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Ritual Dance in England, An Anthropological study of the Evolution

of Ritual Dance.

Abstract

Ritual Dance in England, an anthropological study of the evolution of ritual dance, looks at the

evolution of ritual dance from the earliest discernable points of sacred ritual dance, following its

journey through English history to the present day. It questions if sacred ritual dance has

survived in any way to the post-modern current era. This discourse does this by linking the

sacred and secular to the concept of liminality. It also looks at how the liminal and the liminoid

are linked to sociological, cultural theory and what impact this might have had on ritual dance in

the post-modernist era.

Introduction

“No one will ever know when someone first raised arms into the air, pivoted and took a few light steps this

way and that -- and danced. Archaeologists are at a loss to know the origins of dancing in prehistory

because they lack direct evidence, nothing comparable to the art of Altamira or Lascaux. The best they

have been able to do is extrapolate back from the ritual dances practiced by hunter-gatherer societies that

have survived into modern times.” Wilford (2001)

The origins of dance may be lost to the mists of pre-history, but we do know they are ancient.

This discussion will attempt to look ritual dance throughout history from the possible early

recordings in the Palaeolithic period to the present day; questioning in what form, if any, does

ritual dance exist today in English society?

For the purposes of this discourse it is important to define ritual. To do so, I will be looking at

the sociological definitions of thinkers, including Bell, Durkheim and Malinowski. However, for

the purposes of the discussion, we may be looking at the reasons behind ritual, for example the

ritual categories, but only one form for the accomplishment of the ritual; ritual dance. This is a

key concept for this discourse. Another key thread to this discussion is the concept of liminality.

In this case the liminal versus the liminoid and how that links with the sacred and the secular

both historically and today. To accomplish this, the origins of liminal theory by Van Gennep will

be explored, then the following works of Turner and Schechner discussed. It will then be

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necessary to the discourse to indicate the explicit link between the sacred and secular and

Turner‟s liminal and liminoid theories, and Schechner‟s theories relating Turner‟s theories to the

performative throughout history. These theoretical strands will then be used as a methodological

basis to investigate what ritual dance was like at its earliest discernable points; how it evolved

through history, and whether anything remains today. This will be framed against the

background of cultural theory and sociological identities.

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Chapter 1. Framing Contextual Research: Definitions of Ritual, and Theories

of Liminal Change.

Definitions of Ritual; The Theories of Bell, Durkheim and Malinowski and how it relates to

ritual dance.

As indicated in the introduction, for the purposes of this discourse it is important to define ritual.

According to Bell (1997) “to anyone interested in ritual it quickly becomes evident that there is

no clear and widely shared explanation of what constitutes ritual or how to understand it.”(p.x).

Durkheim (cited in Harrolambus and Holburn, 2000), using a sociological perspective defines

ritual as the ability to “express, communicate and understand the moral bonds that unite” (pp.

432-433). Malinowski (cited in Harrolambus and Holburn, 2000) expands Durkheim‟s theory,

suggesting that rituals “unite a society at times of possible stress including birth, puberty,

marriage and death” and that these times of societal anxiety and stress were “surrounded in ritual

providing feelings of confidence and control so the unity of the group is strengthened”. These

rituals are important at times of “hatching, matching and despatching and rites of passage”; but

also times that would cause “societal anxiety such at planting, harvest, seasonal changes, fishing

and hunting”. (2000, pp. 433-434). This leads Bell (1997) to conclude that to “compromise

between completeness and simplicity” in the definition of ritual, there are “ six categories of

ritual action...[which]are Rites of passage, also called „life-cycle‟ rites; calendrical and

commemorative rites; rites of exchange and communication; rites of affliction; rites of feasting,

fasting and festivals; and finally political rituals.” (p.94).

One key concept in the process of this discourse is that although we look at many of the above

reasons behind ritual, for example the ritual categories, we only look at one form for the process

of accomplishing the ritual; ritual dance. Robb (1961) describes a ritual dance as “A Ritual folk

dance... is a dance connected with a ceremonial observance of a group of people who are united

by geographical propinquity, religion, language, customs, or other ties”. Stewart (2000) also

describes ritual dance, suggesting it as creating community; “drawing people together both

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emotionally and physically” (p.5). Ritual dance it could be argued then, expresses the categories

of ritual through the physical medium of dance.

Concepts of Liminality; The Liminal versus the Liminoid and the Works of Van Gennep,

Turner and Schechner.

Another key thread to this discussion is the concept of liminal change. In this case the liminal

versus the liminoid and how that links with the sacred and the secular. One of the first exponents

of liminality was Van Gennep (1908, Eng.1960) who proposed that there were three stages to

ritual, pre-liminal, liminal and post-liminal (p.21). Turner (1967) expanded on “the sociocultural

properties of the “liminal period” in that class of ritual which Arnold Van Gennep has

definitively characterised as “rites de passage” (p.93). Turner suggests that the liminal phase is

the transitory phase of rites of passage during which the person‟s previous identity is stripped but

before the new identity is given: this means that the liminal phase is a sacred ritual action

whereby on completion of the liminal phase, the change in the person‟s identity is permanent

(pp.93-111). Turner (1982) augmented his argument further, introducing the concept of a

liminoid phase, suggesting that in tribal societies the liminal phase is functional, being a “special

duty or performance” and compensates for the “rigidities and unfairness of normative structure”.

However, in industrialised societies, the liminal rites of passage no longer serve sacredly in a

“total society” which is “built into the calendar and/or modelled on organic processes of

maturation and decay” where “leisure provides the opportunity for a multiplicity of optional

liminoid genres” (p.52). Therefore;

“In the so-called “high-culture” of complex societies, liminoid is not only removed from a rite de passage

context, it is also “individualised”. The solitary artist creates the liminoid phenomena; the collectivity

experiences collective liminal symbols. “Turner (1982, p.52).

Schechner (1988) discusses Turner‟s work relating it to performances and art, such as ritual

dance, saying Turner suggests that “liminal phases of the rites of tribal…are analogous to the art-

works and leisure activities in industrial and post industrial societies” and therefore Turner‟s

liminoid means “they are like liminal rites, but not identical to them, basically liminal rites are

obligatory while liminoid arts and entertainments are voluntary” (pp.188-189). Schechner (2002)

continues clarification; “the liminal phase fascinated Turner because he recognised in it the

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possibility for ritual to be creative, to make new situations, identities and social realities” (p.66).

Schechner also describes Turner‟s liminoid more explicitly as “symbolic actions or leisure

activities in modern and post-modern societies that serve a function similar to rituals in pre-

modern or traditional societies…recreational activities and the arts are liminoid” (p.67).

It is also necessary to this discourse to indicate the explicit link between the sacred and secular

and Turner‟s liminal and liminoid. Schechner (2002) suggests “sacred rituals are those associated

with, expressing, or enacting religious beliefs…[while]…secular rituals are those associated with

state ceremonies, everyday life, sports and any other activity not specifically religious in

character” (p.53). As already explained the liminal phase is a part of the sacred ritual, while the

liminoid phase would be part of the secular. However, as Schechner (2002) suggests, the division

is not as clear-cut had Turner had indicated. It appears that many state ceremonies in the modern

western world approximate to, or include religious ritual. Turner‟s definition of liminal is as part

of a sacred ritual, especially rites of passage, where the identity of the person is irrevocably

changed on completion. In modern western society it is often the case that people choose a state

ceremony, for example getting married, instead of a sacred one, but the result is still an

irrevocably changed identity and status, so the flux phase during the ceremony would still be

liminal. Therefore, the liminoid phase would remain associated with the secular but would

possibly fall more under Schechner‟s everyday life, sports and other activities not specifically

religious, like Turner had originally suggested (pp.53-71).

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Chapter 2. Historical Findings and the Difficulties Surrounding Sourcing the

Origins of Ritual Dance in England.

Ritual Dance in Pre-History.

Ritual dance from Palaeolithic times is very difficult to source. As mentioned previously by

Wilford (2001), the most theorists can do is look at the archaeological evidence and extrapolate

“back from the ritual dances practiced by hunter-gatherer societies that have survived into

modern times”. The works of Than (2008) and Clottes and Lewis-Williams (1998) look at the

nearest possible surviving evidence of Palaeolithic ritual dance to Britain in the form of the Cave

art and archaeological findings in the caves at Les Trois Frères, Ariege and Gabillou, in the

Dordogne, France. Than (2008) talks of the findings of bone flutes and bone and ivory „rorers‟

which make rhythmical sound when spun in the caves, and Clottes and Lewis-Williams (1998)

look at the depictions of the stag/human composite dancing „sorcerers‟ at both sites suggesting

sacred shamanic ritual dance (pp.45-95). These for Than (2008) “suggests music and dance

played an integral role in the lives of ancient people”. La Barre and Geidion (cited in Schechner,

1988) also speculate the cave art „sorcerers‟ depict dancing „masked‟ shaman, to be visual

representations of dancing ceremonies possibly linked to sacred totemic or animistic fertility and

initiatory rites(p. 95.). Conversely though, Schechner (1988) cautions the reader not to accept the

remarks of these paintings depicting dance as definitive. The many possible differences in

interpretation of the „dancing‟ sorcerers lead to difficulty in narrowing the interpretations to be

representations of ritual dance in the Palaeolithic (pp.94-96). Nevertheless, Schechner himself

also expands on the sacred shamanic dance theory, suggesting the „scripts‟ used, enabled the

efficacy of the ritual to be maintained, contributing to the manifestation of the result of the ritual

dance, for example the initiatory or fertility rites as previously mentioned (pp.68-69). The

manifestation of an end result after the completion of a sacred ritual dance would make the ritual

dance itself correlate with the liminal strand of Turner‟s theories of liminal versus liminoid.

Thus, if the discussions and theories above are correct, it could be argued ritual dance in the

Palaeolithic period was indeed sacred and liminal. Therefore, this aspect of the discourse,

although useful, is restricted to theoretical extrapolation only.

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There are also difficulties in finding the source of ritual dance in England. The recordings of

ritual folk dance could be described as „sketchy‟ at best until the Middle Ages. Rippon (1975)

supports and furthers this, suggesting there are complexities in pinpointing the origins of English

ritual dance. He indicates that each wave of settlers after the departure of the Romans in the

Early Middle Ages, the Celts, Jutes, Angles, Saxons and Scandinavians brought their own

inherited interpretations of ritual ceremonial dance with them, which may have mingled with

each other to some extent. What we see today are the vestiges of these. Rippon suggests that

short sword dances like the rapper came from the old Kingdom of Northumbria, which was

settled by Norwegian Scandinavians, while long sword dance came from the old Kingdom of

York which was settled by Danish Scandinavians. Alternatively, Morris dances were originally

found in all the predominantly Saxon territories (p.21). A well known example of English ritual

folkdance is the Maypole dance. According to Kennedy (1964) “Dancing round May trees and

May poles has been a practice in Europe throughout recorded history. It is an almost universal

practice among [European] people who use dance as part of their religion...and in many parts of

Europe went on doing this after they had been converted to Christianity” (p.34). Williams (1935)

supports Kennedy suggesting “Maypole dances originated in dancing round a tree, in early

spring, to increase its fertility...this, it will be seen connects at least one kind of Country dance

with a seasonal rite.” (p139). Although a spring rite, the Maypole dance literally dances „in‟ the

summer, with all the hopes of a good harvest, fat animals and a prosperous year. As such, the

Maypole dance becomes one of Bell‟s calendrical rites. Here again, the expected manifestation

of results in early English ritual dance, in for example, the notion of an increase in fertility

affected by the Maypole dance, also relates to Turner‟s theory of the liminal change of the sacred

rite in and before the early Middle Ages.

Ritual Dance from the Middle Ages To Present.

Many changes happened to ritual dance in England after it became to Christian by around the

10th

century CE (Current Era). According to Jones and Clifton (1997) there was a „dilution‟ of

ritual dance, often being revived as part of a non-sectarian public festival (p. xx). Rippon (1975)

furthers this stating “dancing always featured as a ritual in tribal custom and primitive religion in

Britain... it is from the ancient rituals of the past that the folk dances of today are derived” (p.27).

According to Hutton (1996) descriptions of the older versions of English Maypole dancing are

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remarkably similar to those found in many other areas or Northern Europe, but, England appears

to be the only „Maypole country‟ to have added the ribbons later. The current version of the

Maypole dance is in actuality fairly recent not emerging in its present form until the 19th

century

CE (p.234-5). This coincides with the time of a Victorian resurgence of interest in folklore

revival. By this time all of the maypole‟s calendrical liminal meanings mentioned above had

been „diluted‟. The dance can still be witnessed at village fetes where it is now seen more as a

traditional folk dance to celebrate the summer. However, Rippon (1975) suggests it is now most

widely used for dancing in schools (p.28).

The Abbots Bromley horn dance is another example of a former ritual dance which became a

folk dance. Originally thought to have been a stag hunt dance performed at Yule, (Nicholls,

1988) with Jones and Clifton (1997) suggesting that the Horn dance was once a hunt dance and

that “re-enacting the hunt in dance was a way of influencing the gods of the hunt” ,it is now

unique to Abbots Bromley (p.3). Nevertheless, along with many other traditional dances and

celebrations the Horn Dance first passed from being a pagan Yule fertility hunt dance, as

mentioned above, to then danced on Plough Monday, then suffered suppression under the

reformation, and revived (Hutton, 1996. p.91). It was moved to Saint Bartholomew‟s Vigil Fair

in August only to be moved again in 1752 under the adoption of the Gregorian calendar to its

present date in September (Charles, 2007). Kennedy (1964) suggests the Abbots Bromley Horn

dance owes its long survival to the local church which took the custom under its wing, probably

as the surest way of controlling it “therefore becoming the “curious exception to church

discouragement” (p.52). Presently, although the dance now unique to Abbot‟s Bromley, it draws

a large audience every year when performed. This former ritual hunt dance has become a

“fundraising dance for the church” (Hutton, 1996. p.91).

One ritual dance which disappeared altogether was the chain dance known as the „Carole‟.

Kennedy (1964) describes a possible archaeological find depicting a chain dance from twenty-

two centuries ago lacking the depiction of any musicians, was most likely “ because there was no

source of music beyond the voices of the dancers” which was “commonplace throughout Europe

one thousand years later in the Middle Ages”. However, the Carole then “slowly faded from the

European scene” but is still evident in the Faroe Islands today. In England only the name for the

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song aspect remains in post-Christian society as the „carol‟(p.32). All of these former English

ritual dances and probably many more, were at one point manifestations of Turner‟s sacred

liminal rituals. However, with the advent of Christianity, they were adapted and changed. If they

managed to survive at all, unlike the Carole; they moved to be recreational or fundraising „folk‟

dances. This shows that over time they have lost their sacred liminality and became what Turner

describes as „liminoid‟.

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Chapter 3. Finding Ritual Dance in the Modern and Post-Modern Eras.

The Introduction of Cultural and Sociological Theories applied to Ritual Dance in

Modernity and Post-Modernity.

From a sociological and anthropological perspective, no aspect of life within a society happens

in isolation. According to Harolambus and Holburn (2000), sociologically speaking, when the

previous examples of ritual dance discussed in chapter 2 were still sacred and liminal, England

was in what is termed a pre-modern society. As discussed earlier, there is theoretical evidence

sacred ritual dance was widespread during the Hunter-gatherer era and through the development

of the pastoral and agrarian era. It appears to begin waning during the non-industrial era of pre-

modern society that is the High Middle Ages (10th

to 13th

Centuries CE) through the late Middle

Ages and was completed before the transformation of the industrial revolution (p. 7). Former

sacred liminal dances like the maypole had become secular and liminoid. According to Lee and

Newby (1983), English society transformed into a Modern society at the time of the Industrial

revolution in the late 18th

century CE (pp.26-27).

Harolambus and Holburn (2002) characterised modernity as

„a belief in the possibility of human progress; rational planning to achieve objectives: a belief in the

superiority of rational thought compared to emotion; faith in the ability of technology and science to solve

human problems; a belief in the ability and rights of humans to shape their own lives: and a reliance upon

manufacturing industry to improve living standards” (Harolambus and Holburn, 2000.p.8)

Therefore, by the early 20th

Century CE the belief in anything sacred, including the still

dominant Christian religion, waned in England after the Industrial Revolution, as „faith‟ was

„secularised‟ and transferred to science and technology. The characteristics of the Modern era

also affected the arts. Visual Art in the early 20th

century CE moved away from “direct pictoral

representation ... abandoned in painting in favour of degrees of abstraction”, in architecture

“traditional forms and materials...were rejected in favour of plain geometrical forms”, and “ in

all the arts touched by modernism what had been the most fundamental elements of practice

were challenged and rejected” (Barry, 2002. pp. 81-82).

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Towards the end of the 20th

century “fundamental changes have taken place in western

societies...[leading to]... a major break with the concept of modernity” (Harolambus and

Holburn, 2000.p.8). They suggest people lost faith in science and technology being scared by

the possible effects of nuclear war, pollution and genetic engineering and have become sceptical

about large bureaucratic organisations, political rhetoric and „rational planning‟. “Industrial

societies were superseded by post-industrial society... [where]...relatively few... work in the

manufacturing industries...and more... in jobs concerned with communications and information

technology” (Harolambus and Holburn, 2000.p.9). This change in attitude led to the post-modern

age. A major characteristic of the post-modern age was a belief we had „lost‟ something,

although what is lost depends on perspective. For some people it is a „spiritual‟ loss leading to a

rise in the interest in the „New Age‟ movements and philosophies (Harolambus and Holburn,

2000.pp.8-9). Movements such as the Reconstructivist „Neo‟ Pagans search for the missing

sacred liminal change. However, post-modernist spirituality involves searching for meaning that

suits the individual, a spiritual „relativism‟ that rejects the modernist „metanarratives‟ and

emphasises the importance of „experience over the achievement of particular ends‟. Cynically,

post-modernist spirituality can be seen as consumerist „shopping‟ for the liminal. Nonetheless, at

the other end of the spectrum it can be seen as giving people the ability to find the spiritual

meaning relevant to them and their perspective rather than being forced to subscribe to the

dominant doctrine. (Harolambus and Holburn, 2000.pp.498-500).

Post-Modern Search for Liminal Ritual Dance

In searching for what was once sacred liminal change in ritual, many post-modern

reconstructivist Pagans seek to reinvest the „old‟ dances with the liminal quality which was once

within former ritual dances, to rediscover their liminal significance. Post-Modern Pagans fall

under Harolambus and Holburn‟s „New Age movement‟ sociological category. They still dance

the „old‟ dances mentioned above such as the Maypole dance, or reinact the Abbot‟s Bromley

Horn Dance at communal get-togethers or camps. As one such reconstructivist Pagan, I have

personally experienced both the aforementioned dances this way. It is from this interest that this

current research originated. According to Jones and Clifton (1997) “the power of...ritual[dance]

is felt even when it is deliberately revived”(p.xx). Here Jones and Clifton (1997) discuss finding

the liminality of revived and reconstructed former sacred liminal dances by “reaching the

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unconscious” (p.xxiii). They further their explanation of the reconstructivist approach to former

sacred dances saying “Morris dances, maypole dances, ring or circle dances, and all the others

have one thing in common. They either serve a magical end – as in the case of circle dances – or

they preserve bits of the old faith within them” (p.2). Thus, for some reconstructivist pagans, like

myself, dances such as the Maypole dance retain their original liminality, even if, as discussed

above, they have become diluted, secular and liminoid folk dances to the majority of the

population.

Other researchers not associated with the reconstructivist Pagans, have searched for sacred

liminal dance. One example is the work of Stewart (2000) who has researched not only on an

academic level, but also through personal exploration. On a personal level, Stewart discusses the

sacred liminal change in herself, in association with her exploration of sacred dancing as healing.

“ During one of my dance performances, I suddenly found myself outside my body and floating up to the

ceiling...I came to see that I had shut down the intuitive part of my mind so much that the spiritual could

only speak through my body- through dance. As I began to understand what had happened to me I was able

to see the powerful spiritual influence of dance and to bring about an integration of my spiritual self and my

physical body, which eventually was my path toward healing. From my own spiritual awakening it became

clear to me that the two subjects, dance and spirituality, shared an important connection...My research

showed me that dance was the first form taken by worship. It is the oldest, most elemental form of religious

expression, repetitive rhythmical movements being essential to the process of union with the deity and the

cosmic flow. All art forms began as ritualistic and reverential expression, and because dance was primary

in rituals of worship, dance was the mother of all arts.” (Stewart, 2000. pp.2-3)

In her academic research into liminal ritual dance, Stewart (2000) illustrates her theory, using the

circle dance as an example. She suggests, it is one of the oldest and most universal of all dances,

indicating evidence that suggests the circle dance was practiced as far back as the “Upper

Palaeolithic era and was carried into the Neolithic era and down through history” as has been

discussed previously in chapter 2 (Stewart, 2000. pp. 148-150). She also suggests that “the

potential for reaching a liminal state is inherent in circle dance” (p.152). Stewart furthers this

saying “there are now many circle dance groups throughout the British Isles and Europe

bringing this ancient dance form into our contemporary lives” (p.152). In addition, she suggests

that circle dancing influenced the work of Rudolf Steiner and his Eurhythmy and the work of the

Findhorn society (p.153). This could be seen to illustrate that the sacred liminal dance of the

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ancient world has also influenced contemporary people spiritually, therefore indicating that the

desire to find liminality in sacred dance is not just the preserve of post-modern Pagans.

Liminality is not just restricted to circle dancing or reconstructivist sacred folk dance in post-

modern Britain. Lamberti (2000) suggests all movement can help form a connection to the

divine; the ecstatic movements of the Shaker; the dynamic of a whirling Dervish; the meditative

Yoga movement and the formal routines of Qi gong or Tai Chi are all sacred dances (pp.35-36).

Lamberti states “sacred dance helps us connect to ourselves, to one another and to the divine”

(p.36). In this she implicitly suggests the liminal changes within the person performing one of

her wide ranging „sacred dances‟. All these „dance‟ forms, and more, are available in post-

modern British multicultural society, and are accessible at least somewhere in the country. If you

seek to find liminal dance, but traditional English sacred dance is „not your cup of tea‟ there are

many other imported dance forms to choose from. An example of this may be seen in the many

Belly dance classes available in England. It could be argued that this leads back to Harolambus

and Holburn‟s negative suggestion above, that post-modern spirituality could be seen as

„consumerist‟ and „shopping‟ for the liminal. However, Stewart (2000) intimated that the circle

dance was one of the oldest universal dance forms. If so, sacred dance is inherent to us all

historically, wherever your ancestors hail from. In Britain‟s multicultural society, the practicing

of a sacred dance that may not be from your particular ethnic background, could lead not only to

the liminal changes formerly described, but also to a deeper understanding of other groups within

an ethnically diverse society. As Harolambus and Holburn (2000) suggest, this could aide “the

development of an insider‟s view of different cultures, and therefore facilitate a greater

understanding of those cultures” which results in us showing greater respect for one another‟s

cultural heritage; leading us to co-exist peacefully (p.236). It could be argued therefore, that the

post-modern shopping around for liminality could have a positive influence instead of the former

negative one discussed earlier.

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Chapter 4. Modern and Postmodern Dance and the Intricate links with

Liminal Ritual dance

Liminal Sacred Ritual Dance and its Influence on Modern Dance.

Stewart (2000) describes the indirect influence of sacred dance on modern dance. She suggests

modern dancers like Isadora Duncan, Ruth St. Dennis, Martha Graham, Mary Wigman and Jean

Erdman “all turned to the past to recapture the original impetus of dance expression and to bring

the feminine spirit through”(p.125). For example, according to Banes (1998) Mary Wigman‟s

dances, especially Witch Dance II (1926), emphasised aspects of her spiritual quest with the

struggle between good and evil (pp.126-127). As cathartic and therefore liminal as it was for

Wigman herself, it was however, probably liminoid for the audience who were likely to have

remained unchanged permanently from the experience of watching her performance. Banes

(1998) supports this view suggesting that although Wigman as the artist believed she was

revealing essential „truths‟ within the dance, it could have simply been produced for public

consumption (p.129). For sacred ritual dance to be liminal, the whole dance is the ritual itself,

and changes the participants. When ritual dance becomes performative, it loses its ritual

significance. For example performed to an audience, although it may retain the liminal quality

for the performer, as Stewart (2000) described in her personal reflection, it is unlikely to illicit

permanent changes among the audience unless they are somehow involved. This returns to the

description of the modern era. Even if the inspiration for the dance was spiritual, it became

liminoid for the audience, who went to be entertained.

For dance, the change into the era of post-modernism preceded the time determined by

sociology. The epitome of modernism in modern dance was Merce Cunningham who rejected

representational dance in favour of nonrepresentational, non-narrative, form and shape dance

(Copeland, 2004. P14). Although the epitome of modern dance, according to Copeland (2004),

Merce Cunningham began the modernisation of modern dance starting in the 1950s, which later

became post-modern and/or contemporary dance (pp. 1-7). In the 1960s, the Judson church

challenged what had become considered dance, for example exploring the use of pedestrian

movement and the use of untrained dancers, being described as “repudiating the aesthetic of the

preceding generation”, including the aesthetics of Cunningham himself, despite many of them

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having initially trained with him. This led to the advent of the post-modern contemporary era

(Copeland, 2004. p.4 and pp.230-231). The Judson Church era opened the floodgates for

experimentation in post-modern dance. It further led to the reinstating and/or revival of things

„lost‟ in the modern era that epitomised the post-modern era, as described by Harolambus and

Holburn. Anna Halprin is recognised as a contemporary pioneer in post modern dance and is

often credited with reinstating the ritual, transformatory power of dance. She began her dancing

life in the modern era of the art form, having trained at Bennington College starting in 1934,

under such auspicious dancers as Graham, Humphrey and Weidman (Worth and Poynor, 2004.

p.3). However, Worth and Poynor (2004) state that Halprin had a “commitment to break down

the idea of separation between art and life” (p.39). They suggest that Halprin also influenced the

Judson Church members, “providing members of the group with the freedom to follow intuition

and impulse in improvisation” (Worth and Poynor, 2004. pp.38-39).

Post-Modern Dance and its Influence on Liminal Ritual Dance.

Beginning in1972, Halprin “was confronted by a personal crisis from which she emerged with a

new sense of purpose” (Worth and Poynor, 2004. P.33). Halprin had developed cancer of the

colon. The removal of her tumour left her with a colostomy bag and questioning her future as a

dancer. Unfortunately in 1975, the cancer recurred. This led her to fall “back on her own

resources” (Worth and Poynor, 2004.p.33). Realising that drastic changes were necessary,

Halprin “went into retreat and undertook an intensive and emotional exploration” through

movement, visualisations and drawing. This led to her creating a “personal ritual” which

“affected a transformation in her healing process” ( Worth and Poynor, 2004.p.33). Halprin

literally created her own transformational liminal ritual dance of healing. The process of which

involved first dancing the negative image and then dancing the cleansed and cured image (Worth

and Poynor, 2004.pp.33-34).

Halprin‟s first adaption of this transformational ritual dance for the community called In and On

The Mountain (1981), which later became the generic cycle called Circle the Earth, was in

response to a spate of murders on the mountain near her home. Eighty people from her local

community went on to the mountain and performed various activities with the intention of

reclaiming the mountain from a serial killer preying on female walkers. By fostering that

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community spirit, “a few days after the performance, the killer was caught” (Kaplan, 1995.p.20).

Later, she adapted the same transformational ritual process for others with cancer, HIV and

AIDS, called Circle the Earth, Dancing with Life on the Line (1988), as a successful

transformational healing ritual, this time for the illness victim (Kaplan, 1995.pp.21-). These

dances are not sacred per se, as they do not invoke any deity, or concept of the divine, so are

technically secular. Nonetheless, their transformational qualities make them liminal. The Circle

the Earth dances are repeated and performed all over the world; global multiculturalism allows

people in Britain to experience them. Halprin‟s example shows that in the post-modern world,

for something to be liminal, it does not necessarily need to be sacred. Her Circle the Earth

dances, despite being secular, remain very firmly liminal ritual dances. Harolambus and Holburn

described the post-modern characteristic of finding the „lost‟ aspects of society. They do not

suggest however, it is necessarily finding „the loss‟ of spirituality for everyone.

In post-modern society, there are also the remnants of the secularisation of society begun in the

modern era. Harrolambus and Holburn (2000) described the post-modern era as a rejection of

modernist „metanarratives‟ They also suggest that “when some members of society experience

similar circumstances and problems not common to all members, a subculture tends to develop”

and within that subculture there is a development of “certain norms, attitudes and values which

are distinctive to them as a social group” (p.24). For those in search of post-modern spirituality,

arguably, spiritual subcultures have emerged, such as a „Pagan‟ subcultural identity. As

discussed, however, the search for spirituality, pagan or otherwise, is also not a metanarrative

common to all in society. As previously mentioned, for ritual dance to retain its liminality, it

does not have to remain sacred; it can be secular.

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Chapter 5. Subcultural Identities, Lifestyle Choices and Liminal Ritual Dance

in the Post-Modern Age.

Dance is no longer a dominant aspect of English culture in post-modern society

In the multi-faceted fragmented society that England has become, dance is no longer a dominant

feature. According to Brinson (1991) at the time of the Tudors, the English people were known

throughout Europe as “the dancing English” (p.3). However, Brinson (1991) suggests that post-

modern Britain‟s culture is “in a country whose imagination is not visual but verbal, and which

to be honest, is frightened of dance” he further suggests “British people are frightened of their

bodies, of physicality and the sins of the body they learned at school. Dance in our culture has all

this to fight against”(p.xiv). Spencer (1985) supports this, suggesting that “the popular appeal of

dance has barely touched the imagination...dance itself is oddly neglected. It is generally

excluded from our curricula, and so we tend to assume it lies beyond our immediate concern”

(p.ix). It could be argued that anything deemed as of consequence in society is taught within the

school curriculum. However, as Brinson (1991) suggests “clearly the present situation of dance

within British education is a result of outdated historical forces combined with social prejudices”

(p.64) He blames the prejudices against dance in the British national psychology as an

inheritance from the Judaeo-Christian attitudes towards the sexes and sexual contact. He

suggests that the church has questioned and condemned dance practices on moral grounds since

the medieval Catholic Church, through the protestant revolution, and even into the early 20th

century.

Brinson (1991) states that even in the 1920s and 30s the Church‟s attitude “ helped to poison the

social climate against dance” (p.58). This attitude has led to “the separation of dance from the

other arts in the national curriculum” where it can only be seen as a module of physical

education at primary level, and similarly in many secondary schools where GCSE or BTEC

dance or performing arts are not offered. (Brinson, 1991.p.64). Spencer (1985) indicates dance as

a serious academic pursuit remains largely unresearched, especially in the field of anthropology

in England, so is not now considered a worthy aspect of our cultural evolution ( p.1). Therefore,

despite its once historical significance; dance in general, let alone ritual dance, is considered

largely unimportant to many within wider English society today.

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Post-Modern Lifestyle Choices, Music, Subcultures and Liminal Ritual Dance

Despite Brinson‟s (1991) assertions that dance has lost its place in English society, there are a

broad spectrum of dances that are part of the fabric of post-modern England in the form of a

variety of social dances. It could be argued these are more significant than the teaching and study

of dance in formal education. Harolambus and Holburn (2000) discuss the creation of youth

subcultures like the „Teddy Boys‟, in which there was a creation of distinctive style, including

mode of dress and particular types of music (p.897). This has developed in post-modern society.

People can “increasingly choose from a range of lifestyle options...styles are signs: the style you

choose says something about what sort of person you are... styles are shaped only by personal

preference” (Harolambus and Holburn. 2000.p. 918). The fragmentation of popular music has

developed into “a wide variety of styles, each with its own audience choosing its own preferred

style, to go with its chosen lifestyle” (Harolambus and Holburn. 2000.p. 918). These lifestyle

choices can lead people to join the particular subculture associated with those lifestyle choices,

with the acceptance and internalisation of those particular norms, attitudes and values. They can

show their „membership‟ of that subculture via the aforementioned signs; these can include

clothing, jewellery, hair, make-up and choice of leisure activities. It can even include choice and

location of abode and how said abode is decorated internally. Harolambus and Holburn (2000)

further this by suggesting “As variety becomes order of the day, it becomes difficult for any

particular style to claim to be superior to all others” (p. 918). Many of the various style

subcultures are still orientated around music choice and mode of dress, like the original

manifestations of youth subcultures. With music, there is often also an associated dance style.

According to Frith (1996), “different dance styles have different textures, different pulses and

tempos, the most popular dance musics in the West [including England] during this century [late

20th

] have used tightly repetitive rhythms and firmly fixed time signatures”. He suggests that

white rock music is probably one of the hardest musical styles of the late 20th

century to dance to

(p. 144). Further he suggests, that the act of dancing is listening to the music of any genre

physically, using the body. It can be seen as “collective participation” when done in a group

such as in a club or at a gig as “our movements [are] tied in with those of other people”, but it is

also “musical participation, our response...a necessary part of the music in itself”. These he

likens to the classical African dance tradition of call-and-response (pp.142-143). Frith (1996)

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suggests that music/dance can elicit a physiological response, for example „sexual feelings‟ in its

participants. However, it is not the music itself that is sexy. Here he clarifies with reference to

rock „n‟ roll inspired orgies of the 1950s or the casual male chauvinism in the sexual content of

the Red Hot Chilli Peppers: it is that the music makes us move (dance) and it is explicitly the act

of movement (the dancing itself) that elicits a response by making the participants feel sexy

(pp.123-144). After dancing at a club or gig if a physiological response remains, like feeling

sexual, the response could be seen as a liminal change caused by the dancing. However, using

Turner‟s theory - for something to be truly liminal it has to create a permanent change, like the

change of identity after a wedding ceremony. The physiological response will wear off

eventually, possibly making it better described as liminoid.

However, though the physiological feelings after the event may fade and are therefore liminoid,

it could be argued that for those who find the physiological experience so enjoyable, desire to

repeat it. They may join the associated subculture, taking on the identity, norms, values and signs

of that subculture. One explicit example is the subcultural members who identify themselves as

„Ravers‟ from the rave dance scene. According to Pini (1998) in her chapter Peak Practices

(Wood ed. 1998), the Rave subculture is commonly seen as the “practice of communal social

dance” sometimes seen as invoking “the primitivist language of shamanism and tribalism”

(p.169). She further points out that the act of raving; the dancing, as “raving can provide a

freedom from certain wider day to day regulatory practices”. It can be seen as providing freedom

and transformation from “the socialised self into a „freer‟, less regulated state of being; one that

reveals a basic human core within its socialised exterior” (pp.169-170). However, in her research

Pini discovered that one of the defining norms and values of rave “culture is the (often

relentless) pursuit of the „peak‟ or „limit‟ experience” where the primary target is the Raver‟s

“individual mind/body/soul...to be worked on in pursuit of this limit”(p.171). It is the pursuit of

dancing oneself into an ecstatic state. This can be heightened moreover, by a general atmosphere

of group euphoria in the communal side of the dance. (Pini, in Wood ed,1998. pp.171-176). For a

„Raver‟, attendance at such dance nights is similar to attending a religious ritual. At the very least

it re-affirms the identity of the person and his or her place in that particular community or

subculture, which Malinowski defined as “providing feelings of confidence and control so the

unity of the group is strengthened” (Malinowski cited in Harrolambus and Holburn, 2000. pp.

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433-434). In transformation to the „freer self‟, even through the controlled manner in which

participants manage their outcome to the peak experience of the „ecstatic self', raving could still

be seen as a ritual dance. Therefore, as communal confirmation, or personal transformation, or

even both, it could be argued, attending a rave for a Raver, would be attending a liminal ritual

dance.

Not all participants in such experiences as going to a rave will find it so liminally life changing

that they become a member of the subculture. As Harolambus and Holburn suggest above,

subcultural identities are lifestyle choices in post-modern societies. For many, the experience is

no more than an enjoyable night out dancing, and is therefore liminoid. For others it becomes

part of their identity; they adopt the signals of their subcultural identity and adhere to the

subcultural norms and values, therefore making it liminal. Attendance for them, it could be

argued, is a ritual dance of re-affirmation of their identity as part of that subculture. Similar

experiences and affirmatory status would appear to be common to other subcultrual dance. The

suggestion that participating in such social dances becomes liminal for some, and therefore ritual

dance, but liminoid and not ritual for others, does not however, detract from the strong and life

changing permanent liminal effects of such a subcultural identity, if that is what one chooses.

For many people the subcultural identity that is adopted through these liminal experiences is one

that is retained well beyond the continued participation in those experiences. That said, as we

have seen, there are no metanarratives for cultural identity in post-modern British society.

Therefore, it could be argued that one person could have several subcultural identities at the

same time. These correspond to the lifestyle choices suggested earlier. For example, the cultural

identity apparent in the workplace may differ from the identity adopted for religious practices or

at home and during leisure activities, although they are all interlinked within the same person.

Psychologists such as Buss (1989) and Mischel and Shoda (1998) suggest that people have

personality traits and behaviours associated with certain situations and that they are only

consistent in those behaviours within those situations. For example, a person can be chatty at

home or with friends, but shy and quiet at work. In sociological terms, those psychological

behaviours and personality traits in particular situations equated to subscribing to the subcultural

norms and values as different identities worn in different aspects on one‟s life.

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Therefore, what could be perceived as liminal ritual dance would entirely depend on the lifestyle

choices of the individual. It could also be the case that what was once perceived by the individual

as liminal ritual dance would cease to be ritual dance if that individual no longer subscribed to

the associated subcultural identity. For example, a statement within a conversation personally

overheard at a Big Chill staff party such as „I used to be really into the rave scene, but I grew out

of the all night dancing and drug taking. Now I‟m into the Chill type stuff, ‟. In this case the

individual no longer subscribes to the „Raver‟ subcultural identity having replaced it with the

„Chill-Out‟ dance subculture associated with dance festivals such as The Big Chill; therefore

dance associated with that subcultural identity would then become their new liminal ritual dance

which establishes their identity within that group. Whether the subcultural identity of “Raver”

would then be carried on into later life and utilised as social camouflage in certain circumstances

is a question that is outside this particular discussion.

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Chapter 6. Conclusions.

It must be acknowledged that no-one can pinpoint the beginnings of ritual dance. It is so far back

in pre-history, that archaeologists and anthropologists can only extrapolate back using evidence

from archaeological findings, comparing them with similarities from other cultures.

Nevertheless, even if the origins cannot be exactly defined and clarified; ritual dance did indeed

evolve. There were many reasons for ritual dance, probably as many as there are for rituals of all

types, but these are seen to have been sacred and liminally transformatory. At the earliest

discernable point in the history of England, ritual dance was both sacred and liminal. Although,

even at the point of discernable origins, none of the vestiges we see today can be claimed to have

originated entirely on these shores. Nonetheless, the old dances such as the Maypole dance and

Abbot‟s Bromley Horn dance have been here so long, they are now firmly seen culturally as

English Ritual Dances. Dances such as the Carole disappeared from our shores and are no longer

our ritual dances. We may never know how many more are lost to the annals of history. At the

time of their true liminal, sacred, transformational nature, they arguably had a huge impact on

our ancestral populace, so much so that they have survived centuries into the present day.

Nevertheless, times and people change - no society remains static, practices change and evolve,

and nothing happens in isolation. What was once sacred liminal ritual dance in previous

generations, became a pleasant leisure activity, therefore liminoid, as religious affiliations moved

and customs changed. Despite the impact on our ancestors, dilution happened. But was that the

end of sacred liminal ritual dance in England?

England‟s society evolved a lot over the centuries - by the end of pre-modern society, many

things had become liminoid, not just ritual dance. At the advent of the industrial revolution and

the beginnings of the modern era, English society had changed its outlook completely. What it

valued in the modern era differed drastically from what it had valued a thousand, five hundred,

or even a hundred years before. Belief in the metanarrative of rational thinking, and that the

progress of science and technology would cure all society‟s ills, could have quite literally,

destroyed anything deemed sacred and liminal. In the modern era, what had once been sacred

liminal ritual dances, did still have an influence, but generally only as inspiration to

choreographers for their liminoid work. In the modern era in England, sacred liminal ritual dance

had all but disappeared.

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However, the metanarrative did not cure all ills; society began to change its mind. People

changed their views on life and society: this time different views within society evolved,

individuality became dominant, and society started to fracture. Individuals began to seek the

things that they felt had been lost in the modern era. Like-minded individuals, with similar

experiences and outlooks banded together and became subcultures. Some looked to the past and

reconstructed the liminal qualities into that which had become liminoid. Others looked to

different ethnic backgrounds and imported what they thought was lost. Dance reflected this.

Liminal ritual dance began to re-emerge. However, in the re-emergence, the fracture that had

affected the rest of society, affected liminal ritual dance too.

Previously, when ritual dance had been liminal, it had always been sacred as well. By the advent

of post-modern England‟s fractured perspectives ritual dance could be liminal, but no longer had

to be sacred. Thus it followed that something secular no longer had to be liminoid; these links

had fractured. It all depended on personal preference. For ritual dance in England, the dissection

of these links became apparent. Reconstructivist Pagans chose to put back both the liminal and

the sacred, in now liminoid English ritual dance, whereas, people like Anna Halprin chose to

keep the liminal in her ritual dance but not to invoke the sacred. For others though with a

differing subcultural perspective, these dances remained no less liminoid than they were fifty

years before.

Subsequently, yet another revolution happened in post-modern England. With the advent of

subcultures, subcultural identities formed. People began to show the signs of their subculture,

and how they belonged to it. Subculture became the new „tribe‟, especially when linked with the

many music genres that developed. With the new „tribes‟ came new liminal ritual dances, re-

affirming membership. Liminal ritual dance was re-born in its own right.

Because of the lifestyle choices, and perspectives, to do with membership of subcultures in post-

modern England, an individual has to assume the subcultural identity for the dance to become

ritual and liminal. Consequently, not everyone who dances the same dance will perceive it that

way. Furthermore, one‟s perspective on that style can change; what was once liminal ritual dance

can become liminoid dance for entertainment and visa versa. Then, of course, there is the

biggest limitation of them all; dance is even less dominant in our society than it once was when it

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played a part as ritual confirmation of societal values, traditions, beliefs and celebrations in

England. It has now become a sub-section of other more dominant aspects, such as music,

television, film and the internet. Therefore, did liminal ritual dance survive into the present day?

Yes, it did; in a variety of guises that reflect the post modern society we live in, it is no longer as

recognisable as the maypole dance. It now acts less visibly, but still performs a necessary role in

the lives of present day England‟s many tribes.

Words: 7,713.

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