ANY P O R T I N T H E S TOR M : T H E E FFECT S O F H U R R ICAN E KATR I NA ON TWO FI S H I NG COMMU N I T I E S I N LOU I S IANA

napa B u l l e t i n 2 8 / K a t r i n a a n d F i s h i n g C o m m u n i t i e s 6 9

NAPA BULLETIN 28, pp. 69–86, ISBN 1-931303-35-5. © 2007 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights

reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California

Press’s Rights and Permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/napa.2007.28.1.69.

A N Y P O R T I N T H E S T O R M : T H E E F F E C T S O F

H U R R I C A N E K AT R I N A O N T W O F I S H I N G

C O M M U N I T I E S I N L O U I S I A N A

Palma InglesNOAA Fisheries, Southeast Regional Office

Heather McIlvaine-NewsadWestern Illinois University

This article is based on research conducted in two fishing communities in Louisiana that were

heavily impacted in 2005 by Hurricane Katrina: Grand Isle and the Empire-Venice area. The

authors conducted research in June and August 2006 to better understand the impacts of

Hurricane Katrina on these communities. Previous research had been conducted in these com-

munities by the same researchers in 2004. The baseline data obtained in 2004 proved invalu-

able for understanding the nature of the fishing industry in these communities before

Hurricane Katrina struck. The 2006 research focused on changes in the fishing industries, the

individuals, and the communities following the hurricane. It also examined the challenges for

recovery and implications for fishing management in these communities. The two coastal com-

munities in this study are heavily involved in the commercial shrimp fishery that before the

storm had been overcapitalized for years. The eye of the storm passed over Empire-Venice and,

as a result, this area received more damage than Grand Isle. In both areas, homes were

destroyed, boats were sunk, and lives were changed forever. A year later, both areas are still

struggling to recover from the hurricane. This article focuses on the methods the authors used

for research in these communities after the storm: semistructured ethnographic interviews,

photography, and mapping. It also reports on some of the findings. The authors conducted

interviews with fishermen, people who work in fishing related businesses, and other commu-

nity members who could provide them with information regarding the impacts of Hurricane

Katrina on these communities and the state of the fisheries. Keywords: ethnographic

interviews, shrimp fishery, Hurricane Katrina, Louisiana fishing communities, fishing

management

On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina came ashore in the northern Gulf of Mexico,

first in Louisiana and then in Mississippi, obliterating coastal communities from west of

New Orleans to Mobile Bay in Alabama. The storm surge destroyed homes, businesses,

churches, schools, bridges, and roadways, leaving behind debris piles 30 feet high in

places where people once lived. This was one of the worst natural disasters in U.S. history.

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Thousands of people evacuated their coastal homes, moving to other locations through-

out the United States. A year later, many people are still displaced and their lives have

changed forever. Some have returned and are trying to rebuild their lives and communi-

ties. Others will never return.

This article reports on research conducted in two areas of Louisiana that were heavily

impacted by Hurricane Katrina. The research was funded by the National Oceanic and

Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) under

the direction of Palma Ingles, an anthropologist for the agency. The authors conducted

ethnographic interviews in Grand Isle, Louisiana, in June 2006 and in the area of Empire-

Venice, Louisiana, in August 2006. Prior work was conducted by the authors in these

same communities in 2004.1 Because of the devastating impacts of the hurricane to the

communities and the fishing industry, the authors decided to revisit these communities.

Research done in 2004, before the storm, provided invaluable baseline data to compare

with data collected in 2006. To better understand the impacts of Hurricane Katrina on the

fishing industries in these communities, and the challenges for recovery, the authors inter-

viewed fishermen, people who work in fishing related businesses, and other community

members. They also documented the devastation and rebuilding efforts with digital pho-

tography and video. A mapping exercise was used to identify fishing practices.

Commercial and recreational fishing played an important role in the lives of many

who lived in the coastal communities affected by Hurricane Katrina. Generations of fish-

ermen made their living harvesting the abundant marine resources found in local and

Gulf of Mexico waters. The aftermath of the storm revealed sunken boats of various sizes

and descriptions—from tugboats and barges to fishing boats—along the Louisiana,

Mississippi, and Alabama coastline. Many of the boats that did not sink were washed

7 0 napa B u l l e t i n 2 8 / K a t r i n a a n d F i s h i n g C o m m u n i t i e s

Figure 1. One year after Hurricane Katrina struck, damaged and destroyed fishing boats remain at the

base of the Empire Bridge in Empire, Louisiana. The cost of recovery is too expensive for many

fishermen. Photo by Palma Ingles.

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into the marshes and surrounding bayous, stranded on roadways and levees, or were

heavily damaged, some beyond repair.

Anthropological research in the Gulf of Mexico has been undertaken by NMFS to

comply with the Magnuson Stevens Act (MSA), National Standard-8 (NS8) program.2

The MSA requires fishery managers to consider the social and economic impacts on fish-

ing communities when promulgating new regulations. The NMFS Southeast Regional

Office has been conducting research as part of NS8 requirements since 2002. As part of

these tasks, it is important to understand the role that fishing—commercial, recreational,

and subsistence—plays within the communities. This includes understanding the effects

of Hurricane Katrina on the fishing industry.

Starting in 2002, the Southeast Regional Office of NMFS hired Impact Assessment,

Inc. (IAI), to conduct preliminary research to identify communities associated with the

fishing industry in all five states that border the Gulf of Mexico, including Louisiana (IAI

2005). Further, more in-depth studies have been conducted by Ingles in select commu-

nities throughout the Gulf of Mexico (Ingles in press, n.d.a, n.d.b). Because of the lack

of funding and lack of enough personnel trained in anthropology who work for NMFS,

only a few communities in the southeast region have been studied in depth. Although

the MSA requires studies of both marine life and human life, community studies are not

supported at anywhere near the level, for funds and personnel, of the fisheries biology

studies. This continues to leave a gap in fully understanding potential impacts of new

regulations on fishing communities.

After Hurricane Katrina struck the gulf coast, NMFS again hired IAI to conduct a

preliminary assessment of impacts of Hurricane Katrina on coastal communities (IAI

2007a, 2007b). The IAI report was a broad overview of impacts to many coastal com-

munities in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama. The work described in this piece was a


Figure 2. One year after Hurricane Katrina there are still many sunken boats in the small boat harbor

in Buras, Louisiana. Photo by Palma Ingles.

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more in-depth study of two communities that are important fishing communities in

Louisiana and that were heavily impacted by the storm (see also Ingles in press).

G O A L S G U I D I N G T H I S R E S E A R C H

The shrimp fishery in the gulf is managed by the individual states for shrimp caught in

state waters and by the Gulf of Mexico Fishery Management Council (GMFMC) for

shrimp caught in the federal Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), which includes waters

beyond the state boundaries out to 200 nautical miles offshore. In the case of Louisiana,

the federal waters begin three nautical miles offshore. The shrimp fishery in the Gulf of

Mexico has been overcapitalized for many years and, although the number of boats

actively participating in the shrimp fishery has decreased, there may still be too many

shrimp boats for the amount of resources available.

The GMFMC has recently begun discussion on ways to downsize the shrimp fishery

in the gulf. Because of the loss or damage of so many boats, as well as loss of fishing infra-

structure, it was important to find out if Hurricane Katrina had downsized the shrimp

fishery permanently. Was it still overcapitalized? What were the challenges to recovery?

Had changes occurred in the fisheries in the gulf? Would fishermen who had lost every-

thing come back to the fishing industry? In other words, would the fishery still be over-

capitalized when the recovery process was finished? Would there still be too many shrimp

boats in the fishery for fishermen to make a living harvesting the seas? One way of

answering these questions was to use traditional ethnographic methods to solicit infor-

mation from those involved in the shrimp fishery and the communities they live in.

M E T H O D O L O G Y

For this research we used ethnographic interviews and direct observation as the main

methodological tools, along with photography and mapping. The key to understanding

how the two coastal fishing communities were affected by Hurricane Katrina was to talk

with as many people as possible. We also observed the reconstruction of shrimp houses

and docks, boats, and commercial and recreational marinas, and daily salvaging and

cleanup in the communities. We spent a great deal of time “chasing down” the fishermen

who work variable hours, coming and going day and night. In some instances we were

able to arrive at a dock and talk to a large number of people in a relatively short period

of time. Other attempts were more challenging.

We documented what we were seeing with digital photography and digital video,

both of which proved to be extremely useful. The digital photographs proved to be very

important for information recall as we were writing up our notes. By examining the

photographs, we could confirm details that we may have remembered but may not

have made a note of. This was an important tool when looking at visual effects from

the hurricane.


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The last technique that we used was a mapping exercise with the fishermen using

copies of a marine chart of the particular area we were working in. We asked the fisher-

men to show us where they fished before the storm and where they fished after, as well as

where they sold their catch before and after the storm. We also asked them where they

secured their boat before the storm and where they found it afterward.

E T H N O G R A P H Y

Although there are many methods for collecting anthropological information in the

field, the method that proved most useful during our research was semistructured ethno-

graphic interviews. Semistructured interviews were the most appropriate way to

approach our particular research agenda given the relatively short period of time we were

able to spend in the field and because of the nature of fishing. It is almost impossible to

plan interviews with people in the fishing industry ahead of time. It was also difficult to

do a stratified, random sample when we planned to talk to fishermen in person, espe-

cially after a disaster. When fishermen go out to catch shrimp they can be gone from the

docks for as little as 24 hours or as long as 30 days, depending on the size and type of boat

they have and where they are fishing. Factors such as weather or mechanical problems

may also change the original schedule the captain had in mind when he or she left the

docks.

Finding people to talk with after a disaster can be challenging. People are not where

they may normally be, and many are preoccupied and busy with steps they are taking for

recovery. To find people to interview, we went to the docks and tried to find as many peo-

ple as we could to talk to. We also went to the offices of realtors, tourism promoters,

marinas, city government officials, and others who could talk with us about the impacts

of Hurricane Katrina on the fishing industry and on the community. We followed the

protocol developed by Ingles for discussions during ethnographic interviews in the Gulf

of Mexico that was based in part on protocol that has been developed by NMFS. The

topics for discussion, along with added topics specifically related to the fisheries in the

gulf, were used as the basis for research in coastal communities dependent on fishing

before Hurricane Katrina struck. The authors added topics for discussion to the origi-

nal protocol that were specifically focused on impacts of Hurricane Katrina on these

communities.

For the fishermen, pre-Katrina topics included demographics such as race and eth-

nicity, age, education, and income; cultural heritage in fishing, such as whether the per-

son came from a fishing family; types of fisheries they had worked in; and other

occupations and experience. Questions regarding the management of fisheries were

included, such as where they received their information regarding new rules and regula-

tions and if they attended public hearings regarding the fishery or fisheries they partici-

pated in. There were also topics relating to job satisfaction, such as reasons for fishing,

what they liked most and least about fishing, the nature of their particular fishery, the

state of the resources today, changes in fishing, and the future of fishing, among other


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topics. Interviews usually started with topics relating to where the person was from and

where they grew up as an ice breaker, with questions such as income levels and personal

feelings about why they fish and future of fishing at the end of the interview.

Questions were also developed for recreational fishermen and charter boat captains

pre-Katrina. These questions focused on topics such as where they were from, where they

fished, how often they fished, species targeted, changes in the fisheries and resources, and

opinions about and familiarity with current and proposed fishing regulations. For char-

ter boat captains, we also asked about their clientele, how they advertised, changes in the

charter industry, and other topics of interest.

Questions for people who worked in fishing-dependent businesses prior to Hurricane

Katrina included demographics, history of fishing in the area, fishing industry experi-

ence, topics related to that particular business, clientele, changes in the fishing industry,

and the future of the industry. For other community members, topics ranged from

tourism, community structure, development and gentrification, the historical perspec-

tive of the fishing industry in the community, and the future of fishing in the commu-

nity. For the post-Katrina research, new topics for discussion included what happened to

the community when the hurricane hit and what happened to the individuals and busi-

nesses dependent on the fishing industry. Topics also targeted changes to the fishing

industry because of the hurricane and focused on challenges for recovery and the future

of the fishing industry in their area.

Our research was not focused on trying to develop a statistical sample of people inter-

viewed. However, we often experienced the “snowball” effect in that people we inter-

viewed suggested others we should also interview. Because fishermen and displaced

populations are often scattered, they can be difficult to study. When we were at the

docks, people would suggest other people we should talk to or in the case of the

Vietnamese and Cambodian fishermen, they would suggest others who could speak

English well enough to understand us and be understood. Because we were trying to find

out as much information as possible about the effects of the hurricane, we were inter-

ested in individual stories of surviving the storm and rebuilding. We asked what hap-

pened to them and their community, how they were recovering, what challenges they

still faced for resuming normal life, and so on.

For our purposes, surveys would not have captured the information we were trying to

obtain. First, many people working in the fishing industry in our study area had been

displaced from their communities and some had not yet returned and no longer had a

permanent mailing address making a written mail-out survey problematic. Others may

question how a survey could help them and why the government is asking questions.

Some of the fishermen in the Empire-Venice area speak English at a minimal level, if at

all, and would not have been able to answer a survey written in English. Surveys often

have questions that solicit limited answers that do not have the range and depth of infor-

mation we were looking for.

Disasters are events that interrupt the immediate biophysical and social environments

of human communities, threatening the ability of impacted cultural systems to adapt

and survive (Dyer and McGoodwin 1999; Oliver-Smith 1996). Because of the amount of


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destruction in some areas caused by Hurricane Katrina, the disruption of life, and evac-

uation of people, we did not know exactly what to expect when we arrived in each com-

munity. Although we had some information on recovery efforts in each community, we

did not have a very good idea of how many fishermen would have returned or how many

businesses would be open. Because this was the first time that either of us had conducted

a disaster study, we did not anticipate the breadth of questions to ask regarding the fish-

ing industry and the impacts of Hurricane Katrina. If one person interviewed brought

up a new topic, we could incorporate that topic into our next interview. Ethnographic

interviews gave us the most flexibility to have some overall topics for discussion and also

let the interviewees answer at their own pace and tell us their stories. We could guide the

conversation as needed, and we could gain information that we may not have anticipated

to ask for in a survey.

Even though the hurricane struck almost a year before our research in these commu-

nities, many people were still traumatized and were still facing a long road to recovery.

Overall, people were very open and willing to talk about their experiences. Some people

wanted to talk for a long time and explain every detail, while others were less forthcom-

ing. Flexibility was a key to the interview process.

Overall, we felt that because of the nature of conducting post-disaster research in

these communities, methodologically, semistructured ethnographic interviews worked

the best for our purposes. Although the time we spent in the communities was limited,

we noted a certain consistency in what people had experienced and in their processes

toward recovery. As development and gentrification continue to encroach on bayou

communities in Louisiana, it is important to collect these oral histories that are full of

rich text that can be preserved long after the last shrimp dock is bulldozed and replaced

with a condominium.

P H O T O G R A P H Y

Photography was also an important tool for this research. Photographs can be evaluated

to look for elements that copious note taking might miss. Photographs taken during

research conducted in these communities a year before Hurricane Katrina proved to be a

good record of what the communities were like before the storm as compared to after the

storm. Photographs taken after Hurricane Katrina have been used in presentations to

help people understand the enormity of the situation. Images of piles of fishing boats

and destroyed houses describe more than words ever could.

We documented as much as we could with digital photographs. The cost of disks for

digital cameras is now minimal, allowing extensive photography in the field. Between the

two research sites, we took over 1,500 photographs. We also used a digital video camera. In

the Empire-Venice area, we recorded video as we slowly drove along the highway to show

the vastness of the seemingly unending destruction. Hurricane Katrina changed many

things in these communities and it is important to the documentation process for the his-

torical record to have photographs and videos as these communities move toward recovery.


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M A P P I N G

Mapping also has a long history in the science of ethnography. Researchers like Karl

Offen (2003) and Heather McIlvaine-Newsad and Mary Jane Clark (2005) have used

mapping to better understand the complexities of the communities they work in. We

conducted a mapping exercise with the fishermen using copies of marine charts of the

particular areas we were working in. As we conducted our ethnographic interviews, we

asked the fishermen where they fished for shrimp, and we roughly sketched out the area.

We also mapped where they moved their boats to prior to the storm, an important fac-

tor for what happened to the boat, and where the boat ended up. In addition, knowing

where the shrimp fishermen fish will allow us further analysis of impacts on the fisheries

as new federal regulations are proposed and implemented.

T H E S H R I M P F I S H E R Y

Before Hurricane Katrina, the shrimp fishery was the most important fishery in the Gulf

of Mexico and an important fishery for the United States. Shrimp boats in the gulf range

in size from iceboats as small as 25 feet in length to large freezer boats that are over 90 feet

in length. The smaller boats mostly fish in estuaries and bayous of state waters and the

bigger boats usually fish offshore in federal waters. In 2004, shrimp was ranked second

in value in the United States for all domestic species landed and eighth by pounds

landed. Eighty-three percent, or 256.9 million pounds, of the domestic shrimp landed in

the United States in 2004 were landed in the Gulf of Mexico. Louisiana brings in the

most shrimp of any state in the gulf, landing 134.3 million pounds in 2004. In the same

year, the Empire-Venice area of Louisiana ranked third in quantity and sixth in value of

commercial fish (which includes shrimp) landings for the United States (U.S.

Department of Commerce 2004).

The shrimp fishery in the Gulf of Mexico has been in decline since 2001 because of

high costs of fuel and equipment and lower prices shrimpers receive at the dock because

of competition from low-priced, imported shrimp. Although there was a decline in the

number of commercial shrimp boats operating in the gulf after 2001, the shrimp fishery

was still considered overcapitalized until the hurricane season of 2005 when Hurricanes

Katrina and Rita ravaged the northern gulf. It is still not known how many shrimp boats

were lost or damaged, how many shrimpers were displaced by the storms, and if the

shrimp fishery is still over capitalized. The problem of overcapitalization in the shrimp

fishery is nothing new. Paul Durrenberger reported that by the end of 1960s, there were

already too many shrimp boats as larger boats entered the fishery and catches began to

decline (Durrenberger 1996).

Today over 85 percent of the shrimp consumed in the United States is imported, and

most of that is farm raised (U.S. Department of Commerce 2004). Shrimpers inter-

viewed in the Gulf of Mexico report making less and less income from shrimping each

year since 2001, forcing some to get out of shrimping. Some shrimpers have said that by


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the time they paid for fuel and other supplies and paid the crew, the amount they

received at the dock for the shrimp they brought in was less than their expenses.

As prices paid for shrimp at the docks fell, it became harder to pay the bank notes for

larger boats and to afford the fuel for a long fishing trip. As one fisherman in Grand Isle

said, “big notes for big boats.” Throughout the gulf, shrimp boats are tied up at the docks

and no longer working. Many of the larger boats have been repossessed and remain at the

docks until they can be auctioned off to the highest bidder, if at all. Some owners said

they cannot afford needed repairs or fuel. Few banks are financing shrimp boats or pro-

viding loans for maintenance and repairs to shrimp boats. According to our interviews,

to balance the costs, some boats are not maintained as well as they once were, and boat

owners have dropped their insurance. According to one shrimper in Texas, at 80 feet in

length, steel-hulled boats cost $700,000–$800,000 to buy and up to $40,000 to fill up

with fuel. Some shrimpers are finding the only way to survive is with smaller, more fuel-

efficient boats that fish close to shore. They are also changing their fishing patterns and

returning to the docks after a few days out. A common complaint is that no matter what

cost saving measures are employed, the cost of fuel, coupled with the low price paid for

shrimp at the dock, is going to put them all out of business.

It is getting more difficult for shrimp boat captains to find and retain good crew

because crew work on a percentage share of the profits, which has been drastically

reduced in the last few years. Yet many continue to shrimp and try to make a living.

Some boat owners interviewed hold the belief that if they can just hang on, they will be

one of those who continue to make a living shrimping. For them, it is in their blood and

their way of life, and not something that they easily give up. In interviews, it is common

to hear “I am going to give this one more year . . . then if the prices don’t improve, I am

tying my boat up.”

T H E F I S H I N G C O M M U N I T I E S I N T H I S S T U DY

As development and gentrification increase in coastal communities, it becomes more dif-

ficult for fishermen and businesses that depend on fisheries to stay near the water. Each

year more dock space for commercial fishing vessels disappears. Taxes on land continue

to increase, displacing fishermen and fishing infrastructure. Competition over land and

environmental degradation of coastal and marine resources add to the woes of the fish-

ermen trying to survive in the fishing industry. The devastating impacts of the hurricanes

of 2005 that hit the northern Gulf of Mexico add to the problems for the fishing indus-

try in the region.

In Louisiana, thousands of acres of coastal areas and barrier islands erode each year,

leaving less protection from hurricanes. Levees surround many low-lying areas but offer

minimal protection when the storm surge is high. These communities have experienced

devastating effects of hurricanes in the past. Before Hurricane Katrina, Hurricane

Camille had always been the benchmark for hurricanes in the area. Camille made land-

fall as a Category 5 hurricane in 1969, destroying much of Grand Isle and Empire-Venice.


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Prior to Camille, Hurricane Betsy caused major damage to these same communities in

1965. Some fishermen in these communities survived both Betsy and Camille and rebuilt

their lives and fishing industries afterward. Others were not born yet or were too young

to remember the hurricanes of the 1960s. For fishermen of Asian descent in these com-

munities, who started coming to this country in the late 1970s, this was the first major

hurricane they had been through in the bayous of Louisiana.

The hurricanes of 2005 caused massive problems for the shrimp fishing industry in

the gulf, which was already in decline. In Louisiana, most of the fishing infrastructure

from Grand Isle east was destroyed by Hurricane Katrina. A year later, communities are

still trying to rebuild their fishing industries.

Grand Isle

Grand Isle is located at the end of Highway 1, 110 miles southwest of New Orleans.

Before the oil industry moved in during the mid-1900s, most people on the island were

involved in the fishing industry. The oil industry and the commercial fishing industry

continue to be the main industries in the community, along with support for recreational

fishing and tourism. The majority of the permanent residents self-identify as Cajuns,

many of whom are third- or fourth-generation fishermen on the island. Shrimp fishing

has long been important to the economy of the island. There are two commercial fish

docks that buy from a variety of boats that fish the inland bays and bayous as well as the

Gulf of Mexico. One dock unloads and packs only shrimp, and the other takes in mostly

shrimp but also unloads fish. In 2005, there were a total of 543 boats that unloaded

shrimp to the docks located there, and many of the fishermen who unload at the docks

are residents of the island.

Grand Isle has long been a favorite launching place for recreational and charter fish-

ermen. The island has many vacation homes and fish camps that cater to this clientele.

Miles of marshes and inland waterways surround the island, and there is easy access to

the gulf. There are several large fishing tournaments in the community each year. Most

of the hotels and summer homes are occupied by people who come for the recreational

fishing. Land values continue to increase and more tourist infrastructure is being built.

Even with the increase in gentrification, as of now, fishing remains an important part of

the island economy.

When Hurricane Katrina struck, the storm surge pushed water up into Barataria Bay,

located on the northeastern side of the island, and most of the flooding was from the bay

side, not from the gulf side. Buildings were damaged by the winds from the hurricane,

and the whole island was inundated with water, flooding houses, businesses, churches,

marinas, schools, and other structures. All but two individuals evacuated the island

before the storm. When the storm was over, many residents returned to find their houses

and businesses damaged or destroyed. There were less than 650 houses in the community

before the storm and over 75 of them were completely destroyed or damaged beyond

repair. Some of the sections of the bridge linking the island with the mainland had

shifted, making the bridge impassable to heavy vehicles for several months.


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Cleanup and rebuilding in Grand Isle started within a few weeks of the storm. Locals

said they were anxious to get back to their homes and started much of the cleanup and

rebuilding on their own. Recovery efforts were also aided by FEMA, the National Guard,

and other governmental agencies. During interviews, people explained that Grand Isle is

a close-knit community and everyone knows each other, which may have aided in the

cooperation for the cleanup. People in Grand Isle also credit the numerous volunteer

groups that came to help their community with recovery efforts. Some people on Grand

Isle had houses that, although damaged, were livable, while others had to wait to secure a

FEMA trailer before moving back. Community members came together to help rebuild

the only grocery store, a key to being able to live on the island. Most of the restaurants,

bars, gas stations, and hotels that were not destroyed were repaired and open as of June

2006, or had plans to open soon. FEMA trailers were parked in many of the yards across

the area housing residents while they rebuilt their homes. The schools were being rebuilt

in time for the school year. In June 2006, tourists were again coming to the island to fish.

Before Hurricane Katrina made landfall in Grand Isle, most of the commercial

shrimpers moved their boats to the western part of Louisiana or up the canal along

Highway 1 to Golden Meadow, about 30 miles away, to secure their boats behind the

canal locks located there. Typically, when a hurricane is approaching boats are moved up

the canal north of the lock, and the lock is then closed to protect the northern part of the

canal from storm surge. This has been a common practice since the canals and locks were

constructed. Most of the commercial fishing boats from Grand Isle survived the storm

with little or no damage by moving them behind the locks or to other locations. A city

official in Grand Isle said that the 10–15 commercial fishing boats from the community

that were lost to the storm were unable to be moved from the area because of mechani-

cal difficulties such as engine trouble.

Most of the shrimpers who moved their boats behind the safety of the locks were not

able to resume shrimping until several months after the storm because of the shortage of

dock space, fuel, and ice houses to service the shrimp boats. There was also debris from

the storm choking the waterways. Some shrimpers chose not to return to shrimping until

early spring of 2006 because of other obligations created by the storm. Many of the

shrimpers from Grand Isle had houses that were lost or damaged and worked on rebuild-

ing their houses before returning to fishing. Others had to wait until they could receive

a FEMA trailer to be able to move back to the island. Some took temporary jobs doing

debris clean up, both on land and in the waterways for FEMA.

The two commercial fishing docks are both located on the bay side of the island. Both

businesses were hit by storm surges over ten feet high and most of the commercial fish-

ing infrastructure was destroyed by the water and the winds. Both of the businesses lost

their ice machines, which provide tons of ice each week for the fishing boats and for the

shrimp and fish that are being shipped out. They also lost their fuel tanks, docks, and

other support buildings. During the time the fishing docks were closed, fishermen who

normally fished in the area fished and unloaded their catch at other locations.

By early spring, many of the shrimpers of Grand Isle were again working the waterways

looking for shrimp. As more of the fishermen moved back to the island, it was important


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for the docks to be rebuilt to help service the boats that depended on them. One business

opened on a limited basis in November 2005 and the other opened in April 2006. In June

2006, both were still in the process of rebuilding. Although the shrimp were plentiful in

the spring, docks that unload shrimp experienced difficulty in finding processors to send

the shrimp to because of the total destruction of some of the big shrimp processors located

in other parts of Louisiana and in Biloxi, Mississippi. The shrimp processors that were in

business had an abundance of shrimp to process and were paying a lower price per pound,

which kept the price paid to the shrimpers at the docks low.

During our research in Grand Isle, we spent most of our time at the two shrimp

docks. This gave us an opportunity to interview fishermen as they came in to the docks

to unload their catch and to interview the owners and workers at the docks. Finding

community members and owners of businesses to interview was more problematic

because some people were still displaced and some businesses still closed.

In 2006, the small community of Grand Isle proved to be resilient and the commu-

nity was working together to reclaim their lives. Overall, almost one year after the hurri-

cane, Grand Isle was making great strides toward recovery of their island and of their

fishing industries. Fishing tournaments have returned, bringing in much needed cash to

the local economy. Many of the fishermen who were from Grand Isle or unloaded their

catch there before the storm had resumed business with the two rebuilt commercial

docks. The spring shrimp season in local waters had produced an abundance of shrimp

and given most people involved in the shrimp industry hope that they had survived the

worst of the storm and were on their way to resuming a normal life, at least until the next

hurricane.

Venice

The fishing communities of Empire, Buras, and Venice are interconnected.3 It is not

uncommon for a person to live in one of these communities and unload their catch and

dock their boat in another. The communities are located in Plaquemines Parish at the

end of Highway 23, 75 miles southeast of New Orleans. The main employers for these

communities are the oil industry and the fishing industry, of which the shrimp fishery is

the most important and most valuable fishery. The Empire-Venice area is considered one

of the top fishing ports in the country. In 2004, they ranked third in the country for

quantity of commercial fishery landings, and sixth by value (U.S. Department of

Commerce 2004). Most of that is because of shrimp, although there is also a large men-

haden processor there with a fleet of boats. Fishermen in the area also bring in some fish,

including shark, and they also harvest crabs and oysters.

The communities are situated on a narrow swath of land, less than a mile wide, that

sits below sea level with levees bordering the Mississippi River to the east and the bayous

of the Gulf of Mexico to the west. As you drive down Highway 23, the last 20 miles are

characterized by commercial and recreational marinas, boat harbors, fishing docks, pack-

ing houses, and infrastructure for the oil industry. Venice is the last community at the

end of the highway, located near the mouth of the Mississippi.


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The Empire-Venice area has long been known for its commercial and recreational

fishing resources. The area has easy access to the plentiful bayous and waterways and the

Gulf of Mexico for both commercial and recreational fishermen. Some of the fishermen

in the area are third- or fourth-generation Cajun fishermen. Starting in the late 1970s,

Vietnamese immigrants began to arrive in the area and slowly entered the shrimp, crab,

and oyster fisheries. Today, the majority of the fishermen in Empire-Venice are of Asian

descent.4

When Hurricane Katrina came ashore on August 29, 2005, the eye of the storm passed

over the Empire-Venice area. In Empire, there is a canal that goes between the

Mississippi River and the bayous of the Gulf of Mexico. In the past, fishermen parked

their boats behind the canal locks for protection from hurricanes. They did not expect

that the storm surge would be higher than the levees and the canal locks. The storm surge

that was created breached the levees on both sides and flooded the communities as far

north as Belle Chasse, sixty-five miles to the north of Venice. The storm surge was esti-

mated at over twenty-five feet in some areas. After the storm, the levees that had pro-

tected the communities along Highway 23 now held the water in like a giant bowl.

According to locals interviewed, the last of the water did not drain for over 40 days, dam-

aging or destroying every house, business, school, and church in these communities.

Most of the boats that were moved behind the locks at Empire were damaged or

destroyed as the storm surge came in. After the hurricane, hundreds of boats of all

descriptions were sunk or partially submerged in the waterways and bayous, sitting on

top of levees and highways, or stranded in the marshes. Boats that did not sink were

heavily damaged as they came loose from their moorings and were tossed around like

toys in a bathtub as the waters rose and the storm raged. A year later, some fishermen had

not found their boats or had not been able to recover them from where they were sub-

merged in the water or stranded in the marshes or on dry land. There are about 15 boats,

30 to 80 feet in length, in a huge pile at the base of the bridge in Empire. Some are sal-

vageable, others are not. Estimates of the cost to return a stranded boat to the water were

between $20,000 and $80,000 depending on the size of the boat. Most of the boats in

the area were uninsured, and those that were insured did not have enough coverage to get

the boats back into the water.

Finding people to interview in the Empire-Venice area was challenging. We con-

ducted our research in August and many of the shrimp docks and packing houses had

just opened in April and May when the electricity was connected to many of the busi-

nesses in the area. Fishermen interviewed said that between 50 and 65 percent of the fish-

ing boats in the area had been destroyed by the hurricane. Some fishermen with operable

boats have been shrimping in the local waters since a few months after the storm. One

shrimp house, located in Venice, reopened in October 2005, although they lost every-

thing in the storm except for the concrete slab that was part of the dock. When it

reopened, there was no electricity or running water. Ice trucks and fuel trucks were

brought in to service the small boats that fished the bays and bayous nearby. Trucks also

came into the area and picked up shrimp to be taken to other locations for packing and

shipping. The Vietnamese American owners of the shrimp house said they needed to


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start unloading shrimp to get back into business and to help out their shrimpers who had

worked with them.

Throughout the spring of 2006, the fishing industry in these communities worked to

get back into business. Boats were salvaged and rebuilt. Fishing infrastructure is slowly

being replaced. Fishermen are trying to rebuild their lives. In August 2006, many were

still trying to obtain a FEMA trailer to live in. Fishermen who had rented their place to

live in before the storm could not obtain a FEMA trailer because they had no where to

put it. Others had given up on obtaining a FEMA trailer and were living with friends

and family, unsure of what would happen next. Three people interviewed said they had

secured a FEMA trailer in a large trailer park with 500 trailers, but soon moved out

because of the number of people living there and the crime in the park. Also, the park is

located several miles north of Empire-Venice. Some of the Vietnamese and Cambodians

who did not have insured homes, or rented before the storm, are now living on their

small boats in one of the small boat harbors in Buras.

Locals had begun the process of tearing down or completely refurbishing their homes

and businesses. Some members of the community had not received money they thought

they were owed from insurance, while others had property that was not insured. As of

August 2006, only two hotels were open for visitors, both located at the recreational

marinas. The post office lay in ruins. There were no grocery stores for 65 miles, no

churches, no schools, one gas station, and only a few restaurants. It was still unknown if

the schools in the area would be rebuilt in time for school to open. The 20-mile stretch

of road that encompasses this area was still fairly deserted. Here and there are signs of life,

but recovery will be slow. As we conducted our research we could see daily progress as

large trucks hauled off trash, stacks of destroyed cars, and miscellaneous debris that lined

the roadways.

Throughout the area there are also signs of progress for the recovery of the fishing

industry. Most of the docks and packing houses are now operating, except for a few that

do not plan to reopen. Every shrimp and fish dock owner reported that they had fewer

boats unloading this year than last. Fishermen are fixing up their boats, or figuring ways

to buy another one. Those who lost their boats are fishing with other people or taking

other jobs for now. Fishermen we interviewed who lost their boats say they plan to go

back to fishing. Many of the fishermen in this area have fished their whole lives, and it is

all they know. Some of the Vietnamese and Cambodian fishermen do not have the lan-

guage skills to perform other jobs, and many were farmers or fishermen in their own

countries before coming here.

When fishermen in Empire-Venice were asked if the fishing industry will continue

to play an important role in their community, most answered a resounding “yes.”

Many are still hoping the local or federal government will help them, their communi-

ties, and their fishing industries with recovery. Even without much help from the gov-

ernment, they are slowly picking up the pieces and figuring out what they can do for

themselves. Life, for now, is no longer about fishing and being on the water but,

instead, focused on recovery of their boats, their fish houses, and their lives, so they

can resume their lives on the water.


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C O N C L U S I O N

Because the MSA requires that federal fishery mangers consider the impacts on the fish-

ermen and the communities that depend on fishing when writing new regulations, it is

important to continue to collect information on communities in the Gulf of Mexico that

are heavily involved with fishing. Before Hurricane Katrina, the shrimp fishery in the

gulf was in decline and overcapitalized. As the GMFMC and NMFS craft new regula-

tions, it is important to know as much as possible about how these communities were

affected by Hurricane Katrina and if the shrimp fishery is still overcapitalized.

Through ethnographic interviews, we collected much information and many indi-

vidual stories of loss and survival and of plans for the future. Fishermen and those who

work in fishing-dependent businesses are doing everything they can do to reestablish a

degree of normalcy and rebuild their lives and their businesses. Many are still waiting on

insurance claims to be settled while others are hoping for help from the government to

get back on their feet. The communities in this study were severely impacted by

Hurricane Katrina, but many members of both communities think their communities

will recover, and the fishing industry will continue to play a major role in the future.

Louisiana has more wetlands and bayous than any other state in the country. These low-

lying areas that require levees for protection from surrounding water make for commu-

nities that are simultaneously susceptible to storm surge and winds of hurricanes, yet

they also have access to some of the best fishing grounds in the country. In both com-

munities, recreational and commercial fishing infrastructure is being rebuilt and fishing

boats are returning to the water.

Based on interviews conducted for this study, it appears that many of the displaced

fishermen plan to return to the water and people displaced from fishing-related busi-

nesses plan to return to the fishing industry. Some will decide not to get back into fish-

ing and not to rebuild their businesses. If most of the shrimpers salvage or rebuild boats

that were lost, the shrimp industry will probably be overcapitalized again and it will con-

tinue to be difficult for fishermen to make a reasonable profit from harvesting shrimp.

For many, fishing is their life, and they will continue to depend on the fishing industry

to support them as they rebuild their communities and recover from the devastation

caused by Hurricane Katrina. All are hoping the hurricanes of the next season will not

destroy the progress they have made.

Grand Isle received less overall damage than the Empire-Venice area, and for that

reason it has been able to move toward recovery at a faster pace. Some locals of Grand

Isle said that within another year it would be difficult to tell that they had been devas-

tated by Hurricane Katrina, and the island was going to look better than before. A real

key to Grand Isle’s recovery seems to be the resiliency of the community members who

have weathered severe storms before and worked together to rebuild their community

afterward.

In contrast, for Empire-Venice, recovery is much slower and progress not as evident.

Everything for miles was under water and destroyed. According to the fishermen, 50 to

65 percent of the fishing boats were lost, making it difficult for fishermen to return to


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fishing. Unlike Grand Isle, where people in the community returned and started clean

up almost immediately after the storm, the people of Empire-Venice could not return to

their community until months later. Electricity was not available until eight months after

the storm. Additionally, unlike Grand Isle, where there is much social cohesion in part

through the shared “Cajun” ancestry of most of the residents, Empire-Venice appears to

be an area that is somewhat divided by race and ethnicity as more people of Asian

descent moved into the area over the last 20 years. Asians who speak little English may

not feel a sense of belonging to the community at large and, as a result, it may be more

difficult for divided community members to come together for rebuilding efforts.

A year later, some areas looked like the storm hit the week before. It was several

months before people started moving back because there was not any infrastructure to

make it possible to live there. Many still have not returned. There is still no electricity in

some sections of the Empire-Venice area. The delivery of promised FEMA trailers has

been slow and many people still have nowhere to live. There are no schools for the chil-

dren, making it difficult for families to return. April 2006 seems to be a turning point for

the community because, according to some, that is when the electricity started to be

restored to more neighborhoods. This has allowed some people to move back on their

property and, for some, secure a FEMA trailer. With electricity and running water, busi-

nesses can reopen and progress can be made.

It continues to be difficult to bring people back where there are no jobs and fewer fish-

ing boats or to open businesses without enough workers. Lack of housing keeps people

away or leaves them with a long commute from other areas farther north. The commer-

cial and recreational fishing industries are providing opportunities for some people to

make money as they rebuild their lives. As more housing is restored and more businesses

and schools open, it will be easier for people to return. Some may not return and will

start a new life in other places. Some will return but fear the next round of hurricanes.

Every day there are small victories for those trying to recover, but it will be years before

Empire-Venice will resemble the community that was here before the storm.

It is our hope that fisheries managers use this research and understand that after a

major hurricane hits, the impacts on individual communities can vary drastically, even a

year later. The differences between communities need to be taken into account when

proposing new regulations. We do not yet know the full extent of the effects of

Hurricane Katrina on fishing communities in the Gulf of Mexico. What we do know is

that the communities of Grand Isle and Empire-Venice are heavily dependent on the

recreational and commercial fishing industries, and it is important to the livelihoods of

their members that their fisheries are restored. The caveat here is that any efforts to help

shrimpers rebuild their boats and fishing infrastructure so they can reenter the shrimp

fishery may aid in the perpetuation of the industry being overcapitalized, which will lead

to less profit for fishermen who participate in the fishery and require a need for further

restrictions on shrimp harvesting in the future.

This research suggests that further studies need to be done throughout the gulf in

communities that depend on the fishing industry. It was fortuitous that we had already

been to these two communities in 2004 before Katrina hit, so we had baseline data to


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compare to. The use of ethnographic interviews gave us an opportunity to learn first-

hand, from the individuals, how people in these communities survived the hurricane and

challenges they face in the years to come as they work toward a better future. It also gave

us a better understanding of the importance of the fishing industries and how rebuilding

commercial and recreational fishing may be key to recovery for these communities.

N O T E S

1. Palma Ingles is the anthropologist for the NMFS Southeast Regional office and has been conducting

research in the Gulf of Mexico states since 2002. Heather McIlvaine-Newsad is an associate professor of

anthropology at Western Illinois University and has been working in some of the gulf communities with

Ingles since 2004. Jane Gibson, a professor at the University of Kansas, has also worked in some of the gulf

communities with Ingles.

2. NMFS is a federal agency that operates under legislative mandates to protect, study, manage, and

restore the nation’s fishery resources. NMFS headquarters, under the NS8 program, has provided funding for

research in the Gulf of Mexico.

3. For statistical purposes, NMFS lists these three communities as Empire-Venice.

4. Generally, the Asians are from either Vietnam or Cambodia.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views

or policy of NOAA Fisheries Service.

R E F E R E N C E S C I T E D

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