hotmail.com