Cultural Atlas of India - UNESCO ichcap

Cultural Atlas of India

Developmnet of a web-based statewide databaseon the cultural resources of India

Sample Data II: Nagaland, Orissa

Cultural Atlas of India

Intangible Cultural Heritage Centre for Asia and the Pacific

Sample D

ata II: Nagalnd, O

rissa

Sample Data II: Nagaland, Orissa

Cultural Atlas of India Development of a webbased statewide database

on the cultural resources of India

In collaboration with UNESCO New Delhi Office

Intangible Cultural Heritage Centre for Asia and the Pacific

Contents Nagaland

Performing art & oral tradition

1. Six Stones Origin of the Ao 007

2. Legendary Folklore of the Ao‐Naga 014

3. Jews Harp 021

4. The Origin of Akhegwo Village 027

5. Lotha Folktale 032

6. Shamanism in the Ritualistic Ceremonies of the Ao‐Naga against Illness 037

7. Log Drum 043

8. Ethnomedicine and Healing systems of the Ao‐Naga 050

9. String Instrument 056

10. Chang Origin and Migration 061

11. Angami Village Gate 067

12. Origin of Konyak‐ Naga Kingship 073

13. Konyak‐Naga folklore on the origin of tattoo 079

14. Migration story of the Yimchunger‐Naga 085

15. Rengma‐Naga folktales 091

16. Zeliang folktales 096

Events

1. Spring Festival of the Angami Naga 102

2. Zeliang Community Festival 107

3. Sumi Purification Festival 112

4. Winter Festival of the Zeliang 117

5. Post Harvest Festival 122

6. The Festival of the Konyak Tribe 127

7. Winter Festival of the Kuki 133

8. Community Fishing of the Lotha Naga 139

9. Post Harvest Festival of the Yichunger Naga 145

10. Spring Festival of the Ao‐Naga 150

11. Pre‐harvest Festival of the Sangtam‐Naga 156

12. Pre‐harvest Festival of the Phom 161

13. Naknyulüm 166

14. Post harvest Festival of the Rengma 172

15. Post Harvest Festival 177

16. Post Harvest Festival of the Lotha Naga 182

Craft

1. Konyak Woodcraft 188

2. Chang Bamboo Mug 196

3. Cane and Bamboo Table, Basketry and Trays 202

4. Palm Leaf Rain Coat 208

5. Chakhesang Nettle Textile 214

6. Indigo Dyeing 220

7. Loin Loom Weaving 227

8. Naga Cane and Bamboo Craft 234

9. Pottery of the Chakhesang 242

10. Pochury Pottery 250

11. Wedding Basket 258

Orissa

Performing Art & Oral Tradition

1. Dongria Kondh 267

2. Guar of Lanjia Saora 276

3. Danta Dance 281

4. Bonda Dormitory 285

Events

1. Chaiti Parab 293

2. Harvest Festival of the Saora 298

3. Festival of the Saora for ripe mangoes 301

4. Santal Festival 305

5. Baha Festival (The festival of flower) 309

6. First Fruits Celebration of the Mangoes and Ritual Hunting 314

7. Sume‐Gelirak Festival of the Bonda 319

Craft

1. Embroidered Shawl of the Dongria Kondh 323

2. Saora Wall Painting 329

3. Wall Painting of Santhal House 333

4. Ringa (Loin Cloth) 338

Built Heritage

1. Maa Majhi Ghariani 344

2. Maa Markama 352

3. Gokanneswara Temple 360

4. Paknapat 372

5. Patkhanda Mahaprabhu 380

Sample Data: Nagaland

Performing Art & Oral Tradition Events Craft

Nagaland | Performing Art & Oral Tradition | 7

Nagaland


1. Six Stones Origin of the Ao I Name

a) Name

Six stones origin of the Ao

b) Local Popular Name Long‐Trok

c) Alternative Spellings

d) Historical Name

Ungtrok

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mokokchung

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram

e) Pin code 798601

f) Historic & Geocultural Region

Explain geographical spread (as may be required):

III Summary Description The early history of the Nagas is shrouded in obscurity and many theories abound of their origin and migration. How and when they came to settle in the north‐eastern region of

8 | Sample data II

India is an unsettled question. Several traditions exist within the multi‐ethnic Naga communities on their origins. According to the oral traditions passed down through songs, folklore and word of mouth the Ao emerged from six stones at Long‐terok, which exists to this day near Chungliyimti, the first legendry settlement of the Ao. ‘Long’ meaning stone and ‘Terok’ six, refers to the six stones from which emerged three pairs of male and female progenitors whom the Ao claim to be their ancestors. The Ao is distinguished with two phratries –Chongli and Mongsen. The Chongli claim that the three males and females who emerged at Longtrok were Tongpok and his sister Lendina, Longpok with his sister Yongmenala and Longjakrep with his sister Elongshe. They were the first human beings who emerged at Longtrok. Each male member along with his sister formed the three phratries of the Chongli. Tongpok founded the Imsong‐Pongen clan, Longpok the Longkumer clan and Longjakrep with his sister founded the Jamir clan respectively. The three siblings intermarried and through these marriages, the Ao clans came into existence and a well‐ knitted clan exogamy marriage evolved that is followed to this day. The Mongsen phratry descended from the three progenitors Tsüngremchang, Longchenti, and Longmetang. At first the Mongsen and Chongli were adversaries until they reached a long co‐partnership at Chungliyimti, and together ushered in a uniform pattern of social order, organization and living after migrating from Longtrok. The socio‐cultural evolution that took place in the historical village brought about many changes. Chungliyimti was divided into two distinct sections or mepu‐ upper and lower sectors. The Mongsen group occupied the lower sector and the Chongli the upper sector. They lived side by side having a clear demarcation in village administration and maintaining separate Ariju‐morung/mate institution. Common to both the Mongsen and Chongli group was the Senden Riju‐ common morung for gathering. It is understood that all the clans lived in their respective sectors and constructed separate Arijus. As a result there were six Arijus namely; Mongsen Riju, Tsüti Riju, Jami Riju, Pongen Riju, Moli & Lemtu Riju, and Longkum Riju and the seventh which was common to all Senden Riju. The Mongsen Riju was also called “Aong Riju” whereas the Chongli Riju was called “Tongpang Riju” . To this day, the Chongli group is termed as Tongpangsanger and the Mongsen as Aongninger. At Chungliyimti, a better system evolved in the field of village administration, customary laws, beliefs and practices, war tactics, weaponry, better farming system and tools, introduction of different paddy and seeds, art and craft flourished and so on. The use of ornaments, dress and tattoo system were redefined based on clan hold and their status. The village demonstrated a republic in itself. In this era of new prosperity it facilitated the celebration of mithun sacrifice and feasting deeds by the rich to demonstrate one’s affluence and position. With this social transformation and re‐organization, it gave birth to the nucleus of the Ao ethos followed to this day, in the formation of village governance, distribution of powers, establishment of customary laws, moral code of conduct, and in every aspect of a way of life that contributed to collective pride and towards the fertility of the community. This resurgence is termed ‘Chungliyimti sümedem’ ‐bringing into order/ uniform / reconciliation at Chungliyimti. In three generations aso (one aso is thirty years) the population increased at Chungliyimti. As a result, the decision to abandon Chungliyimti was arrived at for a better settlement. Accordingly, a group went towards present day Tuensang district, another group Molunger which means ‘willing’ or ‘willingly’ settled at a ridge around present day Mokokchung. The Ao viewed a place beyond the Dikhu river clearly visible from Chungliyimti called Aonglenden, which means‐ ‘forest on the plain’, as a suitable place for a settlement. A group stayed behind and those who crossed the river by constructing a bridge of cane hence forth, came to be known as the Ao or Aor‐ ‘those who went forth’. At the new settlement Aonglenden, within a forthnight, ten male infants were born which was taken as a good omen and so they named the place Soyim which means, ‘the village of


birth’ There was much rejoicing and many new songs to commemorate Soyim was composed and sung. (In the absence of a written text the Nagas passed down their history through songs which recorded the events that was profound in their culture). One such song, passed down the generations to record this historical event and sung to this day is illustrated and translated here. Ao‐dialect:‐ O Longtrok ko poker/Bochi asem sanger/Tongpok Longpok Longjakrep nangpongi/Nütsüng meyu bena yur/Senden Riju yangerokone/ Chungliyimti ali tem pang nung/Jongpong chiten O sakuyuden ar/Lisuru, Jitakor Orung Shariruden/Menang anok tenlakone/Tzülatzüti arr langpa laaka/ Nütsung nongjen nongakone/Ao nütsüng sangeri/Soyim lima mesem‐mone/Ozü tir Imtitoba nangpong/Ngarensang tsüyu lamashi nung/Soyim yimti sangeri/Koridang yim mesem‐mone. Translation:‐ With the emergence at Longtrok, The sons of the three clans, The children of Tongpok, Longpok and Longjakrep In hundreds did multiply The Senden Riju was constructed Upon a flat land at Chungliyimti, On the steps of the mithun sacrifice The warriors did gather Against the warriors Of Lisuru, Jitakor, Orung Shariruden Was battled waged Was strung a bridge of cane o’ the river Tzüla (Dikhu) Continuous did people cross By those who had gone forth Was a village of birth founded And Imtitoba our priest People of Soyim Founded Koridang. Ngarensang the son of Imtitoba the head priest, was tragically killed by a tiger. This incident was considered a bad omen and therefore compelled the Aos to vacate the village as an act of purification, until the fresh dewdrops cleanse the village after such an incident, otherwise it would be considered not sacred. From Soyim they went to a place called Koridang which refers to ‘the place where the strap broke’. Kori is a plant from which a strap is fashioned for carry baskets. The Aos probably stayed at Koridang for 200‐300 years. The expanding population and shortage of water necessitated several groups to establish new villages such as Longkum, Kübza and Settsü. In the meantime, the purification anempong period was over and a large section of the population returned back to the place Soyim. They renamed the place as ‘Ungma’ which means ‘ priest loss’ in referring to the place where their priest was killed by a tiger. The name ‘Ungma’ was derived from that eventful incident. From here, the dispersion of many Aos took place. Some went towards areas beyond present day Ao region and others established several villages spread over in six ranges, and so Ungma also called Soyim, is credited as the father of many Ao villages today. IV – Characteristics

1. Nature (tick one or several below) Entertainment Ritual Religious / Sacred Others

10 | Sample data II

Specify your choice (s) above: Mythology 2. Characteristics

Main

Dance Song Instrument playing Theatre/Acting Story telling Narrative Ritual Puppetry Others

* Explain your choice(s) above briefly:

3. Traditional Context of Performance Ceremony Festival Public performance Lifecycle event Work / Occupational songs Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: None of above

4. Period / Date(chose one or several from below)

Seasonal Specific month / date (local calendar) Cyclical Specific month/date (Gregorian calendar) Anytime

Others

*Specify your choice(s) above:

5. Has it originally performed on a stage? Yes No Both

6. Specify if there is any location where the performance is usually taking place:

7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Paintings Scroll Mask Costume Makeup

Sub



Musical instrument Others

8. Language used (enter the name of the language, if sung, spoken or recited) Ao dialect

9. Musical / Rhythmic Terms Used

10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) Associated myth / legends / stories

Associated Epics The story of the Ao‐Naga passed down through the oral traditions narrates the origin of the Ao.

Main Characters

Associated Deities

V Performers of Tradition

1. Performers Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

Specify your choice(s) above: Ao‐Naga

2. Nature of Performance Community Group/Troupe Solo

3. Gender of performer(s)

Male Female Both Other Explain your choice(s) above

4. Other Participants (specify as appropriate) a) Patron b) Audience c) Other people closely involved in

the performance

VI – Mode of SkillTransmission

Inherited Traditional Apprenticeship

Training institute/Workshop

Others

12 | Sample data II

*Explain your choice(s) above Oral tradition ‐By word of mouth

VII– Status of Tradition

1. Is the tradition facing extinction? Yes No

*State the reasons: The younger generation in urban areas is veering away from traditions and ignorant of their heritage, which is a risk factor. However, oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but can languished if not documented as the younger lot aspire for opportunities to migrate to urban areas.

2. Availability of Support

Central Government State Government NGO Community Other

*Specify your choices above:

VIII– Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15) Longtrok‐six stones Chungliyimti origin of the Ao‐Naga

2. Photos Image upload

Captions

Acknowledgement File Name

Copyright

1

3. Audiovisual Recording Image upload

Captions Acknowledgement File Name

Copyright

1 IX – Information Source

1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1

2. Publication

Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1 N. Talitemjen Jamir & Prof. A. Lanunungsang

Naga Society and Culture

Nagaland UniversityTribal Research Centre Dept. of Sociology

Nagaland 2005


LumamiNagaland

3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1

4. Other Sources (specify)

5. Data gathered by: Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 31st July 2009

14 | Sample data II

2. Legendary Folklore of the Ao‐Naga

I Name

a) Name

Legendary folklore of the Ao‐Naga

b) Local Popular Name Chena and Etiben


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


e) Pin code 798601



III Summary Description This is a popular legendary love story of the Ao Naga which has been passed down through oral traditions. The story is deeply imbedded in Ao folklore and assumes mythological proportions alluding to several natural sites and stone formations, scattered around the Ao region that is enshrined to the ill fated lovers. The impression of footprints, bed and chair formed in the rocks is believed to be Chena and Etiben at Long Rangpa (bridge of stone) in Longkum village.

There once lived at Mupongchuket village, a Chongli youth called Chenasangba and a Mongsen girl called Etiben. Chongli and Mongsen are the two main linguistic groups of the Ao‐Naga. They fell in love but Etiben’s parents forbade their marriage, for Chenasangba was very poor. Chena used to sit on the platform of the morung and watch Etiben go down to the fields every morning with the other girls. Every day she would give him a signal by putting her hand over her shoulder to steady her carry basket on her back. If she touched it with two fingers, he knew that her parents were going down to the fields that day and


that she would be monitored. On those days he would stay back in the village thinking and yearning for her. If on the day she steadied the basket with one finger, it meant that she would be alone. He would follow her and they would wander off into the jungle. All over the hills they roamed through many a hill and ridge.

On the top of the cliff near Chongliyimsen village, they would sit while Chenasangba played the flute. The water filled holes in the rock where they dipped and freshened the flowers for adorning their ears can still be seen. The lovers were greatly dishearten at the thought that they could never marry that they wanted to end their lives. But even this consolation was denied to them, for unknowingly they wore such potent herbs in their ears that the evil spirits could not touch them. One day they came to a tree with a wonderfully sweet fruit which they plucked and ate. But that day she had not put the protective herbs in her ears and within a few days she was lying very ill in her parents house.

Chenasangba felt he would die if he did not have some communication with his beloved. So he got under the house and made a hole through the floor between her bed and the wall. He was able to hand up fruits and berries for her to eat. Her parents suspected that she was getting food from the outside but could obtain no proof. They determined to keep watch. Her father sat by the fire all night with a bamboo torch ready in the embers of the fireplace. When he heard his daughter eating he quickly blew the torch into a glowing flame and looked down the floor. Sure enough he saw a hand and arm disappearing through the floor, and on the wrist a gauntlet which he recognized as Chena’s. Tired of her suitor’s persistence, he determined to settle the matter and married her off as soon as she was well to Tinyur of Sungratsu village. Etiben protested, but in vain, and the marriage was arranged. On the day it was to take place Etiben slipped and fell in the village street. She layed there on the ground and no one could pick her up. One man after the other tried, till at last Chenasangba came and easily lifted her up in his arms. However, there was no question of stopping her marriage to Tinyur and the union took place.

As time went by, tragedy struck Etiben who fell sick and died. Etiben’s father, Tinyur and Chenasangba went into the jungle to get wood with which to smoke the corpse. They came upon the tree under which Etiben and Chena had eaten its fruit and found it was dead. The three of them felled it and divided it into three pieces to carry home. Chenasangba carried the thickest piece and when Etiben’s father saw his strength, he bitterly regretted that he had not given his daughter Etiben to him in marriage.

Six days later, Chenasangba died of a broken heart, and his parents, according to custom, smoked his body in the outer room of the house. Then they all beheld a wonderous thing; the smoke of the fires of Etiben and Chenasangba rose up and joined in the sky. With this, everyone knew they were true lovers, and when the time came their parents laid the two corpses side by side on the same platform. Some evil minded person placed a blade of thatch grass between the two bodies. That night Etiben appeared to her father in a dream and told him that there was a great tree lying between her and her lover so that they could not meet. Her father made a search and found and removed the blade of thatch. Again someone laid a hollow bamboo full of water between the bodies. As before, Etiben came to her father in a dream, and this time told him that there was a wide river separating her from Chenasangba. He found the bamboo and took it away, and henceforth she never appeared in a dream again. Thereafter, everybody knew that the lovers were at last united and happy.

16 | Sample data II

IV – Characteristics


Specify your choice (s) above: Legendary folklore

2. Characteristics

Main




*Specify your choice(s) above: N/A


Seasonal Specific month / date (local calendar) Cyclical Specific month/date (Gregorian calendar) Anytime Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: N/A

5. Has it originally performed on a stage?

Yes No Both


Sub



7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Paintings Scroll Mask Costume Makeup Musical instrument Others

8. Language used (enter the name of the language, if sung, spoken or recited)

Ao‐Naga dialect


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) Associated myth / legends / stories X

Associated Epics

Main Characters Chena and Etiben

Associated Deities




2. Nature of Performance

Community Group/Troupe Solo

3. Gender of performer(s) Male Female Both Other

Explain your choice(s) above N/A

18 | Sample data II

4. Other Participants (specify as appropriate) a) Patron

b) Audience

c) Other people closely involved in the performance




Others

*Explain your choice(s) above Oral transmission; by word of mouth VII– Status of Tradition


*State the reasons: The younger generation express no interest in folktales and is slowly veering away from traditions. Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but can languished if not documented.





1. Key words (up to 15) Chena and Etiben Ao Naga folk tale


2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 1

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 The resting place used by Chena and Etiben during their elopement at Longkum village.

2 Figure 2 Eroded rock impression believed to be the footprints of Chena at Longkum.

20 | Sample data II


Captions


Copyright

1 IX – Information Source

1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1



5. Data gathered by: Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 25th July 2009


3. Jews Harp I Name

a) Name

Jews harp

b) Local Popular Name Ao‐tebang kongki, Angami‐thekou, Sumi‐aheu, Zeliang‐kigong, Lotha‐pyinggohu/khuking, Rengma‐atingo/ken, Konyak‐kongki, Chang‐kongkin, Khiamnuingan‐ko‐kiang, Phom‐phipe, Yimchunger & Sangtam‐khongbi


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mokokchung, Kohima, Peren, Tuensang, Wokha, Phek, Longleng, Mon, Kiphire Zunheboto

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/ Gram

e) Pin code



III Summary Description The Jew’s Harp is one of the oldest traditional musical instrument played by the Nagas. Almost all the tribes play this instrument and each tribe call it a different name in their dialect. Ao – tebang kongki (mouth organ) Angami – thekou Sumi – aheu Rengma – atingo or ken Lotha – pyinggkhu or khuking

22 | Sample data II

Konyak – kongkiChang ‐ kongkhin Khiamngan – ko‐kiang Phoms – phipe Sangtam – khongbi Yimchunger – khongbi Zeliang – kigong The Chakhesangs have been playing this instrument since time immemorial, and for the Konyaks and Khiamniungans it is their favourite instrument. It is played by both males and females among the Changs and Phoms, and is an important event during the Chang festival of Naknyulem where it is played by the womenfolk. It is a very simple instrument made of bamboo, requiring only simple sharp tools, and does not require much effort and skills to make it. It does however produce a very melodious and enchanting sound which is played by couples during courtship, and that too during the midnight hours when the sound is carried distinctly, earning the name ‘midnight musical instrument’. It is simple to play and does not require any formal training. It is 6 inches in length and half inch in width and made from a particular species of bamboo called ‘ani’ by the Ao‐Naga. At both ends, an inch of the bamboo is left for holding the instrument, and one end is tapered like a nail head where a string of approx eight inches is attatched. From this end, a tapering needle like centre portion is cut out using a sharp knife. This end is detached from the body of the instrument, allowing it to vibrate freely when it is struck with the fingers. The other end which is attached to the central portion is known as the ‘tongue’. It is this end which is put in the mouth and the free end is struck causing it to resonate from the vibrations within the cavity of the mouth, producing the twanging sound. Expert players can produce four different notes by coordinating the movement of the fingers, tugging the string, manipulating the lips and tongue, and exercising breathing techniques. During the Chang post harvest festival of Naknylum, the celebration is defined with the playing of the jews harp by groups of womenfolk and the various beats and sounds of the instrument fills the air. IV – Characteristics


Specify your choice (s) above: Social

2. Characteristics

Main


Sub





*Specify your choice(s) above: Played by the womenfolk during the Chang Naga festival of Naknyulum



Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: Played by the womenfolk during the Chang Naga festival of Naknyulum.


Yes No Both

6. Specify if there is any location where the performance is usually taking place: Performed on stage during festivals and cultural programmes

7. Associated Elements (tick and specify)

Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument Jews harp Others N/A

8. Language used (enter the name of the language, if sung, spoken or recited) N/A


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) Associated myth / legends / stories N/A

24 | Sample data II

Associated Epics N/A

Main Characters N/A

Associated Deities N/A



Specify your choice(s) above: Ao, Angami, Chakhesang, Sumi, Lotha, Rengma, Phom, Konyak, Zeliang, Sangtam, Yimchunger, Khiamniungan, Chang.




4. Other Participants (specify as appropriate) a) Patron N/A

b) Audience N/A

c) Other people closely involved in the performance

N/A




Others

*Explain your choice(s) above Self taught no formal training required




*State the reasons: The younger generation is interested in playing the guitar and other western instruments. The resurgence of celebrating festivals is creating awareness of the instrument and keeping the traditional alive.



*Specify your choices above: Community sponsored programmes like festivals, provides the platform for staging performances. Documentation was made by the North‐East Zone Cultural Centre (NEZCC), Dimapur.


1. Key words (up to 15) Jews Harp Naga mouth organ

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Image upload

Captions

Acknowledgement

File Name

Copyright

1 Figure 1 Chang women play the Jew’s harp

Moa Yaden

2 Figure 2 The jews harp Moa Yaden


Captions


Copyright

1

26 | Sample data II

IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 Kajen Mongro Naga Cultural Attires and Musical

Instruments 1999

3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 25th July 2009


4. The Origin of Akhegwo Village I Name

a) Name

The origin of Akhegwo Village

b) Local Popular Name Akhegwo

c) Alternative Spellings Akhagho

d) Historical Name

Akhagho

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Phek

c) Teshil Meluri


Akhegwo

e) Pin code 797114


Explain geographical spread (as may be required): III Summary Description The land of the Pochury tribe, share international boundary with Myanmar and comprises of five ranges, viz; Phokhungri, Phoyisha, Kamaleah, Meluri and Apoksha range. There are four recognized villages in the Apoksha range, whereby the inhabitants share a common dialect, culture, origin and migration folklore different from the rest of the Pochury group. According to the most prominent legend passed through the oral traditions, the Akhegwo people appeared from a hole in the ground called “Montsükhokchu” which means ’ a place where skulls are kept”. The story goes that when the Akhegwo people lined up in a long queue to come out of the hole, seeing the long human line one man thought to himself that if all the people were to come out, there would be no place to live on earth, So he forcibly closed the hole with a big flat stone which to this day is still intact. The legend goes on to say that if anyone should remove the stone, the world will be swarmed over by humans. The stone called ’Müngalo” meaning ‘Blessed Stone’ is no ordinary stone. The historical name of Akhegwo is Akhagho, which means, ‘people of the earth’ as they came out from

28 | Sample data II

the hole in the ground. Akhegwo was termed by the British administrators for their convenience of understanding. The Department of Art and Culture, Government of Nagaland has brought the site under their protection and preservation.



Specify your choice (s) above:

2. Characteristics

Main



3. Traditional Context of Performance

Ceremony Festival Public performance Lifecycle event Work / Occupational songs Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: Death and other lifecycle occasion




Sub






Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others N/A


Akhegwo dialect


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) Associated myth / legends / stories X Associated Epics N/A Main Characters N/A Associated Deities N/A



Specify your choice(s) above: Pochury Naga



Explain your choice(s) above N/A

30 | Sample data II


b) Audience N/A

c) Other people closely involved in the performance N/A




Others

*Explain your choice(s) above By word of mouth



*State the reasons: The younger generation in urban areas is slowly veering away from traditions, which constitutes a risk factor for this tale. Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but can languished if not documented.



*Specify your choices above: The Dept. of Art & Culture Nagaland, is preserving the site related to the folk tale.


1. Key words (up to 15) Legend of Akhegwo


Captions

Acknowledgement File Name Copyright

1


Captions


1


IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Nguvisie Nyusou Research Assistance,

District Cultural Office Phek‐797

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:


32 | Sample data II

5. Lotha Folktale I Name

a) Name

Lotha folktale

b) Local Popular Name Ramphan


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Wokha

c) Teshil


e) Pin code 797111



III Summary Description Ramphan is a hero in Lotha folklore. The tale of Ramphan and his dao(machete) is legendary. His dao was a long thin piece of iron about two feet long and three inches broad. The spike of the haft was long and protruded through the wooden haft. This is told by the present keepers of the dao, which is kept under the custody of the Tsopoe clan in Akuk village and passed down from generation to generation. According to a story during the Lotha migration, while staying at the legendary settlement below Mount Tiyi at Tiyi Longchum, a tiger killed a group of nine women. Among them was Ramphan’s wife. At this disaster, the villagers clamoured to abandon the village, but the brave Ramphan volunteered to face the tiger and vowed to slay it. He first put on each of his fingers a section of thin bamboo. Then he took his long dao, and laid down among the corpses of the nine women, waiting for the tiger. Soon after, the tiger appeared and went to each corpse, after eating a little of the flesh laid it on one side and started recollecting the circumstances where he had made the kill for each of the victims. When he came to Ramphan, he could not recollect how he had made the kill, so he picked up Ramphan, and laying him aside, settled down to sleep. Ramphan snapped off the bamboo


sticks one by one to see if the tiger was asleep. But every time the tiger pricked up his ears, until at last by the time the last bamboo snapped, the tiger was finally asleep. This was the signal that Ramphan had waited for. With great speed he rose up and cut off the tiger’s head with his long dao. He climbed the top of a high peak and gave a warrior’s clarion call, saying that he had slain the tiger and had taken its head, and informing the villagers not to desert the village. However, when he reached the village he found it abandoned, so he started following a trail of rice husks, left by the villagers. He soon caught up with a woman on the trail who was a leper. Her name was Mongtsulo, who told Ramphan that she had met a venomous snake who said, “snake plant, snake plant” as it slid over her legs. Ramphan told her to crush the leaves of the snake plant and apply them on her legs. When she did so, her leprosy was miraculously cured. Ramphan took her as his wife and for many years the family members of Mongtsulo did not know her whereabouts until one day, when Mongtsulo was weaving outside her house, some children came nearby to spin their tops. Among them were Mongtsulo’s brothers, who recognized her. They went back home and told the parents about what they had seen. After the initial skepticism, the parents finally went to see for themselves, and found out that it was indeed, Mongtsulo. They then demanded her dowry from Ramphan, who replied that first they should give the marriage feast, then he would pay the price. Thereafter the father asked only for a bamboo spoon, and a bamboo rice stirrer. Ramphan readily made these items and gave them to the father. Because of this, Ramphan and Mongtsulo only had one son and one daughter born to them. The story of Rampan is a popular Lotha folktale and narrates the migration and dispersion of the Lotha to different villages from the legendary village of Tiyi Longchum at the base of Mount Tiyi.



Specify your choice (s) above: Social

2. Characteristics

Main



Sub


34 | Sample data II


*Specify your choice(s) above: Private





Yes No Both


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others N/A


Lotha‐Naga


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) a) Associated myth / legends / stories Tale of Ramphan

b) Associated Epics

c) Main Characters Ramphan

d) Associated Deities




Specify your choice(s) above: Lotha Naga



Male Female Both Other Explain your choice(s) above N/A

4. Other Participants (specify as appropriate) a) Patron N/Ab) Audience N/Ac) Other people closely involved in the performance N/A




Others




*State the reasons: The younger generation in urban areas are veering away from traditions. Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but can languished if not documented.

2. Availability of Support Central Government State Government NGO Community Other

36 | Sample data II

*Specify your choices above: N/A


1. Key words (up to 15) Ramphan, Lotha legendary

hero


Captions


1


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 R. Elithung Lotha 43, Lotha Colony 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 Lilanthung Lotha Our Lotha Naga Lilanthung Lotha 1993 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:



6. Shamanism in the Ritualistic Ceremonies of the Ao‐Naga against Illness

I Name

a) Name

Shamanism in the Ritualistic Ceremonies of the Ao‐Naga Against Illness

b) Local Popular Name Rachenlar / Arasentsur / Sangmongpi


d) Historical Name

Rachenlar / Arasentsur / Sangmongpi

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


All Ao villages

e) Pin code 798601



III Summary Description In the traditional past, the Ao believed that every sickness was the devil’s doing. Hence when a person fell ill, the Rachenlar/Arasentsur/Sangmongpi or the village soothsayer or diviner had to be consulted, and according to the prescription of the Arasesntsur, sacrifices of pigs, fowls, dogs, eggs, cows and cows had to be made. This often led to extreme poverty among the people. In the case of serious illness, the desperate family members would even have to sell off land and other properties to meet the expenses of the ritualistic ceremonies. It is often said that the primordial religious practices were more expensive than after the coming of Christianity. The gravity of various ailments were categorized, and according to the direction of the medicine man, the sacrifices were made. The following are the ceremonies/rituals that had to be performed corresponding to the seriousness of the illness. 1. Rakhi: When a person suffers from a protracted illness, it was often said that the soul of

38 | Sample data II

the patient was captured or influenced by devils from a different place called Rakijar. The victim had to make repeated offerings of eggs, roosters and pigs to the extent that he would be rendered a pauper, and was considered the most expensive of sacrifices. These offerings were made by the family priest until the victim was cured of the illness. 2. The red rooster sacrifice: Just as the lamb is considered the most significant sacrificial animal by the ancient Jews, a spotless rooster with red plumes was considered the ultimate sacrifice by the Ao. Thus as a last effort when all other means of sacrifices have been exhausted in vain for the severe illness, the red rooster sacrifice is performed. The family priest and his assistant will go to the spot from where it was suspected that the victim contacted the disease/illness. There on the spot they will sacrifice a red rooster and set another similar one free as a ransom payment for the victim. If the rooster runs away immediately the sickness will be cured, but if the rooster returns to the spot before the priests leave then it is considered to be a bad omen, for the patient will soon die. 3.Kitsüng yha: Evil spirits called kini/kimong tsungrem were present in every household and the area surrounding the house. These spirits were responsible for minor disorders like stomach pain, diarrhea, and indigestion. A sacrifice by releasing a rooster or hen in the jungle had to be performed to be cured of these illness. Kitsüng yha comprised of two types, kidong kitsüng yha and kimen kitsüng yha, and different sacrifices had to be made accordingly. The kidong kitsüng yha extended to the entire clan members, and a pig had to be slaughtered for the ceremony, and the meat distributed to every clan member. In the kimen kitsüng yha, ceremony, it was a house hold practice, and the house had to be re dedicated. 4. Temheja: When a child suffered a prolonged illness, it was known as Poktasems. This illness was believed to be brought on by the mother when she was carrying the child because she may have been afflicted by the disease when she inadvertently stamped or sat on an evil stone. The family priest assisted by his wife sacrifices a pig and the meat distributed among the relatives. On the same day, as directed by the diviner, a rooster is released from the spot as ransom paid for the suffering child. 5. Amho: Sudden faints, acute pain, headaches, or body aches were caused when an evil eye is cast on the victim by a person suspected to possess the power of the evil eye. A special ceremony had to be performed, wherein, if the suspected evil person’s name is known, his/her name is pronounced and a piece of earth brought from the suspects house site is applied on the victims affected area. In some cases, a plant called jangjangwa is also applied 6. Tuphet: It was believed that a deity used to reside in front of the house which was responsible for illness such as general weakness, loss of energy and appetite. As a cure from such ailments, a rooster had to be sacrificed in front of the house to the deity, near the public thoroughfare.



Specify your choice (s) above: Private


2. Characteristics

Main



3. Traditional Context of Performance

Ceremony Festival Public performance

Lifecycle event Work / Occupational songs Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: In the event of ailment





Yes No Both



Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A

Sub


40 | Sample data II

Musical instrument N/A Others Animal, rooster sacrifices


Mongsen and Chongli dialect of the Ao‐Naga


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) a) Associated myth / legends / stories

b) Associated Epics

c) Main Characters

d) Associated Deities



Specify your choice(s) above: Ao‐ Naga



Male Female Both Other Explain your choice(s) above N/A





Others


*Explain your choice(s) above



*State the reasons: Conversion to Christianity. But the belief in evil spirits persists even though the primordial rituals are no longer followed to appease the deities. Christian prayers are recited to drive away the devil.


*Specify your choices above: N/A


1. Key words (up to 15) Ritual Ceremony Illness Ao Naga


Captions


Copyright

1


Captions


Copyright

1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 R N.Talitemjen Jamir Kumlong Ward, Mokokchung – 798601,

Nagaland 2 A. Lanunungsang Kumlong Ward, Mokokchung – 798601,

Nagaland

42 | Sample data II

2. Publication Author (s)

Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 R N.Talitemjen Jamir & A. Lanunungsang

Naga Society and Culture (A Case Study of the Ao Naga Society and Culture)

Nagaland University, Tribal Research Centre, Dept. Sociology, Lumami, Ngaland

2005




7. Log Drum I Name

a) Name

Log drum

b) Local Popular Name Sungkong, Shum,Phean,Tongsen, Singkong, Thongh, Ghum


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mokokchung, Tuensang, Kiphire, Longleng, Mon

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram Villages covering the districts as mentioned above

e) Pin code



III Summary Description One of the most striking specimens of the Ao‐Naga handiwork and the other eastern Naga tribes of the Konyak, Chang, Phom, Sangtam, Yimchunger and the Khiamnuingan are their huge wooden log drums, which held a place of pride in the village and was venerated as a village deity in the primordial past. According to a popular belief, it is said that the Nagas in the course of migration crossed the seas and rivers by boats and rafts until they reached their present day locations through Myanmar. To commemorate the passage, the log drum‐ the metaphor of the boat, was crafted and kept in the village as a source of symbolic pride and fertility of the village. It is said that out of curiosity, while hitting and beating on it with stones and sticks it resonated with a loud sound and thereafter, became an intrinsic symbol of unity and object serving various purposes. Extraordinary skill and labour is required to make a log drum which is laboriously hollowed out from a single tree trunk sometimes as much as 36ft in length to 14ft in circumference. One end is carved to represent what is

44 | Sample data II

undoubtedly shaped to a figurehead with a human face leaving a long and narrow slit on the top, running down the whole length of the drum on the other end of which is shaped to resemble a tail. The log drums of some eastern Naga tribes like the Yimchunger, have no slit on the top but are open on both sides tapering into tail like ends on the upper undersides. The sides of the log drum are left smooth bereft of any adornment. The Ao‐Naga believed that crafting a new log drum ushered and contributed to the fertility of the village and therefore, awarded honour and pride. When a new village was founded, crafting a new log drum thus assumed great importance and recognized as a fertility emblem. Designed by senior members of the Morung it was common property of the village or khel sector and kept in a central spot. At the time of making a new log drum a series of rituals and ceremonies alongside rigid taboos were observed and heeded to. All those working on the log drum would stay in the jungle until the task was completed, sometimes over a period of 30‐40 days. The village shaman or oracle was consulted and following his or her directions, the place and tree selected and brought down in the jungle. The first step is the selection of a good tree with the appropriate length and girth. The trunk of the tree i.e. the log drum is divided into three parts, the head, body and tail. Then expert wood artisans would engage in designing the head portion, shaped to resemble that of a boat’s bow with a human face carved as in the figurehead of a boat. All the blacksmithy work for repairing and supply of daos (machete), axes, etc are carried out by a special task force. The body of the log drum is laboriously hollowed out through a long narrow slit about a foot and a half wide, running the length of the trunk to achieve a clear and loud booming sound. All the male members of the village or sector khel crafting the log drum work on it, the womenfolk prepare the food and drink for the men engaged in the work while young male members supply the food and drink to the workers. This division of work is maintained until the log drum is completed. The last step involves the painting of the head. For this purpose two colours black derived from wood charcoal and red from the blood of a pig and rooster are used. On completion, a straight route is cut for pulling the log drum which is ceremoniously tied with strong creepers and thick vines from head to tail and pulled to the village on strong wooden rollers. On an appointed day with great feasting, singing and rituals the drum is pulled to the village. The drum pulling event is one of the greatest ceremonies. Both men and women wear their finest attires and as the male members pull the log drum, the women sing, dance and shout in unison to the encouragement of the elderly lot on the sidelines. A Tir Commander, performs the rites and pours rice wine on the log drum so that it should glide quickly on its journey and to protect and prevent anybody from injury. Sometimes a noted village hero would stand balancing on top of the head until it reached the village where it would be placed outside the morung and roofed over to protect it from the weather. To give greater resonance the drum is raised on a framework of wooden beams and the sound can be heard from a long distance. The log drum was considered as closest to an idol than anything else for the Ao and played a very significant role. In times of drought offerings were sometimes made to it and enemy heads were placed on it in veneration to the deity. In the past, any stranger whether friend or foe, who happened to come into the village on the day a new log drum was dragged in would be killed and his head placed on the drum as an act of initiation, or else, the blood of the animals slaughtered for the feasting would be smeared on it to appease the deity with an invocation. In beating the drum, the young male members and boys of the morung line up along it. One person gives the time with two levers which he raises and allows to fall on to the drum, while the others drum and beat with large wooden dumb bells which they strike on the edge of the slit. There is a variety of difference in the style of beating the drum and producing sounds. Each rhythmic arrangement on the drum sends out different meanings or messages and may differ from village to village in order that secrecy could be passed on without difficulty and understood only by the receivers. In the past, the log drums were used in war to announce the approach of an enemy and his


retreat. When warriors return home with their enemy trophies the message was victoriously proclaimed by beating the drum with a significant beat. During lunar and solar eclipses the log drum was beaten as it held much awe with premonitions of doom while people prayed for the sun/moon to return again. The log drum was used to announce the death of a head taker, morung member and at the death of a rich man. Today, it functions as a beacon to give a clarion call for a public meeting and when fire breaks out in the village. It is also used when a tiger or wild boar is hunted down in a community hunt. Festivals are occasions when the drum is beaten in celebration. Nowadays only a few villages have log drums. It continues to be used to raise an alarm when fire breaks out, during festivals and to welcome dignitaries to the village. Among Eastern Naga tribes and the Konyaks, the log drum continues to be beaten in the passing away of noted community members of status and in the death of an Angh‐ Konyak king. Conversion to Christianity has brought about a sea of change and the log drum long associated with a past that venerated it to a deity, no longer finds relevance in the context to Naga Christianization. Today, the log drum stands in Naga villages as a mere symbol of a bygone past shone of all its primordial glory‐ a souvenir from the past. IV – Characteristics


Specify your choice (s) above: Social , Socio‐cultural significance and community pride

2. Characteristics

Main


* Explain your choice(s) above briefly: The beating of the log drum functions as a beacon when the village is under attack, during natural calamities, fire, public notices, on the return after a successful battle, festivals and at the death of chieftains and men of status in the village.

3. Traditional Context of Performance Ceremony Festival Public performance Lifecycle event Work / Occupational songs

Others

Sub


46 | Sample data II

*Specify your choice(s) above: Death. The log drum is beaten to give clarion call for public meetings, a warning signal during enemy attack and fire, passing information to the village dwellers while in the fields to alert them in the event of perceived danger with specific beating sounds sending different messages understood only by them. Each village has its own set of coded messages which are closely guarded community secrets.




The log drum is beaten as and when the occasion demands and arises


Yes No Both

6. Specify if there is any location where the performance is usually taking place: The log drum occupies a central and vantage space in the village which is outside the Morung ‐the male institution.


Paintings N/A

Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument Log drum Others



10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) a) Associated myth / legends

/ stories b) Associated Epics

c) Main Characters

d) Associated Deities The log drum was venerated as a village deity by the Ao Naga and other Naga tribes.




Specify your choice(s) above: Ao, Konyak, Chang, Khiamnuingan, Yimchunger, Sangtam, and Phom Naga








Others

*Explain your choice(s) above The crafting of a log drum is a collective community effort. At the time of crafting a log drum, the skills of the community is collectively exemplified



*State the reasons: The advent of Christianity prohibited the practices around the log drum. A cultural resurgence is slowly bringing back the relevance of the log drum as an intangible cultural heritage of the Naga ethos and its importance in cultural tourism initiatives.

48 | Sample data II


*Specify your choices above: Conservation effort for cultural related and tourism initiatives by state government and resurgence of community pride.


1. Key words (up to 15) Naga Log drum

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2 Figure 3


Image upload


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Log Drum A. Chuba Yanger

2 Figure 2 Hollowed underside of the Yimchunger Naga log drum

A. Chuba Yanger

3 Figure 3 Yimchunger Naga beating the log drum

A. Chuba Yanger

3. Audiovisual Recording

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 R N.Talitemjen Jamir Kumlong Ward, Mokokchung –

798601, Nagaland 2 A. Lanunungsang Kumlong Ward, Mokokchung –

798601, Nagaland 2. Publication Author (s)

Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 N. Talitemjen Jamir & Prof. A. Lanunungsang

Naga Society and Culture (A Case Study of the Ao Naga Society and Culture)

Nagaland University, Tribal Research Centre, Dept. Sociology, Lumami, Nagaland

2005



50 | Sample data II

8. Ethnomedicine and Healing Systems of the Ao‐Naga

I Name

a) Name

Ethnomedicine and healing systems of the Ao‐Naga

b) Local Popular Name Tashitak / Anguba / Shirangba / Temang mannem


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


Ao‐Naga villages

e) Pin code 798601



III Summary Description ETHNOMEDICINE AMONG THE AO‐NAGASIn the ethnomedicinal terminology of the Ao Nagas, “diseases” or “illness” are termed as Tashitak or Anguba or Temang mannem. Although Tashitak literary means pain, it is also uesd to denote a “disease” and this term is used when a person has infection or is infected with a disease. Anguba is used for denoting pain in the body; this term can also be used to signify the pain caused by the disease. For example, Tukhu tashitak means asthma/chest disease and the term Tukhu tashitaki anguba means the pain caused by the chest disease. Shirangba(sickness) and temang (body) mannem (not well) are two general terms which are used for denoting any kind of sickness.For example, Tukhu tashitaki shirangba means sickness caused by the chest disease while Tukhu tashitaki temang mannem


would mean not feeling well because of chest disease.Like many other tribes, the Ao ethnomedical system too has it’s own classifications of disease etiology. From data collected it shows that the Aos are aware of a large number of diseases and their causes. The various diseases listed are as follows. 1. Natural Causes 2. Supernatural causes 3. Social causes 4. Modern causes 5. Multiple/Mixed causes.

Natural causes Diseases / illness caused by hot and cold elements, dietary imbalance, inclement weather. The most frequent diseases believed to be caused by physical or natural factors are common cold Yimrah, cough Aketrah, diarrhea Poksen, fracture Teret raksaba, malaria Ramen, scabies Anakrah etc. Supernatural causes The traditional beliefs or systems show that many of the diseases and illness are caused due to different supernatural powers. The supernatural causes of an illness or disease among the Aos are categorized as follows 1. Evil spirit 2. Evil eye 3.Wrath of ancestral spirit 4. Wrath of God

The Ao believe that if a person dies an untimely death, the spirit of the dead person looms around the earth unwilling to go to the realm of death. It is believed that the spirit of the dead person causes illness and trouble other living beings and usually an unlucky or a weak person becomes the victim of the spirit. The victim shivers, sweats murmurs and utters words which cannot be understood. Such cases are treated by the family pastor or by socio‐religious persons who perform rituals to drive the spirit out. The villagers attribute other illness like diarrhea, stomach pain, indigestion or stomach upsets due to the evil spirits who reside in the house and around known as Kini Tsungrem, protector of the family from dangers and illness. If this diety is not appeased, then it can bring illness upon the house. When such illness occurs in the household, a hen or a rooster is released in the jungle as a ransom for the victim. The ‘evil eye’ is primarily a belief that a person can inflict harm by just looking at the other person or properties. The Ao believe that some people have the power to cause them harm by just looking at them, uttering some words or striking the person with some objects. It is believed that acute pain in some part or the entire body, sudden faint or unexplainable sickness is caused by the evil eye. The evil eye or Amho as it is known in Ao, is believed to be cast mostly by womenfolk or barren women on other fertile women and their children due to the inability to bear children of their own. Such persons are barred from attending any social functions or rituals of the village. A child who was cast with the evil eye was cured when the father pinched some mud from an old lady’s house who was suspected to possess the power of the evil eye. He uttered the words Aoar putet (caught the thief) and rubbed the mud on his son’s stomach as directed by an old lady of the village. His son was cure of the illness after a day. The Ao believe that when a close family member dies, the spirit of the dead person visits his/her near and dear ones to take them away to the abode of death, as the spirit cannot leave the earth due to loneliness. When such an illness is struck by the wrath of the Ancestral Spirits, the first step is to identify the spirit who is troubling the patient. One of the elderly members of the family therefore makes balls of steamed rice and names each ball after a dead person who was close to the patient without letting the patient know, five in the case of a female patient, and six if male. The patient is then allowed to eat one ball. In doing so the elderly person comes to know whose spirit is troubling the person and accordingly remedial measure are initiated. The patient is not allowed to eat or take any food from others or outside for three days. A small family gathering is observed in the name of the dead person who is troubling the patient, which is like biding farewell to the spirit. After observing this ritual the patient comes back to his normal self.

52 | Sample data II

Another practice to ward off the ancestral spirit is to place a cup of water on the bedside, facing the head direction. The patient then speaks to the spirit saying that there is a big ocean dividing them, and hence the spirit should stay on his side. Among the Aos there are three types of traditional Ethnomedical specialists. 1. Liok lirar (bone setters) 2. Nusu Yarer(Midwifes) 3. Mozu amshir/yanglur (Herbalists) The Liok Lirars are mostly practiced by the men folk. They are experts in setting dislocated bones and have a sound knowledge of the body parts like veins, nerves and bones. They also cure joint pains, fractures, swellings and internal dislocations. Bonesetters massage with their bare hands or take the assistance of the patients relatives in some delicate cases. They are also noted healers or diviners as their specialization is inherited or spiritually gifted. At times they use traditional medicines and oils for treating the patients. The mozu amshir/yanglur specialists have a vast and in‐depth knowledge of the plants and herbs. They know about preparation and administration of herbal medicine from various parts of the plants and herbs like the roots, stems, leaves, flowers fruits, seeds,, tubers, etc. There is no particular time for preparation of the herbal medicines, as the specialist upon examination of the patient will prepare the medicine from the plants and herbs. No rituals are performed in the village while preparing the medicines. However, a herbalist normally will not venture into the forest in search of the plants and herbs because of the fear of the spirits that guard the trees. Besides herbal medicines, extracts from different animals are also utilized as medicines for treating a patient. The knowledge of the herbalist is usually kept as a secret, and the Ao herbalist knowledge is hereditary or acquired through some divine sources. Some may also learn the secrets of plant healing through books and self interest.



Specify your choice (s) above: Traditional healing system

2. Characteristics

Main



Sub



3. Traditional Context of Performance Ceremony Festival Public performance Lifecycle event Work / Occupational songs

Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: As and when required and during ailment



*Specify your choice(s) above: As and when required and during ailment


Yes No Both



Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others


Chongli and Mongsen dialects of the Ao‐Naga.


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) a) Associated myth / legends / stories b) Associated Epics c) Main Characters d) Associated Deities

54 | Sample data II



Specify your choice(s) above: Ao Naga








Others

*Explain your choice(s) above VII– Status of Tradition


*State the reasons: a. Veering away from traditional medicines due to allopathic medications and other alternatives. b. People continue to place their faith and therefore patronize traditional bonesetters in the event of sprains, factures and broken bones.






1. Key words (up to 15) Ethno‐medicines traditional healing

system Ao‐Naga


Captions


1


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Dr. Talimenla Tetso

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 Ethnomedicine of the Ao

Nagas Nagaland Heritage Publishing House,

Dimapur‐797112, Nagaland

2008



56 | Sample data II

9. String Instrument I Name

a) Name

String Instrument

b) Local Popular Name Tati


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Kohima, Phek

c) Teshil


Angami and Chakhesang villages

e) Pin code Kohima‐797001, Phek‐797108


Explain geographical spread (as may be required): III Summary Description Tati –stringed instrument Tati is a simple stringed instrument of the Angami and Chakhesang Nagas. It has a single string made of strong thread fixed on a frame made of a bamboo stick about 1.5 metres. A dried gourd mug is fitted at the upper end of a bamboo pipe. The string is tied to both ends and played with two fingers of both hands. The instrument is played as an accompaniment while singing songs. IV – Characteristics



Specify your choice (s) above: Traditional healing system

2. Characteristics

Main







*Specify your choice(s) above It is played at any time in tune with a song as an accompaniment


Yes No Both

6. Specify if there is any location where the performance is usually taking place: In public gatherings, festivals and any non working days, visiting of girls, in traditional male institutes


Paintings N/A Scroll N/A

Sub


58 | Sample data II

Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument Tati is the indigenous stringed instrument used by the

Angami and Chakhesang Nagas Others


Chongli and Mongsen dialects of the Ao‐Naga.


10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) a) Associated myth / legends / stories N/A

b) Associated Epics N/A

c) Main Characters N/A

d) Associated Deities N/A



*Specify your choice(s) above: Angami and Chakhesang Naga



Male Female Both Other *Explain your choice(s) above


b) Audience N/A

c) Other people closely involved in the performance N/A





Others




*State the reasons: Folksongs continue to be sung during festivals.





1. Key words (up to 15) Tati

2. Photos

Figure 1

Image upload

Captions


1 Tati

60 | Sample data II


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Dr. D. Kuolie Department of of Tenyidie, Nagaland University,

Kohima Campus, Kohima‐797001, Nagaland




10. Chang Origin and Migration I Name

a) Name

Chang origin and migration

b) Local Popular Name Changsang


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Tuensang

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram Chang villages

e) Pin code 798612



III Summary Description Changsang – Natural Heritage of the ChangNaga The origins of the Chang Nagas appear to have been at Changsang, between Hakchang and Tuensang village. `Chang` means East and `Sang` means village and so Changsang would translate to People from the East village. The village was eventually abandoned but remains of stone mills, dao sharpening stones, dancing ground, water holes, the place where eclipses were observed, and the place where the legendary stone and the tree from where the people were believed to have emerged can still be found around the occupied area. From Changsang, all Chang villages spread out in different directions at different times. Taking into account the traditional oral history of the Changs, there are three different versions of where the Chang people emerged from at Changsang. Those who emerged from stone were called Longkong and those from Chongle (rubber tree) were called Chongma Changshen. The third group that emerged from earth were called Lio kimdak. It is difficult to state with any degree of authority on their migration in the absence of more

62 | Sample data II

definitive studies but stories abound which gives indication of the course of migration to their present location. There is the story about the elders of Changsang calling the people to build a huge mountain in the village to protect them from enemy attacks. The people were told to bring jungle leaves to make cups for drinking water while making the mountain. No sooner had they drank water from the cups they started to talk in different language and as no one could understand each other, they left Changsang. In the historical past Changsang village had two khels, (sectors) Pesing and Mongko khel. At Mongko khel there was a Chongle (rubber) tree and the story goes that one of the village girls had an affair with the tree spirit and so the tree was felled. Before they left Changsang, the people each took a branch of the tree and planted it in their present villages. Most probably rise in population and tensions over cultivable land may have lead to frictions between the two khels which forced them to leave Changsang in search of more fertile areas. Even after establishing their villages in different directions, the Changs still call themselves Changsang Mongko Saushi which means, children of Changsang Mongko. From Changsang one group went to the south `Yungkuk ai` and settled at Langa village with the Yimchungür and Khiamniungan. Another group went to the north `Yongthang` and founded a new village called Angphang in Konyak area. One group crossed the Yitjong river and founded the present Tuensang village. The descendants are the Ung, Hongang, Kangsho and Lomou clan today. Another settled at Pungu Yongpong area. One group after crossing Yitjong river went to the vicinity of lower Changsang known as Yongdang range and established the present Yongpie village. `Yong` means river and `pie` means cross‐ ‘those who cross the river’. In course of time as the Changs expanded into new territories other groups of people were encountered and absorbed into their fold resulting in the admixture of the Yimchungür, Konyak, Phom, Khiamniungan, Sema, Sangtam and Ao, contributing to the cultural mix which formed the Chang society today. Location: Changsang is the abandoned site of the Changs before the tribe migrated to other areas and founded different Chang villages in present day Tuensang District of Nagaland. It is about 25 kms away from Tuensang Town on the way to Hakchang.The Chang‐Naga is one of the four major tribes who inhabit Tuensang District of Nagaland. The site is not maintained and falls under the jurisdiction of Tuensang Village. IV – Characteristics



2. Characteristics

Main










Yes No Both



Paintings N/A

Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others


Chang dialect


Sub


64 | Sample data II







Specify your choice(s) above: Chang tribe








Others





*State the reasons: Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but can languished if not documented with modernity make inroads into rural communities.





1. Key words (up to 15) Tati


Captions


1


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address

1 Iris Odyuo Tuensang Town

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify)

66 | Sample data II

5. Data gathered by: Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 25th July 2009


11. Angami Village Gate I Name

a) Name

Angami Village Gate

b) Local Popular Name Kharü

c) Alternative Spellings Kharü

d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Kohima

c) Teshil Kohima


Angami Villages

e) Pin code 797001



III Summary Description The Angami village khel (sector) gates called Kharü occupy a place of great importance. Each khel of a village has its own kharü and several taboos, beliefs and customary practices are associated with it. In the past, the kharü was guarded by the khel warriors but today, the gates are symbols of community pride and importantance. Kharü (Village Gate) is made of a huge single wooden plank ornate in carvings. It is approximately 8 feet in height, 4 feet in breadth, and 6 inches thick. It is elaborately carved with pictographic representations of the head, star, moon, oxen, paddy, warrior, breast, etc. in high relief. These carved insignias signify the will of the village community demanding growth of population, fertility, richness in wealth and warriors. It also represents the security of the village from aggression of enemies.

68 | Sample data II



Specify your choice (s) above: Social and communal

2. Characteristics

Main


* Explain your choice(s) above briefly: Village defense / Village pride and defense of entry points from enemies.

3. Traditional Context of Performance Ceremony Festival Public performance Lifecycle event

Work / Occupational songs Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: To secure the villagers from enemies



*Specify your choice(s) above: It is erected/constructed during Sekrenyi festival that normally falls in Feburary. Gate Pulling Ceremony begins on the 8th day of Sekrenyi and it is a special occasion. A new gate is erected when the old one becomes aged and decrepit. The ceremony oocurs only when the gate of a particular khel (sector) is replaced and therefore a momentous occasion.

Sub






Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others



10. Associated Myth / Legends/Stories (fill‐in as appropriate) a) Associated myth / legends / stories N/Ab) Associated Epics N/Ac) Main Characters N/Ad) Associated Deities N/A



Specify your choice(s) above: Angami‐Naga




Explain your choice(s) above

70 | Sample data II





Others




*State the reasons: Christianity and modernity





1. Key words (up to 15) Kharü Angami gate


2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Wooden Village Gate with carvings

2 Carving detai;ls on gate

3 Village gate

72 | Sample data II


Captions


Copyright

1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Dr. D. Kuolie Department of Tenyidie, Nagaland University,

Kohima Campus, Kohima‐797001, Nagaland

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 U Tsiepfumia Ruve Ura Academy, Kohima 1982 2 Tenyimia Kelhoudze Ura Academy, Kohima 1988 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:



12. Origin of Konyak‐ Naga Kingship I Name

a) Name

Origin of Konyak‐ Naga Kingship

b) Local Popular Name Angh

c) Alternative Spellings Origin of Konyak‐ Naga Kingship

d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District

c) Teshil


e) Pin code 798621


Explain geographical spread (as may be required): III Summary Description The Origin of Kingship of the Konyak Naga There are two beliefs on how the Ahng (king) among Konyak Nagas originated. The Konyaks are the only Naga tribe to subscribe to kingship which exists to this day. Story‐1 The first story narrates when the Konyaks migrated from Longphang Veenyu, they lead a nomadic life in their search for a fertile land with plenty of water. But they could not find such a place with a good water source, and so continued to wander for many years. In their search, they faced innumerable hardships and bled from leech bites and thorn pricks. As they continued their quest, some of them could not bear the thirst any longer, so they resorted to sucking their own blood to quench their thirst. For those who could bear the thirst, they did not have to resort to such a drastic remedy. The people offered sacrifices to Kahwang, the superior being, and asked for help to deliver them from their misery. Kahwang blessed them with a stream of water from where all the people drank to their satisfaction, and so they decided to settle down there. One day as they sat down to eat, the group who had not drunk their blood hesitated to eat

74 | Sample data II

with the other group who had done so. They claimed that since they had not drunk their blood they were clean and considered the other group unclean, and as such, since they were clean they considered themselves to be superior over the other group of blood drinkers. Thus, this superior group of people gradually evolved into the Ahng clan, ( king) the people of a higher class and till today, they do not eat together with the common people from the same plate, nor do they drink from the same cup. Story‐2 In the second tale, the people in their nomadic life cultivated large tracts of land, where agriculture, hunting and fishing flourished. They led a life of plenty, each person cultivating according to their needs. However it came to their notice, that there was one person among them who was blessed with extraordinary gifts. His crops, animals and all the properties flourished. The crop yield was the highest, and whenever he went hunting or fishing, in no time he would snare the biggest game or fish. It seemed that everything was easy for him, and his popularity grew among the people. As time went by, the people asked him how he was so extraordinarily gifted, and how one would go about to be like him. To this he replied that in order to be like him they would have to do the following, and only then, when they had fulfilled all the tasks, they would be bestowed with extraordinary talent and gifts like him.

1. After the harvest the first basket of crop should be brought to him 2. During feasting , a whole leg of the slaughtered animal should be gifted to him 3. When an animal is killed in a hunt, the head of the animal brought to him. 4. When the time came for his house to be built all the people should come forward

to help. Thus year after year, the people obeyed him and brought these tributes as asked for, which eventually made him feel superior and powerful. He then proclaimed himself an Ahng King, and nobody objected to this claim as he wielded power over the rest of the people. In the life of the Konyak‐Nagas, one can find autocratic and democratic form of government. The autocratic form is known as Pongyin, and the king is known as the Pongyin Ahng He is so powerful that he is regarded as next to Kahwang God. A powerful ruler, his policy includes foreign relationship with other tribes and areas. His house is the biggest in the village and can accommodate more than 300 people. They are believed to be endowed with superior powers like the spirit of the tiger, and should the king put a curse on a person for any reason, that person would suffer or even die The democratic group also has an Ahng but not as powerful as the Pongyin Ahng. In this group the Baan (Morung) is the biggest building in the village, and each Baan makes the foreign policy. The Baan elders jointly rule with the Ahng. IV – Characteristics




2. Characteristics

Main




*Specify your choice(s) above: Oral traditions passed down from generation to generation / Legendary Folktale of the Konyak.





Yes No Both


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others

Sub


76 | Sample data II

8. Language used (enter the name of the language, if sung, spoken or recited) Konyak‐Naga dialects.








Specify your choice(s) above: Konyak Naga









Others

*Explain your choice(s) above The Konyak Anghship is inherited from father to the first male born.The folklore is narrated by word of mouth.




*State the reasons: a). The tradition of Konyak Anghship continues to this day, but the progress of modernity is slowly seeping into the exercise of power. b) Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but can vanish if not documented.



*Specify your choices above: VIII– Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15)

2. Photos

Image upload

Captions


1 The late Angh of Chui Village 3rd from left

78 | Sample data II


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Rev. Y. Chingang Konyak Ex. Pastor, Kohima Konyak

Baptist Church Near Konyak Baptist Church, Mon Town, Mon – 798621, Nagaland


Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 The Konyak Naga Yesterday and Today

2008




13. Konyak‐Naga Folklore on the Origin of Tattoo I Name

a) Name

Konyak‐Naga folklore on the origin of tattoo

b) Local Popular Name


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State Nagaland

b) District Mon

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram Konyak villages

e) Pin code 798621



III Summary Description The Origin of Konyak Tattoo Art According to the oral traditions, when the Konyak Nagas were leading a nomadic life, they believed in a superior being called Kahwang. It was on Kahwang’s instruction that they reposed their fate, and moved from place to place whenever they were asked to do so. After settling in various places they came to the Yengmon River, where, as per Kahwang’s instructions, the King’s clan and the commoners split up and took different routes along the river. The common people settled in a vast, beautiful mountain range called Yingnyu hong. Here the soil was fertile and game was plenty in the forests, and the people settled to a flourishing life of cultivation, hunting and fishing. During one of the annual community hunting trips, they killed a strange animal. The young people who killed the animal were afraid to go near it saying that it was taboo to touch. An elderly man came by later, seeing that it was a member of the four legged species he declared that Kahwang had provided the meat, and so to distribute the meat to all the houses. This the villagers readily complied to, but in the process they inadvertently left out an old widow’s house. After partaking of the meat, a pall of gloom settled over the land. Gone was the spirit of

80 | Sample data II

fertility and prosperity, the crops failed year after year, sickness prevailed in the village, and there was discord and turmoil among the people. The only alternative was to vacate the area and move out in search for a better settlement. So instead of seeking Kahwang’s blessing, they started blaming Him for all their misfortunes and tried to move to a safer place. All the members of the royal family moved towards the northeast reaching Eangchang hong. As a consequence, Kahwang sent an earthquake as punishment, and the entire Yingnyu hong sank, sparing only the old widow as she had not partaken the meat. On hearing the dreadful news of the calamity on their fellow people, the larger group who occupied the eastern side fearing that the same fate could be awaiting them, and in order to show that they were excluded from the people who had disobeyed Kahwang, decided to do something that would differentiate them from the disobedient people. They marked their faces permanently so that it could never be erased. A paste was prepared with a leave known as nyemthek and the black soot from the undersides of the pot. With this paste, they painted their faces in different designs according to their status and merit. To the painted designs, they painfully pricked with a sharp pointed object until blood oozed out. To ease the pain they drank some kind of juice which gradually eased their discomfort. Thus as the story goes, this was how tattooing came into being among the Konyak Nagas. Hearing of this ploy, the other group who were punished by Kahwang made a mark on their faces too, which consisted of a line running down from the forehead to the nose. Another group did not put any mark on their faces but instead tattooed their chests as a sign of bravery. Henceforth, among the Konyak there are two groups who came to be known as the Thendu and Thenko Tattooing evolved into a very significant mark. In times of victory when a warrior overcomes his enemies and returns with enemy trophy, a particular batch of young men have their face tattooed to mark the victory. Tattooing signifies the important events that have taken place, and it gradually evolved into a customary practice. IV – Characteristics



2. Characteristics

Main


Sub





Work / Occupational songs

Others

*Specify your choice(s) above: Oral tradition passed down from generation to generation / Legendary Folklore on the origin of tattoo tradition of the Konyak‐Naga





Yes No Both


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Paintings N/A

Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others Facial and body art


Konyak dialects.


82 | Sample data II
















Others





*State the reasons: Christianization and modernity





1. Key words (up to 15) Konyak Tatoo

2. Photos

Image upload Captions


1

3. Audiovisual Recording Image upload Captions


1

84 | Sample data II

IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Rev. Y. Chingang

Konyak Ex. Pastor, Kohima Konyak Baptist Church

Near Konyak Baptist Church, Mon Town, Mon – 798621, Nagaland

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 The Konyak Naga Yesterday and

Today 2008




14. Migration Story of the Yimchunger‐Naga I Name

a) Name

Migration story of the Yimchunger‐Naga



d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Tuensang and Kiphire

c) Teshil


e) Pin code Tuensang‐798612, Kiphire‐798611



III Summary Description Migration Story of the Yimchunger‐NagaAccording to the oral traditions of the Yimchunger, the migration route along which they traveled before settling in the present day area of Tuensang and Kiphire districts began from beyond Myanmar. The Yimchunger gave names to each settlement as they went forward on their route, living periodically and abandoning the settlements due to varied reasons not in compliance with the fertility of the place. They first settled at Mor, a heritage place which eventually became Chir village and thereafter, to Longyang where stone megaliths were erected and folksongs narrate these events. The migration continued further onwards when they left Longyang and the Yimchunger settled at Thünemkiyulongpong meaning, ‘no expansion beyond 50 houses’. A story narrates as to why the settlement was so called, and refers to an incident which prevented the increase of households beyond 50. While at Thünemkiyulongpong, it transpired that the children used to vanish without a trace and all search parties would end up with no results. The mysterious disappearance of the children continued until the villagers were compelled to nominate from amongst themselves village sentries, who

86 | Sample data II

would guard the children in the absence of the parents who were working the fields. One day, the sentries followed the children into the jungle until they came to a huge stone. As the children approached the stone, the stone opened up and swallowed them. The terrible sight was witnessed by the sentries as they watched in horror at the sight unfolding before their eyes. They ran back to the village and informed the villagers on what they had seen and the cause of the children’s disappearance. The villagers thereupon, decided to smash the stone and built a huge bonfire by stacking wood around the sides and over the top and set fire to it. The stone split into several pieces but with no trace of the children. Thereafter, the villagers decided to leave the settlement and proceeded to another site called Dophung. The site exists to this day. From here, they proceeded towards Tsünkiuso nowadays called Thonokyu, a name given by the neighbouring Khiamnuingan Naga. From here they came to a site above the Züngki river and established Kemophuma. While at Kemophuma, they took a decision to build a bridge over the Züngki river. The village shaman Tanükiu, tried to convince the villagers that he could built it without any assistance. The villagers refused his offer as they were wary of him and began the construction themselves. As time went by, they realized that it was impossible to build the bridge and the futility of their actions. Tanükiu the shaman, thereby offered again to build the bridge to which the villagers had no recourse but to accept his offer. Using his magical powers and demonic strength, he began to construct the bridge. As the villagers watched, they saw him lift unimaginable weight and with the agility of a monkey swing and leap the length of the bridge. The fact finally dawned on the villagers that all this time, they had been living not with a human but with a demon, and so it was decided to quickly leave the village before he returned from his task. They abandoned Kemophuma and settled down at Tükheakkiupong. During the stay at Tükheakkiupong, they came to the realization that they were not the only people in the vicinity and that they were others perhaps before them. The realization came about during a fishing trip at the confluence of the Züngki and Yayi rivers when they went to check on the fish trap ‘kheap’ and found pieces of charcoal trapped in it which meant that there were others besides themselves. They decided to investigate where the charcoal came from and perhaps find a better place to settle and henceforth, the name ‘Yimchunger’‐ ‘those who set forth to settle down’ was given to them. At this point, they split up with some of them staying back while the rest went in search of a better site and reached Kiuro where they halted for two weeks. Thereafter, they went further and founded Langa‐ the ancestral village of the Yimchunger‐Naga. The eight founders of Langa were from different clans and they were‐ Khusheng, Lakiumong, Renkiumong, Zongyimkiu, Sangben, Khumong, Hemong, and Kiuso. The Yimchungers lived in Langa for about 700 years. By this time, the village had grown to 900 households and the resources began to deplete. The site was abandoned and the people dispersed to various areas in the Konyak and Chang region and founded the Yimchunger villages of present day Kutur, Sangpur, Pongro and so on. Today, remnants of the habitation are still visible at Langa which lies abandoned. IV – Characteristics




2. Characteristics

Main


Sub




*Specify your choice(s) above: Oral tradition passed down from generation to generation





Yes No Both




88 | Sample data II

8. Language used (enter the name of the language, if sung, spoken or recited) Yimchunger dialect








Specify your choice(s) above: Yimchunger‐Naga









Others




1. Is the tradition facing extinction?

Yes No

*State the reasons: Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas, but there is need for documentation as modernity make inroads to rural areas.





1. Key words (up to 15) Yimchunger origin story


Captions


1


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Mr. K. Zungkum


Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1

90 | Sample data II


4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:



15. Rengma‐Naga Folktales I Name

a) Name

Rengma‐Naga folktales



d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Kohima

c) Teshil


Rengma –Naga villages

e) Pin code 797109



III Summary Description The tiger and the wild boar One day a tiger and a wild boar decided to fight to test who was the stronger. So it was agreed that they would meet in seven days for the battle to test each others strength. In the days leading to the fight, the tiger prepared himself by tying bands of cane round his body to protect himself. The wild boar fortified itself by wallowing in the marsh to let layers of mud to dry on its body to act as an armour. At the end of the seven days the contest began. Every time the tiger charged and tried to bite the wild boar, all he got were chunks of mud by the mouthful. The wild boar however could manage to snap off a band of the cane each time he charged until finally the tiger was wounded. The tiger ultimately admitted defeat, knowing fully well that he would never be able to kill the wild boar in it’s prime. So he told the boar, “wait till you are old, then I will eat you”. That is why tigers never attack wild boar who are in their prime, they always kill them when they are old.

92 | Sample data II

The Tiger and the Cow. In the old days when animals could talk to each other the tiger and the cow were friends. The cow would make a great deal of noise while grazing, so the tiger came up to her one day and said, “You make a lot of noise while munching grass. You must be having very good teeth”. To this the cow replied, “No, half my mouth has no teeth at all.” When the tiger looked into the cow’s mouth, indeed he found this to be true and knew that he could easily kill her. This is the reason why tigers kill cows to this day. The Dove and his legs One evening God told the dove that if he came by in the morning, He would paint his legs a beautiful red. The green magpie overheard this conversation, and got up very early the next day and presented himself to God , and asked Him to paint his legs. So God painted the magpie’s legs a brilliant red. When the dove came a little later after the magpie had left, to his dismay, there was only old colour left, and with that he got his legs painted. That is why to this day, the dove’s legs are dull in colour. The Pied Cuckoo Long time ago, a man named Khasu went down to the fields with his father, and slept the night with him in the make shift field hut. The father wanted to test his son’s bravery and courage, so in the middle of the night, the father crept out of the hut, and rushed to the door with a frightening shriek. The son reacted instantly, not recognizing his father’s voice, and speared him, causing a fatal wound. With his dying breath, the father said, “I do not blame you son, you have stood the test, and acted as a man should. But when I am gone , you will not know the proper time to sow, so every year I will come back to guide you.” With that the father died, and turned into a pied cuckoo, which is called khasu kapfu, or “khasu’s father”. And every spring this bird, the pied cuckoo comes and calls “khasu kapfu” indicating that it is time to sow. IV – Characteristics



2. Characteristics

Main


Sub





Work / Occupational songs Others *Specify your choice(s) above: Oral tradition passed down from generation to generation





Yes No Both





Rengma dialect




94 | Sample data II





Specify your choice(s) above: Rengma‐Naga









Others

*Explain your choice(s) above By word of mouth VII– Status of Tradition


*State the reasons: The younger generation in urban areas are slowly veering away from traditions. Modern audio visual gadgetry is responsible for lost of story telling. Rural communities are slowly loosely out to modern intrusions



*Specify your choices above: VIII– Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15) Rengma –Naga folktales


Captions


1


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1


Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 The Rengma Nagas Macmillan & Co, Ltd 1937

2 The Rengma Nagas Directorate of Art & Culture, Govt. of Nagaland

1982




96 | Sample data II

16. Zeliang Folktales I Name

a) Name

Zeliang folktales

b) Local Popular Name Herasam


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Peren

c) Teshil


e) Pin code 797101



III Summary Description ZELIANG FOLKTALES The Story of the Squirrel and the Tragopan Once the Squirrel and the Tragopan decided to compete in clearing the woods and see who would clear a bigger area of land for cultivation. However, the Tragopan looked across the horizon and claimed all the land for himself, leaving the Squirrel landless. In anger, the Squirrel slapped the Tragopan and quickly hid behind a banyan tree. The Tragopan wept inconsolably as it was deeply offended. Seeing the Tragopan cry, the Elephant asked, “What is the matter ? Is there anything I can do?” The sobbing Tragopan narrated the incident and the Elephant sternly said, “Go and call the Squirrel, I will teach him a lesson” When the squirrel was summoned, he concealed himself and came out shaking the branches and squeaking in a loud voice. The Elephant thought it to be a very dangerous creature so he ran away as fast as he could, feeling very scared. The Squirrel slapped the Tragopan again, and went behind the tree. Many animals, big and


small came and consoled the Tragopan, but they all ran away like the elephant when the Squirrel resorted to shaking the branches and squeaking aloud. Very time an animal ran away, the Squirrel slapped the Tragopan. Finally a Praying Mantis came, and when the squirrel came out of the tree squeaking and shaking, the Mantis grabbed his neck firmly and refused to let him go. The Mantis settled between the Squirrel and the Tragopan and said, “From today, you Squirrel shall search for food in the trees, and as for you Tragopan, on the ground.” They both agreed to the judgement and from that day onwards they went separate ways in good terms. So even today, the Tragopan and the wild fowls and Pheasants stay mostly on the ground searching for food while the Squirrel does the same in the trees. THE STORY OF THE BLUE PIGEON (HENGUM) One day the Pigeon asked the squirrel to get something for her child’s blessing ceremony.* The Squirrel took a wooden pole and tried to fell some walnuts from the tree. The pole slipped from the Squirrel’s hand and hit the crab nearby. In pain, the crab went and bit the tail of the snake and the snake dived into the nest of the Boar. The Boar then went and hit a tree where the bat was hanging and the bat fell into the Stag’s ear. The Stag then ran over the food bowl of Herabepui’s (female spirit) child and broke it. Herabepui asked the Stag, “Why did you break my child’s food bowl?” “Because the bat entered my ear” replied the Stag Herabepui asked the Bat, “Bat, why did you enter the Stag’s ear? He ran over my child’s food bowl and broke it” “Because the Boar hit my tree” replied the Bat Herabepui asked the Boar, “Boar why did you hit the Bat’s tree? the Bat entered the Stag’s ear and the Stag ran over my child’s food bowl and broke it.” “Because the Snake dived into my nest”, replied the Boar. Herabepui asked the Snake, “why did you dive into the Boar’s nest? The Boar hit the Bat’s tree, the Bat entered the Stag’s ear, and the Stag ran over my child’s food bowl and broke it.” “Because the Crab bit my tail”, replied the Snake. Herabpui asked the Crab, “Crab, why did you bite the Snake’s tail? The Snake dived into the Boar’s nest and the Boar hit the Bat’s tree, and the Bat fell into the Stag’s ear, and the Stag ran over my child’s food bowl and broke it.” “Because the squirrel threw a wooden pole and hit me.” Replied the Crab. Herabpui asked the Squirrel, “Squirrel, why did you throw a wooden pole at the Crab? The Crab bit the Snake’s tail, and the snake dived into the Boar’s nest, and the Boar hit the Bat’s tree, and the Bat fell into the Stag’s ear, and the Stag ran over my child’s food bowl and broke it.” “Because the Pigeon asked me to get something for her child’s blessing ceremony”, replied the Squirrel. Herabpui asked the Pigeon, “Pigeon, why did you send the Squirrel to get something for your child’s blessing ceremony? The Squirrel dropped the wooden pole and hit the Crab, the Crab bit the Snake’s tail, and the Snake dived into the Boar’s nest, and the Boar hit the Bat’s tree, and the Bat fell into the Stag’s ear, and the Stag ran over my child’s food bowl and broke it. The Pigeon could not give any answer because it was she who sent the squirrel to get something for her son’s blessing ceremony. She was helpless and had to repay for the damage done, so she laid nine eggs. The Pigeon gave an egg to everyone she had caused trouble to, until finally she was left with two. She kept the remaining two eggs in her mouth, and hopped along the river bank, feeling very sad. But while doing so, she slipped and fell breaking one of the eggs. Therefore, from that day onwards, Blue Pigeons lay only one egg.

98 | Sample data II

Called Nlau: A day is set aside particularly for the child. Early in the morning the mother draws water from the well before anyone else to brew new wine. The family cooks a special meal and eats it in the name of the child. Therefore if a child is mischievous, the elders would often say, “did your parents nlau with a monkey?” A thread is also tied round the child’s wrist to protect him/her from danger. IV – Characteristics



2. Characteristics

Main




Work / Occupational songs Others *Specify your choice(s) above: Oral tradition passed down from generation to generation




Sub





7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Paintings N/A Scroll N/A Mask N/A Costume N/A Makeup N/A Musical instrument N/A Others


Zeme and Liangmai dialects








Specify your choice(s) above: Zeme and Liangmai Tribes




100 | Sample data II






Others




*State the reasons: a) The younger generation in urban areas are veering away from traditions. Contemporary lifestyles, television and other visual entertainment has obliterated storytelling and folklores among the present generation.

b) Oral traditions continue to be kept alive in the rural areas but the intrusion of television, internet, mobile connectivity and other external influences can push oral traditions unless documented to disappear.



*Specify your choices above: The State Government can ensure the preservation of oral traditions by introducing folktales in the school curriculum for school children


1. Key words (up to 15) Herasam



Captions


1


Captions



1 Kangzangding Thou Department of English, Sazolie College, Jotsoma, Kohima ‐797002, NagalandEmail: [email protected]

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 Kangzangding

Thou Roots ‐ A Collection of Zeliang Folktales

Heritage Publishing House,


2008




Nagaland

Events Festivals, Fairs, and Social Practices

1. Spring Festival of the Angami Naga I Name

a) Name

Spring Festival of the Angami Naga

b) Local Popular Name Sekrenyi


d) Historical Name

Sekrenyi

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Kohima

c) Teshil


Angami Naga villages

e) Pin code



Nagaland | Crafts | 103

III –Summary Description The Angami’s celebrate SEKRENYI in the month of February. It normally falls on the 25th day of the Angami month of,”KEZEI”. The ten‐day festival is also called PHOUSANYI by the Angamis. The festival follows a circle of ritual and ceremony, the first being,”KIZIE”. A few drops of rice water skimmed from the jug called,”ZUMHO” are sprinkled on leaves and placed at three main posts of the house by the matriarch of the family. The first day begins with both the young and old bathing in the village well. In the night two young men clean the well and closely guard it so that it retains its clean state, the women folk are not permitted to touch the well water and have to ensure that water is collected for the household before the well cleaning exercise. The next morning all the young men of the village wash themselves at the well, the men don two new shawls (the white Mhoushu and the black Lohe) and sprinkle water on their breast, knees and on their right arm. This ceremony is called,”DZUSEVA” (touching the sleeping water) this is to ensure that their misfortunes are cleansed by the well water. From the well they return to sacrifice a cock, while being throttled if the right leg falls over the left leg, it is considered by the villagers as a good omen. Also the innards of the fowl, displayed outside houses are read by the village elders prophesizing good or bad for the village. From the fourth day onwards a three‐day celebration consisting of feasting and singing begins. The THEKRA HIE is the most vivacious part of the festival where the youngsters sit together sing traditional songs and share a feast of meat and rice‐beer. On the seventh day the young men hunt. On the eighth day the bridge‐ pulling is performed, and visits by other villagers are a norm on this day.

IV – Characteristics 1. Nature (tick one or several below)

Entertainment Private/Domestic Social Religious/Sacred Others


2. Characteristics M

ain

Fair Festival Procession Pilgrimage Ritual Ceremony

Music Dance Theatre / Acting Narrative performance / Recitation Others Buying/Selling of goods

Sub

Fair Festival Procession Pilgrimage Ritual Ceremony Music Dance Theatre / Acting Narrative performance / Recitation Others Buying/Selling of goods


Explain your choice(s) above briefly: 3. Period / Date (chose one or several from below)


Specify your choice(s) above: Winter; 25th Day of the Angami month of Kezei corresponding to the month of February.

4. Associated Myths, Legends &Deities

Associated myth / legends / stories

Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos

V – Community Participation

1. Community Caste Group Tribal Group Religious

Group Other Community

Not restricted to any caste or community

Specify your choice(s) above: Angami Naga

2. Gender Male Female Both Other


VI – Status of Tradition


State the reasons:


2. Availability of Support Central Government

State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above:

VII – Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15) Angami Naga.

Sekrenyi

February

Purification of self and village

2. Photos

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1

Scenes of Festivities during Sekrenyi

Nagaland Tourism


Captions


Copyright

1


VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1

3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH NAGALAND CHAPTEREmail ID: [email protected]: June 22nd, 2009


2. Zeliang Community Festival I Name

a) Name

Zeliang community festival

b) Local Popular Name Chega Gadi


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Peren

c) Teshil


All Zeliang villages

e) Pin code 797101



III –Summary Description Chega Gadi is another important and popular festival of the Zeliang people. It is a festival that celebrates the blessings of God that provides a good harvest and good health for the community. The festival is celebrated at different times in the year depending on the village. The Liangmai community celebrates this festival in October. The festival is spread over three to four days and its commencement is in conjunction with the first new moon which is believed to bring the blessings of God. After the appearance of the moon the priest of the village (Singkupiu) announces the start of the festival and the villagers prepare for it. After all the preparations are over the priest makes one more announcement. The next morning all except the elders head to the jungle to cut fresh firewood and place it in their respective morungs. At noon the men folk make new cups and plates out of bamboo that are only used during the festival. A separate fire place is also constructed in a room called, ”Akhangki”, the cooking is also separated from the women .


At sunset two priests along with the men folk walk beyond the main gate of the village to construct another fire place to be used for the festival, the males are then blessed. After which they shout signifying that they have been sanctified. They then take the fire back to their respective morungs; women are prohibited to touch the fire and the bamboo cups and plates till the third day of the festival. The men folk irrespective of age sleep at the morung. On the third day two males who have observed a fast will go to the jungle to collect wood which will be carved in the image of a man and tattooed. This wooden statue is then installed at the two gates of the village; later on the statue is symbolically speared. After which the men folk gather at the main ground of the village to drink rice wine, sing songs and dance. IV – Characteristics 1. Nature (tick one or several below)



2. Characteristics

Main

Fair Festival Procession Pilgrimage Ritual Ceremony Music Dance Theatre /

Acting Narrative performance / Recitation Others Buying/Selling of goods

Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: Autumn / Winter; March and/or October


4. Associated Myths, Legends &Deities Associated myth / legends / stories

Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos





Specify your choice(s) above: Zeliang Naga





State the reasons: Strong culture


State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above: Individual



1. Key words (up to 15) Zeliang Ghega Gadi, community festival

2. Photos

Image upload

Captions


1 Figure 1 Scenes from the festival

Nagaland Tourism


Captions


1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1


2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:



3. Sumi Purification Festival I Name

a) Name

Sumi purification festival

b) Local Popular Name Süqhüni, Aphikimthe


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Zunheboto

c) Teshil Pughoboto

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram Lazami

e) Pin code 798601



III –Summary Description Süqünyi literally mean ‘Küsüqüh’ (devotion of the entire village community). Küsüqüh keuni meaning the Festival of Devotion or Festival of Purification. In other words it is called the purification rite. This observation follows the Ahuna celebration. Süqüni is the first ritual of the Sümi year. The spirit of the süqüni festival begins from the eve of the observation. It is mandatory for every male above 12 to 13 years to pazüve (spent a night at the village meadow) to venerate the benevolent spirit. At day break they perform the purification rite of bathing in the village stream. After the bath (spiritual regeneration) they dip the edge of a cloth in the pond and enter the village with good fate and hope. Upon arrival a slogan is chanted to invoke ‘aghashu’ (benevolent god). Each colony member will then form their respective groups and in unison shout, ‘Oh! hilau ighivelo tilau ye atsü awoba püsüke hilau ighivelo’(Oh! Come here, its filthy there with dog’s and pig’s dung’). This event marks the end of the ritualistic


formalities and the beginning of the Süqüni feast celebration. During the rites of purification boys are made to wear ginger necklaces and the adults clip on earrings to be protected from misfortune and the evil eye. After the purification rite is performed by the men folk, the women’s activities like cotton spinning at iliki (women’s dormitory) is suspended until the village priest pronounces genna (restriction)for the next session. The thread was believed to be a sign of untidiness therefore, spinning work in groups was forbidden unless they were weaving at their home. This was done to avoid defiling the men folk. After Süqüni is observed the village resumes its agricultural activities. This begins with two days field work, where every family goes to their intended field and clears the plot. After which deforestation for new jhuming cultivation resumes. This festival upgrades the religious status of a person. If a person wishes to acquire a social status, this festival paves the way to obtain it. A person with such interests should be able to live up to the following criterias; perform rites with strict abstinence to a prescribed diet and habits, slaughter mithun yearly for sacrifice, brew rice beer and hold a feast for the village elders first and the whole village community consecutively for seven years to attain the highest social status. After which a man is made eligible to wear ‘avikiphi’ specially woven seven piece shawl and a women ‘aminikimiji’ a matrilineal hereditary mekhela( sarong).




2. Characteristics Main



Sub






Specify your choice(s) above: Winter / November



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos





Specify your choice(s) above: Sumi‐Naga





State the reasons: Strong cultural traditions.


Central Government

State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above: Individual celebrations



1. Key words (up to 15) Süqüni Sumi‐Naga

purification festival

2. Photos

Image upload


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Scenes from the festival Dept. of Tourism, Nagaland


Captions


Copyright

1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Mr. Inavi Kappo &

Mixini Sema Indigenous Cultural Society, Nagaland

2nd floor Jakhalu Building, City Tower Junction, Dimapur, Nagaland‐797112 India.


2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) Field survey 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 15th May, 2009


4. Winter Festival of the Zeliang I Name

a) Name

Winter festival of the Zeliang

b) Local Popular Name Hega


d) Historical Name

Hega

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Peren

c) Teshil


All Zeliang villages

e) Pin code



III –Summary Description The Hega Festival is the largest and most important of festivals among the Zeliang community. It falls in the month of February between the tenth and fifteenth every year. The festival celebrates God showering his blessings upon the community. It is a festival of joy and community. Several prayers are offered for protection and guidance and young couples for their future. The festival is celebrated over five days. Hega Teu dap (First Day) O n this day animals are slaughtered for the coming days of the festival; if a family does not have an animal to slaughter they can either buy one or share with other members of the community. This is also a day where grand children are called upon to eat with the elders. They share a special song especially composed for their grandchildren, they also wear special shawls made for this occasion. If engaged then the bride present all the traditional shawls and garments on this day and the boys and elders will gather at the bridegrooms Morung.


Herie kap (Second Day) On the second day the gate keeper of the main gate of the village invokes (through prayer) God’s protection and blessings for the villagers. He then goes to the jungle and with another special prayers is shown a tree of which he shapes into a Hornbill. This carving is then placed on the main gate, surrounded by other decorations. In the evening the elder’s and boys create a noise known as Nro and circle the village two to three times which then culminates in one of them trying to pierce the heart of the wooden Hornbill. If they manage to pierce the Hornbill’s heart, blessings and riches will be bestowed upon the children. Once this is over the men folk and boys gather in their respective Morung’s and utter a special prayer asking for luck in their hunting endeavors’. Tsing Rak (Third Day) Early in the morning the bride gathers all the girls from her Khel. They go to the jungle to cut fresh firewood for the evening. This firewood is split into pieces and the bark is also yanked out. In the meantime the elders and youngsters go to the jungle as well and fell a tree and shape it into two pieces that symbolize the purity and virginal qualities of the bride. In the evening the bride carries the two wooden pieces (ten to twelve feet high) to her village, which signify her life. The firewood and the two wooden pieces are kept at the main gate or the last gate of the village. The bride then carries the wood pieces as the rest of the youngsters carry the firewood and follow the bride to the girl’s Morung. Here the bride provides food and drink to all the girls present. Rodi (Fourth Day) This day is one of the most important days of the festival. In the morning the boys prepare a place for long jump and for wrestling (a place that is chosen by the villager's forefathers). On this day traditional outfits and shawls are worn. In the evening the entire village gathers at that spot, the boys make a noise (Nro) and go around the village thrice. After this they return to the long jump spot and make the Nro noise twice, thus invoking God to bless the villagers in their work. Then the long jump and wrestling competition takes place. The winner of the long jump gives something of value or cash to the village high priest. After this everyone joins the bride in song around the village, the songs are of love, praise including a farewell song for the bride and bridegroom. At night the bride visits each household encouraging the men, boys and girls to take part in the dance. For the elders the bride also prepares a special soup made from meat to give them strength and keep them in good health for the dance. Koksui (Last day) The last day is also the most important in the festival. The villagers deck out in their traditional garments and are ready to dance from early morning. The bride with her friends goes around the village and baths those who are unwilling to join the dance. For the bride this will be her last dance (since married women cannot join the traditional dance) only girls who are virgins perform the dance. In the evening different steps are performed, and the dancers will travel through the village, stopping at some places to play games or sing with the bride and bridegroom. During the duration of the festival the men folk do not sleep with their wives for fear of losing luck and courage, especially during hunting. Also the elders of the village eat pork throughout the festival and on the sixth day put out the fire and celebrate, while the rest of the village start their work.





2. Characteristics

Main



Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: 10‐15th February



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos


1. Community Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

Specify your choice(s) above: Zeliang Naga






State the reasons: Strong cultural traditions


State Government

NGO



1. Key words (up to 15) Hega festival Zeliang

2. Photos


Image upload

Captions


1 Figure 1 Young boys and girls dance in gay abandon

Dept. of Art & Culture, Nagaland


Captions


1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:



5. Post Harvest Festival I Name

a) Name

Post harvest festival

b) Local Popular Name Tsokum


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


e) Pin code



III –Summary Description The post harvest Tsokum festival of the Khiamniungan, is celebrated over a period of eight days. The Khiamniungan believe that separation sometimes helps a community to bond. For this reason, the two main clans ‐ the Lam and Shui are barred from mingling with each other on the day of jangphan during Tsokum. Women must observe genna (restriction) on the day the mithun animals are pulled. Tsokum is essentially a period of rituals, feasting and entertainment to pave the way for the Khiamniungan New Year, which begins with farming on a new field. It entitled tungen‐ worship and sacrificial offerings to the spirits and placing a chestnut tree trunk out outside the house of wealthy families who would host feasts for the community. Generally the host did not disclose the festival plans to friends or Morung members. They had to make arrangements well in advance to avoid any complications. The festival is an occasion to instill social discipline through sports and sharing of resources. Another interesting aspect of Tsokum festival is the time set aside for


discussions on village administration and storytelling, when elders passed on the oral traditions to the younger generation. Remembering the death, those who had played a role in shaping the society is an essential feature of Tsokum. Women sing songs, dance and turn out in fine clothes and ornaments, while the menfolk display parts of the sacrificial rooster into a work of art to appease the gods and deities.




2. Characteristics

Main



Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: Autumn, 5 October



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos






Specify your choice(s) above: Khiamniungan Naga





State the reasons: Continuation of cultural traditions


State Government

NGO



1. Key words (up to 15) Tsokum Festival


2. Photos

Image upload

Captions


1 Figure 1 Scenes of Tsokum festivities

Nagaland Tourism


Captions




2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1




6. The Festival of the Konyak Tribe I Name

a) Name

The festival of the Konyak tribe

b) Local Popular Name Aoleang Monyu


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mon

c) Teshil


e) Pin code



III –Summary Description This Spring Festival is celebrated in April (Aoleong Lee) by the Konyak community. Spread over six days the festival marks the advent of spring. Aoleang Monyu The festival is observed after the sowing of seeds and marks the end of the passing year. It is spread over six days, with each day signifying a special part of it. The first day is called HOI LAI YAHNYIH which means preparation day. The collection of firewood, banana leaves and vegetables as well as storing rice beer are all performed on this day. As well as weaving cloths and producing ornaments. The head of the family goes to the “jhum” field and invokes the higher power to provide a bountiful crop by sacrificing a chicken and pouring its blood on the WUMJONG altar. He also removes the animal’s intestine which he “reads” to predict the future of his family. Food plays a central role as well, a leg of chicken is given to the neighbour and food is prepared carefully and placed in leaves and given to family members after prayers. On that day a stage called the Aoleang Wakam is constructed ……


The second day named YIM MOK PHO NYIH consist of the rounding up of buffaloes,mithuns,cows and pigs for the feasting of the festival. In addition to this young men yet to be initiated into head hunting are taken into the jungles for a proxy head hunt and on their return would be tattooed the next day. On the third day called YIM MOK SHEK NYIH which means the day for killing animals. On this day the green signal for the festival to begin is given by hoisting a well decorated bamboo flag called the Koiphong. Once the flag is raised the young men play the log drum and go their own houses to slaughter the animals, having chosen the best meat and rice beer. Youngsters between the ago of 15‐20 slaughter an animal together and present it to their parents. On the fourth day (LINGNYU NYIH) which means the greatest day amongst all the six days of Aoleang Monyu is the day when men and women wear beautiful ornaments, feast, dance and merry make. Every house prepares a meal that is shared with relatives, friends and neighbours. In the afternoon the men head to the main entrance of the village (PEJONG) to feast and teach the younger men the art of head hunting. On returning the men form groups according to different MORUNG’s and dance. Led by their leaders they visit each others Morungs and through song express that Morungs good and bad quality. The songs are usually about victory over the enemy or asking God for a bountiful crop. The fifth day called LINGHA NYIH is brought in by the men of the village by shooting into their own houses and outside with loaded guns. This day is for honouring each other, old men are honoured by the young; young boys and their parents call on their married sisters and daughters respectively and offer them a feast. Married daughters visit their parents and offer them a feast. This is also the day when relatives visit the burial site of their relatives; to pay their respect to the departed souls. A special feast is arranged on this day to cement the bond of friendship between family and the descendants. The sixth day is LINGSHAN NYIH meaning the final day of Aoleang Monyu. The day is spent cleaning the village and houses after the celebrations of the festival.




2. Characteristics

Main


Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: First week of Aoleong Lee, Spring (April over 6 days)



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos










State the reasons: Strong presence of reviving traditions and cultural pride



State Government

NGO

Community OtherSpecify your choices above: Konyak Naga


1. Key words (up to 15) Konyak Aoleang Monyu Aoleang Lee Morung

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3


Figure 4

Figure 5

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Beating of the log drum Nagaland Tourism / T. Paljo

2 Figure 2 Children in festive mood Nagaland Tourism / T. Paljo

3 Figure 3 Women in full attire singing and dancing

Nagaland Tourism / T. Paljo

4 Figure 4 Tatooed members participating in the festivities


5 Figure 5 During festivals male members of the Konyak community carry their home‐made muskets to fire in the air in celebration.



Captions


Copyright

1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1


4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: June 22nd, 2009


7. Winter Festival of the Kuki I Name

a) Name

Winter festival of the Kuki

b) Local Popular Name Kuki Mimkut


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Peren

c) Teshil


e) Pin code



III –Summary Description Mimkuut is the festival of the Kukis. The Kukis of Nagaland celebrate this festival on the 17th of the Kuki month of Tolbol (January) annually. This festival lasts one week. Besides Mimkuut, Kukis also celebrate Chapphou Kuut, Chavang Kuut as well as other smaller festivals. It is believed that Mimkuut came into being because of the need to appease Thilha (demon). The people made sacrifices to appease thilha but they also believed in the supreme God whom they call “Chung Pathen” (heavenly God). To get the blessing of such gods, the village shaman Thempu, would sacrifice fowls to appease the demon god. This would be achieved by performing a series of rituals and prayers. The legend that has been handed down orally suggests that the Kukis originated from a subterranean underworld. They came out from this underworld in search of a better land. They brought with them a number of cereals such as tapioca, beans and yam. After they came over ground, they found paddy and jobs tear which were brought together by a pair


of rats on a bamboo sheath (Stipule) tucked into their mouths. Gradually they found Mithun (large wild buffalo) from a place called Sisep, Pigs from Bonnol, Jungle Fowl from Molkon which they domesticated and started to cultivate Jobs tear which was more productive and yielded a better harvest. The celebration of the end of the years harvest is done with the instructions and guidance of the village Shaman(Thempu). On the decided day, the medicine man chants prayers to the gods for a rich harvest and invokes the spirits for a more abundant harvest in the coming years. The celebration is marked by feasting, drinking of rice beer) and the youths engage themselves in various types of merrymaking, fetching of water and firewood. Traditional sports like wrestling and other forms of amusement such as comedic skits continue through the day. The elders sit by the fire singing traditional songs while the more enthusiastic ones dance, crack jokes and have a good time. A simple translation from one of the songs sung during Mimkuut is as follows: “Jobs tear is harvested and gathered. Time to wrap up the years toil and relax, Countless birds encircle the jobs tear field. Suddenly one Kite swoops down and it carries off one, Before a stone could be pelted at it.” Sequence of the 7 days Mimkuut celebrations: The first day is exclusive for the village priest/shaman. He would perform a series of rituals asking the demon god (thilha) for a good time to start and end the festival. Having got his answer from Thilha, he would then proceed to announce the dates to the entire village. This announcement is made early in the morning when the cock crows and it is accompanied by the banging of the gongs and drums. Preparations both mental and physical would then begin for the festival. Early in the morning on the second day, the shaman would perform rites and rituals on the village water pond and other ominous places like the biggest tree and the biggest rock near the village. This was believed to be the abode of Thilhaa. An unblemished white fowl is sacrificed at these locations in order to appease Thilhaa. The third day is devoted to the cleaning of the village, the footpath to the water point, the fields (kheti) and the footpaths to the neighbouring villages. The women folk prepare food, rice wine and other drinks and serve the men folk who are working. On the fourth day the men folk from each Phan (dormitory) will procure a Mithun from the jungle, it is then tied to a post having three branches. The women on the other hand use millet, yam and pumpkin to bake a cake and prepare dishes using the yam and pumpkin they also bring job’s tear and other kheti products that are served to the men on returning to the village with the Mithun. On the fifth day the mithun is slaughtered after observing certain rites by thee Shamans. The mithun is cut and prepared by the men and the women serve drinks. Since the day is dedicated to celebrating the villagers sing, dance and jest with each other. Everyone participates in the celebration which culminates in the Kuut feast for that day. The sixth day is devoted to sports, both men and women take part in such traditional games as shot‐put, pole climbing, wrestling, the mithun jump and pole throw (the pole that is used for pounding rice). Competition is usually between the elders, youngsters and women who vie for the coveted prize‐ a slab of prime mithun meat. Later on in the day people sit around a huge camp fire, sing folk songs and dance through the night. The seventh day is reserved for family. Married daughters with their husband and children visit their parents, brothers and sisters and exchange gifts. The Shaman announces the closing of the celebrations after performing certain rites by releasing the spotless white fowl to please Thila (the demon God) which will ensure the prosperity and health of the village.





2. Characteristics

Main



Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: Winter; Kuki Tolbol /17th; 17 January



Associated deities Thilha the demon god

Associated foods

Associated taboos






Specify your choice(s) above: Kuki





State the reasons: Strong cultural tradition


Central Government

State Government

NGO



1. Key words (up to 15) Kuki Mimkut Winter festival Thilha


2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Image upload

Captions


1 Figure 1 Man playing wind instrument

Dept. Of Art & Culture

2 Figure 2 Festival scenes Dept. Of Art & Culture


Captions


1

VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 Where Warriors Dance Dept. of Art &

Culture 2008




5. Data Gathered by: Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 18th July 2009


8. Community Fishing of the Lotha Naga I Name

a) Name

Community fishing of the Lotha Naga

b) Local Popular Name Pyozhü


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Wokha

c) Teshil


All Lotha villages

e) Pin code 797111



III –Summary Description Lothas are keen fishermen and expert swimmers. Fishing rights over any particular stretch of water are governed and held by the village or villages through which the water source flows. The Lotha uses ‘poison’ derived from various creepers, tree barks and roots to fish. The rights to use ‘poison’ in any particular pool are generally held jointly by two or more villages, while each village has the right to erect weirs in particular stretches of the water. Fishing is done by an individual, in groups or by community participation. These traditional norms are still in practice and abided to this day. Before the advent of Christianity, when the practice of animism prevailed, the village priest Puthi would announce for a community fishing Pyozhü, meaning ‘ fishing together’ in the Lotha dialect. If the announcement was met without much enthusiasm it would be differed to another day until a consensus was arrived at and preparation would thus begin with the observation of genna ( self purification, restriction on the self ) by the male members until such time that the fishing is done. They will abstain from eating meat and


remain celibate. Women are completely forbidden to participate in any stages of the preparation except in carrying and preparing the food for the community on the day of the event by the riverside. Several varieties of poisoning agents derived from different plant species are used for fishing in big or small streams. Two species of tree barks opyak and achak, wild tree berries cheti and mwyimthi, ( little berries chiefly used in small streams ), and niro, mozi and pitsü are creepers known to the Lotha. The most poisonous of the lot is the juice extracted from the root of a plant called notsü. The juice is highly potent, and kills every fish that comes in contact with it. The use of this root was banned by the erstwhile colonial British administration since the last century, that even today, permission to use the root must be obtained from the district administration. There are special procedures to be observed in using notsü, The root must be pounded and immersed in the identified spot in the dark of the night, away from the prying eyes of the birds asleep in the trees and their droppings, or else the fish will not die. In preparation for the community fishing, the fishing team comprising of middle aged men from the different sectors and clans of the village will be selected. They will pound the roots/berries/creepers and immerse it into the water. Only one variety of poison is used at a time. After selecting the choice of poison plant to be used, a team will collect the plant. The construction of the Osa, a huge fish trap in the shape of a Y that bridges across the breath of the river, is constructed by using bamboo stakes. On the day of the fishing event, every member of the village goes to the river barring the aged, the infirm, disabled, widows, children and mothers with child. Except for the fishing team, the rest would wait down stream where the womenfolk would be preparing the community meal. Among the team, a lot is drawn for the man to immerse the notsü poison upstream in the spot usually where the water enters the village jurisdiction. The quantity of poison to be used is determined by traditional wisdom and accordingly, the amount is prepared without much wanton waste. In the case of other plants, a spot close by to a deep pool is selected. Every man will thoroughly pound the bundle of creeper with a long wooden stick on the bank to break down the cells. Trees are felled and placed on rough stone supports across the stream to serve as pounding benches for the final pounding. As each bench is finished the men lay their half pounded bundles of creeper on it. Everyone waits for the signal to begin. With a loud rallying call together, each man pounds his bunch of creeper, dipping it in the water at intervals to release the poison. All chant as they work, pounding in time. Meanwhile the elderly are watching the pool below and a shout goes up when the first fish is seen to come floundering to the surface. This is the signal for all to throw their bundles of creeper into the water and rush to the pool. Some wait at the water’s edge with long handled nets, while the expert divers put heavy stone into their waistbands and chase the fish at the bottom of the pool, slipping the stone when they want to resurface. It is not uncommon to see the young divers come up to the surface with a fish in his teeth and one in each hand. As the water carries the poison down stream the fish floundering in the surface is collected. The poison used does not kill but rather stupefy the fish. As the poisoned water travels down women and children participate in collecting the fish from shallow waters downstream. In the distribution of the catch, there are rules which are observed. A share is kept aside for the village priest even if he maybe absent. The biggest fish will go to the person who in the case of using notsü had immersed it first. The second biggest fish would go to the next elderly person and so on. The catch is separated according to size, and distributed to every member present. The share of the aged, the disabled, single women those unable to participate are also allotted their share. In the event that the young members are given a string of small fish, and perhaps falling short in weight, it maybe compensated with a bigger fish in the second round of distribution, subject to a good catch, to come at par with the weight of the others. In the event that only one male member is present from a family,


the share of the others will be allotted in absentia. A special share is given to the divers. If a death should occur by drowning or natural causes at the site during the community fishing, no fish will be taken back to the village, it will be consumed there and left behind. The body of the deceased will not be taken back to the village, in the belief that a violent and devastating storm will occur. It will be buried in a shallow grave on the river bank so that the river will wash away the body. The community fishing is still sustained and carried in the winter months without the rituals of the premordial religion of the past.



Specify your choice (s) above: Community

2. Characteristics

Main



Sub



Explain your choice(s) above briefly: Community fishing 3. Period / Date (chose one or several from below)


Specify your choice(s) above: During the winter months around December‐January (no fixed dates)



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos







Explain your choice(s) above Female members of the community are absolutely barred from all stages of the fishing preparation except in cooking the food for everyone on the day of the fishing by the riverside.



State the reasons: Community fishing is a traditional and social practice which still continue to this day. It instills village bonding among its members and projects community spirit and sharing.


Central Government

State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above: Community support and co‐operation by all the members.



1. Key words (up to 15)

Lotha community fishing

2. Photos

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Community pounding of the fish poison in the river on wooden logs


Captions


Copyright

1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 R. Elithung Lotha 43, Lotha Colony,


2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 J.P.Mills The Lotha Nagas Macmillan and Co.

Limited London 1922

3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify)


5. Data Gathered by: Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 29th July 2009.


9. Post Harvest Festival of the Yimchunger Naga I Name

a) Name

Post harvest festival of the YIMCHUNGER NAGA

b) Local Popular Name METUMNIU


d) Historical Name

METUMNIU

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


e) Pin code 798612



III –Summary Description The METUMNIU Festival is celebrated by the YIMCHUNGERS from the 4th to 8th of August every year, after the harvest of the millet crop. During the festival, those who have died in the course of the year are remembered and prayers offered for their souls. A village elder known as “KHEANPURU” declares open the festival after saying the prayers. The festival is spread over 5 days, and each day is denoted as, SHITO, ZHIHTO, ZUMTO, KHEHRESUK and SHERESUK. On the first day, a community cleaning of the entire village is carried out, where roads and homes destroyed or damaged by heavy rains are repaired and restored. The second day revolves round the repair of the roads and path leading to the fields. The land slides which are a common occurrence due to the heavy rainfall are cleared, and the thick undergrowth is weeded out. The road repair works continue into the third day, where the roads leading to other villages are repaired and maintained. On the fourth day, water sources and springs are cleaned and the village and its


surroundings now sports a new look with an air of cleanliness.The community, enjoy the millet crop and friends are invited with gifts exchanged. They dance in their finery, and go round the village to charm the young and old. Since the METUMNIU festival revolves round the agricultural cycle, the three most important implements, the spade, dao and the hoe are venerated and all agricultural tools and implements are sharpened. During this festive season, couples get engaged, and for those already married, gifts are exchanged for new born babies. Specials prayers are said, and offerings are made for their well being.. If the child is male, the parents offer 6 pieces of meat to the priest, and 5 pieces for the female offspring. This signifies that the male has six souls, and the female five.



Specify your choice (s) above: Purification and cleansing of the common habitat.

2. Characteristics

Main



Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: Summer; The festival is held every year after the millet harvest; 2‐4 August.




Associated deities Associated foods Associated taboos





Specify your choice(s) above: Yimchunger Naga







State Government

NGO



1. Key words (up to 15) Metumniu, Post millet harvest Yimchunger Naga


2. Photos

Figure 1 Figure 2

Image upload

Captions


1 Figure 1 Scenes of dancing from the festival

Dept. of Tourism, Nagaland

2 Figure 2 Scenes of dancing from the festival

Dept. of Tourism, Nagaland


Captions


1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify)


5. Data Gathered by: Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 31st July 2009.


10. Spring Festival of the Ao‐Naga I Name

a) Name

Spring festival of the Ao‐Naga

b) Local Popular Name Moatsü


d) Historical Name

Troknü Mong

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


All Ao villages

e) Pin code 798601



III –Summary Description The Ao country comprises six hilly ranges with different topographic and climatic variations. In the traditional past, every Ao village celebrated the festivals at different times taking into consideration the end of sowing and ripening of the harvests, etc, in their own regional situation. In order to bring about a uniform order to the festivities, in 1946 the then British Administration acting upon the initiative put forward by the British appointed Ao dobashis ( interpreters ) agreed to their suggestion, with the condition that the celebration period is brought down from six to three days as was celebrated then. Thereafter, Moatsü is celebrated annually for three days from 1‐3 May. The spring festival of the Ao called Moatsü (festival of blessing) is an event celebrated to invoke supreme god Lijaba’s blessings on the new crop and to free the seeds from all pests, so that the process of germination is healthy resulting in a bountiful harvest. When the first tiny rice shoots and other seeds begin to appear, it is believed that the observance of ritualistic ceremonies and rites thus far, had been rightly carried out and


thus blessed. The Arijumen, senior male members of the morung decide on the date for the celebration of Moatsü around the first week of May. The festival is also known as ‘Troknü mong’ six days of observance. The first three days of the festival is the preparatory period preceded by a system of elaborate rituals, strict observance of celibacy, purification and restriction on the self. Every household begin the preparation by clearing out and making a fresh hearth where food and rice wine is prepared, firewood is collected, water and so on. On the fourth day all gennas (restriction) cease. Each morung in the village will slaughter a pig and distribute to every household the meat pangnem a mouthful/morsel of meat, which is roasted on the top of the hearth stone and distributed among the children. The next two days, everyone will dress in their distinctive dress and wear ornaments befitting their status and take out a profession singing and dancing. Those who have yet to attain the status of a warrior will be dressed in ordinary body cloth and will wear no ornaments. To do so will incur redicule and a fine, for the Ao attaches great importance to their attire and ornaments, and the right to wear them can be achieved only through wealth and meritorius deeds. The festival is characterized by dances, singing, drinking, playing traditional games, feasting and tug ‐of ‐war. A tradition called ‘kimak’ meaning ‘house raid’ is an integral feature of Moatsü, where groups of Morung members go in a procession from house to house singing Moatsü songs and composing on the spot lyrics, alluding to bygone valour the generosity and status of the host. In return the host will ply them with food and rice wine. On the sixth and last day of the festival, the youngest age group of the Morung bring out the long and thick creeper of the sword bean or cane creeper, collected from the forest a day ahead of Moatsü, for a tug‐of‐war between the male morung members and the girls. As they pull the rope/cane the men and women repartee witty songs with each other. On the seventh day the villagers observe genna, while the high priest will sacrifice a pig at the village altar to symbolize the cleansing of the whole village including the fields and clearing of pathways leading to the fields. During Moatsü, a bamboo pillar is erected outside the Morung with the branches looping downwards facing the sunrise. It is firmly planted in the ground to accommodate the many participants who will climb on it to reach the leaves and pluck them. This is not an easy task as the lower portion is greased with lard making it slippery for the climbers. The competitors will try to climb the pillar and pluck the leaves. This is an event when young bucks set out to impress female members of their age group züngatsü. The girls watch in appreciation and spur them on to pluck the bamboo leaves and drop it to the ground and fete the winners with songs of praise. This pillar symbolizes the tree of victory, manko tong‐the tree where enemy trophies are hung.





2. Characteristics

Main



Sub





Specify your choice(s) above: Spring; every year 1‐ 3 May



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos











State the reasons: Resurgence of cultural festivals


State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above: The festival is collectively celebrated by the village and the individual.


1. Key words (up to 15) Moatsü Spring festival Ao


Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Scenes of festive celebrations during Moatsü

Dept. of Tourism, Nagaland; Sentila T. Yaengar

2 Figure 2 Scenes of festive celebrations during Moatsü


3 Figure 3 Boys and girls awaiting their turn to dance.


4 Figure 4 An integral feature of Moatsü ‐ the tug‐of‐war between the sexes



Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3


3. Audiovisual Recording

Image upload

Captions


1

VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s)

Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 N. Talitemjen Jamir & Prof. A.Lanunungsang

Naga Society and Culture

Nagaland University, Tribal Research Centre, Department of Sociology

2005


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 31st July 2009.

Figure 4


11. Pre‐harvest festival of the Sangtam‐Naga I Name

a) Name

Pre‐harvest festival of the Sangtam‐Naga

b) Local Popular Name Mongmong


d) Historical Name

Amongmong

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


All Sangtam villages

e) Pin code 798612



III –Summary Description The Sangtams celebrate twelve festivals centered around the agricultural cycle. AMONGMONG which means togetherness forever, is observed every year and stretched over six days. It is one of the most important festival of the Sangtam. The predominant theme of the festival is the veneration of the house deity and the three hearth stones for cooking which is thought to represent the god Lijaba. The festival commences from the first week of September every year, during the lull before the harvest just as the crop is ripening. The village priest called ‘Beburu’ with due prayers and rituals will proclaim the onset of the festival around midnight. The next morning, another priest will announce to the village. Thereafter, the preparation begins with the accumulation of food, firewood and rice wine. The announcement of Amongmong draws the line and separates the spirit of the dead from the living. Each day of the festival has got its own significance. The first day is called SINGKITHSA. This day is marked by the closing of all transaction relating to purchase of domestic


animals like pigs, cow, Mithuns and roping them to be slaughtered on the second day. Some of the meat is distributed among male and female teams according to age groups primarily for working together in the field of every member of the team in turn. On the other hand the meat of animals killed by rich individuals is generally shared among relatives, neighbours and friends. The day is called SINKITHSA. The third day is MUSUYANGTAP—day of venerating the three hearth stones by one and all in the early morning. The oldest women in the household perform the ritual by placing a ball of glutinous rice on the top of each hearth stone and pouring a little rice wine over it believing that the god Lijaba is represented by these stones. Until the ritual is complete, no one is allowed to eat and even animals are not fed. Although the performance takes a short time, great care is taken to see that no animal eats the offering for it is taken as a sign of misfortune or wrath of the devil. On these days no one goes out of the village nor to the fields for it is thought to bring calamities and damage the crops. Early in the morning on the third day, the priest goes to the village well and first draw water very carefully. This would be followed by other people waiting there with heads covered with leaves in the fear that they are attacked by cholera. The day is celebrated with the children dressed out in their best while the younger lot gather in the Morungs (male dormitories) and exchange songs of bravery, later joined by female members. The day is devoted to drinking plenty of rice wine, eating, singing, dancing, traditional games, tug‐of‐war and merry making activities. The fourth day is called KIKHA‐LANGPI. All the male members give a face lift to the village. In a ceremonial gesture the priest will first start clearing the weed which willl be followed by the rest of the villagers. All the paths leading to the fields, inert‐village roads, village wells and springs are cleaned. On returning home every adult male member will contribute meat and wine and fest together in the house of the village priest. It is a day of re‐confirming mutual friendship and bonding. The wife would put chillis, ginger and cotton in green leaves called TSIDONG and put them in the field or outside the village in the belief the action would ward off calamities and prevent damage to the crops. The fifth day is called SHILANG WUBA NYUNONG. On this day the villager visits relatives, friends and neiboring villages, sharing of meal, drinking and exchange of meat parcels. The last day of the festival is called AKATISINGKITHSA. From this day harvesting starts. On the successful observation of the sixth day celebration of AMONGMONG the Sangtam believe that their god is well pleased and hope for blessing from him to have a bountiful harvest and good health of the family in the ensuing year.




2. Characteristics

Mai n




Sub



Explain your choice(s) above briefly: Purification 3. Period / Date (chose one or several from below)


Specify your choice(s) above: Celebrated annually before the harvest in the first week of September (1‐6 Sept)



Associated deities Lijaba the Creator, house diety

Associated foods

Associated taboos





Specify your choice(s) above: Sangtam Naga






State the reasons: Resurgence of cultural traditions.


State Government

NGO



1. Key words (up to 15) Amongmong, Pre harvest festival, Sangtam‐Naga

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2


Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Ceremonial ritual of the hearth stone with pouring of rice wine

Dept. of Art & Culture, Nagaland

2 Figure 2 Celebrating in dance Dept. of Art & Culture, Nagaland


Captions


1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 2 3 4 5 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 31st July 2009


12. Pre‐harvest Festival of the Phom I Name

a) Name

Pre‐Harvest festival of the Phom

b) Local Popular Name Monyu


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Longleng

c) Teshil


All the Phom villages

e) Pin code 798613



III –Summary Description Monyu, the most popular and biggest festival of the Phom Nagas falls in the month of April every year soon after the sowing season. The festival is celebrated for six days beginning from the 1st to 6th April every year. It is also marks the end of winter and the beginning of summer or monsoon. A day or two preceeding the festival log drums are beaten with a distinct tune traditionally named “Lan Nyangshem” to herald in the festival. The Village Elders perform a ritual and predicts what the forthcoming festival will be like, a blessing or a curse. If the prediction shows signs of danger, the villagers are warned to be cautious during the festivities. Monyu is also the time to bid farewell to the ongoing year, and simultaneously herald the in the new year. It is the time of prayers and dedication for the sprouting crops that are already sowed. The main feature of the Monyu Festival is the occasion where the male members of the family shows love, and renews the affectionate feelings towards the married daughters, or sisters by presenting them the purest rice beer and specially prepared food. Such conduct reflects the general status of


the Phom women that they are respected and honoured. Planning and decision making relating to the community welfare to be implemented throughout the years are also discussed and decided during the festival. The six day festival follows a circle of rituals and activities which may be categorized day to day as follows. The First Day is for overall preparation. Besides normal domestic chores , every household is to collect leaves for wrapping and bamboo. This is called “SHONGTEN‐LAIPHEN” On the second day, it is compulsory to brew rice beer The third day, which is called “AIHA OKSHOK” is for the different age groups of the community to gather and feast . Thus from the oldest group to the youngest group all gather together and participate in merry making and feasting . On the fourth day, “CHINGI OKSHOK”, guests from neighbouring villages arrive, and the festivity continues On the fifth and sixth days, the festivities continue, and finally conclude with the elders exchanging meat and rice beer. The young go on a picnic of sorts and generally have good time in the nearby forest.




2. Characteristics

Mai n



Sub






Specify your choice(s) above: 1‐6 April, Celebrated annually in Spring.



Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos





Specify your choice(s) above: Phom Naga







State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above: Individual self



1. Key words (up to 15) Monyu, Phom spring festival

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Monyu celebrations Nagaland Tourism 2 Figure 2 Monyu celebrations Nagaland Tourism


Captions


1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1





13. Naknyulüm I Name

a) Name

Naknyulüm



d) Historical Name

Naksho Naknu Lotbu (the fall of darkness over the earth) for 6 days

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


Chang villages

e) Pin code



III –Summary Description Naknyulüm is one of the most important festivals of the Chang Nagas. `Naknyu` means mother of darkness and `lüm` means festival. People celebrate the defeat of darkness. The festival falls during the last week of July and the first week of August, depending on the position of the new moon. There are no fixed dates for its observation as the festival is celebrated only after millet is harvested. Naknyulem is pronounced by an elderly member of the Oungh clan to mark the beginning of the three day festival. The festival is unique in that unlike other festivals where men play a pre‐dominant role, Naknyulem is a festival where women play a significant role to symbolize the strength, capabilities, devotion and sincerity. Another unique feature of the festival is that it is a solemn affair. There are no dancing and singing although animals are slaughtered and rice and millet bread made and distributed to friends and families. Boys play games like spinning of tops `Yan` and the jews harp `Kongkin` are played by the womenfolk.


The story goes that when `Naksho Naknu Lotbu` (darkness fell upon) the earth for 6 days, people who had gone to the fields could not return home and hunters lost their way in the jungles because everything was enveloped in complete darkness. Those who remained in the villages after burning all the firewood could not go out to collect more and so they even started burning the bones and skulls of animals kept as trophies in the house. Women folks could not weave clothes nor could they pound rice and so all the villagers and even animals took shelter in big caves near the village. When a tiger with two tails also came to take shelter, it was killed by a man from the Khuthamshi clan and suddenly the darkness disappeared. Today the descendants from the Khuthamshi clans are given the name `Yampesaba` meaning giver or bringer of light. In the past, Naknyulüm was celebrated for one month and during this period it was a taboo to venture out beyond the village gate as it was believed that lightning would strike the person who does so. The Nagas were very particular about unnatural deaths such as falling from a cliff or tree, drowning, attacks from animals, death during child birth and being struck by lightning. People prayed to `Sampuli Mugha` the god who controlled the weather. Offerings were made to him for protection from solar and lunar eclipses, thunder, storms, lightning and earthquakes, floods and drought. The spirits of the forest, the trees, rocks, rivers and caves were also appeased by offering them meat and millet bread. Village elders would put stalks of a wild shrub called `Ngouman` in the Morung and in every household to ward off evil spirits. Omens were read by roasting a wild black berry call `Weh` outside every house. If the berries burst with a loud bang, it was taken as an indication that no harm will befall the individual house. The festival is signified by the rituals and many gennas (restriction) that has to be observed by the self. During this period, no marriage is planned nor house or granary constructed. People are even restricted from trimming their hair, dancing and singing. Rain during the festival is taken as a good sign for a rich harvest. It was believed that on the last night of Naknyulem, the soul of the man or woman who was destined to die the ensuing year left the person. On the final day, at dusk the elder of the Oungh clan would release a chicken at the village gate to signify the conclusion of the three days festival. The festival is celebrated today with solemnity, unlike the other festivals with the gifting of millet cakes among family and friends. Playing the jews harp by womenfolk is an integral feature of Naknyulem.




2. Characteristics

Main




Sub

Festival Procession Pilgrimage Ritual Ceremony Music Dance Theatre /




Specify your choice(s) above: The Chang Naga celebrate the festival every year after the millet harvest. Naklit‐August. This corresponds roughly to July last week and the first week of August. The date differs in all villages as the festival depends on the harvest of millet. The festival is performed only after the millet is harvested.



When the earth was enveloped in `Naksho Naknu Lotbu` complete darkness for 6 days, man and animal took shelter in a cave. A tiger with two tails also came to take shelter in the cave, but a hunter killed the tiger, and then darkness disappeared from the earth. Naknyulüm celebrates the defeat of darkness.

Associated deities In the past the Nagas were animists. They were always in awe of natural phenomena beyond their control like solar and lunar eclipses, storms, thunder and lightning, floods and drought. `Sampuli Mugha` was the God who controlled the weather and appropriate sacrifices were made to him to gain his favour. In order to appease the spirits of the forest, rivers, trees, stones and caves, offerings were also made to them.

Associated foods

Associated taboos


1. Community Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

Specify your choice(s) above: Chang Nagas






State the reasons: Festivals are the only time when the Nagas ( 80 per cent of Nagas still practice agriculture) could free themselves from the daily monotony of hard work in the fields. This was the time to meet friends and families, relax and enjoy the freedom of leisure.


State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above:


1. Key words (up to 15) Naknyulem, post harvest millet festival Chang naga


2. Photos

Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 5

Figure 6

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Women play games Moa Yaden, Dimapur

2 Figure 2 Pounding newly harvested millet

Moa Yaden, Dimapur

3 Figure 3 Men compete with each other in spinning the top

Moa Yaden, Dimapur

4 Figure 4 Playing the jews harp Moa Yaden, Dimapur


Captions


1


VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Mongko Chang Tuensang village, Tuensang, Nagaland 2 Hongsa Chang Noksen village, Tuensang, Nagaland 3 Iris Odyuo [email protected] 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 2nd of July 2009.


14. Post Harvest Festival of the Rengma I Name

a) Name

Post harvest festival of the Rengma

b) Local Popular Name Ngadah


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Kohima

c) Teshil


All Rengma villages

e) Pin code



III –Summary Description The Rengma tribe celebrates the end of the agricultural year for eight days towards the end of November. It is a festival of thanksgiving and a time to rejoice. The village high priest (Phesengu) announces the date of commencement of the festival so that the villagers have time to prepare for the festival. Every household begins by preparing rice‐beer, banana leaves are also collected from the forest for the second day that will be the day of the Ngadah feast. On the third day the women‐folk visit the graves of their relatives and place rice beer wrapped in banana leaves on the graves. This is a symbolic gesture since it was believed that the souls of the dead visit their relatives once a year during this festival. This festival also observes the remembrance of departed souls, besides the cleaning and repairing of the graves. On this day the eldest member of the household tastes the rice beer which allows others to also then drink it.


On the fourth day, all the males gather at their respective morungs known as, Rensi early in the morning with rice beer and meat. It is taboo for women folk to take part in the morung feast. At noon all the males go round the village dressed in their ceremonial and warrior garb with the women folk following behind with rice beer and bitter gourd containers to offer them drinks. On the fifth day all the males form a procession and visit houses while singing songs relating to Ngadah. Each household donates something to the procession as it visits them; this is seen as a token of appreciation. On the sixth day, all members of the village visit each others house irrespective of rank, clan or khel and eat and drink in each others house without restrictions or hesitation. On the seventh day, everyone goes to the forest to collect firewood, banana leaves and vegetables for the feast. A grand feast is arranged on the 8th day. The village feast on the entire collection of food collected on the fifth day’s procession. After the feast, it is believed that the souls of the people who deceased during the year leave the village and go to the land of the dead. On this day three rites are performed. The first being a “peace agreement” with fire in order to avoid fire accidents in the village, the second agreement is made with rats so that they do not destroy crops or household goods. The third rite is performed to expel all evil spirits from the households and the entire village. This ends the eight day long celebration of the ‘NGADAH’ festival of the Rengmas.




2. Characteristics

Mai n



Sub



Explain your choice(s) above briefly:


3. Period / Date (chose one or several from below) Seasonal Specific month / date (local calendar) Cyclical Specific month/date (Gregorian calendar) Anytime

Specify your choice(s) above: Celebrated annually in November after the harvest; 27th November


Associated deities

Associated foods

Associated taboos





Specify your choice(s) above: Rengma Naga





State the reasons: Strong cultural trend




Specify your choices above: Individual VII – Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15) Ngadah‐ Rengma post harvest festival

2. Photos

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Ngadah Festival of the Rengma

Nagaland Tourism


Captions




7. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 8. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 9. Other Sources (specify) 10. Data Gathered by:



15. Post Harvest Festival I Name

a) Name

Post Harvest Festival

b) Local Popular Name Ahuna


d) Historical Name

Athikhochu

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Zunheboto

c) Teshil


All Sumi – Naga inhabited Villages

e) Pin code 798601



III –Summary Description Ahuna is derived from the root Abhihu/huwu/ahuwu. Abhih means a hefty bamboo basket container (a mini granary) and huwu or ahuwu means upper or surface component. It refers to a few collected paddy grains from the upper or surface portion of a stored paddy (in abih). Suffix Na in Ahuna refers to Ana meaning rice. Thus, a combination of two words Ahu‐upper/surface and Na‐rice formed Ahuna. Which means steamed rice prepared from the paddy of the upper/surface segment of Abih. This festival originated from agriculture and has been in practice from time immemorial by the Sumi Naga. Ahuna festival season comes in between Tüghaküsa pinhe (genna ritual) and Süqüni pinhe(Purification ritual). Except the last ritual first two falls in the same Sümi month (ending part of November and early part of December). Contrary to Sümi agricultural calendar today all these three apinh falls in the same month i.e. November. Ahuna is more a religious rite rather than a festival. Although ahuna is observed in a single day, its preparation takes a long course of process. It commences from the first day of harvest to its completion, collection (transportation) of paddy grains and up till the very


festival day. During which the observation of ritualistic beliefs and strict religious discipline is maintained leading to the abstinence of certain food and habits. For Ahuna feast old rice is never cooked, rather new harvested paddy is literally peeled by fingers and in small amount it is steamed in a young hollowed bamboo. Incase of a larger family, the peeled grains by family members are taken as a fresh sample and mixed with pounded rice. The process of ahuna kibe (steaming peeled rice) follows strict sacramental and ritualistic procedure, abstain from any contaminated element and maintain sanctity while the food is prepared with outmost care. It is even forbidden to expose the leftover meal from outside elements and hence it is wrapped and buried and kept out of sight. On the day of Ahuna, the rice is cooked outside the home on a fresh hearth. Significant of Ahuna festival: 1. Energizes Agro societal culture. 2. Enriches eco friendly culture 3. Promotes community centered life 4. Adherence to religious sanctity and 5. Generates cultural pride and morale.




2. Characteristics

Mai n



Sub






Specify your choice(s) above: Late November‐early December. Ahunaqhi is celebrated after the harvest and when all the grain is collected in the granaries.



Associated deities Benevolent spirits and gods who are appeased throughout the year.

Associated foods

Associated taboos Self purification through stick observance of Taboos, practicing celibacy, diet restriction. Certain food items are banned from the diet during this period because it is thought that eating to a full stomach would allude to gluttony, which in turn, would deplete the food stock rapidly and the family would go hungry before the next harvest.





Specify your choice(s) above: Sumi Naga





State the reasons: The Sumi Naga continues the tradition of celebrating Ahuna.



Specify your choices above:


1. Key words (up to 15) Sumi Naga Ahuna Post‐harvest

2. Photos

Figure 7 Figure 8

Figure 9

Figure 10

Figure 11 Figure 12

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Abhi (hefty bamboo basket container)

Dr.Hesheto Y. Chishi

2 Figure 2 2. Peeling paddy grain with the fingers

ibid


3 Figure 3 3. Peeled & unpeeled grains

ibid

4 Figure 4 4.Steaming Ahuna (from bamboo stem)

ibid

5 Figure 5 Steamed ahuna (rice) ready to serve

ibid

6 Figure 6 Community feast. ibid


Captions


1 VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address

1 Dr. Hesheto Y. Chishi Indigenous Cultural Society, Nagaland

2nd floor Jakhalu Building, City Tower Junction, Dimapur, Nagaland‐797112 India.


Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) Field survey 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected] Date: 15th May, 2009


16. Post Harvest Festival of the Lotha Naga I Name

a) Name

Post harvest festival of the Lotha Naga

b) Local Popular Name Tokhu Emong


d) Historical Name

Richak Tokhu, Yankhyingroe Tokhu, Echui Tokhu

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Wokha

c) Teshil


All Lotha villages

e) Pin code 797111



III –Summary Description Tokhü Emong is the post harvest festival of the Lotha tribe of Nagaland. The festival is observed and celebrated over a period of 9 days from 1‐9 November, after the harvest and the task of collection and storing the grain in the granaries is completed. Only then, a well deserved respite from the toil and sweat culminates in the celebration of Tokhu Emong. In the past, no uniformity existed in the festival dates among the various Lotha region. In order to bring a semblance of order and uniformity in the observation of the festival among the ranges, the elders of Wokha decided to fix the 7th of November every year as the festival date. The agricultural year closes with the Tokhu ceremony. Tokhu festival is also known by other names. It is called ‘Richak Tokhu” which means post harvest festival. The festival is also called ‘Yankhyingroe Tokhu’ which means festival of the village youth, because the festival ushers in marriages after the Tokhu ceremonies are over. Another name is ‘Echui


Tokhu’ which means festival for the dead, because the souls of the people who have died during the year is believed to be released on the ninth day of the festival. The ninth day of the festival is known as “Kijan Day”‐day of prayer for fertility. In the month of November, the blooming of a flower called tokhu thera (festival flower) heralds in Chochantsü‐the month of festivals. If no death has occurred in the village, the priest will announce the festival observance. In the case of death the festivities will be postponed for six days if a male dies and five days in the case of a female. The priest will enquire if all the paddy has been brought into the granaries, and whether any guest or traveler is in the village. If there is a guest he will be requested to leave beyond the village gate before sundown or else, be retained in the village and join in the celebration until the end of the festival. The priest will declare the start of the festivies to the elders and morung members, who will immediately leave and announce the start of Tokhu festival in loud voices around the village. The next day, the priest and his assistant yingae perform a series of ceremonies and rituals. On the fourth day after declaration of the festival, the priest along with his assistant and morung members go from house to house collecting husked rice for preparation of rice wine. On the fifth day, all the village members stay indoors to receive blessings from the priest who along with his assistant and morung boys will go from house to house and collect paddy. Everyone is blessed by the priest specially those who contribute more. The ninth day of the festival is an important day. It is the day of the ‘kijan’ ceremony, a prayer for fertility of the village which takes place outside the village gate. The ceremony is attended by all the village elders, morung boys and male members of the village. A pig and fine looking rooster are sacrificed by the priest while invoking a prayer for bringing a rich harvest, protection of their fields from insects and plant disease, protection from ailment and diseases, and natural calamities, accidental deaths on the collective habitat, prosperity and blessings and fertility of the people to increase the population in the ensuing year. The meat of the pig is distributed to the families of those who died during the year and rituals are performed for the release of the souls of the dead. The last day of the festival is the Tokhu Emong. It is a mass genna day for the village and forbidden to anyone to go beyond the village gate. The festival culminates with dancing, singing and merry making. From the oldest to the youngest male members attire themselves in their traditional clothes according to their social status. Tokhu Emong is a festival of thanksgiving, sharing and reconciliation. It is also the time for renovating the village gate, cleaning wells and repairing houses. Tokhu is the occasion for exchange of gift parcels of food and drinks and family and friends in distant places are remembered through the exchange of Tokhu food and drinks. IV – Characteristics 1. Nature (tick one or several below)



2. Characteristics

Main



Sub




Specify your choice(s) above: Every Autumn, in the month of Chochantsü (approx 1‐9 November)



Associated deities Associated foods Associated taboos













State Government

NGO

Community Other Specify your choices above: Individual VII – Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15) Tokhu Emong, Lotha Naga festival

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2


Figure 3

Figure 4

Image upload

Captions


Copyright

1 Figure 1 Men and women dance in celebration of Tokhu Emong.

R. Elithung Lotha; 43‐Lotha Colony, Dimapur‐797112

2 Figure 2 Women performing harvest song.

Ibid

3 Figure 3 Lotha men in a dance duel.

Ibid

4 Figure 4 Playing traditional games.

Ibid


Captions


1


VIII – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1 Lilanthung Lotha Our Lotha Naga Lilanthung Lotha 1993 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data Gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 31st July 2009


Nagaland

Craft

1. Konyak Woodcraft I Name

a) Name

Konyak Woodcraft

b) Local Popular Name Pan mot


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mon

c) Teshil


e) Pin code 798621




III Summary Description Before the advent of Christianity, a great deal of Naga wood carving tradition was associated with religious beliefs and social practices, and maybe considered primarily under the stimulus of head taking exploits and Morung institute or male dormitory. Taking an enemy head was the greatest honour and conferred a man the right to wear certain stylized motifs in dress, ornaments and architectural features, not entitled to others. Carvings on village gates and Morung symbolized these exploits on the collective habitat. KONYAK‐NAGA The Konyak community of Nagaland inhabit Mon district. Among the Naga, some of the finest carvings are to be found with the Konyak. The traditional woodcarving of the Konyak maybe considered under three categories – connected respectively with head taking exploits, the decoration of the morung,(male dormitory) and funerary effigies erected for nobility and warriors. In general the style of Konyak wood art is distinguished from other Naga tribes. While wood carvings of other naga tribes were conventionalized, often stylized representations, the peculiarity of Konyak carvings is in their naturalism. The tools used in woodcarving are dao,(machete) knife, chisel and hammer. When a large wooden post is to be carved, it was given a rough shape where it was felled in the forest with an axe. The post is dragged to the village and left to dry for many months. The outline of the planned figures are drawn with charcoal and the sculptor would begin by hacking chips from the post with chisel and hammer, until gradually the human figure or animal grew out of the wood. A knife is used for finer work or retouching. Human figures are carved either in a standing or squatting position. Men modeled human heads used as ornaments by head takers with great attention to detail. The features are carved in low relief and fairly realistic with tattoo markings of head takers carefully represented. The nose is carved usually broad, though on tobacco pipes they maybe sharp and protruding, nostrils are rarely made, and the mouth is shown as a slit with vertical ridges for teeth. The eyes are simply small circles with dots or beads serving as pupil, sometimes eyebrows are painted. The ears are either, carefully shaped and hollowed or rectangular with holes for ornaments or tufts of hair, and for pulling the string by which the wooden head is suspended. Men holding enemy heads and men with raised daos were frequent motifs( nowadays carvings uphold the latter). Sexual characteristics were strongly emphasized and coitus representations adorned many a woodcarving. An equally sexual note was the couple with arms lovingly entwined in dancing postures. There can be little doubt that such phallic symbolism had the purpose of promoting fertility, and the women giving birth, or carrying a child, probably the same aim. While human figures in various postures are a frequent subject for the wood carver’s art, wild animals provide equal inspiration. Tigers, elephants, monkeys, and hornbills constitute favorite subjects, domestic animals are hardly depicted. Daily objects of use like wooden beds, chiseled stools, and small objects such as tobacco pipes, combs, hairpins and wooden utensils, are done by men. Morungs were intricately decorated with carved life size figures and animals in high relief of great force and vitality on huge wooden posts. Skilled artisans developed their art in the service of their patrons, decorating posts and beams and the huge log drums with realistic carvings. The hornbill as a general rule, was only carved in the Angh’s (Konyak Chieftan) Morung. Funerary effigies were completely equipped with baskets, textiles, hats, daos,(machetes) whatever was used by the deceased in life was place on the funeral platform. Today, these social practices are a thing of the past. However, the zest for creativity remains partly under the stimulus of external example, and the Konyak continues the vibrant tradition with renewed vigour.



1. Type of craft (tick one or several below) Clay / Terracotta/ Ceramic/ Cement / Plaster of Paris

Dolls /Toys/ Puppets/ Masks

Embroidery Floor covering

Glass/ Mirror Horn / Bone / Shell Jewellery Lac / Wax Leather Metal Musical Instrument Painting Paper / Papier Mache Plant material Stone Textile Wood Others

Specify in case you have chosen ‘Others’:

2. Products and objects made Decorative Morung posts wooden statues funerary effigies utility items decorative items.

3. Materials, Process & Equipments Generic Category Materials Process

Animal waste Ceramic / Plastic / Cement

Clay / Terracotta Cloth Coloring / Pigments / Dyes

Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Sheet metal Shell Stone Wax Wire Wood Bonsham, Badam Chopping, Cutting, carving,

sculpturing, sand papering Yarn / Thread

4. Equipment & Tool used

Axe, dao (machete), knife, chisel, hammer


5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: Depending on the size and end product 2 ‐ 30

days or more if bigger pieces are involve. Specific period when the craft is made:

Throughout the year with seasoned wood.

6. Purpose for which it is used Decorative Ritual Religious / Sacred Utilitarian Personal Performance Wedding Festival

Social & entertainment

Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories

FOLKLOREOne of the most magnificent piece of Konyak woodcraft still in existence, is at Shangnyu Village about 40 kilometres away from Mon Town. Done on a single piece of wood the sculpture is 20ft in length, 12 ft in height and 6ft thick. A popular legend surrounds the origin of this massive piece of wood sculpture meshed into mythical folklore. The Legend of the Shangnyu Wood Art. A long time ago, the Angh (Konyak chief)of Shangnyu threw his consort down a steep cliff for having commited adultery. The next day, her best friend overcome with grief and sorrow at the faith of her friend went down to the bottom of the cliff to check on the body. When she reached the spot, she heard a voice call out saying‐ “I am not dead and I will bear a child”. The friend ran back to the village and informed everyone about the incident and urged them to check out the source of the voice. The villagers quickly went to the spot and found the Angh’s wife still alive. (According to the Konyak, once a capital punishment is carried out it cannot be imposed on the person again.) She was brought back to Shangnyu and thereafter, gave birth to a fine boy who was named Naoman‐ ‘The One who knows all’. When Naoman grew up he became a skilled wood carver. One day, he felled a gigantic tree and started to work on it to create a piece of sculpture, the likes of which no one had done before to adorn the Angh’s house. Whenever the mother or the villagers took turns to bring him food they would hear strange sounds and voices of many people working in the jungle with him. But on reaching the spot, they would only find Naoman deligently working on his own. And so the strange sounds and voices continued until the day the sculpture was completed. The villagers gathered to carry it up to the village, but Naoman declined their assistance. Instead he strapped the huge wooden sculpture on his back and took the steep pathway to the village. Throughout the


journey, the villagers heard the same sounds and voices of a thousand people carrying the load with Naoman, but they remain invisible to the villagers. All they could see was just Naoman carrying the load on his own. The huge sculpture finally reached its destination according to the myths and legends with the help of forest spirits. To this day, the huge wooden piece rests outside the home of the Angh in Shangnyu Village.

Deities

N/A

Customs Konyak women do not engage in woodcraft.

Texts N/A

V – Artisans and Consumers

1. Artisans Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

*Specify your choice(s) above: Konyak Naga

2. Gender of Artisans Male Female Both Other

3. Unit of production

Individual Family Community 4. Estimated number of practitioners:

Data unavailable

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Anghs (Konyak Chieftains), elite members/ Self

6. Mode of consumption / sale: Fairs / Melas Middlemen / Trader Own use Retail outlet Village Market/haat Commission/orders Others

* Elaborate section 1 to 6 above briefly:




Others





*State the reasons: a) The tradition of crafting funerary effigies and morung post is a thing of the past because of Christianization. Depletion of the raw material source is a concern due to deforestation for cultivation. b) Woodcraft continues and craft artisans translate tradition through diversification.


*Specify your choices above: State Government implement Central Government schemes and provide support for training, conduct workshops, fairs and craft bazaars.


1. Key words (up to 15) Konyak woodcraft, Nagaland


2. Photos

Figure 13 Figure 14

Figure 15

Figure 16

Figure 17

Figure 18

Image upload


Copyright

1 Wooden pipes with human profiles/ carved wooden Morung frieze / wooden baton used

Sentila T.Yanger Sentila T.Yanger


during dancing symbolizing the victory over the enemy.

2 Wooden statues that generally decorate the Morung walls and entrance


3. Model of log drum with figures of drummers


4. Carved wooden panel Sentila T.Yanger Sentila T.Yanger

5. (Top) Carved wooden satchel (Bottom) Model of Morung


6. Section of the famous Shangnyu wooden sculpture with stylized human figures, tigers, a giant serpent and other animal figures.



Captions


Copyright

1

IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1 The Arts and Caft of Nagaland

Directorate of Art and Culture, Government of Nagaland

1967


Name: INTACH Nagaland Chapter Institution: Email ID: [email protected] Date: 2.6.2009


2. Chang Bamboo Mug I Name

a) Name

Chang Bamboo Mug

b) Local Popular Name Dobu Thüng


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


Chendang, Yangpi, Chingmei

e) Pin code



III Summary Description Nagas are largely self‐ reliant; they build their own houses, weave and carve functional household articles such as baskets, beds, wooden dishes etc. But there are craftsman who are experts in making certain items such as the Dobu Thüng. Chang villages like Chingmei, Yangpi and Chendang, are known for making the poker designs on bamboo drinking cups and these articles are traded all over Nagaland. With abundance and easy availability of the raw materials this particular item has a huge market potential, but the meager income compared to the time and labour spent in making a single cup discourages many an enthusiasts. Dobu Thüng is made only during the winter season, the period between harvest and the next sowing of crops in the fields that is from October to January. After selecting and cutting suitable bamboos for the cups, it is left to dry for two months and when the bamboo is still pliable designs are made on the cups with a thin iron wire or iron pokers. The bark of a local tree called Langchibu (unidentified) which icontains a resinous


substance, is then made red hot by blowing air into a bed of charcoal. The smouldering bark is then introduced into the freshly cut designs. Nimble fingers and concentration are crucial at this stage before the oily substance from the bark melts onto the incised surface leaving a permanent poker designs on the bamboo cups. If a slight mistake occurs the cup will have to be rejected because the Changs believe that drinking from such imperfect Dobu Thüng will bring ill luck to the one who uses it.







2. Products and objects made Drinking mugs for rice wine desktop accessories




Resinous black sap from the bark of an unidentified local species. (probably lacquer)

Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Bamboo Cutting, drying, carving,

poker work, incising, burning, colouring, binding and lacquering.

Sheet metal Shell


Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread


fire, bark of the langchibi, thin iron wire, knife and dao (machete)

5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece:

Seasoning the Bamboo 2 ‐ 3 months / Crafting the decorated mug 3‐ 4 days.

Specific period when the craft is made:

Dobu Thüng is made during the winter season and only on new or full moon as Nagas in general, have the belief in the traditional wisdom that the driest period in the year during winter, is most conducive for harvesting bamboo as termites would have less chances of destroying the bamboos used for making the cups Mid to end of winter around December‐February before the burning of the new rice fields.



Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories A poor man cannot afford to own or drink rice beer from

the drinking cups made from the horn of the mithun call Ngoulang Thüng. The drinking mug was exclusive only to people having status and merit. The origin of the Dobu Thüng lies in the story of a poor man from Chendang who went to battle and the enemy he killed happened to be a warrior with a distinctive tattoo design on his chest. To show his bravery he replicated the chest tattoo designs on a bamboo mug and since then, only a renowned warrior could drink from the Dobu Thüng and forbidden to others who have not merited the status.

Deities

N/A

Customs Dobu Thüng was used only by warriors who had taken an enemy head. The cup symbolizes bravery and valour. Only men make the bamboo mugs.

Texts N/A



1. Artisans Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group

Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

*Specify your choice(s) above: Chang Naga



Individual Family Community

4. Estimated number of practitioners: 10‐20 individuals

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: In the past Dobu Thüng was only used by brave warriors who had taken enemy trophies but nowadays anyone can buy it from the artisans who practiced the art. Nowadays it is mostly used as a decorative piece or given away as souvenirs or gifts.






Others





*State the reasons: There is a huge market for the Dobu Thüng for its aesthetic appeal. Moreover bamboo the raw material used is found in abundance in Nagaland, but because the craft involves hard work and the returns meager, the younger generation do not find it an attractive alternative.


State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: The Nagaland Handloom and Handicrafts Development Corporation Limited (NHHDC) was established in 1979 and has been investing in production activities, procurement of finished goods as well as implementing a variety of activities aimed at developing the handloom and handicraft sector of the state. In order to have a more organized and consistent production base, the Corporation has been able to assist craftsmen and weavers by providing work sheds, skill up gradation training , design inputs, awareness programs, workshops and organizing exhibitions, melas, Craft bazaars and participation in various local, national and international events.


1. Key words (up to 15) Dobu Thüng

2. Photos


Image upload

Captions Acknowledgement

File Name

Copyright

1 Dobu Thüng is a bamboo cup for drinking rice beer. The poker design on the cup is copied from the chest tattoo of a warrior who has taken enemy’s head. In the past only a warrior could drink from the cup.

Photograph from the collection of Iris Odyuo


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Yongkong Chang Old Medical Sector, Tuensang‐798612 2 Iris Odyuo [email protected] 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland Chapter Email ID: [email protected] Date: 3/8/09


3. Cane and Bamboo Table, Basketry and Trays I Name

a) Name

Cane and Bamboo table, basketry & trays.

b) Local Popular Name Arr khutokütsavü, Leephang


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Phek

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram Reguri

e) Pin code 797114



III Summary Description The Pochury village of Reguri, under Meluri ADC Headquarter, Phek District of Nagaland, is famous for the fine cane and bamboo dining tables and basketry work. Reguri is accessible only during the winter months by vehicles and the village is cut off during the summer due to monsoon conditions. The craft tradition has been handed down through the generations and crafted by both men and women. In the past, Reguri artisans made the tables for their own use and bartered the products with neighbouring villages. However, with increasing demands the Reguri crafts are found in many homes in Nagaland as elsewhere in the country. It is source of income for the village. The raw materials are collected and prepared two months before the crafting of the product. The bamboo is cut and split, sized and edges scrapped with the dao and knife. The cane is scrapped smooth and some split for binding. Both men and women craft the products. The leephang as the table is called in the Reguri dialect is a low platform which can


support plates and dishes, and people sit around it while dining. The table is made in several sizes and is circular in shape. It is an interesting combination of bamboo splits, whole cane and split‐cane binding. Its surface is made of wide splits of bamboo formed by two layers of splits spaced apart with the upper layer, oriented at right angles to the lower layer. Both the layers are bound by sets of thin cane splits moving in both directions. Around the perimeter of the round table surface are placed two looped bamboo rings, one above and one below, moving in a double cycloid pattern such that the upper and lower edges of the rings are of a larger diameter than the table itself. These edges are covered with cane rings and bound with cane splits to the bamboo ring to form a decorative border. The upper ring which moves around the top of the table is shorter in height than the bottom ring which forms the base of the table. The lower rings are interwoven at the mid‐section which gives the table a distinctive design feature. The rings are bound to the bamboo base with cane splits moving along the base bamboo ring. With the passage of time, the cane resource base once found abundantly in the wild has dwindle to a small patch of forest, which the villagers harvest after every ten years. The lost of natural reserves due to varied reasons will have serious repercussions on the craft tradition.







2. Products and objects made Tables serving trays, baskets




Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather


Metal Paper Plant material Cane and Bamboo Cutting, sizing, scapping, splitting,

bending, binding, binding joints with fine cane splits.

Sheet metal Shell Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread


Dao (machete) and knife.

5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: Seasoning the raw material takes 1‐2 months /

Making the items varies from 1‐ 5 days. Specific period when the craft is made:

Throughout the year.

6. Purpose for which it is used

Decorative Ritual Religious / Sacred Utilitarian Personal Performance Wedding Festival


Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories N/A

Deities

N/A

Customs N/A

Texts N/A




*Specify your choice(s) above: Pochury Naga




50 – 60 individuals

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Neighbouring villages/ Self






Others




*State the reasons: Shortage of cane. However, the demand for the excellent cane and bamboo crafted Reguri tables is highly prized and desired.



*Specify your choices above: Through marketing support in the Nagaland State Emporiums, local and national level fairs, craft bazaars. VIII– Keywords and Audiovisual Materials

1. Key words (up to 15) Reguri, cane and bamboo tables,

Pochury Naga, Nagaland

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Image upload


Copyright

1 Arr khutokütsavü /leephang ( cane and bamboo circular table)

Sentila T. Yanger

2 2 different sizes of the Leephang

Sentila T. Yanger

3 Assorted range of cane and bamboo trays

Sentila T. Yanger



Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Mr. nguvisie Nyusou Research Assistance,

District Cultural Office, Phek‐797108

2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:



4. Palm Leaf Rain Coat I Name

a) Name

Palm leaf rain coat

b) Local Popular Name Ehnhü


d) Historical Name

Ehnhü

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Phek

c) Teshil Chizami


Losami, Thetsumi, Chizami, Mesulumi

e) Pin code 797108



III Summary Description Ehnhü is a species of palm which is used by the Chakhesang for fashioning protective cover from the rain and sun. Other Naga communities also use the palm leaf for roof thatching besides its use as rain and sun cover. The palm leaf raincoat is used especially for field work during the monsoons. It is multi functional, and used as sun cover over the tender rice saplings at the time of transplanting. The palm leafs are collected during the winter months when it is the driest period. The harvested leafs are left for drying in the sun. When completely dried, it is split from the vein, soaked in water until soft then rolled between the hands and braided with the fingers. Only women craft these palm leaf rain and sun covers. Men may help in harvesting the leaves, and their contribution ends there.








2. Products and objects made




Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Fan shaped palm leaf

( borassus flabellifer ) Cutting, drying, splitting, soaking, rolling, braiding.



Knife, dao and wooden hammer


5. Time and period of production

Time taken in producing one piece: 4‐5 days for crafting each piece.


Winter and spring



Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories N/A

Deities

N/A

Customs N/A

Texts N/A



*Specify your choice(s) above: Chakhesang ‐Naga




Approx. 200 individuals

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer:

Farmers, collectors, self



* Elaborate section 1 to 6 above briefly: Direct sale‐ producers to consumer.




Others




*State the reasons: The craft faces competition from plastic sheets, raincoats, umbrellas. Ehnhü is natural, breathable, and therefore more comfortable than the synthetic material.


Central Government

State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: Self


1. Key words (up to 15) Ehnhü, Chakhesang palm leaf

raincoat


2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Image upload


Copyright

1 Braiding Ehnhü Mrs. Kekhronguloü Kapfo

2 Wearing the ehnhü while returning from the field.

Mrs. Kekhronguloü Kapfo

3. Audiovisual Recording Image upload Captions Acknowledgement File Name Copyright

1


IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Mrs. Kekhronguloü Kapfo PO.Box#36, Chumukedima‐797103,

Nagaland 2. Publication Author (s Book Title Publisher Place Year


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 8th June 2009


5. Chakhesang Nettle textile I Name

a) Name

Chakhesang Nettle textile

b) Local Popular Name Thevora


d) Historical Name

Thevo

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Phek

c) Teshil


Zhapami, Kami, Lekromi, Pfutsero, Losami, Thetsumi, Lasumi, Leshemi, Tsüpfüme

e) Pin code



III Summary Description Some of the Naga tribes use fibre to weave, which is sourced from the stinging nettle, a sharp and thorny shrub which on contact painfully stings the skin. The Chakhesang use nettle fibre to weave a variety of textiles for everyday use. Stinging nettle is abundantly available throughout the Chakhesang territory and women gather the plant stems from which the fibre is extracted for weaving fabric. To extract the fibre, the shrub is cut with a dao (machete) and the leaves and secondary branches removed. The stem is carefully stripped of its outer skin in long strands, tied into bundles and left to dry in the winter sun. When dried it is soaked in mud for bleaching out the strands. Once the mud has saturated into the fibre it is washed out and left to dry. When dry it is split into finely thin strands, spun and rolled into balls ready to be woven. The women weave shawls, blankets, bags for carrying paddy, rugs, and sling bags. Nettle shawls are specially made on order and is coveted by urban women as collectors item.








2. Products and objects made Shawls, blankets, bags, rugs carry bags for rice.




Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Stinging nettle Cutting, stripping, drying,

soaking, splitting, spinning, rolling, weaving



Knife, bamboo sticks, spindle, weaving implements.


5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: About 15 days.


Throughout the year after the collection and preparation of the raw material in the winter months from Dec‐Jan.




Others



Deities

Customs Gender centric craft.

Texts


1. Artisans

Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

*Specify your choice(s) above: Chakhesang Naga




4. Estimated number of practitioners: 120 individuals

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Village dwellers, urban dwellers, designers and self







Others




*State the reasons: The laborious process and the availability of alternatives had pushed the craft to a languishing status. In the recent past there has been a revival effort for the textile.


State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: NGO intervention in revival and documentation


1. Key words (up to 15) Thevora, Chakhesang Nettle shawl


2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 1

Figure 1

Image upload


Copyright

1. Stripping the nettle stem

Kekhronguloü Kapfo

2. Rolling the nettle fibre into a ball for weaving

Kekhronguloü Kapfo

3. Women wearing a nettle shawl with nettle sling bag with nettle plant in the hand.

Kekhronguloü Kapfo


3. Audiovisual Recording Image

upload Captions



1 Mrs. Kekhronguloü Kapfo PO.Box#36, Chumukedima‐797103 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 8th July 2009.


6. Indigo Dyeing I Name

a) Name

Indigo dyeing

b) Local Popular Name Osak


d) Historical Name

Sürem Sü, Kokmok Sü

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


Akhoya and other Ao‐Naga villages

e) Pin code 798601



III Summary Description The practice of indigo dyeing prevailed not only among the Ao‐Naga but was common to other Naga tribes too. The indigo is extracted from the strobilantes flaccidifolius, commonly known as ‘hill indigo’. The craft practice prevailed until the introduction of synthetic dyes around the 1920s‐30s and subsequently, the easy availability of brightly coloured chemically dyed yarn spelt the death knell of the craft. The laborious processes were given up and the craft slowly languished away. In the traditional past, the knowledge and skills were handed down from mother to daughter and the craft completely taboo to men. The craft practice was hedged by taboos that was carefully heeded. It restricted pregnant women from engaging in the craft with the fear that any negative results out of the dyeing process would be directly responsible on her condition and vice‐versa. Practicing celibacy and disassociation from the dyeing process during menstruation was another taboo strictly adhered to. The wood ash used as a fixing agent must be gathered from a fireplace where meat and fish has


not been cooked or else the dye results will be poor. Generally women who were past the childbearing stage engaged in the craft because of these sanctions. The village of Akhoya in Mokokchung district of Nagaland, was famous from time immemorial for the indigo dyeing practice. Village folklore narrates how this craft was gifted to two sisters of the village by Lichaba, god of the Ao primordial religion. The village is reputed for its water source around which the indigo practice evolved. There are two water sources‐ namely, waro tsübü (crow pond in reference to the dark coloured water alluding to the crow’s black feathers) and mein tsübü (forest pond alluding to the plant life in the water). Water from one source is used in the indigo fermentation process and the other for rinsing out the dyed fabric. The mature indigo leaves are gathered from the wild or harvested from around the field hutment where it is planted, during a break before the harvest in August‐September. The leaves are left to wilt on a bamboo mat for a day. It is then roughly pounded on a wooden pestle and mortar, wrapped up in large leaves and left to ferment in the shade for 7‐10 days. The indigo is ready at the first sight of bacterial activity with the appearance of worms. This is taken as a sign that the process is complete and the colour will be right. The parcel is unwrapped and shaped into cakes and left to dry in the sun. Once dry the indigo cakes are stored for use in the winter months. When dyeing, the indigo cakes are finely crushed with the hands, mixed with sieved wood ash and water drawn from the village water spring. It is stirred around with a long bamboo paddle and left covered for 7 days in a large trough or container. Around the fourth day, the indigo bath is tested with a flat bamboo sliver to see if the dye catches onto the bamboo. Warm ash is sprinkled on the surface and stirred into the dye bath, left covered for three days, or until such time the bamboo sliver turns dark and is deemed ready for use. The woven fabric or yarn is soaked in water and wrung out, dipped into the dye bath and left overnight. The cloth is rinsed out and left to dry in the sun and returned to the dye bath for a few hours. This process is repeated 3‐4 times until the desired shade is achieved. The fabric is ready for use.



Dolls /Toys/Puppets/ Masks



Specify in case you have chosen ‘Others’: Dyeing

2. Products and objects made Indigo dyed shawls female sarongs, male loin cloth

kilts bags




Clay / Terracotta Cloth Textile woven from hand

spun cotton

Coloring / Pigments / Dyes

Indigo dye derived from the strobilantes flaccidifolius plant also known as the hill indigo.

Dyeing; Wilting, pounding, fermentation, stirring, testing, dipping, rinsing, drying

Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Sheet metal Shell Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread Hand spun cotton yarn

woven into fabric


Dried Indigo cakes, wood ash, water from a running source i.e. spring or river/ stream. Bamboo mat & basket, wooden trough, wooden pestle and mortar, large plastic container, bucket, long bamboo paddle, long and flat bamboo sliver, clothes line.

5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: From collection of raw material to dyeing

process approximately; 15‐ 20‐ days for dyeing. Pre‐dyeing Indigo cakes prepared over a period of 10‐12 days.


November‐ February. Winter months are most conducive for indigo dyeing due to the constant sunshine and break from agricultural activity.




Others



7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories According to Ao‐Naga folklore, the all powerful creator

god Lichaba, one day while watching his wife dyeing with indigo and observing white cloth turn to blue, decided to give all the birds who were then colourless some colour. He called out to all the birds and awarded them the colours of the rainbow. The disobedient crow flew in late screeching aloud “Kwa! Kwa! Kwa! – which in the Ao dialect means, give! give! give! and fell straight into the pot of dark indigo and henceforth‐ the crow is black in colour.

Deities

Respect accorded to the Osak deity who resides in the forest among the indigo bushes. Indigo gatherers talk softly, exercising caution not to engage in wanton destruction of the plant while gathering the leaves for dyeing, so as not to disturb the Osak diety.

Customs Indigo dyeing is practiced only by women and taboo to men.

Texts


1. Artisans


*Specify your choice(s) above: Ao‐Naga




The knowledge remains with the older lot but 2‐3 practitioners keep the craft alive in Akhoya Village. There are a few practitioners in other Ao Naga villages and in the other Naga communities.

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Akhoya Village was famous since time immemorial for indigo dyeing. Traditional patrons hailed from near and far off Ao villages. Women from Akhoya dyed woven fabric for their own use.



* Elaborate section 1 to 6 above briefly: Barter‐trade VI – Mode of SkillTransmission



Others




*State the reasons: The practice of indigo dyeing had died out until the recent past. A revival effort is under way to preserve the craft. The lost of indigo forest in the wild due to slash and burn practices for agriculture has also played a profound role in its languishing status.


State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: Through NGO intervention the plight of the craft has drawn the public attention and created awareness of the craft.


1. Key words (up to 15) Osak Indigo Ao Naga Ahkoya Village Strobilantes

flaccidifolius plant.


2. Photos

Figure 1 Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 5 Figure 6

Image

upload


Copyright

1 Osak‐ strobilantes flaccidifolius in bloom

Sentila T. Yanger

2 Collection of osak leaves from the wild

Sentila T. Yanger

3 Implements: Wooden pestle & mortar (süngki); Wooden trough (kokmok); Indigo cakes ready for use

Sentila T. Yanger


4 Pounding of indigo leaves Sentila T. Yanger 5 Indigo shawl.(osak sü,

kokmok sü ) Sentila T. Yanger

6 Indigo shawl.(osak sü, kokmok sü )

Sentila T. Yanger


Captions



1 Sentila T. Yanger Craft revivalist INTACH Nagaland Chapter 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 2nd July 2009.


7. Loin Loom Weaving I Name a) Name

Loin loom weaving

b) Local Popular Name Sü tak (Ao )


d) Historical Name

II – Location a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mokokchung, Kohima, Wokha, Zunheboto, Phek, Mon, Longleng, Tuensang, Peren, Kiphire, Dimapur.

c) Teshil


e) Pin code



III Summary Description Weaving is a traditional and cultural craft of the Nagas. Every Naga tribe attaches powerful narratives to their body cloth which are handed down through oral traditions. These woven mantles of self, status and merit were achieved through Feasts of merit and war exploits. The motifs ranging from the simple to the elaborate, colour scheme, colour bands and strips, distinguishes one Naga community from the other, and alludes to status, clan membership, age group and gender. Naga textiles are woven on a frame made of bamboo called the loin loom or back strap loom. It is a simple contraption on which a continous horizontal warp consisting of six implements serving the function of warp beam, lease rod, heald stick, beating sword and extra warp beam are worked upon. To keep the tension on the warp the weaver sits on a low stool with the back strap around the small of her back. To start the weaving, the weaver grasps the lease rods together with the heald stick


moving them up and down the warp sheet to make the warp yarn, lease rod and heald stick workably smooth. For the interlacement of the yarn, the beating sword is inserted into the heald shed which is formed by lifting the heald with the left hand. The first shed is made by putting the sword along with the lease rod and then turning the sword to its edge and the shuttle thrown through the shed. The weft is slowly beaten down with the sword to the cloth beam. The loom tension is maintained by leaning forward to loosen the warp to form the shed, and stretched taunt before throwing the shuttle through the two layers of the warp. The sword is again turned on its edge and the shuttle is thrown from the left side by the left hand and beaten twice with some strength. The process continues until the fabric is complete. It takes 4‐ 5 days for an expert weaver to complete a plain piece of fabric. Elaborately decorated pieces take a longer time to weave, sometimes upto 15 ‐ 20 days depending on the design. To insert extra weft motifs on the warp sheet, shedding is formed by lifting the warp either with a porcupine quill or the finger through which the coloured yarn is passed through. One of the common features of loin loom textile is the wide size of the fabric, which depends on the arm wide and comfort level of the individual. Two to three woven seperates are stitched together to form a complete piece. In the past, the Nagas grew their own cotton for weaving. The introduction of chemically dyed yarn around the mid twentieth century had a profound impact on the craft. It affected the cultivation of growing cotton and permeated into the natural dye practices. Eventually, cotton cultivation and the laborious methodologies of natural dyeing was given up for the easy availability and brightly coloured chemically dyed yarn. Nowadays, Naga textiles are woven with a variety of different yarns.







2. Products and objects made shawls mekhalas (sarongs) waist coats

bags body sashes dao belts

male body kilts



Clay / Terracotta Cloth Cotton, synthetic, hemp


Coloring / Pigments / Dyes

Natural and synthetic dyes

Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Goat hair Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Sheet metal Shell Cowrie shells Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread Acrylic, polyester, cotton,

hemp, wool Spinning, warping, weaving, dyeing, knotting, embroidery, plaiting, tasseling


Wooden frame loom, warping stand, warp beam, lease rod, heald stick, beating sword, extra warp beam, back strap belt, weft shuttle.

5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: 4‐ 20 days


Throughout the year



Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories The socio‐cultural significance of Naga textiles is profound.

In the absence of a written script, textiles were not merely body coverings they were powerful narratives. The countless stylized patterns, embellishments, materials and techniques, communicate ritualistic and socio‐cultural signatures, and established such concepts as people’s identity and members of a particular community, age


groupings indicative of clan membership, gender, while delineating status and martial prowess and cultural identity. There are many woven narratives and folklores attached to different body cloths of the Naga. The Mankotepsü (head taker’s shawl) of the Ao Naga, is exemplary of a man’s body cloth who has achieved a position of status and merit through enemy head taking exploits in war, and so is eligible to wear the distinctive shawl. On the white median band of the shawl are figures of tigers and elephants to symbolize valour, ferocity and strength of the wearer. Human heads allude to the success in war, spears, daos and shield masculine symbols, the mithun, hornbill and jabeli ( defunct currency of the Ao) signatures of giving the Feasts of Merit, wealth and status and the rooster an essential part of every pre –Christian sacrificial ritual. Other than alluding to Feasts of Merit and enemy head taking, Naga textile narratives encompass other social aspects and significance. Some Naga tribes dress up in their best clothes while reaping the harvest in the belief that their fine appearance was said to please the fertility goddesses and feminine deities of the crop. The zig‐zag motif in the lower section of the Chang Naga warrior shawl Tobu Nei, reflects the winding pathway that the warriors take to attack the enemy village.

Deities

Customs In Naga society it is taboo for men to weave and is abided to this day. At no stages of the weaving process men involve themselves except to help in the preparation of the weaving implements.

Texts


1. Artisans

Caste Group Tribal Group Religious Group

Other Community Not restricted to any caste or community

*Specify your choice(s) above: All Naga communities

2. Gender of Artisans

Male Female Both Other

3. Unit of production Individual Family Community


4. Estimated number of practitioners: Data not available

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Elite members of Naga society and self use.






Others




*State the reasons: Weaving is a hereditary craft passed on from mother to daughter. Nowadays, the younger lot are disassociating from the practice due to education and shift to modern priorities. In the long run the trend can threaten the craft. On the other hand, Naga women and men take cultural pride in wearing traditional attires for everyday use, festivals and special occasions.


Central Government

State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: State Government implements Central Government schemes to provide assistance for transport subsidy on handloom products, training and skill development, cluster development, credit support and health packages for weavers and marketing support. NGOs funded from Central Government ministries provide weaving intervention through training, design development, support services for weavers, marketing support etc.



1. Key words (up to 15) Naga shawls, Naga textiles, Nagaland

2. Photo

Figure 19 Figure 20

Figure 21 Figure 22

Figure 23 Figure 24


Image upload


Copyright

1 Ao‐Naga Warrior Shawl

Sentila T. Yanger

2 Yimchunger Shawl of Status

Sentila T. Yanger

3 Chang Status Shawl Sentila T. Yanger 4 Angami Shawl Sentila T. Yanger 5 Konyak Status Shawl Sentila T. Yanger 6 Phom Status Shawl Sentila T. Yanger


Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 3. Websites Website Name Link (URL) 1 4. Other Sources (specify) 5. Data gathered by:

Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 10th July 2009.


8. Naga Cane and Bamboo Craft I Name

a) Name

Naga cane and bamboo craft



d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Mokokchung, Kohima, Mon, Wokha, Zunheboto, Peren, Phek, Tuensang, Kiphire, Longleng

c) Teshil


e) Pin code



III Summary Description The Naga attachment to bamboo is deeply embedded from birth to death. Living in a land where bamboo is plentiful, the Nagas are experts in basketry and mat making. Baskets are of all shapes and sizes, from the roughly made receptacle made in a few minutes for carrying chicken, oranges, and farm produce for a journey, to the sturdily woven baskets for carrying rice to finely decorative baskets. Every tribe has distinctive designs or share elements of similarity. Common to all the tribes is the use of different baskets serving different purposes. A bamboo which is a year old is collected from the forests to weave into baskets. With the help of a dao (machete) the bamboo is felled and cut at the point where the inter‐nodes are longer. The bamboo is cleared of all leaves and branches and cut into the required lengths. It is then cut into splits taking into account the requirement of the splits and end product.


The splits are cut into thinner sizes and planed by scrapping and drawing along the dao or knife on all sides and edges until smooth. Now the splits are ready for weaving. If any colouring is required dyeing is done at this stage, generally using the roots of the rubia sikkimenses for extracting red. In the weaving process, several thin slats are arranged on the ground in a series, namely the warp. The wefts are then plaited to the warp in different techniques. For example, in a check pattern like in cloth, the warp and weft passes over and under each other alternately. In the case of twill ‐ each weft passes over and then under two or more warps, producing by varying width and colour contrast, an endless variety of effects. The hexagonal effect is achieved with the warp placed not horizontally and vertical but worked in three directions forming in open work hexagonal spaces, and in closed work six pointed stars. These are the common Naga basket weaves. After weaving the base, the free ends of the warp and weft are turned perpendicular in order to prepare the walls of the basket. This mainly depends on the size of the required article. After turning the free ends, the warp and weft are inter‐plaited in the same pattern as the base. When the required height is achieved, the weft and warp is turned downwards into a folded effect and the ends tucked into the body and the excess trimmed with a knife. In conical shaped baskets, additional splits are added at regular intervals to widen the upper portion as the weaving progresses. The rim of the carrying basket is strengthened by binding a cane split around it. Further sturdiness of the body is done by adding supporting lengths of bamboo pieces on the side of the body in regular intervals. A wide range of containers from small baskets for keeping trinkets, to large grain storage containers is used by the Naga people who have understood, interpreted and translated the bamboo into various products, each in a variety of constructions and forms to satisfy day to day needs.







2. Products and objects made Assorted basckets





Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Bamboo and cane Cutting, splitting,

scrapping, bending, binding, weaving



Seasoned and mature bamboo. Cane splits for binding. Dao (machete), knife, bamboo stake, chopping board.

5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: 1‐ 20 days for crafting with seasoned bamboo.


Throughout the year.




Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories According to an Ao folktale, the origin and development

of bamboo basketry craft was passed on to the Ao by a shaman sorcerer called Changkichanglangba who used to perform great feats of miracles. Before he died, he told the people that if they opened up his grave on the sixth


day, they would discover something new. On the sixth day after his death, when the grave was opened, the villagers found all the designs and patterns of basketry work, which they copied and started practicing. Henceforth, the Ao inherited the craft of basketry making.

Deities N/A Customs N/A Texts N/A


1. Artisans


*Specify your choice(s) above: All Naga tribes ‐ Ao, Angami, Lotha, Sumi, Rengma, Konyak, Phom, Chang, Yimchunger, Khiamniungan, Pochury, Chakhesang, Zeliang, Sangtam.




No data available

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Wealthy patrons, single women and self

6. Mode of consumption / sale:

Fairs / Melas Middlemen / Trader Own use Retail outlet Village Market/haat Commission/orders Others





Others





*State the reasons: Plastic alternatives impact the craft and the younger lot is disassociating from the craft tradition. The skills are slowly disappearing. However, the continued appreciation and utility of traditional baskets have kept the craft alive.


State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: Handicraft Schemes of the Central Government are implemented through the State Government.


1. Key words (up to 15) Naga basketry

2. Photo

Figure 1

Figure 2


Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 7

Figure 8


Image upload


Copyright

1 Roughly made bamboo baskets for carrying eggs/oranges etc. for journeys and sale

Sentila T. Yanger

2 Woven Gourd containers with lids for storing rice wine

Sentila T. Yanger

3 Double‐walled structured container with lid for storing grains/spices/ and other dried foodstuff

Sentila T. Yanger

4 Double walled structured container with legs and conical lid for storing clothes and valuables attached with thin bamboo straps on the sides.

Sentila T. Yanger

5 Round utility containers for serving various tasks

Sentila T. Yanger

6 All purpose carry baskets.

Sentila T. Yanger

7 Finely woven receptacle used for storing yarn and cotton during weaving

Sentila T. Yanger

8 Circular winnowing trays. The double walled underside.

Sentila T. Yanger

9 Large storage granary containers for paddy and other grains

Sentila T. Yanger

10 A basket weaver at work

Sentila T. Yanger

Figure 9

Figure 10



Captions


1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 2nd July 2009.


9. Pottery of the Chakhesang I Name

a) Name

Pottery of the Chakhesang

b) Local Popular Name Leki, Lekhu, Rogale, Süthule, Levorü


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Phek

c) Teshil

d) Panchayat(s)/Villages/Gram Rünguzu

e) Pin code 797108


Explain geographical spread (as may be required): III Summary Description Rüngüzou is a Chakhesang village where pottery is still practiced. However, the craft is slowly obliterating due to several reasons brought about by development and modernity. In the traditional past, the village was famous for the craft tradition and trade in pottery products within the tribe and other communities flourished. Pottery is done without the use of the potter’s wheel. The pots come in various sizes, shapes and utility purposes with incised decorations in some of the pottery which is, applied just after the forming and finishing of the body when the pot is still wet. Leki is the name of a large storage jar characterized by a thick globular body with a flat base so as to retain stability. The pot is tan in colour having an elongated neck with a flaring rim and rough in texture. The large storage jars called ‘lekhu’ for storing water is without any form of decoration. On the ‘leki’ for brewing rice wine, a simple appliqué design around the neck of the jar is incised which the potter symbolically considers as a necklace. These incised markings are done with a small sharpened bamboo blade. The


‘leki’ is also used for storing clothing and ornaments as well as for storing grain. Another decorative motif is sticking small bits of clay spikes in the shape of a female breast, done when the pot is wet. The spiked projection is one exclusive design produced by Rüngüzou potters. The local interpretation is that it signifies womanhood and fertility. “Rogale” is the name for cooking vessel. It is a medium sized globular vessel with a rounded bottom and short turned out rim. ‘Süthule’ is another medium size flat bottom cooking vessel having a rough texture. The vessel is characterized by a short constricted neck a wide mouth with flaring rim. The usage of this vessel is for frying. ‘Levorü’ is a medium sized pot with elongated and flaring neck having a globular body. It is used for cooking purposes as well as for carrying rice wine to the fields. Clay is collected from traditional mining sites. One method of identifying new sources is to observe and test the clay found on the body parts of crabs. Clay stuck on the crabs is removed and thrown into the fire. If the clay burns without cracking up the potters will go to the spot from where the crabs were caught and test the soil for a potential mining source. The mined clay is spread out and dried in the sun for 10 days. After drying, the clay along with tempering materiasl are placed in a wooden trough/mortar called ‘ragala’. Finely pounded and sieved pottery shards and old cooking vessels with a small quantity of ash is the tempering materials mixed along with the clay to produce fine quality pottery. A variety of tools basically made from wood and bamboo are used in different stages of the pot making process for beating, shaping and firing. Today, the vibrant trade tradition that existed in the past with neighbouring villages is no more. The obvious reason being that the products are less in use and no longer in demand. However, a growing clientele in the urban areas indicate signs of demand for the Rüngüzou pottery more as decorative items than utilitarian. This bodes well for a craft in a languishing status. IV – Characteristics






2. Products and objects made Storage jars for grain, water, clothing,

Jar for brewing rice wine cooking vessels


Animal waste


Ceramic / Plastic / Cement

Clay / Terracotta Varieties of Clay; Broken potshards & old pots

Kneading, beating, carving, shaping, incising, firing, Pounding, sieving

Cloth Coloring / Pigments / Dyes

Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Sheet metal Shell Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread


Wooden trough/mortar & pestle, wooden plank and assorted wooden beaters and bamboo shapers.

5. Time and period of production

Time taken in producing one piece: Approx; 20‐25 days for making 20‐30 pots per batch.


Winter months November‐February.




Others




Deities

Customs In Rüngüzou pot making is a male centric craft. Women do not engage in the craft although they may help in collection of the raw material, pounding and firing process. There is a belief that if the Thevo (village headman/priest) engages in pot making, the village loses its fertility and prosperity. Therefore, it is taboo for the Thevo to make pots. In the process of pot making, water is filled to the brim as the potter splatters water on the clay to keep it wet while beating it to shape. The act of splattering water onto the wet clay is taken as loosing the fertility of the village if the Thevo should engage in pot making, the reason being, the finished pottery is sold or bartered to other villages. The taboo is also attached to men who have done the mithun sacrifice and completed the full series of the Feasts of Merit.

Texts



*Specify your choice(s) above: Chakhesang Naga of the Chokri group




4. Estimated number of practitioners:

3‐4 artisans

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Neighbouring villages, fellow villagers and self.



* Elaborate section 1 to 6 above briefly: Barter VI – Mode of SkillTransmission



Others




*State the reasons: Today the craft is in a languishing status. The younger lot show no interest in learning the craft tradition and the switch over to market products is responsible for the languishing status.


State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: Self‐sustaining


1. Key words (up to 15) Chakhesang pottery Rünguzou village

2. Photos


Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 7

Figure 8


Figure 9

Figure 10

Image upload


Copyright

1 Potters at the mining source

2 Potshards, old pots and clay readied for pounding

3 Pounding clay 4 Sieving 5 Tools 6 Beating the pot 7 Shaping 8 Shaping 9 Firing 10 Finished pots ready

for sale.


Captions


Copyright

1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year

1 NEZCC Documentation Pottery Tradition Among the Chakhesang & Pochury Tribes

North East Zone Cultural Centre, Dimapur

2008






10. Pochury Pottery I Name

a) Name

Pochury Pottery

b) Local Popular Name Yutshü, Lampang, Phusü, Alere, Naksülüküphu, Nna, Phzülaüng, Rüphu


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland

b) District Phek

c) Teshil


Laruri

e) Pin code 797114



III Summary Description Laruri women potters mine the clay from areas used by their ancestors a distance of 1‐3 kms from the village. Mining is the sole prerogative of women who source the raw material in groups. According to the potters there are two main sources of clay – one for making pots sourced from the nearby hills and the other from the river bed called ‘tsüngleli’ which is used for making smoking pipes. A powdery talc like white coloured clay ‘longmengu’ is mixed along with other types of clay as a tempering agent in Laruri pottery while making cooking pots. This is to allow the potter to work the clay smoothly and in order that the pots do not break during the firing process. The different types of clay are mixed together and pounded into a fine powder in a wooden pestle and mortar and sieved through a fine bamboo basket mesh. Potters squeeze and knead the clay according to the desired size of the pots. A friend would help in sprinkling water from time to time. The clay is worked until the water is evenly distributed and foreign particles or clay lumps and trapped air is eliminated.


The clay is further pounded with a wooden pestle to increase the elasticity of the clay. She removes the clay and throws it on a bamboo mat repeatedly on both sides until it flattens out. The flatten clay is rolled into a bun and beaten on the sides while still on the ground, avoiding the center with a round shaped stone pebble. It is lifted, upturned and held on the left palm and with the stone pebble the center is pressed and beaten out into a shallow depression. The potter continues shaping the depression by placing it in a vertical position on the ground and beating the center evenly, turning slowly in an anti‐clockwise direction. Next she pinches a sizeable amount at the mouth, pulls it inwards and releases it until the circle is complete. She places the clay on a pot mould stand called ‘mürü’ to start the shaping process. On the desired pot size, the potter places the stone pebble held with the left hand pressing against the inner wall and beating the outside surface with a wooden beater rotating the vessel until the desired expansion is achieved. The vessel is rested on the mould base to shape the mouth of the vessel. The potter wets her hands and smoothen’s the rim by rubbing and running both hands in opposite direction, simultaneously removing excess clay along the mouth. The outer and inner walls also merit her attention by smoothening it out with the palms of her hands. Next she takes a small amount of clay and rolls it. The rolled clay is joined to the mouth of the vessel to be shaped into the neck and rim. Once the rolled clay is attached to the vessel and the ends joined together the beating and pressing process resumes until the vessel neck is formed, the edge is of equal thickness and evenly attached to the body. The stand of the pot is made by attaching a rolled clay ring to the vessel base and smoothens the surface with wet hands. With her index finger the potter presses the ring unto the base. This is the distinctive feature of Laruri pottery regardless of size, big or small‐‐the ring based vessels which are easily identifiable. While making large storage jars, the coiling technique is applied. The initial procedure is the same but working with larger amount of clay to shape the base and beating it. Successive coils are joined one on top of the other and beaten along to build the vessel walls until the desired height is achieved. All her experience, skills and concentration comes to the fore at this stage since the potter cannot afford to undo and start all over again in the event that something goes wrong. As the body of the vessel expands, she transfers the pot from the mould stand to a ring of straw wrapped in old cloth for better support. After the forming and shaping of the pot is done it is dried out in the sun and rotated in frequent intervals for even distribution of the sun and complete evaporation from moisture. After 3‐4 days in the sun the pots are ready for firing. A suitable site is selected in the open away from the potter’s home, in all probability to prevent fire from catching the house. On a base of ash the firewood is laid out and the pots place over it. A heap of dried grass is place over the pots and set fire. As the fire dies down a basket of ash is scattered over the flame to insulate the fire from burning out too fast. The firewood underneath burns slowly and the temperature bakes the pots. The firing process takes 1‐2 hours. Another distinctive characteristic of Laruri pottery is the application of red coloured soil mixed with water while firing large storage jars. When the jars are fired to a certain temperature, they are removed and a soft cloth dipped in the water solution is rubbed over the body while still hot. This gives the storage jars and funerary pots the distinctive colouring. This is not applied to cooking vessels. Decoration on the pots are applied just after the forming and finishing of the body when the pot is wet. Laruri pottery sports elaborate designs incised with the help of a porcupine quill and tip of the finger nail. The complexity of designs is more pronounced in the funerary pots to state the love of the potter for the deceased. The designs bear similarity to female tattoo patterns, the herringbone motif found on male dao ( machete) scabbard and spear symbols, a masculine symbolism among Nagas. Another Laruri pot with a narrow mouth and bulbous body extensively decorated on the body as well as the inner surface of the mouth was used during festivals for communal drinking competitions among the young men. Miniature pots were made as child’s toy and


put in the grave to be used by the deceased child as a toy in his/her journey to the next life. Today, no such communal drinking bouts are held, nor is the use of funerary pots or child’s toy for the after life, a result of Christianization.







2. Products and objects made Storage pots for water, grains,

water basins Storage pots for grains

Cooking pots rice wine pots jarsfood server funerary pots.



Clay / Terracotta Several types of clay are used in the process

Pounding, sieving, Kneading, squeezing. pounding, throwing, beating, shaping, forming, pressing, rolling, coiling, incising, decorating, squeezing

Cloth Coloring / Pigments / Dyes

Red soil is used after the pot is heated during firing to give the pot a red colour.

Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Sheet metal


Shell Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread 4. Equipment & Tool used

Wooden mortar & pestle, wooden paddles, mould stands, anvil, porcupine quill.

5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: 20‐25 daysSpecific period when the craft is made:

October‐February. Winter is the appropriate time to make pots because the monsoon rains makes clay collection difficult as well as drying and firing. Winter months is the lean period free from agricultural activities.




Others


7. Associated Elements (tick and specify) Myth / Legend / Stories Though men contribute by manufacturing the tools, once

the tools are used it is believed to bring bad luck during hunting or loose one’s head in an enemy raid. Men continue to abstain from the practice because it is deemed ‘femine’, and the taboo persists even with the change to Christian beliefs and abandoning of traditional practices. Stories and folklores surrounding collapsed pit roofs and burying alive the potters are quite common. One such folklore is about the story of a woman of Laruri who one day went alone to collect clay for making pots. She went deep inside the pit lighting her way with a pine torch. As she was digging the roof caved in burying her alive. According to the story, she was wearing costly ornaments and it is said that if one digs in the spot they would find her remains along with the ornaments.

Deities N/A Customs Only women practice the craft and it is taboo to men. Texts N/A




*Specify your choice(s) above: Pochury Naga




4. Estimated number of practitioners:

The older lot is still engaged in the craft for making medium to small pots. However, there is only one woman in Laruri who has the expertise and skill to make large storage pots.

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Neighbouring villages, self consumption






Others





*State the reasons: Laruri pots are still in demand within the community for storage purposes. However, there is a visible trend of disassociation from the craft practice among the younger lot which threatens the craft tradition.


State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above: Self


1. Key words (up to 15) Pochuri Naga Laruri pottery Nagaland

2. Photos

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 4


Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 7

Figure 8

Figure 9 Figure 10

Image

upload Captions Acknowledgement File

Name Copyright

1 Figure 1 Women potters digging for clay from the mining source

2 Figure 2 Sieving the pounded clay with a bamboo mesh basket

3 Figure 3 Tools 4 Figure 4 4. Knead clay 5 Figure 5 5. Coiled based ring


6 Figure 6 6. Incising base with index finger

7 Figure 7 7. Firing process 8 Figure 8 8. Throwing ash to

slow down and insulate the heat.

9 Figure 9 9. The last surviving women potter to make large storage jars.

10 Figure 10

10 Funerary jars


Captions Acknowledgement File Name Copyright

1 IX – Information Source 1. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 2. Publication Author (s)

Book Title

Publisher

Place

Year

1 Ditamulu & Dr. Anungla Aier.

NEZCC Documentation‐Pottery Tradition Among the Chakhesang & Pochury Tribes

North East Zone Cultural Center, Ministry of Culture, GOI

Dimapur 2008


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]: 2 July 2009


11. Wedding Basket I Name

a) Name

Wedding basket

b) Local Popular Name Yatso


d) Historical Name

II – Location

a) State

Nagaland


c) Teshil


Khiamniungan villages

e) Pin code



III Summary Description Some of the finest bamboo and cane craft is executed by the Khiamniungan Naga. The bamboo and cane to be used for making the baskets are selected, cleared of its leaves, cut to the required lengths and each piece of bamboo and cane is split into thin slats of about 1cm wide and smoothened with the dao before weaving the basket. For weaving the Yatso the open work hexagonal technique is employe Yatso is given to daughters by the Khiamniungan Nagas, when she gets married as a special wedding basket to keep her clothes and personal belongings. Yatso is either plaited by the father of the bride or are bought by him from a well‐known expert basket maker; and it was (and still is) always carefully preserved in the house. The Yatso is never given away or used for any other than ceremonial purposes. In case her husband divorces her she never leaves her husband’s house without her Yatso. When she dies the Yatso containing her weaving tools is always placed on her grave.


V – Characteristics






2. Products and objects made

Carry basket




Glass / Mirror Hair / Fur Horn / Bone Lac Leather Metal Paper Plant material Bamboo & cane Cutting, splitting, planed,

weaving Sheet metal Shell Stone Wax Wire Wood Yarn / Thread


simple dao (big knife), an awl made of animal bones call neau, nimble fingers and patience


5. Time and period of production Time taken in producing one piece: 5 to 10 days


During October, November, December and January.




Others



Deities

Customs

Texts


1. Artisans


*Specify your choice(s) above: Khiamniungan Naga




4. Estimated number of practitioners: 60 to 70 individuals

5. Traditional Patron / Consumer: Fellow village dwellers







Others




*State the reasons: Nowadays people prefer giving their daughters household gadgets, expensive suitcases and other precious jewelries when she gets married. The wedding basket is given away only in rural areas. Moreover very few people practice the art of making fine wedding baskets and it takes a lot of time to place an order because the place where they are still made do not have roads even today.


Central Government

State Government

NGO

Community Other *Specify your choices above:


1. Key words (up to 15) Yatso Wedding basket


2. Photos Image

upload Captions Acknowledgement File

Name Copyright

1 Figure 1 Yatso or wedding basket is given to daughters when she gets married among the Khiamniungan Nagas

Iris Odyuo; Tuensang


Captions


1 2 3

4 5


IX – Information Source 6. Interviews Name Occupation Address 1 Cheda Khiamniungan Panso village, Tuensang, Nagaland 7. Publication Author (s) Book Title Publisher Place Year 1 Naga Identities: Changing

Local Cultures in the Northeast of India

Snoeck Publishers Gent 2008


Name: Institution: INTACH Nagaland ChapterEmail ID: [email protected]:

Sample Data: Orissa

Performing Art & Oral Tradition Events Craft

Orissa | Performing Art & Oral Tradition | 267

Orissa


1. Dongria Kondh

1. Name Narrative (Meria sacrifice)

• Name: Dongria Kondh • Local popular Name: Mariabali

2. Location

• Southern Orissa • Orissa • Rayagada • Kurli • Kurli • Kurli

3. Short description

The Kondhs believe that if the mother earth is dissatisfied then they cannot get crops of any kind. In the past, the rain did not fall for long time. Not a single seed possibly sprouted. The Kondhs became hopeless. With utter surprise the Bejuni got possessed by a sprit. She danced in trance. When people enquired she told that there was no rain because of wrath of Tari penu. She demanded human blood to be given and then she would be satisfied. Jani searched for a man to be sacrificed. Ultimately the Jani succeeded in catching hold of a person. The sacrificial auspicious moment was fixed by the Jani. But some how the news sneaked and the man escaped just before the propitiating time. The Jani became illusioned and broken. He immediately searched for a substitute. Jani immediately thought of his own daughter who was a Kania. Jani bathed his daughter with oil and turmeric and dressed her with a piece of red cloth. He offered her salap (liquor) and others too drank the salap and danced madly. When they danced along with music it reached its highest pitch, the Jani slashed the head of his daugher with a tangia (axe). The Darini Devata quenched her thirst and the people were resorted to normalcy. From that day the practice is in vogue in the Kondh society. They call this as Toki Parab. The oral tradition of the folktale forms an integral part of the Kondh society.


4. Characteristics

4.1 Main Components: Ceremony 4.2 Sub Component: Ritual 4.3 Nature: Religious/ Sacred 4.4 Context of Performance: Agricultural Activities (Post ‐ Harvest) 4.5 Period: March to May 4.6 Is it also performed on stage? No 4.7 Specific Location where performance is held: It is the biggest festival observed by the Dongria Kondh communally in any one of the villages of a Mutha. The people of other Muthas also participate. If there is no bumper crop, the festival may be postponed to the next year as it involves lot of expenditure. 4.8 Names of musical instruments used: Drum and Dampha used by males and females use Janginga. 4.9 Objects associated with the performance: Other, state props and objects used for performance (specify): Males generally wear white dhoti (Silkacha), Vest (Aangi) and Shawl (Kopadaganda), Necklace(Mekalika), hair clip(Jatpurica), Comb(Kokwa) and nose rings.Where as females wear white Sari, Shawl(Kopadaganda), neck ring(Khagla), bead necklaces (Mekalika), nose ring (Murma), ear buds and rings(Nanguli), hair clip(Jatpurica),hair pin (Katri), finger rings, bangles (Paja), waist chain (Antadoru) etc.

5. Content

5.1 Language used: Rayagada is one of the tribal dominated districts with about 55.76% tribal population as per 2001 census. The tribal communities taken together are a heterogenous composition of three different ethnocultural groups, such as Aryan, Dravidian and Austric and speek varieties of dialects which are not mutually intelligible. As many as 20 different lnguages are spoken and the people living in a village speak different languages. Kuvi comes under the Dravidian group. Kui, Kuvi and Konda are the languages of Kondh tribe. Apparently another section of the Kondh prefers to dominante their language according to their tribal names. Kuvi. Jatapu Kondh and the hill(Dongria) Kondhs are the speakers of ‘Kuvi’. Kuvi is the language used by the Kondhs and the hill Kondhs of Rayagada areas. They can also speak Telugu. Kuvi appears to have original structural composition and Kui is the acculturated and transformed from Kuvi language. 5.2 Associated text: In every Dongria village, a set of traditional village leaders and village council exercise control. They shoulder all responsibilities, participate in social activities and influence life of their fellow men. Jani, the Priest, is the formal secular and ritual head of the village and participate in village council meetings. All important maters are brought to his notice for his interventions. He can alone worship the supreme


deity, the Darani Penu. His post is hereditary and he does not demand any remuneration for his services. But as per tradition the villagers give to him the head and share of the meet of sacrificial animals in communal ritual and hunts. He holds the highest and prestigious post in the village and commands respect from his fellow villagers. Bishmajhi, is the revenue collector and village fund manager. His secular position comes next to Jani. He collects land and forest revenues from households and imposes fines to the offenders. When Jani is absent he presides over the village meetings. He does not get any remuneration. Barika is the village messenger who comes from Domb community. He circulates information of various events to the villagers and collects cash or grains from villagers as per the instruction of village headman. He fixes rates for each produce. He reports criminal offences to the police in consultation with the Bishmajhi and the Jani. The statutory panchayat raj system has emerged with a set of elected leaders, like ward members, sarpanch, chairman, panchayat samity and block/ zilla Parishad chairman. They look after development works liasioning beween the people and government and other external agencies. 5.3 Associated Myth/ Legend/ Story: The Dongria Kondhs have a strong belief that they are the direct progeny of Niyamaraja, the god king. They believe that the God king Niyamaraja made the surrounding inaccessible with heavy rain fall, cold climate, birth place of many perennial hill streams, dense vegetation with rich timber and fruit bearing trees and ferocious wild animals; the appropriate place for their habitation (Jena, et, al, 2002). Initially they settled in Lanjigada and occasionally visited for food and hunting the Niyamagiri hill ranges before permanently settling there. The abode of the God Niyamaraja on the mounting peak is the holy place for the Dongria even today. 5.4 Associated Deity: At the top of all gods, deities and sprits stands the Darani Penu (Earth Goddess), the supreme deity. She is respected with high esteem as the creator of the world and does not ordinarily cause any harm to men, and enlivens as well as protects them form pestilence, deprivation and evil. She is installed in a hut in the front yard of each village, called Kuddi. She is represented by three elevated stones placed horizontally upon them. Sixteen other small stones which crooped up automatically in due course after the installation of Darani Penu represent her disciples. She is otherwise known as Jhankar. She is worshipped during Bihan‐festival (Bihan Laka) and Meria festival (Meria Laka) by the Jani and Lamba, respectively. During other feasts and festivals she is appeased with various sacrifices. No important matter relating to social, economic or poltical life of the Dongria Kondh is settled without an offering and a prayer to Darani Penu. All rituals start with the worship of Darani Penu, the supreme Deity, for safeguarding the life of the Dongria Kondh. That is why utmost care is taken of her and she is profusely appeased. Women, if glance at her during their menstrual period, suffer from sprit‐ possession. That is the main reason for which DaraniPenu has an one‐sided enclosure, and usually not seen from outside. 5.5 Related epic: Others The epics are an integral part of folksongs and folktales. The Kondh community living near Bissamcuttack on the hills of Niyamgiri and Pondu on the basis of their own location has developed the following epics: “Pandu rajaki budhi hilei dine baja”


The Niyamgiri and pondu Hills are named after Niyam and Pondu kings. They are brothers. Niyamraja, the younger brother was clever and wise/ learned but the elder brother Pondu was stupid. So, the Sun God called the elder brother as “Panda” for his stupidity who later became ‘Pondu’ so, the tribal girls never want to have a stupid young man, like Pondu as their life partner rather they choose clever person, like Niyam Raja.

6. Practitioners

6.1 Performed by: Religious group. Jani, the Priest, is the formal secular and ritual head of the village and the village council meetings. He can alone worship the supreme deity, the Darani Penu. His post is hereditary and he does not demand any remuneration for his services. But as per tradition the villagers give him the head and share of the meet of sacrificial animals in communal ritual and hunts. 6.2 Nature of performance: Community 6.3 Gender: Male and Female 6.4 Other participants: The Meria ceremony is observed communally in a particular village of a Mutha for 8 days. The people of other Muthas also participate. 6.5 Number of Practitioners: It is not necessary that the Meriah ceremony is to be organized in villages every year. Some times the village where the ceremony is organized by a Mutha, the people from other Muthas also participate

7. Mode of transmission of skill: Traditional

To observe the Meria ceremony the decisions are taken by the elders of the villages under the leadership of the Mutha/ Mandal. Decisions are also taken with regard to the date and place for observance, contribution to be given by each household, selection of volunteer, and collection of necessary articles, Bejunis are invited, services of the Lamba and Janis are requisitioned and list of invitees from other Muthas is also prepared and specific responsibilities are assigned. All these decisions are taken and necessary arrangements are made at least a month in advance. Until the ceremony is over, all the works are suspended and all the people remain agog with pleasure and happiness for the forthcoming ceremony.

8. Threat and survival

8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No 8.2 Reasons: Meria Festival is the most awaited one and the Dongria Kondh observed it with great joy. To propitiate goddess earth (Darani Penu) they used to provide human sacrifices in the past. But this practice has already been abolished, and nowadays as substitute they offer buffalo sacrifice. Darani –Lamba, usually takes the lead in organizing the ritual, who propitiates Darani Penu on this occasion. He is assisted by Janis, IchanJanis and Pujaris. Friday of the week is selected as an auspicious day for the ceremony.


8.3 Availability of support: Others By the Dongria community of a village under one Mutha.

9. AudioVisual Materials

Village within protective enclosure during Meria Festival

Neighbours from surrounding villages witnessing the proceedings of Meria festival

Ceremony before the Maria Festival

Ladies on the way to participate in the Meriah festival

‘Sadar’ the seat of Earth Goddess Dharani Penu in the middle of Dongria village

The sacrificial Buffalo


Dongria youth in traditional attire Chhatri

Past weapons of Maria Sacrifice

Shamanin (Bejuni) in trance

Jani performing the ritual

Dhangadas of neighbouring village

Villagers gathering in front of Kuteibali


Bevy of young Dongria girls near the Shrine Kuteibali

Scene of Meria sacrifice

The man who Struck the first chop to the Meria animal

The dead buffalo lying near the Sadar

Head placed in front of the Sadar

Flesh of the buffalo for distribution among thevillagers

10. Sources of information:

Collected from the secondary sources, library work and from the Chatikona area of Rayagada district.


11.Key words:

Meriabali, Darani Penu, Sacerdotal Chief, Narative, Jhankar, Kuddi MERIABALI: The Meriabali is a social festival observed for the satisfaction of Darani Penu. The Dongria Kondhs had a belief that Darani Penu always needs human blood. When the natural disaster comes, they pour blood for its satisfaction. They still feel that blood is necessary for the earth. To quench her anger human blood is the best way for which Meria worship was being done ceremoniously. Nowadays instead of human sacrifice buffalo is considered as substitute by this community. DARANI PENU: The supreme goddess of the Dongria Kondh is called ‘Darani Penu’ or ‘Dharani Penu’. She is often referred to as the creator of universe. She is regarded as the great sustainer of life. She protects people from all evils and brings happiness and prosperity to the Dongria Kondh. SACERDOTAL CHIEF: Sacerdotalism institutionalizes the priest‐craft in a community. The sacerdotal chief’s role and position are prestigious. The chief officiates and performs rituals for the supernatural powers and also upholds priesthood. His act very much influences the thoughts and actions of community members who follow his instructions meticulously in ritual performances. NARRATIVE: Narrative relates to any description of occurrence or events taking place in any community. A larger narrative may include a number of occurrences or a series of events, often systematically and chronologically arranged. A narrator has imaginative skill and describable talents by which the narration becomes logical and congruous. JHANKAR: The earth goddess, the supreme deity of the Dongria Kondh is otherwise known as the Jhankar. She is worshipped by the Jani in Bihan Laka (Bihan festival) and by the Lamba in Meria Laka (Meriah Festival). KUDDI: Darani Penu is installed in a hut in the front yard of each village and it is known as the Kuddi. It consists of three elevated stones placed horizontally upon each other. Her disciples are represented by sixteen small stones.

12.Reference:

Panda, Udayanath 2007 “Folk Literature and Tradition”, in Cultural

Heritage of Orissa, vol.IX, Rayagada District, State level Vyasakabi Fakir Mohan Smruti Sansad, Bhubaneswar.

Patnaik, Asit Kumar 2007 “Folk Literature –A Bird’s Eye View”, in Cultural Heritage of Orissa, vol.IX, Rayagada District, State level Vyasakabi Fakir Mohan Smruti Sansad, Bhubaneswar.


Mahapatra, Khageswar 2007 “Rayagada an Ethno‐Linguistic area”, in Cultural Heritage of Orissa, vol.IX, Rayagada District, State level Vyasakabi Fakir Mohan Smruti Sansad, Bhubaneswar.

Sinha, Smita 2007 “Kuvi speaking Dongria Kondhs of Niyamgiri”, in Cultural Heritage of Orissa, vol.IX, Rayagada District, State level Vyasakabi Fakir Mohan Smruti Sansad, Bhubaneswar

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Reaserch and Training Institute, Bhubaneswar. 2006

The Kandh of Orissa – Their Socio‐Cultural Life and Development, Second Revised and Enlarged Edition, First Published in 1982, Orissa Government Press, Cuttack.

Nayak, P.K. 2003 “Social, Cultural and Linguistic Variations in Tribal Orissa”, BANJA, Academy of Tribal Dialects & Culture, Bhubaneswar.

Upali Aparajita 2003 “Meria Festival of the Dongria Kondhs: The Worships of Earth Goddess”, BANJA, ATDC, Orissa, Bhubaneswar.


2. Guar of Lanjia Saora

1. Name

1.1 Name: Guar of Lanjia Saora 1.2 Local popular name: Guar 1.3 Historical name: Guar

2. Location

2.1 Region: Southern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Gajapati 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Gumma 2.5 Panchyat: Gumma 2.6 Village: Serango 2.7 Pin code: 2.8 Latitude: 2.9 Longitude:

3. Short Description:

The Guar (lying of stone slabs in memory of the deceased) is a ritual of utmost importance, observed by the Saora village community. It is the means by which the shade is admitted to the company of the ancestral dead and given the freedom of the underworld. It is usually performed for individuals who have been cremated after death. The word Guar is derived from the verb ‘gu’‐ meaning ‘to plant’ or ‘to sow seed’, and ‘ar’ a contraction of arangan, ‘a stone’; this suggests that the planting of a stone or menhir is the primary feature of the ritual. During this occasion, sacrifice of buffaloes and the exchange of ceremonial gifts take place. A cremation must be, but a burial cannot be, followed by a Guar. According to Saora belief, the shade is hungry, cold and naked – and untouchable –until the Guar is performed and that it reveals its dissatisfaction by making members of its family ill or by killing their cattle until they do their duty. The shades in fact, are adept at recognizing the shades by the noise they make. On the day of the Guar ceremony, with the help of Shamanin few men go to get the menhir stone. They bring required number of stones each wrapped in a red cloth with drumming and beating of gongs to where the family menhir stands. They lay the new stone on the ground in front of the menhirs and a Shamanin does little worship. Next morning every body in the village assemble in the deceased for fire and water rite by shamanin and process by shamanin, and the idaibois. After completing all process by Shamanin, buffaloes are sacrificed which are given by the deceased family and relatives. This is done to appease the shade of the deceased. Then people spend the time by dancing, drinking and distributing and cooking the flesh of the buffaloes. The Guar ritual is considered as very expensive affair involving sacrifice of buffaloes, drinking, dancing, feasting, entertaining friends, relatives and villagers.

The Guar ceremony is followed by three successive Karja rituals every 2nd or 3rd year generally observed in March or April to commemorate and honour the dead.


4. Characteristic 4.1 Main Components: Ritual and Ceremony Karja ceremony‐ one of the major ceremony of the dead is the Karja, though even this may not satisfy them and additional sacrifices may have to made for years afterwards. The Karja his held every two, sometimes every three years from February or March after the harvest have been gathered in a plenty of foods and wine is to be had. It takes a long time, is very expensive and demands therefore a season of comparative pleasure. Every Saora who dies is commemorated at three successive Karja ceremonies which mean that all the dead of the previous six years are honour at any one Karja. But this not common, expect in the villages round Serango, and normal practice is for the Guar to be performed first for individuals, and then, since, in Fawcett’s words, ‘does not quite satisfy the Kulba, there is the great by biennial feast to the dead’. In Fawcett’s day the drinking and dancing lasted for twelve days; the Shamans at only after sunset; guns were continually fired and the people ‘gave themselves up to sensuality’. The main feature of the Karja is the slaughter of buffaloes. Unlike the Guar, the Karja is performed for an entire village, all the family groups co‐operating, though each group has its separate sacrifices in addition to the main ones and its separate food arrangements. Idailboi, who is the female counter part of the Idalmaran, has a very similar duties and responsibilities. Like him she has no duty at ordinary sacrifices and festivals; her concern is with the dead. When a child dies it is her duty to carry the little body to the pyre. When a woman dies, she washes the body, anoints it with oil and turmeric and helps to carry it out for cremation. At the pyre itself, when it dismantled, she bathes the unburnt logs with water. She assist the siggamaran and the Idalmaran, both in the actual worship and in the routine cooking of sacrificed birds and animals. At the Karja ceremony her duties are unending. She has to sit hours after hour before the sacred bamboo pole, exhibiting their clothes and ornaments to the exacting dead, offering them wine a hundred times a day. And at all such celebrations she has many small duties of hospitality and organization which are not readily classified, but are none the less important. 4.2 Sub components: Dance and Instrument playing 4.3 Nature: Ritual 4.4 Context of performance: Death 4.5 Period: Any time 4.6 Is it also perform on stage: No 4.7 Specific location where the performance is held:

This ritual is performed in every Saora village.

4.8 Names of Musical Instruments used: Drums, gongs, pipes and clarionet


4.9 Objects associated with the performance: Bauhinia Valhi leaves, earthen pots, knife, red cloth, turmeric, rice, stick and stone.

5. Content

5.1 Language used: Sora 5.2 Associated Text: At the first, when the Saoras died their relatives did not erect stones for them and the ghost gave the living a lot of trouble, for they had no where to live and had to wonder about restlessly. They killed so many in anger that the population began to decrease. There are three Kittungs living in Badung hill. The chief of the Kittungs said, whenever any one dies, you most perform the Guar ceremony. But we have never heard of it, said the Saora. “The Guar” said the Kittung is a means of living ghost some where to live. On the special day send one woman for rice and one for water and liquor. Go to the forest and find a stone, offer it rice and liquor and dig it up. Wrap it in a new cloth in a woman’s cloth for a female ghost and in a man’s cloth for a male ghost. Bring it to a place near the village. Next day called the Shaman and dig a hole in the ground and put rice and liquor into it and plant the stone. Dance around it, blow trumpets fire gun. Kill a buffalo and feast on its flesh the ghost will live in the stone and there will be no more trouble but if you forgot to do this the house people will fall ill and die. 5.3 Associated Myth: Long ago a brother and a sister lived together. The brother had a wife and children, but the girl was unmarried. While she was still young she died, and her brother burnt the body and buried the bones. But he did not plant a stone for her, for that was not the custom. The girl became a shade, and whenever her brother went to his clearing at night to guard it, she used to wander round in the forest weeping and calling to him, ‘O! Brother, you have so much fields and house and children, but what use is it? I am your sister and I wander here, naked and hungry, yet you do nothing for me. After she had talked like this for several nights, the brother said to himself, ‘my sister is dead; how is it that she can talk as if she was alive? And the following night he called her to come near and asked her. ‘What can I do to help you? She said, ‘plant a stone and kill a buffalo for me’. He did so, and the ghost complained no more. 5.4Main character: Shaman 5.5Related epic: Dead ancestors.

6. Practitioners: Religious group

6.1 Performed by: The Lanjia Saora Community. The Guar is performed for individuals who have been cremated after death by the family and the villagers. 6.2 Nature of performance: Community 6.3 Gender: Both 6.4 Other practitioners: Other


6.5 Number of Practitioners: In every Saora village this ritual Observed. 7. Mode of Transmission of Skills:

Hereditary and Traditional The tradition of Guar ritual is orally transmitted from one generation to the next. Since it is very important in Saora life, young generations learn the practices by participation.

8. Threat and survival: 8.1 Is the tradition languishing? Yes 8.2 Reasons: Main cause of decline of the ritual is spread of the Christianity in the area. Especially buffalo sacrifice is gradually languishing and people are following the Christian rituals. Another cause is its expensive nature. 8.3 Availability of support: Community as per the instruction of the religious head.

9. Audiovisual materials:

Shaman A Religious Priest of Lanjia Saora

Rice Cultivation in terrace land

Iditals lying of stone slabs in memory of the deceased


10. Source of Information: Elwin Vernier : The Religion of an Indian Tribe, Oxford Press, London, 1947

11. Key Words:

Guar ceremony, Shaman/ Shamanin, Menhir, Myth.

GUAR CEREMONY:

Among the Lanjia Saora, it is considered as the final mortuary ritual. It is preceded by disposal of the dead, sprit identification ritual, bitter gruel ritual, etc. It is performed by family members of the deceased, preferably with in a period of three years. It is believed that the departed soul makes an entry to the sprit world after this ceremony is observed.

SHAMAN/ SHAMANIN: The priest is recognized as the full‐time religious practitioner in tribal communities, where as the Shaman is a male part‐time practitioner and Shamanin is the female part‐time religious practitioner. Among the Lanjia Saora, the Shaman is called Kudan and shamanin as the Kudan.

MENHIR: Menhir is a monolith or single standing stone erected at the birinda ossuary to commemorate the deceased.

MYTH: “We may define myth as a fictive narration; a part of ethos, ideology and wonder view of a people; a product of human creative talents; a temporal continuum; a clue to explore significant dimensions of human mind; a mirror to reflect the images of man in endless varieties with dialects/ contradictions and a nexus containing dilemmas in sets of imagery which are homologous to reality” (Mohanti, K.K. in Behura & Mohanti, Tribal Orissa‐ Readings in social Anthropology, Dominant Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 2006). “The elementary dilemmas of human existence are effectively resolved by myths. According to E.R. Leach, “the repetitions and prevarications of mythology so long the issue that irresolvable logical inconsistencies are lost sight of even when they are logically expressed” (1978: 58 quoted by clans, 1982: 424, of. Behura & Mohanti, 2006).

12. References:

Behura, N.K. 2003 “Saora Guar Parab: A secondary Mortuary Rite”,

BANAJA, Academy of Dialects and Culture, Orissa, Bhubaneswar.

Patnaik, N(Dr) 1989 (ed)

The Saora, Tribal and Harijan Research‐cum‐Training Institute, H & T.W. Dept., Orissa, Bhubaneswar.

Mohanti, K.K. 2007 “PTGs and Biodiversity Conservation”, Adivasi, Vol.47, Numbers 1 & 2, June and December, S.C.S.T.R &T.I, Orissa, Bhubaneswar.

Behura N.K. & 2006 K.K.Mohanti

Tribal Orissa – Readings in Social Anthropology, Domeniant Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi.


3. Danta Dance

1. Name: Dance of Santal 1.1NAME: Danta dance 1.2Local popular name: Danta Enej 1.3Historical name: Danta Enej

2. Location 2.1 Region: Northern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Mayurbhanj 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Rairangpur 2.5 Panchyat: Jorda 2.6 Village: Jambi 2.7 Pin code: 757050 2.8 Latitude: 22°.17′ 2.9 Longitude: 86°.05′


Santals are fond of dancing and singing with the accompaniment of music. All social and religious ceremonies are celebrated with appropriate dances and songs in which all irrespective of age and sex participate. It can be said that, Santal society is a society of dances and songs. Danta dance is one of the important dances of Santals performed during Soharai Festival. This dance is a type of war dance which is the beautiful display of skills and techniques of the battle field with the musical beats. This dance is performed only by male folk of the society. Participants wear Kacha Dhuti, Sendho Ganji (a type of banian), dahlia (turban) and peacock feather on the head with bows, arrows and swords in the hand. Specific danta war songs are sung during the dance. Participants perform the dance in pair. Speed of the dance increases gradually with the beat of the drums. There is also variation in musical sound which causes changes the steps in the dance. Beauty of the dance is enhanced when more number of pairs participates at the same time. This dance is very interesting to watch not only by Santals but also by the people of other communities of the district.

4. Characteristics:

4.1 Main component: Dance 4.2 Sub component: Song 4.3 Nature: Social


4.4 Context of performance: Festival‐ Soharai festival During village annual sports functions, the Danta dance is performed by different groups to win competition in the dance performance. 4.5 Period: Specific Month: October‐November (Kalipuja) 4.6 Is it performed on stage? Yes Apart from the village annual sports function this dance also performed in the tribal dance competition both at the district and state level on the stages and open field. 4.7 Specific Location where the performance is held: Village‐ Jambi, Post office‐ Jorda, Panchayat‐ Jorda, Block‐ Kushumi, District‐ Mayurbhanj. 4.8 Names of musical instruments: Tumdah(Madal), Big Tamak(Nagra), Single membrane drum (Chodichuli) and Flute(Tiriau). 4.9 Objects associated with the performance: Bows, Arrows, Swords, Ghungru, Peacock feather etc.

5. Content:

5.1 Language used: Danta songs are sung both in the Santali and Oriya language. 5.2 Associated texts: In the recent past, the Santal used to go to forest for community hunting. Only the male members of the village go with bows, arrows and other hunting implements. While going to forest for hunting the villagers used to sing songs and dance to cover the distance and for their merry‐making. This practice further continued fights between the two villages for social conflict. 5.3 Associated Myth: According to the myths of the Santal community, this dance is associated with Ramayan. When Raja Ramachandra defeated King Ravan and brought back Devi Sita to Ayodhya, all the people became very happy and started celebration by dancing. It is believed that during this period Danta dance originated. 5.4 Main character: The Danta dance is always associated with some stories. The dance is always performed by males. No female character is associated with this dance and the dance is originated basing on the male characters. 5.5 Associated deity: Lord Ramachandra, Devi Sita, Hanuman, Laxman, Ravana, etc. 5.6 Related epic: Ramayan.


6. Practitioners: 6.1 Performed by: Tribal group Danta dance is a dance of Santal tribe. Both young and old male folk perform this basing on the related epic of Ramayan. 6.2 Nature of performance: Some times either by troupe or by a group of the Santal community 6.3 Gender: Male 6.4 Other participants: Others Male folk of other tribes (Munda, Kolha) who reside with the Santals in the same village also perform this dance. 6.5 Number of Practitioners: More than 20 in one group.

7. Mode of Transmission of Skills:

Traditional. Practice sessions are organized during which young/ new participants are taught by the seniors who are experienced and acquainted with the steps and rhythms of the dance very well. In this way transmission of skills takes place from one generation to the next.

8. Threat and survival:

8.1 Is the tradition languishing? Yes 8.2 Reasons: The tradition of Danta dance is declining among the Santal society. Interests of the younger generation are decreasing because of modern exposure of dances of various types. There is also lack of encouragement by government. 8.3 Availability of support: State Government and Central Government. The cultural programmes of traditional dance and music are organized by the State Government as well as by the Central Government by sponsoring the tribal troupes in various festivals, fairs at the state level and the national level. In many occasions the Governments also sponsor the tribal troupes to participate and perform their traditional dances in the country and also abroad.



Men performing Danta Dance

10. Source of Information:

Murmu, Parao: A Glimpse of Santal Tradition, Shivananda Printers, Gurudwar south Balanda, Pin‐ 759116

11. Key words:

War Dance, Musical Accompaniment, Dance Rhythms WAR DANCE: This dance is a type of war dance which is the beautiful display of skills and techniques of the battle field with the musical beats. This dance is performed only by male folk of the society MUSICAL ACCOMPANIMENT: This dance is performed only by male folk of the society. Participants wear Kacha Dhuti, Sendho Ganji (a type of banian), dahlia (turban) and peacock feather on the head with bows, arrows and swords in the hand. DANCE RHYTHMS: Participants perform the dance in pair. Speed of the dance increases gradually with the beat of the drums. There is also variation in musical sound which causes changes the steps in the dance.


4. Bonda Dormitory

1. Name 1.1 Name: Bonda Dormitory 1.2 Local popular name: Selani Dingo 1.3 Historical name: Selani Dingo

2. Location:

2.1 Region: Southern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Malkangiri 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Mathili 2.5 Panchyat: Andrahal 2.6 Village: Badabel 2.7‐ Pin code: 2.8 Latitude: 18º.22´ ‐ 18º.30´ 2.9 Longitude: 82º.15´ ‐ 82º.27´


The Bondos are known as Remo(men), a primitive tribe of Austro‐Asiatic linguistic group. Males are a little timid when they approach the act of sex. Bondo youth is bound by taboos from having anything to do with the girls of his own village. But incase, girls of other village, he does so in public and under of the strictest conventionality sexual intercourse is a risky matter. It involves the introduction of the most precious of life’s possessions into an unknown and alien world. The Bondo has the strange and sinister legend of the vagina dentata, which is of course closely connected with the fear of castigation. For a Bondo, dormitory is nothing but a sort of matrimonial agency and a symptom of a certain stage of cultural development rather than indicative of any particular racial affiliation. It is a guard house, a training school of warriors and a place for temporary sexual association. It is the boys dormitory, is important than the girls being definitely subsidiary. It is the girl’s dormitory (the selani dingo) which matters the boy’s dormitory (the ingersin) is simply a base camp for adventure from which they go out in search of love and happiness.

4. Characteristic:

4.1 Main Components: Story telling The Bondos used to dig a large pit during the Dassara time and roof it over with bamboo, matting the palm leaves. They covered with earth, smoothed it down and cow dung. There was a small hole to serve as door with a bamboo shutter and a ladder to climb up and down. Before it was used, the Sisa had to sacrifice a hen and a pig inside the pit and sprinkle the blood round it and over the roof. The foundation of the dormitory is attributed to Mahaprabh and the religious associations are emphasized from the Andrahal village.


It was Mahaprabhu himself who made the first pit. Before houses were built he lived in such a place. One day when the boys were hunting, they saw the pit and thought ‘if we make such a pit we will feel cold’ and they made one to use in the winter months. But when they first dug the pit, great rocks came out. Then Bursung gave the Sisa a dream saying “Sacrifice my name and the pit will be ready”. After that we never made a pit without giving egg to Bursung and a fowl to Hundi. When a new pit was made the girls had a feast and Sisa (but the boys of the village) shared it. An old woman used to go with the girls and stay with them until they wanted to sleep. Then she would climb out, close the door with a big stone and go to her house. In the early morning she would return, remove the stone and let the girls out. 4.2 Sub components: Narrative According to one legend, the penis originally had a tongue which was ultimately stolen by a snake, in another it was of enormous length and a woman chopped off all but a hands‐breadth; in a third, a girl mutilated many youths with her fierce dentate vagina until at last a young hero, who had the wit to sheath his own organ in a condom of iron, broke off the teeth and turned them into crabs. These are not just dirty stories calculated to raise a hiccoughing chuckle on the Sindibor; they are the attempt of Bondo fiction to suggest the risk of sex. 4.3 Nature: Social There are no signs that it was ever a central institution, inspired with magic power, where tribal affairs were conducted. It is not a village guest house. It does not exist to promote the arts of recreation. Its organization is sketchy. There are no official leaders of boys or girls and the members are not given dormitory title. They do, of course, work for the public good, boys assist marriages, funerals and the ritual hunts, which girls prepare leaf cups and platters or cook and prepare rice beer. 4.4 Context of performance: Festival During the Sumegelirak festival, two of the boy members have ritual duties throughout the long drawn ceremonial. Boys go to fetch a bride and girls escort to her new home. Boys and girls together attend the consummation of a marriage. In fact as Furer Heimendorf had said, ‘The dormitory system of the Bondos is not only of the highest value for the regulation of family and social life, but acts also as a stimulant to economic activities’.But those activities are only incidental to its main purpose. The peculiar psychological attitude of Bondos towards sex is an important factor in dormitory life, to this unusual belief of Bondo parents that their children are most likely to be happy in marriage if they choose their own partner. A regular marriage (Sebung) between a boy and girl of wall to do families is regular and socially approved, where the choice has been made by the children in the dormitory with subsequent constant of the parents. This is an elaborate affair and the entire celebration may last for several months. There is a complicated series of ritual visits, the payment of a token fee which precedes the handing over of the full bride price, the exchange of ceremonial gifts, the sacrifice of buffalo, the escorting the bride to the bridegroom’s house and the formal bedding of the happy pair. 4.5 Period/Date: Generally during the month of February and may last for several moths. 4.6 Is it also perform on stage: No 4.7 Specific location where the performance is usually taking place:


February seems to be a favourite month for bringing the bride with various paraphernalia’s to her husband’s house, not for a visit but for an occupation. In the full moon night of Magh (February), the marriage procession wind blows all over the Bonda hills, with plaintive songs forming a sweet echo in every Bondo villages. A long live of women, bringing a bride to her new house in the moon light, singing in the beautiful Bonda fashion. They made the girl sit in the street before the house, while her husband sat by the door watching her. This newly married girl was in a sort of spiritual quarantine and it was necessary to disinfect her before she could be allowed indoors. On the very night the boys had originally kidnapped her, a leopard had carried off a dog from the village, and the Dissari suspected that it was her fault, she must be possessed by a Rau. Accordingly, there was a little ceremony. The Dissari made husband and wife Sit together, he put a rice‐mark on their forehead, sacrificed a black chick in the usual way and said: “Oh Mahaprabhu after this let no Rau remain here to trouble us. May these two eat and live happily. Let their soon have children and be happy. Let this girl be like the washed rice and blooming flower. Oh Mahaprabhu let the Rau leave her”. Then the parent in law formally greeted the girl and took her into their home. This is your house now. Today we put it into your hands. Work well and live happily here. Look after us the old people. They made her cook same rice and bamboo shoots in a new pot and the family and some of Soruneighbours shared food, which is regarded as very lucky. While they were eating the bride shipped away to the dormitory. 4.8 Particular musical Instruments used: Drums (large size kinding drum), sticks, Small or little (Tamuk kettle drum), buffalo horn & flutes or whistle. During the time of marriage the girls perform dances of their own, waving branches of the red cedar and the shrub colebrookia oppositifolia and dressed in bondoliers of rolled cloth over their shoulders. The drummers either process with the dancers or sit to one side on the Sindibor, one man has the large kinding drum‐ he holds it and another beats it with the sticks. The third taps the parchment moon of the gong and a fourth bangs the little tamuk kettle‐drum. Others blow buffalo horns and flute or whistle shrilly through their fingers. A faint accompaniment of song, almost drowned in general confusion, continues throughout the dance. 4.9 Objects associated with the performance: Bondo musical instruments are of the conventional type. They have a split strings ideocord of bamboo, played with small stick in one hand and plucked with the other. The kinding is a double‐membrane drum of the dhol type. One face is of goat skin called jangjang and beaten with the hand, the other face of cowhide is dungdung and beaten with a stick. The tamuk, the ordinary tamuk cattle drum is made of earthenware covered with cowhide. There are two stringed mono cords, the tolia is a guitar and played by plucking; the kusang is played with a small bow. Flutes are of the ordinary pattern with five or six stops. Girls use small bamboo, jew’s harps, which they play with great skill, giving a low sweet note.


5. Content: 5.1 Language used: Austro‐Asiatic 5.2 Associated Text: The origin and affiliations of the Bondos are obscured. But we may accept the possibility that they are members of a group of very old Austro‐Asiatic tribes. At same remote date they took shelter in the wild Jeypore hills, when they came. There is no evidence to say although most of their affinities are not with the north‐east nor they can any instances how they fared during the centuries. They must have lived in their present home. There are no records, no memories and even Bondos own legends seem to be comparatively recent date. But there is no reason to suppose that the Bondos have changed very little during their long history and in them we have a chance of a type of character and its material expression that may be millennia old. Furer‐Harimendorf, in fact suggest that the Bondos belong,’ not only in language but also in culture, to that large group of Austro‐Asiatic peoples who in Neolithic times developed an advanced and complex culture characterized as it seems by the shouldered‐ stone cult, rice cultivation on terraced and irrigated fields, the art of weaving and erecting of megalithic monuments in the shape of menhirs, stone circles and dolmens.’. 5.3 Associated Myth: One myth of the origin of mankind describe how the twelve Gadaba brothers were born on the banks of the Godabari River and came thence to the Jeypore hills. The eldest brother was a Bhoi gadaba, the next an Asur gadaba and the remaining ten are Kond, Bondo, Didayi, Jhoria, Parenga, Konda (Dora), Holar, Pengu, Chileri and Maria. Another story recalls the names of only seven of the twelve brothers. “When the earth was made, the first boy and girl become man and wife and the girl conceived. In these days there was no house or village, and they wandered from one place to place. When the day came for the birth of the child, the two sat beneath a sago‐palm, and there the girl was delivered a twin, a baby boy and a girl. At that moment a deer came by and the husband ran to kill it. The deer led him a very long chase, but he caught and killed it in the end. After he had killed it, he cut up the carcass on the spot and sat down to eat the flesh. The woman watched the road for him, them after a long while she said to herself, ‘He has surely killed the deer and is eating; he will bring nothing for me and I shall go hungry’. There she put the children down at the foot of the tree and went to find her husband. When she found him she too sat down to eat the fresh raw meat and both forgot about the children. But under the sago‐palm the two children were crying out of hunger. The palm saw their distress and felt sorry for them. The root of the palm went to the ocean and did it service. The ocean was pleased and said, ‘what can I do for you? Tell me your desire.’ The root told it about the hungry babies and the ocean poured water to the tree. This water climbed up to the stone. Of the tree and dripped down from above into the mouths of the babies. So drinking and drinking they grew up. They were married and from them born twelve sons and twelve daughters. The twelve sons were the fathers of the twelve tribes‐ Bondo, Gadaba, Kond, Porenga, Didayi, Jhoria, Pengu‐ the rest we do not remember. The eldest them was Nangli Bondo. 5.4 Main character: Males and Females


5.5 Associated deity: Bursung, Rau, Sindibor, Mahaprabhu 5.6 Related epic: Ramayan. A group of Bondo women once surprised a goddess bathing in a spring called Kinghu Bodhau. The goddess was so enraged that she put a curse of complete nudity on them and commanded that they and their female off spring would henceforth remain shaven headed. The profusion of bead necklace & miniskirts (Ringa) worn by the last few generations, is their concession to the demands imposed on them by the changing time. In the days when Rama, Sita and Lakshman were living, Rama used to go secretly to the village and listen what the people were saying. There was a poor potter, one day his wife was late preparing food, and her husband fell into a passion and abased her. But presently she said to him, ‘very well, come and lieu my privates’. The potter replied that isn’t my work; it is Rama who does that sort of thing. Rama went home and told Lakshman to take Sita away, far if even a potter can talk like this about me. I am not a fit person to have a wife. But Lakshman said, how can I take her? She has a child in her belly. Rama replied if you can not take her, then I shall take her myself. Then Lakshman prepared to take Sita back to her mothers house. On the way they reached the Kingu Bodhau grove and rested there. Lakshman prepared their food and Sita went to bathe. Her cloth clung to her body and her breasts a swollen belly could be seen. Some Bondo women came from Mudulipada for water, and when they saw Sita, they thought she was bathing naked and they clapped their hands and laughed, for they were excited at seeing the wife of such great Raja bathing like themselves. When Lakshman heard them, he become furious and cursed them; “Mudilandi, phenbandi; be shaven and naked below”. At once the hair was burnt from their heads and cloth from their waists. They hide weeping among them stones round the spring. But Sita was sorry when see saw what had happened and called them to her. She tore off the colour border of her sari and gave it to them. Wear just this much; she said. “Weave it with your own hands. If you wear more then this, if you buy from the bazar, yours race will be destroyed.”

6. Practitioners:

6.1 Performed by: Women Tribal group Bondo cloth is woven of yarn spun from the fibre derived from the stem of deciduous shrub called Kerang. It is taboo to cut the shrub or bring the branches to a village at the time except between Sume‐Gelirak & Giag festivals, in between January & May. It is also taboo to weave with new thread except between these two limits, though old thread may apparently be used at any time. 6.2 Nature of performance: Group 6.3 Gender: Female 6.4 Other practitioners: None In every Bondo villages the weave their Ringa during their leisure time in addition to their household works. 6.5 Number of Practitioners: Since the Fifth Five Year Plan period State as well as Central Government launched a number of development intervention schemes & programmes for the primitive tribes of India. For Bondos there is a Micro‐Project in operation since the Fifth Plan period. In course of consistent development intervention, some girls who are


educated do not prefer the wear Ringa rather prefer to wear dresses and saris. But the older women and the illiterate girls are still wearing the traditional Ringa in the Bondo villages. The exact number of practitioners can not be estimated.


Traditional and Hereditary: Generally the older women of the community train the younger girls the art of traditional weaving in their respective houses. Bondo women always wear Ringa at the time of festivals, rituals and other social functions.


8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No 8.2 Reasons: The dormitory system has a great influence on the youth exists among Bondos. This is of ceremonial importance and guarded by taboos. In sense, the shrines are made outside a village for the supernatural power, socio‐cultural matters within the community; therefore the dormitory system is still in practice. 8.3 Availability of support: There is no support for construction of dormitory’s provided by neither any organization nor by the Government. Dormitory for boy’s & for the girls are the traditional patron of life style of the community.


Salani Dingo(Girl’s dormitory)

Bonda girl waiting for her boy friend


The old lady busy in discussion

The old lady incharge of the Salani Dingo

Bonda girl with traditional marriage costume


• Bondo High landers‐ Verier Elwin • Tribes of Orissa‐ Special issue, SC&STRTI • Development Hand Book of Bondos‐ Dr. N. Patnaik and others • Information collected from Journals, Periodicals from Library of SC&STRTI,

Bhubaneswar, rendered by Sri. Mohit Kumar Samantaray, Sr. Librarian of the Institute.

• Field visit to Bondo areas of the Micro‐Project at Mudulipada and other villages.

11. Key Words: Remo, Soruneighbour’s, Domitory, Rau.

REMO: Tribal community of the state of Orissa can be broadly classified into three ethno‐linguistic group such as Munda (Austro‐Asiatic), Dravidian and Oriya(Indo‐Aryan) but the Bondos speak a dialect of Mundari group called Remo. SORUNEIGHBOUR’S: The widest social group is the confederacy known as the Bara‐jangar or Soru‐neighbours comprised of twelve hill Bondo villages. The Bondo of these villages are treated a neighbours (Brothers) as they share the soru meal, a special meal prepared on occasion of a festival in honour of Supreme Being and during marriage.


DOMITORY: The Bondo dormitory is chiefly a sort of matrimonial agency. Young boy’s are allowed to visit the girls dormitories of different village at night and join in the fun music and dance with the girls of such villages. They have an opportunity to establish intimacy with marriageable girls and select their sweethearts. Marriage is the most important stage in the lifecycle of the Bondo. In Bondo society the boy and girl’s go to their respective dormitories called (Ingersin) and salani dingo to sleep at night. RAU: Rau is a vaguely imagined demon of hill or forest

Orissa | Event | 293

Orissa

Events Festivals, Fairs, and Social Practices

1. Chaiti Parab

1. Name: 1.1 Name: Chaiti Parab 1.2 Local popular Name: Setar Lengu 1.3 Historical Name: Makar Sankranti

2. Location: 2.1 Southern Orissa 2.2 Orissa 2.3 Rayagada 2.4 At/po.Rayagada 2.5 NAC

3. Short Description: Chaitra or Chaiti (March – April) Parab is being celebrated in Rayagada district for the entire month by the tribal communities including the Dongria Kondhs. Every body enjoys the festival with the warmth but the tribals go gay. This is a post‐harvest festival. After harvesting the Dongria like to spend leisurely with fun and fantasy. The heat rises in the day whereas humidity mounts at night. The entire month is teamed with various other occasions, like Danda Nacha, Jhamu jatra, Usha kutir etc.. All these festivals symbolize the festivals of punishment, penance, fertility, hunting and excitement. Chaiti festival is otherwise known as Pongal among the Telugu. Pongal originates from south Indian perspective, which follows the Makara Sankranti festival. Maa Majhi Ghariani festival is also a part of Chaiti Parab. Chaiti festival is observed by the tribals and exclusively among the Dongria Kondh in Maa Majhi Ghariani temple. The Hindus normally do not observe this festival in this temple. The whole of the month of Chaira is celebrated as a holiday among the Dongria Kondh. Dancing and love making is the chief pastime of the Dongria Dhangidis and Dhangadas (unmarried boys & girls). The Dongria boys visit village to village singing to the girls to choose their life partners. The elderly men and youths go out into the forest for community hunting. Though non‐tribals do not participate in the festival yet enjoy the festival during these days.


4. Characteristics 4.1 Type of Event: Festival (Chaiti Parab) 4.2 Main Activities:Dance and Music 4.3 SubActivities: Rituals 4.2 Nature: Social and Religious/ Sacred 4.3 Period/ Date: March‐April (1 month) 4.4 Special location where the event is taking place: The tribals specially celebrate Chaiti Parab in temple of Maa Majhi Ghariani in Rayagada for five days. The festival starts from the 11th day of bright fortnight of Chaitra and concludes on the day following full moon day.

5. Content 5.1 Associated Myth/ Legend/ Story: It is believed that the Rayagada area was under tribal chief, named Ray Jani. The ruler of Nandapur had to wage regular warfare to capture Rayagada, but in vain. The prolonged warfare was disadvantageous for both sides. Ultimately Ray Jani had to bow down and he was killed as per his desire inside the fort. The fort was named after him as Rayagada. The Paikas are still living and guarding the entrance of the fort. They are the traditional worshippers of the family deity of the Kondh King, the Maa Majhi Ghariani. The goddess was installed at the centre of the cult and thereby being named as Majhi (middle) and Ghariani (guardian of the house or fort). 5.2 Associated Deity: Tribal goddess Majhi Ghariani has been assimilated into Ariyan fold and today she is not only the presiding deity of the tribals but of the entire district including the far off places of the neighbouring states. However, some tribal elements continue to exist with the seat of worship. All‐important festivals associated with Saktism are celebrated here. The Chaiti Parab is celebrated by tribals with a great pomp. 5.3 Related Epic: Others The abode of the presiding deity Maa Majhi Ghariani is located on the banks of the river Jhanjabati. She was the presiding deity of the palace of the tribal king, named Rai Jani of the Rayagada Fort, who ruled over the region for quite some time.The king installed the goddess at the centre of the palace or Gada. The name Majhi (middle) and Ghariani (guardian of the house or fort) has evolved. She is often referred to as Majhi Gouri meaning middle goddess.

6. Practitioners 6.1 Organized by: Tribal group. It is symbolic of social equality prevalent among tribals that even the poorest can offer a stone at Janapathar near a tree without considering the value of offering, rather the devotion with which the offering made is important. The priest (archakas) of Majhi Ghariani temple belong to the Paika community who hold the traditional rights to perform the rites of this temple. 6.2 Gender: Males (of Paika community)


6.3 Other participants: The Chaiti Parab is celebrated for five days starting on the eleventh day of Suklapakhya, the bright fortnight in the month of Chaitra and ends on the day following Purnima (full moon day). During the festival the sword of the deity is taken out round the town to ward off the evil spirit, if any, and the devotees feel the divine presence at their doorsteps. It is believed that the peace and progress of the district is due to the blessings of Maa Majhi Ghariani and her incarnations in various names are worshipped in different parts of the district, reinforcing the Sakti cult of the State.

7. Mode of transmission of skill: Traditional

The origin of this temple abounds in several myths and stories – a blending of facts and fiction. There is no second opinion that the temple is an embodiment of tribal culture and modes of worship. The celebration of the annual festival Chaitra Parab bears testimony to this. The tribal elements still continue to exist with the seat of worship. The priests of the temple are non‐Brahmana. However, some Vedic rites, like Homa on special occasions are performed by Brahmana. But unlike many other Sakti Pithas of the state, animal sacrifice is performed in a large scale here.

8. Threat and survival 8.1 Is the tradition languishing? Yes 8.2 Reasons: During 21st century, the Chaitra Parab among the tribals has undergone a lot of change. The practice of group dance by tribal maids and youths are no longer prevalent. It was called Dhangada Nachha i.e. the betrothal dance among tribal young men and women. The Chaitra Parab has been converted into worship of Grama Devati on each Tuesday of Chaitra month. Previously only the tribals used to celebrate this festival but, at present, the non‐tribals are participating more in number in these tribal functions. There is no more hunting expeditions since the mountains have become bald and jungles are empty of games and now the conscious tribal girls do not agree to dance in the street. The causes of such change in the exotic Chaitra Parab are manifold, such as ecological imbalance, conversion into the Christianity and the Hinduism, influence of modernization etc.

9. AudioVisual Materials:

Procession of Chaiti Parva

Ladies tying threads in the sacred tree for fulfillment of their desire


The Head Priest carrying the sword of the Goddess on his head

The Head Priest possessed on the Chaiti Parva

People waiting for witness the Sword of Goddess

10. Sources of information: Collected from the secondary sources and library work and from field

11. Key words:

Setar Lengu, Post‐harvest festival, Stone offering, Shakti Cult, Festival, Ritual

SETAR LENGU: In Dongria Kondh language the Chaiti Parab is known as the Setar Lengu, which is known as a post‐harvest festival and is celebrated by them with all sincerity and devotion. POST HARVEST FESTIVAL: In tribal communities, post‐harvest festival marks the culmination of all agriculture‐related festivities. The celebration of festival often is associated with a number of rituals performed by the conventional priest. STONE OFFERING: Offerings are made for the propitiation of deities and sprits‐ benevolent, malevolent and ambivalent. They are meant for appeasement of supernatural forces with submission. Offerings may be animate and inanimate objects, the former consists of human as well as animal/ bird sacrifice, whereas the latter includes offering of stones and metals, etc. Although stone is the cheapest material, it symbolically constitutes the highest sense of devotion for the deity and suits the poorest of the poor.


SHAKTI CULT: The Shakti represents the primordial feminine power which is invincible. It occupies a very significant position in the Hindu pantheon and is endowed with miraculous powers. In course of time, local goddesses have been assimilated into the omnipresent Shakti cult. FESTIVAL: Festivals are observed by both tribal and non‐tribal people. Festivals are extraordinary celebrations observed with unusual pomp and ceremony. A festival often has a ritual component. A festival may be confined to the family or celebrated with the help and cooperation of the community at large. RITUAL: Religion consists of both beliefs (faiths) and rituals. Religion is made overt in ritual, ie. ritual is the practical aspect of any religious belief. According to Bohannan (1963 : 330), “A ritual is a repeated act or set of acts – usually but not always ceremonial in nature – by means of which a community (of whatever composition) or, more rarely, an individual, makes manifest its celebration and repetition of the myths explaining the nature of the interrelationship among the cosmographical, divine and social worlds” (Ref : Behura and Mohanti, 2006 : 214).


2. Harvest Festival of the Saora

1. Name 1.1 Name: Harvest Festival of the Saora 1.2 Local popular name: Rogonadur

(Associated with the harvesting of the red gram) 1.3 Historical name: Rogonadur

2. Location 2.1 Region: Southern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Gajapati 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Gumma 2.5 Panchyat: Gumma 2.6 Village: Serango


Saoras observe several festivals associated with crop harvesting. It is strictly a taboo for any one to eat part of a crop until ceremonies have been performed by the elders on behalf of the whole village. Harvest festivals acknowledge in a most emphatic way the gods as the real landlords of the field and clearings, to whom tribute must be paid. The Harvest festivals are a delight and comfort to the hardworking anxious farmer.

Rogonadur, is one of the major Saora festivals, for the harvesting of the red gram, which falls in December or January according to the weather. The custom at this festival is for the priest or shaman to observe it privately in his own house and for the rest of the villagers to follow his example a week or even a month later. After the priest has concluded his own rites, he and his immediate household may eat the pulse, but no one else may do so until the general celebration has been observed.

On the day of the general festival, a band of drummers goes round the village visiting

each shrine in turn; the dancing is continued for at least four days. Early in the morning the people go to their hill clearing to gather bundles of the pulse and collect gourds of palm wine. Women repair and wash the shrines with red earth and water. The village priest or a leading Shaman, after making the usual offerings in his own house, goes round the village shrines, tying bunches of pulse to the roofs and pillars, and offering rice and wine. Each householder offers pulse to the ancestral dead in his own house. In the afternoon, there is often a rite for the protection of the cattle. After the festival is finished, there may be a final rite two or three days later, when the ceremonial dancing has come to an end, to bid farewell to the gods and bid them farewell. On this day, boys with a small party of drummers beat gongs and cymbals.

4. Characteristics

4.1 Type of Events: Festival 4.2 Main activities: Ritual/ Rites 4.3 Sub Activities: Dance, Music


4.4 Nature: Religious/ Sacred 4.5 Period and date: December‐January 4.6 Special location where the event is taking place: Serango village

5. Content

5.1 Associated Myth/ legends/ stories: After the world was made, there was no rain for a long time, but when it did fall for a long time, it came so heavily that it seemed as if there was nothing any where but water. Kittung thought the world will be flooded again and all the work will be undone. So he sends his seven sons and twelve grand sons to make channels to draw the water off. The sons made beds for rivers and the grand sons made beds for streams. (Verrier Elwin, page 128) 5.2 Associated deity: Uyungsum, Jammolsum, Labosum, Oramara Kittung, Sarpalla Kittung etc. Uyungsum: Uyungsum is the Sun in Saora, and the most popular names for the Sun‐god are Uyungsum & Uyungboi, for although in the myths the Sun is definitely male and father of the stars, the male or female suffix is used indefinitely. Uyungsum is after regarded as the greatest of the gods, though it is not clear whether he is superior to Krutaitung, the chief of the Kittungs. It is he ‘who and gives and takes away’; birth and death are in his hands. He is specially worshipped to promote human fertility, and a year after marriage a goat may be given him and a pot dedicated for this purpose. He is up to a point, benevolent. One the other hand, when he is disposed, he gives fever and headache, sometimes great sores and after laprosy. (page 126‐ The Religion of the Indian Tribe – V . Elwin) Jammolsum: Jammolsum is the god of seed (Jammolan). Before removing the sheeds from store for showing, a householder most perform the appropriate ceremonies. Labosum: Labosum is regarded as earth god, sometimes regarded as male and sometimes regarded as female 5.3 Related Epic: Others

6. Practitioners

6.1 Oraganized by: Tribal group of Lanjia Saora villages This is a village level festival and every one participates. 6.2 Gender: Both male and female 6.3 Other participants: The villagers of their own community (Lanjia Saora)

7. Mode of Transmission of Skills: Traditional


8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No


8.2 Reasons: The Christianity has made slight changes because nowadays Saora people worship the Jesus Christ during this festival instead of their traditional deities. But the offerings of new fruits and grains and agricultural festivals remain unchanged. 8.3 Availability of support: State Government From the Fifth Plan period the State Government through Central Government have launched various schemes under the development of Agriculture and Horticulture sectors and providing saplings of mango and other fruits to plant in their kitchen gardens for improve in livelihood condition of the tribal communities. Under this scheme the Lanjia Saoras have benefited quite effectively and improved in their economic condition.

9. AudioVisual Materials: Phtographs will be pasted 10. Source of Information:

Elwin, Verrier The Religion of an Indian Tribe, Oxford Press, London, year1947

Informations have also been collected from Gumma area of Gajapati district.

11. Key Words

ROGONADUR: Any kind of pride is particularly offensive to the Saoras, whose strongly equalitarian traditions regard humility and docility (among themselves) as the highest virtues. If a breach of taboo can be interpreted as due, not to drunkenness or forgetfulness, but to pride so much the worse for the offender. At a Rogonadur ceremony a Shaman at Angada ones at the pulse himself and then offered it to Barusum. This was a brich of eating before a certain time. There is no rule more commonly broken, in spite of the drastic penalties involved, than that which forbids people to eat any part of a crop before its harvest festival has been celebrated. VILLAGE SHRINE: God of the Sadru‐shrine, which is also known as Mandua (from Sanskrit Mandapa). He called Manduasum when he settles inside the village, and Tangorbasum when he has his shrine outside. The distinguishing characteristics of this cult is that he has a ‘merry‐go‐round’ type of shrine. A single pole supports an umbrella like rope, and this pole is in two pieces, a peg at the bottom of the upper shaft fitting in to a slot in the lower, so that the roof can be whirled round. At festivals, the Shaman seize the roof and, while dancers and drummers move about them, they revolve it as rapidly as they can, thus affording the god much pleasure.


3. Festival of the Saora for ripe mangoes

1. Name 1.1 Name: Festival of the Saora for ripe mangoes 1.2 Local popular name: Udanapur 1.3 Historical name: ‐do‐

2. Location

2.1 Region: Southern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Gajapati 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Gumma 2.5 Panchyat: Gumma 2.6 Village: Seranga 2.7 Pin code: 2.8 Latitude: 2.9 Longitude:


The festival of ripe mangoes is one of great importance and is celebrated elaborately everywhere. For four days before the festival they organize dancing at night as during the day, people are busy in distilling sprit, cleaning and repairing their houses, washing their shrines and mending their clothes; men bring loads of new big pots from the plains; women fetch firewood and leaves. In the morning of the festival, every house is smeared with cow dung. The shamans started the day by drawing ikons wherever required.

In the morning the Shaman accompanied by a band playing trumpets, drums and gongs, go along a path out of the village to the shrine of Tangorbasum and repair it. Representatives of each household come with small basket of rice and the shaman put these on the shrine together with new plucked mangoes, pots of wine and sprit. Then the Shaman worships god Tangorbasum in the name of ‘mango festival’ by offering a cock and lets its blood drop on the shrine. Shamans cut and distribute pieces of mango to all those present, after offering is made.

The next feature of the festival is a procession from shrine to shrine. The band precedes the shaman down the street and a crowd of dancers and onlookers follow him. Shaman worships in every shrine by sacrificing a cock for the ghost. Feasting and dancing continue late into the night. The next morning there is a special sacrifice at the shrine of Uyungsum and the shaman sweep his own house and the street outside the broom of peacock feathers to drive away the deadly diseases. In the afternoon, after a day of feasting and dancing, a shaman brings a sheep adorned with a garland. He puts turmeric paste on its forehead and leads it round the village, as he goes he sprinkles turmeric water over the roof of every house he passes, calling to the malevolent spirit to come out. We are bidding you farewell we are going to take you out of the village! Then sheep is sacrificed outside the village to appease the sprit.


4. Characteristics 4.1 Type of event: Festival 4.2 Main activities: Ritual, Procession 4.3 Subactivities: Dance and Music 4.4 Nature: Religious 4.5 Period/ date: April‐May 4.6 Special location where the event is taking place: Serango village

5. Content

5.1 Associated myth/ legends/ stories: According to Saora mythology god Uyungsum raised the first mango tree which grew from an egg, declaring that, the fruit will be like an egg. When it is unripe you most remove the skin; when ripe it will be yellow inside. It will be sweet as an egg to the taste. That is why the Saora people celebrate this festival to offer new mango to gods and goddesses and after that the mango fruit is eaten by them. 5.2Associated deity: Tangorbasum and Uyungsum 5.3Related epic: Others Kittungs used live in Bodong and many Saoras went to sacrifice to him Bajai the Shaman always used to go there with the rest villagers but one year he failed to go, for he was busy, and the next year he forgot and the Kittung was angry with him and made him ill. Bajai hastily took a goat and fowl and went with all his relatives to the hill and sacrificed there. They drank liquor cooked meat rice and after offering some to Kittung and they feasted together. After feast they went home but they left the goat thigh bone behind. Next day when Kittung went to piss he stumbled over the bone. He picked it up and said ‘they have not eaten this’ what fools they are! He buried it in his tobacco garden, and in time it turned into a mango tree.

6. Practitioners

6.1 Organized by: Tribal group/ Religious group The Harvest festivals a final discipline, controls the farmer eager to enjoy the fruits of the soil. It is strictly taboo for anyone to eat part of a crop until ceremonies have been performed by the elders on behalf of the whole village. 6.2 Gender: Both males and females. 6.3 Other participants: The villagers of their own community (Lanjia Saora)

7. Mode of Transmission of Skills: Traditional

This is a traditional practice which is orally transmitted from one generation to the next.

8. Threat and survival 8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No


8.2 Reasons: The tradition of Udanadur festival is languishing and slight changes have taken place. Impact of the Christianity has made Saora community to offer Jesus Christ instead of traditional deities during this festive occasion. 8.3 Availability of support: State Government From the Fifth Plan period the State Government through Central Government have launched various schemes under the development of Agriculture and Horticulture sectors and providing saplings of mango and other fruits to plant in their kitchen gardens for improve in livelihood condition of the tribal communities. Under this scheme the Lanjia Saoras have benefited quite effectively and improved in their economic condition.


Idital for harvesting


Elwin, Verrier The Religion of an Indian Tribe,

Oxford Press, London, year1947 Patnaik, N(ed), 1989 The Saora (Popular Series) Tribal and Harijon Research‐cum‐Training Institute,

Bhubaneswar 11. Key Words

UDANAPUR/ UDANA ADUR : It is one of the important festivals of the Lanjia Saora. Uda‐n‐a‐Adur relates to offerings of ripe mango to deities before consuming them.

TANGORBASUM:

The god of the path (Tangoran). He gives people high fever, and must be satisfied with sacrifices made on the path leading to a village.

UYUNGSUM: Uyungsum is the sun in Saora, and the most popular names for the Sun‐god are Uyungsum & Uyungboi, for although in the myths the Sun is definitely male and father of the stars, the male or female suffix is used indefinitely.


Uyungsum is after regarded as the greatest of the gods, though it is not clear whether he is superior to Krutaitung, the chief of the Kittungs. It is ‘who gives and takes away’; birth and death are in his hands. He is specially worshipped to promote human fertility, and o year after marriage a goat may be given him and a pot dedicated for this purpose. He is up to a point, benevolent. One the other hand, when he is disposed, he gives fever and headache, sometimes great sores and after laprosy.


4. Santal Festival

1. Name: Festival 1.1 Name: Santal Festival 1.2 Local popular name: Soharai Parab 1.3 Historical name: Soharai Parab

2. Location

2.1 Region: Northern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Mayurbhanj 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Rairangpur 2.5 Panchyat: Upar Beda 2.6 Village: Upar Beda 2.7 Pin code: 757050 2.8 Latitude: 22°.17′ 2.9 Longitude: 86°.05′


Soharai Parab is one of the important festivals of the Santals which is observed during Kalipuja (October‐November) for the Soharai bonga. On this occasion, every household cleans houses. Mud plasters are given on the floors and walls. Walls of the houses are painted with attractive designs. This festival is otherwise called the “festival of cattle”. Most of the activities are associated with cattle populations. Saharai festival is popularly called the festival of five days (Mone Maha Soharai), but it is actually observed for four days. First day is called “Um Maha” and also the day of “Got Bonga”. On this day all the male population of the village assembles in a place where Naike (village Priest) worships the Goddess Jaher Era, MonekoTuruiko and Lita Gosain for the welfare of the cattle population and also for the village people. Then ‘Got Levet’ ceremony is observed. All the cattle herd boys of the village are called to bring the cattle and let them trample on the magic square where an egg is placed. Then, the cattle are taken towards the magic square. Any cattle who treads on or smells at the egg, is caught and the legs are washed, horns are anointed with oil and sindur. The owner of the cow is lifted up and placed on someone’s shoulder and considered to be the luckiest one. “Gaidana” (walking to the cowshed) in the evening by the young men is quite interesting. They go to every cowshed of the village and bless the cattle by singing melodious songs with musical sounds meant for the occasion. Womenfolk perform the waving ceremony over the cattle with sun dried rice, paddy, dhubigass (a type of grass) and lighted lamp in a winnowing fan. On the day, which is called ‘Dakai Maha’ every household performs worship in the cowshed. In the afternoon Danta dance is performed in the Akhra. Third day is known as “Khuntau Maha”, which is the most important day of the festival. In the afternoon, khuntau ceremony is performed. In the village street or in open place


strong wooden logs are fixed in the soil and cattle are tied with ropes. Male folk using musical instruments, like Tumdah, Tiriau (Flute) and sing songs and they try to tease the tied animals which is very interesting to watch. Fourth day is called Jayle Maha. The Santals are proud of their heritage and work for maintaining their group solidarity and identity. Their strong community feeling is demonstrated on the occasion of observing rites connected with life cycle and at the time of celebrating festivals.

4. Characteristics: 4.1 Type of Event (select menu): Festival 4.2 Main Activities (select menu): Ritual and ceremony 4.3 SubActivities (select one or many): Dance and songs 4.4 Nature (select one from below): Religious 4.5 Period/ date (select): October‐November (Kalipuja) 4.6 Special location where the event is taking place:

Village Upar Beda, P.O‐ Upar Beda, Via‐ Hathadra Dist‐ Mayurbanj, Pin‐757050

5. Content:

5.1 Associated Myths: Once upon a time, Santal people forced the cattle to work hard and did not take care of them. All the cattle left villages and went to forest. People searched the left cattle but could not find them. Santals asked Marang Buru and other gods and goddesses. In reply gods and goddesses replied that cattle have been hidden by them because people were not respecting and not taking care of the cattle population. In the advice of gods and goddesses, people started worshipping inside the cowshed and celebrated a festival for the cattle population once in a year. 5.2 Associated deity: Jaher Era (mother Goddess), Marang Buru, MonekoTuriko, Lita Gora Bonga, Hampramko (dead ancestors)

6. Practitioners: 6.1 Organized by: Tribal group In every Santal village, Soharai festival is celebrated by the Santal families. 6.2 Gender: Both 6.3 Other participants: Other tribal communities, such as Munda and Kolha, who inhabit in the same village with the Santals, participate and enjoy the festival.


7. Mode of Transmission of Skills: Traditional: Transmission of skills associated with the festival from one generation to the next is spontaneous because every body, including young and old one, learn all the activities by participation during the festival.


8.1 Is the tradition languishing? Yes 8.2 Reasons: Most interesting part of the festival, which is the activity of “Khuntau Maha” is gradually declining because of construction of concrete roads in the village. But other practices of the occasion are not changing. In some villages having concrete roads perform third day activity in an open field if available, otherwise not. 8.3 Availability of support (select menu): No


Santhals performing dance in Saharai festival

The man playing MADALA

JAHER ERA


10. Source of Information: 1. Bodding, P.O. : Traditions and Institutions of the Santals,

Gyan Publishing Home, New Delhi‐ 110002 2. Murmu, Arjun : Bakhen Bentee (Santali), Publisher

Padmashree Printers, Rairangpur, Orissa, Pin 757043

3. Murmu, Late Pandit Raghunath : Padmashree Printers, Rairangpur,

Mayurbhanj District, Orissa, (1996‐2000) 4. Murmu, Parao : A Glimpse of Santal Tradition, Shivananda

Printers, Gurudwar, South Balanda, Pin‐759 116

11. Key words:

Shoharai Parab, Bonga, Jaher Era, Cattle Welfare SHOHARAI PARAB: Among the Santal Sohrai parab is observed during the Kalipuja of Hindu society. It is otherwise called “Festivals of cattle”. This is the occasion when cattle population are given respect, praised and encouraged.

BONGA: In Santali language, the term “Bonga” is used for various purposes. Bonga means gods, goddesses and spirits (benevolent and malevolent) worship is also called is Bonga.

JAHER ERA: Jaher Era is considered as the mother goddess and the main deity of the Jaherthan (sacred groove). She presides over the sacred groove and worshipped in every important festivals. She is considered as the care takers of the Santals.

CATTLE WELFARE: In the Soharai parab, Santals worship gods, goddesses and ancestor sprits to keep cattle population disease free and healthy.


5. Baha Festival (The Festival of Flower) 1. Name: Santal festival

1.1 Name: Baha Festival (The festival of flower) 1.2 Local popular name: Baha Parab 1.3 Historical name: Baha Parab

2. Location:

2.1 Region: Northern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Mayurbhaj 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Rairangpur 2.5 Panchyat: Tanga 2.6 Village: Kankha 2.7 Pin code: 757045 2.8 Latitude: 22°.25′ 2.9 Longitude: 86°.05′


Baha (flower festival) is one of the important festivals of the Santal. Baha festival is observed in the month of Phagun (February ‐ March) in the third quarter of the moon. The sal trees blossom at this time, the ichah and murud also blossom and the Mahua (matkom) gets flowers. Before this festival, Santal people do not suck ichah flowers, murud flowers and do not eat the mahua (matkom) either. They do not deck themselves with sal flowers. The Baha festival is righteous festival, not licentious like the Soharai festival.

Baha festival is a village level festival. In each and every santal village, it is observed for three days. On the first day, the villagers with the help of unmarried young boys, clean the Jaher premises and new thatch is given to Jaher Alah and Gosane. The village priest (Naike) plaster all the bonga‐places with cow‐dung. Thereupon, he washes three winnowing fans (hatch), a flat basket (dawla), bows and arrows, a battle axe (kapi), a broom, a small bell, necklace (mala) and horn. Then he smears ground with spices and oil on the implements mentioned and on a new ear then ware thin necked vessel and a skein of thread, he also smears with the same.

In the evening all the villagers assemble in the priest’s house, where three personsare possessed by Jaher era, Moreko and Marang buru, respectively. The priest brings their sacrificial implements out. Jaher era put on the neckchain, bangles and takes the flat basket on the head and the broom in her hand. The Moreko takes the bow and arrows and Marang buru carries the battle axe on his shoulder. After that they run to the sacred grove, and the young men of the village follow them. In the sacred grove (Jaherthan), Jaher era sweeps the Bonga places clean, and the two others look on. In the Naike’s house, priest asks the Bongas, how matters are. Bongas reply according to their findings. Then priest asks them to depart. They dance the


whole night until dawn, and sing beautiful Baha songs. The village priest and his wife both pass the night lying on the ground, to observe religious abstinence.

Next day morning Godet catches fowls, one fowl from each house and also a pinch of

rice, salt and turmeric. In the house of priest all the arrangements of worships are made ready. then they go to the sacred grove. The young men and girls dance and sing following immediately the village priest. Priest applies cow dung to the Bonga places and sprinkles water and milk on them by anointing with the oil and methyl (holy bath). At this moment, the men again become possessed by the Bongas. The Bongas get their implements and run off to the forest. Young men run after them. Any sal tree that has got very fine flowers, the Moreko Bonga shoots at with an arrow, Marang buru climbs this tree and snips the flowers off and let them fall down. Jaher era receives the flowers in her flat basket. Mahua flowers off and lets them fall down. Jaher era receives the flowers in her flat basket. Mahua flowers are also collected. Then priest starts worship and sacrifices fowls to respective deity in the name of flower festival. After completion of worship, Naike cooks the speckled fowl into a hash in the sacred groove and other villagers cook the other fowls in to a hash. Wife of the priest is also called to eat the speckled fowl in the sacred groove.

In the afternoon all the villagers (male and female) assemble in the Jaher and ask for

Sal flowers from Naike. Then Baha dance and songs start. Baha Parab is the occasion in which both male and female dance in front of god and goddesses in the Jaher. Naike sprinkles holy water on the people in the Jaher. Three men again possessed by Bongas (Jaher era, Moreko and Lita Gosain) take the lead and follw by Jaher era, Lita Gosain, Moreko and villagers with dancing and singing. Every house wife of the village washes the feet of Naike and other Bongas and pray for them blessings. This process continues till it reaches the house of the priest. Again dance and songs continue in the courtyard of Naike. So this festival is quite interesting to observe.

4. Characteristics:

4.1 Type of event: Festival 4.2 Main Activities: Ritual, ceremonies 4.3 Sub Activity: Dance, Music Santals, scheduled tribe community numerically one of the predominant community found in large number in the States of Orissa, West Bangal, Jharkhand, Madhy Pradesh, Andhrapradesh and adjoining states of Orissa. In Orissa they are mainly concentrated in the districs of Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar, Balasore, Jajpur, Bhadrak and coastal tracks of Cuttack. Olchik, a language they speak. The Santals worship the gods and goddesses, which are prominent among them are Singbonga, Marangburu, Mattoka, Turuyooka, Majhibonga and Aheg‐Bonga. During these festivals the Santals organize and perform dances followed by equipped with the rhythms of musical instruments. 4.4 Nature: Religious 4.5 Period: February‐March (Phagun) 4.6 Specific location where the event is taking place: The festival is being observed in all the Santal villages during the month February and March. Live information was collected in the study village Kankha where this


festival is observed. A number of related and relevant information’s were also collected through focused group discussions, primary sources and documented.

5. Content:

5.1 Associated myth: The Thakur Jiu got worried and decided not to repeat his efforts for the creation of man but to give his attention for the creation of birds. He did so and called the birds. He created HANS & HANSIL . he made them out of his own flesh of the chest and breathed air into them which gave life to them. As soon as they got life they fluttered and than flew away. Finding no place to alight they perched on the hands of the Thakur Jiu. Then the same horse of the Sun “Sin Sadam” came down again to drink water from the sea. While drinking some water formed into foam which, floated on the surface of the water. Thakur Jiu asked the birds to perch on the foams and float about in the sea. There was no food for the birds and when they were hungry they asked the Thakur Jiu to give them some food. 5.2 Associated deity: Jaher Era, Moreko, Marang buru. 5.3 Related epic: Others

6. Practitioners:

6.1 Organized by: Tribal group Baha is a village level festival. In each and every Santal village, it is observed by both male and female of various age groups who participate and enjoy the festival. 6.2 Gender: Both men and women. 6.3 Other participants: Other tribal communities in the same village also participate in the festival but they worship separately and there is also variation in difference dance and songs (Munda, Kolha).


Traditional: The tradition of Baha festival is transmitted from one generation to the other through participation. In every part of the occasion, young ones are allowed to participate and they see their senior members while doing the act. They explain about the festival to the younger generation and it is transmitted orally.


8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No 8.2 Reasons: Baha festival and associated rituals are very important in the Santal society. Despite slight changes in the practices and in style, it is still being practiced by the Santals of various age groups by the males and female.


8.3 Availability of support: Other


Group dance of Santhals in Baha festival

Group Dance of Santhals

Santhal Girls wearing traditional sarees

Santhal bridegroom’s dress for marriage


Bodding, P.O. Traditions and Institution of the Santals

Das, A.K. The Santals: A glimpse into their Life and Activities,

page 18, Adibasi, vol. XXIII, No. 1, 1983, Tribal and Harijan Research cum Training Institute, Bhubaneswar‐751003

Patnaik, N, (Dr) Concept of Panchamahabhuta and Santal Oral

Tradition and Healing Practices, page 10, Adibasi vol. XXXII, No. 4, December 1972, Tribal and Harijan Research cum Training Institute, Bhubaneswar‐751003


11. Keywords: Baha Parab, Naike, Marang Buru, Jaher Era, Moreko BAHA PARAB: In Santali language, ‘Baha’ means flower and ‘Parab’ means festival. During this festival Santals offer new flowers and fruits to their gods and goddesses before they use. NAIKE: Naike is the village who worships in Jaherthan (Sacred groove) and other important worship in the village. MARANG BURU: Marang Buru (Great mountain) is also called Thaku Jitu is worshipped as the creator of Universe. He is the source of all ‘god’ and is considered to be the ‘supreme’ god in the Santal society. JAHER ERA: The main deity of the Jaherthan is Jaher Era (Lady of the groove or mother goddess). She presides over the Sacred groove and is worshipped in every important festivals. She is considered as ‘caretaker’ of the village. MOREKO TURUIKO (FIVESIX): These gods are also worshipped with Jaher Era in the Jaherthan as protector of the people. According to Archer, Moreko – Turuiko refers to the five Santal brothers and the lovely kamar girl (Gosai Era) who was not of their caste. For Archer, the five‐six are either five brothers with Jaher Era as their mother, or five brothers plus Gose Era, a girl making six.


6. First Fruits Celebration of the Mangoes and Ritual Hunting

1. Name: Festival 1.1 Name: First fruits celebration of the mangoes and ritual hunting 1.2 Local popular name: Giag‐gige 1.3 Historical name: Giag‐gige

2. Location



The Giaggige is one of the great festivals of Bonda tribe usually falls in April lasts for a fortnight. The most important part of this festival is the first fruits celebration of the new mangoes.

The ritual hunt begins from the first day. On the third day rice‐beer is prepared by the Sisa’s wife and drunk a week later when it has matured. On the sixth and seventh days there is a ceremonial burning of the forest clearings. The tenth day the chief and witnesses special offerings of burning to the earth mother. Hunting and dancing continue for another week and the festival is concluded by a rite designed to reinforce the fertility of the seed. Throughout the whole period no one should go in or out of the village, under the control of Bursung. To come in may bring spiritual infection from another village and to go out may carry away the fertility of the soil to alien ground. All paths leading to the village are fenced with thorns dedicated to Maoti. Sisa and his attendants are permitted to remain in the village and others camp in the forest until a blowing of horns announces the end of the Bursung sacrifices.

4. Characteristics:

4.1 Type of Events: Festival 4.2 Main activities: Ritual 4.3 Sub Activities: Dance 4.4 Nature: Religious/ Sacred 4.5 Period and date: April


4.6 Special location where the event is taking place: Badabel and also in other villages.

5. Content:

5.1 Associated Myth/ legends/ stories: A boy loved a girl of the same village, bonso and kuda. How could he wed her? The girl who loved the boy begged him to elope her. But the boy refused. The girl said, she would force her way into his house. The boy was afraid of jokes in the dormitory and judgment of the Sindibor and decided to make free himself and took her to the forest and killed her there. He buried her among the trees. A mango tree sprang from her body, her headband flowers become flowers of the branches, and her breasts are the fruits of the tree. The boy missed the girl who loved him and one day went to weep for her by the place where she was buried. He found the trees and stretched out his hand to pick the fruit. But the fruit (mango) said, ‘you must not taste my flesh until the Gods have eaten it’ until you arrange for me a great festival and its name will be Giag. During that time offer me to the Gods, explained the mango all that to be done. The boy returned home and told the elders how to perform the Giag festival. 5.2 Associated deity: Bursung, Bangaur 5.3 Related Epic: Long long ago, two little boys, Batimundli and Batisita were plying together. Their tiny organs were red like raw meat. A kite appeared swooped down and carried the two organs away with the seed in them. But it dropped them by a stream and mango trees sprang up. The two boys ran crying to their parents and it was decided that hence forward everybody should wear cloths.

6. Practitioners:

6.1 Organized by: Bondo community This is a village level festival observed in every Bondo villages. 6.2 Gender: Both male and female 6.3 Other participants: None


Traditional/ Hereditary: The rituals and practices of the festival are orally transmitted through participation and anticipation from one generation to the next. Sometimes younger generations are told by elders about the processes of the festival.


8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No 8.2 Reasons: During the giaggige ceremony in April, there is a little rite for the collection and re‐burning of half consumed stumps of trees and branches. Both men and women go to their own clearings and work at the site until they feel that the area is reasonably


burnt over. During the time of waiting for rains, men erect small field huts, sometimes high in a tree though they seem to be taking less trouble over these nowadays, perhaps because the menace of wild animals is now so small. The Bondos still practice shifting/ sweeden cultivation (Podu) in hill tops in every three years in rotation. Usually they cultivate Suan, Ragi, Mustard and other traditional pulses as their food and side by side they also cultivate Rice and Vegetables in their agricultural fields and kitchen gardens. 8.3 Availability of support: State Government and Central Government ST and SC Development Department, Government of Orissa gets aids from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs for development in Agriculture and Horticulture sectors for the Bondos where a Micro‐Project is in operation since Fifth Five Year Plan Period. The Bondos are one of the primitive tribal communities of the state of Orissa.

9. AudioVisual Materials:

Kondakamaru Hill ranges of Eastern Ghats

Bonda settlement of Mudulipada village

Sweeden fields on the Bonda high land

Barren sweeden field

Bonda women working in the sweeden field

Mango tree, “the first fruits celebration of the new mangoes”


Bonda women preparing ricebeer on the occasion of GiagGige festival

Bonda youth drinking ricebeer on the occasion of GiagGige festival

Sindibor, is a sort of stone lounge under the shed of a Mango tree


• Bondo high landers‐ Verier Elwin • Tribes of Orissa‐ Special issue, SC&STRTI • Development Hand Book of Bondos‐ Dr. N. Patnaik and others • Information collected from Journals, Periodicals from Library of

SC&STRTI, Bhubaneswar, rendered by Sri. Mohit Kumar Samantaray, Sr. Librarian of the Institute.


11. Key Words

Giaggige, Bursung, Bangaur

GIAGGIGE: This great festival which usually falls in April, at the beginning of the hot weather lasts for over a fortnight, and is distinguished by strict Angto rules, ritual hunting. First fruit ceremonies are organized and the worship of every demigod in the pantheon. The Giag‐gige is said to have been instituted by a mango, the first fruit celebration of the new mangoes been an important moment in this festival.


BURSUNG: The earth as Bursung or Hundi is worshipped with elaborate and expensive ceremonies known as Burung‐gige, at the Gebursung or Giag festivals to ensure the safety of children’s success in the hunt and fertility in the fields.

BANGAUR: The bows and arrows are then taken to an ebony tree, for here leafs Bangaur the grazier of all wild animals. The Sisa makes a rough alter of the bows and the arrows, cuts a green branch from the tree bends it in half and sticks an arrow in the join. This he offers to Bangaur and breaks rotten eggs in his honors. He makes the grass brought from the village into a doll and offers it with the water to Bangaur saying “you are the grazier of the wild animals”.


7. Sume‐Gelirak Festival of the Bonda

1. Name 1.1 Name: Sume‐Gelirak festival of the Bonda 1.2 Local popular name: Sume‐Gelirak 1.3 Historical name:

2. Location



Sume‐Gelirak Festival is the main occasion of Bondos held in the month of Pusa during the full moon where new grass and kerang branches may not be cut and fetched from the forest and new yarn should not be spun though old yarn may be woven. The ceremony begins on a Sunday and lasts ten days which begins with routine propitiation of demigods and demons. Three special kinds of foods are enjoyed. These foods are offered to Bursung at the Sindibor then rest distributed among the neighbors. Castigation ceremony is observed by the little boys. The kindingsagar (sacred drum) brought from the Sisa’s house and begins to beat near Sindibor where people assemble. Small boys arm themselves with long switches‐sago palm branches and stripped the leaves and pairs stand before the Sindibor. They hit each other as hard as they can and the backs are covered with weals. They bite their lips with all the strength they have, while the drums chatters and the crowd applauds. When it is over they salute each other and embrace and continued in rotation. The Mothers hover round with oil smear on the wounded portion. Sisa offered them kirimator cakes and performs the ritual of cutting grass and kerang branches.

4. Characteristics:

4.1 Type of event: Festival 4.2 Main activities: Ceremony 4.3 Subactivities: Dance 4.4 Nature: Religious/ Sacred 4.5 Period/ date: January‐February (Pusa) 4.6 Special location where the event is taking place: Sindibor


5. Content: 5.1 Associated myth/ legends/ stories: According to Bonda legend the festivals were laid down in detail by a bean‐vine in the days when vegetable grow: During in a pusa full moon time the wife of a Sisa was pregnant. She had a desired to eat beans. She requested her husband to get her some. Sisa obliged and as he stretched out his hand to pick them, the bean‐vine said, ‘Don’t pluck my fruit’. Why not, asked the Sisa. The vine replied that the Gods should enjoy the fruit first, then you, the men. The but how can gods eat you? The vine replied, on the Saturday clean your houses, on the Sunday make offerings along the path and eat me in the name of gods with rice and goat’s flesh. And it proceeds to detail the whole programme. If you fail in this, it added ‘your race will be destroyed’. Since then beans have lost the power to talk for the child in the womb cursed them, saying, ‘I had a longing to eat you, but it was denied me. So from this day you will never speak. 5.2Associated deity: Bursung 5.3Related epic: Seven brothers are hunting. They grew weary and sat down to rest beneath a sago palm. Presently a little sap dripped down onto one of them. One of them had a pipe in his hand and he unrolled the leaf and caught a little of the sap. He tested it and found it sweet and also refreshing. He climbed up and cut the tree a little and more sap come out and there was enough for them. But they found it troublesome to stand beneath the tree and try to catch the sap in leaves, and soon they learnt how to tie a pot in the branches and collect it that way.

6. Practitioners:

6.1 Organized by: Bonda community 6.2 Gender: Both males and females. 6.3 Other participants: None


Traditional: This is festival/ Ceremony is transmitted orally from older generation to younger generation because of the participation by both old and young generation.


8.1 Is the tradition languishing? No 8.2 Reasons: The exact time for commencement of axe‐cultivation or popularly known as Podu cultivation at the end of Sume‐Gelirak festival. The village priest ceremonially initiates the task of cutting the clearings. Nowadays this is not a very heavy work for there are very few big trees and the main business is done by both men and women within their community. They clear the grass and cut shrubs and saplings. Mango, Jackfruits Tamarind and Sago‐palm are speared but every thing is cut. In the month of March and April men fire the dry grass and branches. They do not rake ashes over the ground, nor do they bring branches from neighboring woods to increase the quality of ash. The Bondos prefer to cut bamboos for they believe the woods yield the best manure and the roots prevent erosion.


8.3 Availability of support: State Government and Central Government ST and SC Development Department, Government of Orissa gets aids from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs for development in Agriculture and Horticulture sectors for the Bondos where a Micro‐Project is in operation since Fifth Five Year Plan Period. The Bondos are one of the primitive tribal communities of the state of Orissa.


Traditional Bonda hut Fire woods collected from the nearby jungles

Door Paintings done during SumeGelirak festival

Even Bondos decorate their doors in the modern huts under INDIRA AWAS

The kitchen and the cooking utensils

Storage of grains and main living room


Kindingsagar the sacred drum hung in the Sisa’s house used for Castigation ceremony

For self defense Bondos keep their bows and arrows in the safety place


• Bondo high landers‐ Verier Elwin • Tribes of Orissa‐ Special issue, SC&STRTI • Development Hand Book of Bondos‐ Dr. N. Patnaik and others • Information collected from Journals, Periodicals from Library of SC&STRTI,


• Field visit to Bondo areas of the Micro‐Project at Mudulipada and other villages. 11. Key Words

Sindibor, Sisa, Kirimator SINDIBOR: Sindibor is the sacred megalithic platform which is the centre of the religious and social life of the Bonda community. This platform is present in every village and made near the house of headman or piest.

SISA: Every Bonda village has a religious headman who is known as Pujari or Sisa and an astrologer‐cum‐medicine man called Disari. The Sisa performs all communal rituals and festivals and Disari fixes auspicious days on which festivals are to be observed. KIRIMATOR: Kirimtor (vegetarian sausage) is a ritual cake prepared and enjoyed by the Bondos during Sume‐Gelirak festival. It is made of rice‐flour and boiled pulse, mixed into a paste and shaped as sausage‐like cakes four inches in earthen pot. Before eating, they offer it to mother goddess Bursung.

Orissa | Craft | 323

Orissa

Craft

1. Embroidered Shawl of the Dongria Kondh

1 Name

1.1Name: Embroidered Shawl of the Dongria Kondh 1.2Local popular Name:Kapda Ganda 1.3Historical Name: Kapda Ganda

2. Location

• Southern Orissa • Orissa • Rayagada • Bissam Cuttack • Kurli • Kurli • Pin

3. Short Description

The Dongria Kondh, a section of Kondh tribe lives on the top of the Niyamgiri, a rugged mass of hill ranges situated on the borders of Rayagada and Gunupur. These hill ranges spread form the Rayagada‐ Gunupur sections of the Eastern Ghats and rise steeply from 1000ft to a number of peaks of which the highest is 4975 ft above the sea level. The Niyamgiri hills lie in 19°.33′ north latitude and 83°.25′ east longitude. The Niyamgiris are situated at a distance of 21 kms to the north‐west of Bissamcuttack town. The nearest Dongria Kondh village is located at an altitude of 3000ft above the sea level. The word Dongria comes from the word “Dongar” meaning hills. Dongrias used to inhabit rugged mountain cliffs which could not be infiltrated by sun light even during day time. Normally, near the Dongria habitat, the Domb (SC) habitat is found. Farming and hunting form the source of livelihood for the Dongria. Dongria men and women are quite fashionable in their personal adornment that makes them attractive and distinguish them from others. They are also shifting cultivators. The names for the youth dormitories of Dongria Kondhs are known as ‘Da‐She‐Hala’/‘Da‐She‐Hada’. These dormitories are still in existence in some of the Dongria villages.


4. Characteristics

4.1 Main Materials: Cotton Yarn 4.2 Additional Materials: Plant Dyes 4.3 Process : Embroidery 4.4 Sub Category : Others (ornamental designs in needlework on textile fabric) 4.5 Equipment/ Tools used (Specify the name): Cotton Yarn or cloth, red, yellow and green threads processed by plant dyes and needle work is performed 4.6 Purpose for which it is produced:

Domestic/ Private and Religious/ Sacred 4.7 Period required to complete one piece: More than sixty days only during the leisure time when the lady is free from household work 4.8 Specific period of the year where the craft is produced: No specific period, usually during the month from February to June, but not continuously.

5. Artisans

The shawl is used by everybody from the age of 5‐50 year old in the community, only the maidens make the embroidery work on it. The Domb, a scheduled caste community weave the cotton yarn. 5.1 Produced by: Cotton Yarn or cloth prepared by Dombs who sell to the Dongria ladies for the embroidery works of the shawl. The tribal ladies (group/ individual) make the embroidery works. 5.2 Participation: Either indivisual or in a group 5.3 Gender : Female 5.4 Traditional Consumer/ Patron: Dongria Kondh is famous for their embroidery. The art of embroidery practice by this PTG is sustainable. The choice of colours and the artistic pattern of the needlework produces a sense of beauty to the onlooker. The most fascinated Dongria Kondh tribe, has their embroidery tradition traced back to long past. None is sure how this needlework tradition evolved. But, the embroidery has a definite message for the lover who look from the imprint of heart of the beloved, who makes it meticulously for him. Boys purchase Khadi and give to his beloved and the girls generally refused to do it. The lover keeps her heart by promising some gifts, like Comb, money etc. after the promise made by the lover the beloved agrees to make the embroidery. Then the


beloved prepares the embroidery work in her leasure time. Usually completion of embroidery works may take 15‐30 days depending on quantum of time devoted. After completing the Kapadaganda the beloved sends message to her lover. On a fixed day the beloved comes with the Kapdaganda and presents to his lover. If there is a strong bond between a boy and girl then a girl from her side purchases a plain khadi, makes on it design and presents the same to her lover. With the designed Kapadaganda she may give some amount to him. Dongria maidens have zeal and enthusiasm and devote their sincere efforts to make the shawl beautiful. The needle work on the shawl is immensely time consuming, complex and painstaking affairs. They kept on their whole hearted efforts to complete the shawl elegantly and without any flaw. There are different name assigned to the different parts of the Kapdaganda on which the maidens do their needle work. Dongria Kondh shawl designs are mostly geometrical with circles, triangles, lines etc. The circles(gol) are fewer than triangles, even lesser than lines. The lines are of various types, such as vertical, horizontal, diagonal and are made thick or thin as per the specified design of the shawl. The terms of signs like O‐round, ∆‐triangle(kandwa) on the neck, ║‐(kudinga) in the wall painting, = ‐(bata) and // ‐(jeri). At many needle work the leaf like design is made. There are various designs of about ½ foot found at the one end on the backside of the shawl. From the beginning it usually starts in lines, vertical, horizontal and diagonal lines are made in between which there are designs of rice plants with crops. But in between lines designs are clearly made which resemble the one shown in the figure.

Leaf like design(Kanka Karpinga) The lines inside this is called Kahasinga. In Madresibangi area besides the Kanur drwing nothing else to is made. The meaning of Kanur is eye. On the length side of the shawl at both side borders there are few designs. These are usually triangular(Kandwa) in design. But if any women wears it then its sides lay towards the foot for which it is called Kadagami (towards the foot) Kandwa. These are very small triangular designs found at the beginning of both the sides or borders and they constitute the maximum design on the shawl. It is called Kana (ear). On that spot there is another design met with and it is called Betapati.


Before an embroidory is worked out on it there are red, green and orange bands provided at places on the clothes. It is called remanga.

5.5 Number of Practitioner (estimate): In almost all the villages the ladies especially unmarried do the embroidery works either individually or in groups. There is no exact figure either individually or in groups which could be estimated.

6. Mode of transmission of skill:

Both hereditary and traditional. The Dongria women do not weave cotton yarn for themselves. They purchase the cotton cloth from the Domb of their neighboring villages. Some times, Doms visit village to village to sell the cotton yarn to the Dongria ladies. Previously they also sold the threads (white) to the Dongria ladies.The cotton yarn of the cloth that, the Dongria female use for their shawl is the handloom product of Dombs. The length and breadth of this cotton yarn is 5feet 6inches and 3feet 2 inches respectively. The Dombs weave the cloth in their traditional method using white thread only. To beautify it further, the Dongria females apply vegetable dye method for red, green and yellow colours.

According to late Nishika Basa, an old woman of Kurli panchayat, in the past the Dongria women purchased white threads for the embroidery works from the neighboring Dombs. The red colour from the bark of Suam tree, the green colour was obtained from the combination of black Myrobalan and Amla or from the flat Beans leaf. Similiarly yellow colour was obtained from Curcuma longa. Nowadays the method of preparation of this plant or vegetable dyes is not practised by these ladies as this process is time taking. They now purchase the colour threads from the local markets or from weekly hats.

7. Threat and promotion survival

7.1 Is the tradition languishing? NO 7.2 Reasons : The red(Kambita), green(Sanja) and yellow(Hinga) threads used in Kapda Ganda symbolize socio‐cultural characteristics of their community. The red stands of yarn


used in the shawl symbolize interconflict, intercommunity or intracommunity wars or conflict, revenge, animosity, anger, fighting, human sacrifice and offering of blood, lienous crime, feuds and tension, strong determination etc.The green coloured yarn symbolizes, growth, fertility of soil, more production, progress, happiness and prosperity, security, strength, beauty, eternal youth and peace.The yellow coloured yarn symbolizes heriditry, integrity in their life, good behavior, understanding and peace among tribes men and activities among the community, beauteousness, reciprocal help, love, harmony and eradication of sufferings. 7.3 Availability of support : NGOs nowadays are very active in social works in the Dongria areas of Niyamgiri hills. They are now placing orders to prepare shawls for exhibitions, both at the state level and at the national level. By selling these shawls they collect quite a handsome amount. To encourage the Dongria belles, the NGOs bring them from their villages and keep them engaged in the cities to prepare the shawls and provide them good financial support. It generates additional income for women.

8. AudioVisual Materials :

Dongria lady doing the embroidery work

A group of Dongria girls doing the embroidery work in Dhangadi Sala

Dongria ladies in their ceremonial costume

9. Sources of information:

Collected from the secondary sources, library work and from the field study.

10. Key words :


KAPDA GANDA : The famous Dongria shawl is known as Kapda Ganda. It is an epitome of their rich cultural heritage. It proves their excellence in needlework which also speaks of their artistic skill, aesthetic mindset and unique craftsmanship. It has occupied a symbolic position in their cultural fabric. EMBROIDERY: It is an art through which ornamental designs are accomplished by needlework on the surface of textile fabrics. In other words, it shows an embellishment of artistic manifestations to appease the clientele. DESIGN MOTIF: The needlework designs on the shawl show various design motifs. Both geometric and ageometric designs are found on the shawl‐circles, triangular, lines‐vertical, horizontal and diagonal, leaf‐shaped designs are undertaken. COLOUR COMBINATION: Out of 7 colours, such as red(kambit), green (kia), yellow(hinka), black(kadit), orange(digit), white(dingi) and violet(Kaditare), known to the Dongria Kondh, only 4 colours, such as green yellow and red are commonly used for the embroidery works on shawls. Each colour has its own meaning and significance for needlework.

GIFT: Gift symbolizes extra economic exchange. Kapda Ganda is exchanged for comb, cash, sweetmeat, etc.. In their community a gift is exchanged for a counter‐gift.

11. Reference are to be cited:

Sahoo, A.C. : Embroidered Shawls of Dongria Kondhs‐ The Arts

and Crafts of Kondhs, published by CPSW, Bhubaneswar.

Sahoo, A.C.(Dr) : T he Embridory shawl of Dongria Kondh‐ The Arts

and Crafts of Kondhs, published by CPSW, Bhubaneswar.

Ota, A.B.(Dr) and S.C. Mohanty : Dongria Kandha, SCSTRTI, Bhubaneswar, 2008


2. Saora Wall Painting

1. Name 1.1 Name: Saora Wall Painting 1.2 Local popular name: Idital 1.3 Historical name: Ittalan and Idital

2. Location

2.1 Region: Southern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Gajapati 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Gumma 2.5 Panchayat: Serongo 2.6 Village: Tumkur and other villages


An important and characteristic feature of Saora religion is the custom of making drawings on the walls of houses in honour of the dead, to avert disease, to promote fertility and on the occasion of certain festivals. These drawings, which are called Ittalan, a word Elwin translates as ikon, may be made by ‘any who knows how’; he need not be a Priest, but the artist who becomes adept achieves a sort of dedicated position and is known as the Ittalmaran/ Idaimaran (wall writing man) or in fact, artist. Many of the Shamans also combine this art with their regular professional duties. The routine procedure, which is almost standardized, is for the Shaman to recommend the painting of an ikon as one of the means of satisfying a god or ancestor who has brought trouble on a home. The making of the ikon may be the pivotal point of a ceremony, or may be auxiliary to its main business, but it is always associated with some sort of sacrifice. As the regular festivals come around, the renewal of the old paintings, especially those for improving the fertility of the crop, is accepted as a normal religious obligation.

4. Characteristics 4.1 Main materials: Wall of the house. 4.2 Additional Material: Rice, Clay and Animal dung 4.3 Process: (Painting) As per the instruction of the Shaman or Ittalmaran, the wife of the household washes the wall with fresh red earth and water to provide a good background. 4.4 Sub category: Discharge Painting. 4.5 Equipments/ tools (specify the names): Stick, date palm or bamboo twigs


4.6 Purpose for which it produced: Sacrifice/ Ritual Honorific sacrifice‐ in the ceremonies of harvest festival, the sacrifice is a simple acknowledgement of overlordship. There is no evidence that the Saora ever thought in terms of eating a corn spirit. The festivals based on two fundamental ideas‐ the Saora conception of ownership of land and a belief in the enormous social importance of who eats first. Whether the government or the maharaja may say, the land really belongs to the gods, and there are many stories of the disasters that befall those who trespass. To clear a swidden without sacrificing to the local hill god inevitably causes trouble. The harvest festivals acknowledge this ownership; they also ensure that the gods partake of a new crop before men do. This brings us to a very important Saora, and even Indian, tradition. If I eat something from a dish of food I turn what is left into ‘leavings’, and any one who accepts those leavings admits that he is inferior to me. In one of the myth, we are told that, long ago, whether, “when the Saoras first took honey from the comb, we used first to take it and then give it to the Raja, with the result that he ate our leavings. As we boiled turmeric in our pots and when it was dry we sold it. In this way everybody ate our leavings. We first eat the fruits of our fields, and then the rest of the world buys it and gets its food. Thus the Saoras are the first and the greatest of all mankind”. By giving food first to the gods and the ancestors, therefore, the Saoras acknowledge their own creatureliness, and the overlord ship of importance of the spirit. There is some think more than this; there is a bargain. In return for the emphatic owner they give them, the Saoras expect the spirits to see that the crops grow well and are not damaged by blight or weevil. But the essential point of this sacrifice is the owner that they pay to the true lords of the soil. 4.7‐ Period required to complete one piece: 1day to 3 days 4.8‐ Specify period of the year where the craft is produced: All over the year (no specific period) The inspiration for the composition of an ikon may arise from a desire to honour the deceased or to commemorate the celebration of festival or religious ceremony or from a need for a prophylactic. At frequent interval, an ikon may be replaced by another depending on the exigencies of the circumstance and on the god or ancestor who may be pestering a household at that time.

5. Artisans:

Religious Group and sometimes a particular person 5.1 Produced by: Tribal Group 5.2 Participation: Individual. 5.3 Gender: Male 5.4 Traditional consumer pattern: House holder/Maran 5.5‐ Number of practitioners:


There is no specific record of practitioners of this kind in any of the Saora village, however it is a regular occurrence if a householder gets a dream for any reason when any natural disaster occurs either in a family or in a village

6. Mode of Transmission of Skills Hereditary/Traditional

7. Threat and survival 7.1Is the tradition languishing? No 7.2Reasons: The Saora have an integrated world view in their culture. The Saora attach importance to hold nature, animate tied in the string of inter dependency which is reflected in their myths, folktales and riddles 7.3 Availability of support: State Government Painting—The iditals are drawn on the inner wall of the house only. The day before the pictogram is drawn a portion of the wall is given a clean wash in a solution of locally available red earth and water mixed together by the house wife with the help of a cloth, brushes and generally made out of date palm or bamboo twigs slightly splayed at the end. As it has a hairy end it is widely preferred by the painter. We have never noticed of tying cloth at the tip of the twig to use it as a brush for painting in Saora areas. Unlike other tribes‐man who makes their pictures in red or black on a white background, the Saora nearly always paint in white on a red background. For paint the artist has rice‐flour and water mixed in a small bowl. In the center of each Saora house one can find the grinding or pounding hole, where they prepare the rice flour with the help of a long pole. Occasionally the artist to artist gives emphasis to his figures.

8. Audiovisual materials

Idital relates to natural disaster


Iditals relates to rituals of Saoras


Elwin, Verrier *The Aapparatus and Technique of Ritual,

The Religion of an Indian Tribe Oxford Press London, 1947 (page‐ 182) *The Art of the Ikon, The Religion of an Indian Tribe Oxford Press London, 1947 (page‐ 401) *The Nature of Saora Sacrifice, The Religion of an Indian Tribe, Oxford Press London, 1947 (page‐487‐488)

Mishra, Mahendra Kumar *Cultural Identity of Saoras, Cultural Heritage of Gajapati,

Vyasa Kabi Fakirmohan Smurti Sanshad, Bhubaneswar. page 325

10. Key Words:

Idital/ Ikon, Ittalmaran/ Idaimaran IDITAL/ IKON: Besides the carved images of the gods the saoras make wall drawings which show in elaborate detail the figures of the gods and the dead, and portray their palace attendants, furniture and pets and incidents of their life in the other world. These are so important and so common that the saoras themselves seem to regard the ikons and the images as equal in importance and as deserving similar honour. ITTALMARAN/ IDAIMARAN: The work of the Idaimaran is entirely concern with the funerary rituals. At this he acts as an assistant or acolyte to the Shaman and Siggamaran. At a divination, when the dead are summoned, he may sit with the Shaman and may be possessed by the spirit and speak in their name. He may actually officiate at the Lajap right so long as the sacrifice is only for a fowl; he can not offer a buffalo to the dead. A boy become a Idaimaran when he still young, and always before marriage.


3. Wall Painting of Santhal House

1. Name 1.1 Name: Wall Painting of Santhal house. 1.2 Local popular name: Bhit Potao 1.3 Historical name: Bhit Potao

2. Location

2.1 Region: Northern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Mayurbhanj 2.4 Tahsil: Rairangpur 2.5 Panchyat: Purnapani 2.6 Village: Danbush/ Murga/ Patepani 2.7 Pin code: 757043 2.8 Latitude: 22°.17′ 2.9 Longitude: 86°.05′


Santal is the third largest tribe in India after the Gond and the Bhil. In Orissa, Santals are found distributed in the districts of Mayurbhanj, Baleswar and Keonjhar with their beautiful traditional cultural heritage.

Santal villages are fairly large and conform to a linear pattern with houses (Olah) built on both sides of Kulhi (village lane). The walls are made of mud but sometimes of brick. Roofs of the houses are thatched by straw, wild grass and also by Khapar (Tile). Various types of woods and bamboo are used for house construction. The Santal house is very attractive with spectacular multi‐coloured paintings and drawings. Walls of the houses are beauty spots of the village hamlet. Several colours, such as white (Pund), red (Arah), black (Hende), yellow (Jhinga) etc. are used for wall painting. Sometimes with two colours and sometimes with alternate strips having queer patches of triangles and rectangles are made. Various pictures associated with Santal life, such as plants, animals and flowers etc. are also made, and it makes the house more attractive to look at. These artistic expressions are seen on the outer sides of the walls. Inner sides are given a wash with white colour and impressions of semicircular lines or semi‐circular lines inside the square are made. Santals generally do not buy colours for paintings because they use varieties of soils as colour. White, red and yellow colour soils are collected from natural environment. Black colour is made by collecting black remains from the lower part of cooking pots (Tukuj) and mixed with ‘mandi dah’ (water from watered rice). Another way to produce black colour is by burning used tyres or straws. Green colour is made by mixing yellow colour with “Mudhad Lill” (a type of Ujjala). But now‐a‐days, families with good economic condition buy colours from the local market.


4. Characteristics: 4.1 Main materials: Clay and Animal dung (Others) 4.2 Additional materials: Plant dyes

4.3 Process category: Painting 4.4 Sub category: Inlay drawing and designing 4.5 Equipments/ tools (specify the names): Used clothes, Bamboo sticks, Painting brush 4.6 Purpose for which it produced: Festival, Ritual and Domestic 4.7‐ Period required to complete one piece: 8‐14 days 4.8‐ Specify period of the year where the craft is produced: Before important festive occasions, such as on Saharai festival, Sakrat Festival and Baha festival.

5. Artisans:

5.1 Produced by: Tribal Group Wall paintings are made by respective family members and they always try to make those more attractive than others. 5.2 Participation: Individual or single family members. 5.3 Gender: Both male and female 5.4 Traditional consumer pattern: Members of the family. 5.5‐ Number of practitioners: Generally in all Santal villages wall painting or decorating is a traditional practice. This practice is still prevailing in most of the villages in Rairangpur Sub division of Mayurbhanj district. The Santal traditionally are folk artists.


Traditionally, the Santal old men know how to decorate and attract their houses while making wall paintings in the outer portion of their house using various colours and natural designs. Wall painting skills are transmitted by participation. Santals are very closely associated with nature. They required no specific training.


7.1 Is the tradition languishing? Yes


7.2 Reasons: The tradition of wall painting is languishing very slowly from the Santal society. The main cause is that the construction of new concrete houses with modern technology and design by the families who are with better economic condition are not retaining the traditional pattern of wall paintings of their houses. Another reason is that most of the Santal families are migrating from their own village to work in the industrial areas for better livelihood. 7.3 Availability of support: State Government At present the state government is providing a scheme for construction of houses to the BPL families under Indira Awas Yojana. Though the government is providing fund for construction of the houses under the above scheme but not considering the traditional house pattern of the tribal communities made with locally available raw materials. A specific plan and elevation has been designed by the state government for Indira Awas Yojana houses. Within the same amount of money these tribals under the BPL category may construct their traditional house type, if permitted.


Entrance and Side Views of the House of Smt. Salage Kisku

Entrance, side view and back side view of the house of Smt.Maya Hembrum

Side and backside view of the house of Smt.Mahi Hembrum


Entrance and side views of the house of Smt.Singo Hembrum

] Entrance and side views of the house of Smt. Raondey Kisku

Entrance and side views of the house of Smt. Raondey Kisku

Santal Wall Drawings

Santal Wall Drawings


9. Source of Information

Salage Kisku (Rairangpur, Purunapani, Danbush), Maya Hembrum (Rairangpur, Purunapani, Danbush), Mahi Hembrum (Rairangpur, Purunapani, Murga), Singo Hembrum (Rairangpur, Purunapani, Murga), Raondey Kisku (Rairangpur, Purunapani, Murga)

REFFERENCE: Senapati, Nilamani :Orissa District Gazzeteers(Mayurbhanj) and Sahoo, Navin Kumar

10. Key Words:

Bhit Potao, Multi‐coloured Painting, Drawing designs

BHIT POTAO: It is a Sanatali term. ‘Bhit’ means wall and ‘Potao’ means Painting or Colouring.

MULTICOLOURED PAINTING: Santals use several colours to paint their single wall with varieties of designs. Very commonly found colour combination in Santal wall painting are red, white and black.

DRAWING DESIGNS: The Santals decorate their walls with various designs with flowers, triangles, rectangular designs. Mainly they use three colours such as yellow, black and mud red. They make various designs on the front side and two sides and the backside they only use red mud colour. But nowadays they are using other colours according to their choice and make various designs and drawings. They also decorate their doors with different colours and designs. No specific design is done by them.


4. Ringa (Loin Cloth)

1. Name 1.1 Name: Ringa (loin cloth) 1.2 Local popular name: Sia (Sitakudei) 1.3 Historical name: Sia (Sitakudei)

2. Location

2.1 Region: Southern Orissa 2.2 State: Orissa 2.3 District: Malkangiri 2.4 Tahsil/ Taluk: Mathili 2.5 Panchayat: Mudulipada 2.6 Village: Bandiguda 2.7 Latitude: 18º.22´, 18 º.30´ 2.8 Longitude: 82 º.15´, 82 º.27´


In the remote highland country within mighty Kondakamberu ranges of Eastern Ghats rising on the Eastern side of Malkangiri district live the brave and beautiful human race called “Bonda” or Bondo. The Bonda hills lies at about an altitude of 3000ft above the sea level. Their neighbors call them “Bonda” but they are ‘Remo” the man. Their unique style of personal appearance distinguishes them from rest of the world, especially the woman folk. It is the women attire that is also remarkable. The only short strip of loin‐cloth women wear is called “Nadi or Ringa”. This is a striped and coarsed coloured cloth of 3ft.‐4ft. into 1inch tied to the waist thread (Thumiya) it is barely covered the lower part, using this simplest and indigenous primitive loom. Bonda women weave this cloth themselves during their spare time out of natural keranga fibre applying vegetable dyes. The mudar (non woody part of plant) is a sacred plant which can be gathered only in the month of February. Then its stalks are peeled, dried, sorted, beaten made supple with saliva, and transformed in to yarn. This yarn, coloured, black or yellow with vegetable dyes is than woven into cloth on primitive loom.

4. Characteristics: 4.1 Main materials: Double bar tensioned loom, vegetable dye and yarn. 4.2 Additional Material: Knife (made of iron), Threads (Red, Yellow and Black) 4.3 Process: Weaving The loom itself setup out of doors, it may be in the garden or behind the house against the walls or in a front of courtyard. The weaving is done in the cold weather if she has to leave for work for a time; she covered the half finished cloth with a basket or a leaf hat.


The traditional loom used by the Bonda women is a tension loom. It size adopted to the modest scrape of cloth which are to be made on it. Four stakes of Grewiatiliae folia wood, each of 30 inches long are driven into the ground, often being knocked firmly in with a pestle. The exact size of the loom, i.e. the distance between the stakes, varies with the size and stile of the cloth to be made. But generally it is of 21 inches broad and from 24 inches to 28 inches long. Facing the weaver a breast beam 30 inches to 36inches long ids tried to he front stakes about a foot above the ground. Another horizontal beam of the same length and at the same height is tied to the back stakes. This is the frame of the loom. The rest of the apparatus consists of two bamboo bars which are fixed between the front and back stakes, at other side and hammer down to force them apart to the diced distance, and two forked bamboo twigs to support the handle rod, a polished bamboo sword, a shed stick and a horned bobbin. The bobbin is bamboo stick about 2 ft long with forked ends, there are several of them each would round with deferent coloured threads. 4.4 Sub category: Knotting, Dyeing and Spinning Bonda loin cloth “Ringa” is woven of yarn spun from the fibre derived from the stem of the deciduous shrub called Keranga (Calotropis gigantean) it is taboo to cut the shrub or bring the branches to the village at any time expect between the SumeGelirak and Giag festival, i.e. between January and May. It is also taboo to weave with new thread except between these two limits, though old thread may apparently be used at any time. On the Friday after the Sume‐Gelirak festival women go to the forest and cut the Keranga branches they bring them home spilt them down the middle with a sharp knife and burry them mud or leave them in a stream for about a week. They bring the soaked and softened branches back to the house and spread them to dry on the roof. After a few days the woman takes the bundle of the now dry sticks and sits down to spread them. She does this with a sharp edge blade of bamboo or piece of Keranga itself. After breaking of the fiber she separates them delicately with her fingers and rolls them into a large ball which she beats against a stone with a heavy wooden mallet. When she realized that the ball has received sufficient punishment, she unlocks the coils, the fiber inside a basket, joining the strips together as she does so. She moistens the fiber with a little water, and then takes a spindle‐a very simple implement consisting of a length of bamboo thrust through a small flat circular stone which helps it to revolve and begins to spin it into yarn. She revolves the spindle by rubbing it against her thigh, generally allowing it to spin on the ground or against a basket. When the spindle is full the woman winds the yarn on to a double forked stick. If the yarn is to be coloured, she prepared a dye from the bark of Morinda Citrifolia boiling it to a pulp and soaking the yarn on it. 4.5 Equipments/ tools (specify the names): Sharp knife, Bamboo sticks, Sharp edged blades made of bamboo, Stone, Heavy wooden mallet, Basket, Bamboo thrust, Spindle, Double forked sticks, Pestle, Stakes, Bamboo sword, Bamboo bars, Bamboo twigs, Horned bobbin etc. 4.6 Purpose for which it produced: Ritual/ festival and domestic. Weaving of loin cloth is somehow related to the festivals observed by the Bonda community and especially by the women. SumeGelirak festival is one of the important festivals of Bonda community. This festival is observed in the month of Pusa at the time of full moon. This festival regulate a number of important activities


4.7‐ Period required to complete one piece: 1 day‐ 3days (usually in spare time) It takes two or three days fairly consistent work to weave one of the coloured loin cloths, for the thread has constantly to be broken to make the changing pattern. A piece of plain white cloth can easily be finished in a day. 4.8‐ Specify period of the year where the craft is produced: At any time in a year. The weaving is done in the cold weather. If she has to leave her work for a time, she covered the half finished cloth in a basket or in a leaf hat. According to Bonda calendar during the month February spinning and weaving fills every spare minute of a woman’s time and it continues till May. But if a Bonda lady desires she can finish a loin cloth within two to three days time.

5. Artisans: Women of Bonda Community

5.1 Produced by: Tribal women group of Bonda community. 5.2 Participation: Individual 5.3 Gender: Female 5.4 Traditional consumer pattern: Bonda women The Bondo women first collect thin branches of the tree. They prune it properly bind them in bundles and carry these bundles to their home. They make strips out of the raw branches and again bind them into bundles. Then they soak it in the water for 7days, then dry it in the sun, when it dries up completely they beat the strips thoroughly keeping it on a stone by a wooden pallet. The Bondo women meticulously separate the fabrics by using their finger and make them into balls she starts spinning with the help of a spindle. When the yarn is ready the Bonda women collect a kind of flower from the jungle namely “Florinda citrifilia”. They boil it and prepare a pulp and soak the yarn in it. 5.5‐ Number of practitioners: Generally in every Bonda village the women prepare “Ringa or Nadi” a loin cloth with the help of their traditional loom sometimes males help in preparing the loom.

6. Mode of Transmission of Skills: Hereditary/ Traditional 7. Threat and survival:

7.1Is the tradition languishing? Partly languishing 7.2Reasons: All round development in the Bonda Micro‐project, especially in the socio‐economic condition and education have aware the women community. The impact of education, the girls are now wearing saris and other modern cloths rather to wear their traditional loin cloth (Ringa). The older ladies are still using their traditional Ringa. 7.3 Availability of support: By their own community. Due to Development intervention by the Government the youths have change their attitude.



Fixing of wooden poles on the ground

Preparation for installation of traditional loom

The traditional loom ready for weaving

Bonda woman weaving Ringa under guidance

Weaving of Ringa in progress

Ringa in the final stage


Ringa is completed

Bonda lady in her traditional dress

Mother and daughter standing in front of the house

Bonda lady sitting with her baby

1) Yarn would on a stick, 2) Wooden mallet used for beating barkfiber, 3) Wooden spindle for preparing barkyarn, 4) Bobbin

Sketch of Bonda woman on the Loom


• Bondo high landers‐ Verier Elwin • Tribes of Orissa‐ Special issue, SC&STRTI • Development Hand Book of Bondos‐ Dr. N. Patnaik and others


• Information collected from Journals, Periodicals from Library of SC&STRTI, Bhubaneswar, rendered by Sri. Mohit Kumar Samantaray, Sr. Librarian of the Institute.


10. Key Words: Ringa, Fibre, Loom, Wooden Mallet, Bobbin

RINGA: The bondo women themselves weave the loin cloth “Nadi (local name)” or “Ringa” is woven of yarn spun from the fibre derived from the stem of the deciduous shrub called Keranga (Calotropisgigantea). This is a striped and coarsed coloured cloth of 3ft.‐4ft. into 1inch tied to the waist thread (Thumiya). It is barely covered the lower part, using this simplest and indigenous primitive loom. Bonda women weave this cloth themselves during their spare time. FIBRE: The Keranga fibre are gathered from the nearby forest by the Bondo women and sometimes the males also help them to bring the Keranga branches. They spilt the Keranga branches down the middle in an open space in front of the house and separates them with sharp knife and bury them mud and leave them in a stream for about a week. After breaking up the fibre, they separate them delicately with their fingers. After that they roll in a large ball and keep those in a basket. LOOM: It is called doubled tension loom the size is adapted to the modest scraps of cloth which are to be made on it. The exact size of the loom varies the distance between the stakes with the size and design of the cloth to be made. WOODEN MALLET: This is one kind of wooden hammer having a length of 2ft. maximum of rounded shape. The fibre rolls were beaten against a stone with a heavy wooden mallet before those taken to the loom for weaving. BOBBIN: The bobbin used by the Bondo women for weaving has no point, but rather a projecting horn at either end. When the weaver is using different coloured threads and whenever is to be changed, the weaver breaks the thread and uses another bobbin with a different coloured thread taking the new thread to the old.


Orissa Sample Data

Built Heritage

1. Maa Majhi Ghariani √

1. Name (historic/ popular/ other name) Maa Majhi Ghariani

2. Location:

• Southern Orissa • Rayagada Town • Rayagada • Orissa • At/po. Rayagada

3. Approach/ means of access: Rayagada Railway Junction. 2 kilometer(approximately) Hotels, Guest Houses and Govt. Bungalows. South Indian, Indian,Chinese, Continental and Fast food are available.

4. Setting:

Landscape: Diversified in nature, when relief and slope aspects are thought of. The main geographical feature are the low lying valley of the Vansadhara and Nagaveli rivers and the high hills rising up to 5,000ft, which flank them. The natural set up receives appreciably lower rainfall than other surrounding districts due to its situation in the rain shadow of the south‐west monsoon formed by the Eastern Ghats. Tamarind and Mahua being dominant species, the surrounding looks like a huge park. It is the place of scenic beauty with the hills, green forests and undulating valleys and plateaus. Cultural environment: The district is territorially small but culturally very rich. It has its own charm and the most bewildering aspect in the cultural matrix possessing a strange combination of the autochthonous tribal, Telugu and Oriya cultures in an osmotic integration.The religious beliefs and cultural celebrations have been polarized, under two major


categories viz, the Hinduism, Christianity in one hand and the tribals on the other. The tribals inhabiting here were converted to Christianity by the influence of Missionaries from the time of British rule. The tribal religious beliefs and social practices are specific to each tribe at least in nomenclature. But in reality they do not differ much each other and are marked by common features, like totemism, polythesim, occultism, etc.

5. Nature of structure

Single structure

6. Type of structure Main structure Religious structure (Temple)

MAA MAJHI GHARIANI Maa Majhi Ghariani is a tribal Goddess whose benign and bountiful blessings one longs for. The very name beams an aura of awe and beauty, which draws thousands of devotees to her for fulfilment of their long cherished wishes and of success in all their endeavours. The origin of the temple abounds in several myths and stories‐ a blending of fact of fiction. A popular belief about this goddess is that the presiding deity of the palace of a tribal king, named Rai Jani who had ruled this area once upon a time. Since the goddess was installed in the central part of the palace and worshiped devoutly by the king and the inmates, she is known as the goddess of the centre house (“Majhi” or “Madhya”) meaning centre and “ghar” or house or room means occupants and the name of the goddess has become Majhi Ghariani. The Telugu people call her Maa Gouri, Gouri being a synonym of goddess. There is no second opinion that the temple is an embodiment of tribal culture and modes of worship. The abode of this reputed deity is located at the south‐east end of Rayagada town on the bank of river Jhanjabati. Once upon a time it was dense forest but even now the exotic scenery around the temple leaves one spell bound. The eternal sweet water spring down below the eastern side of the temple Khiajharana, rushing from the girth of the nearby hills is the mother’s gift to her devotees. This tribal goddess, Maa Majhi Ghariani has been assimilated into Aryan fold and today she is the presiding deity of the entire district and thousands of pilgrims from far off places including from the neighboring States visit the place for worship. However, some tribal elements continue to exist with the seat of worship. The priest of temple is a non‐Brahman. The Paika performs the daily rituals. Like other Shaktipithas of the state, animal sacrifice is performed here in a large scale. The system of putting a stone (Jara/ Jani pathar) near a tree at the north‐west of the temple by the devotees is a peculiar system here. This signifies social equality with particular reference to the tribals. The poorest of the poor can offer a stone and the value of the offering is not important but the devotion with which it is offered is significant. It is believed that the Kondh king Rai or Ray Jani had 108 queens who performed Sati when Ray Jani was defeated and killed by the king of Nandapur. The place where the queens performed Sati was kunda located within the temple where the devotees visit and complete their rituals. A black stone slab located within this


temple is known as “Jani Pathar” and is believed to have been used for human sacrifice. The hill Kondhs or the Dongria Kondhs never dare to touch upon the stone. Secular Structures (Fort)/ associated elements The abode of presiding deity of the district, Maa Majhi Ghariani is located on the banks of the river Jhanjabati. She was the presiding deity of the palace of the tribal king Rai, out of the name of whose Fort or Gada, the name Rayagada is supposed to have originated and he ruled over the region for quite some time. Rayagada is derived from two words, such as Raya+Gada. Raya or Rai is the distorted form of Raja (king) and Gada or Garh is the fort. Since then the goddess was installed at the centre of the fort. Hence, at the time of the installation it must have been the centre of town though, at present, Rayagada town has expanded in a different direction with the temple at one end. Another story behind the nomenclature of Rayagada is derived from a big fort built in the medieval period. The fort was built by Biswanath Deo (1521‐1571), the Raja or king of Nandapur in view of strategic significance of the place. The fort was mainly intended for warding off the Muslim attacks. The remain of high defense walls are to be seen. A black stone slab located within the fort known as “Jani Pathar” is believed to have been used for human sacrifice. The mud fort became very famous when Vikram Deo of Jeypore was imprisoned by his own son in 1849AD. A big cannon recovered from the fort area is now kept in the local police station. Other structures Spring The eternal sweet water spring down below the eastern side of the temple Khiajharana, rushes from the girth of the rear hills and is the mother’s (Maa Majhi Ghariani) gift to her devotees not only to quench their thirst but to ward off all their infirmities. The water supplied at this temple is from this eternal spring endowed with medicinal qualities. This water source is so abundant in all seasons that the drinking water to Railways is supplied from it. Devotees make it a point to take a holy dip in this eternal spring water.

7. Ownership Public, civil society (Trustee) The temple is managed by nine‐membered Trust Board approved by the Endowment Department, Government of Orissa. The members of the Trust Board spare no efforts to provide ample amenities to the pilgrims and managed the temple without getting the pilgrims fleeced.

8. Present usage In use

9. Nature of present use (multiple choice possible)

• Commercial • Public place


10. Nature of past usage (s) Traditionally, it is believed that Rayagada area was ruled by Rai or Jani, a kondh chief. The ruler of Nandapur always wanted to conquer Rayagada for his kingdom. But the king failed to capture in spite of continuous fight. Subsequently Ray Jani was defeated in the open war. He continued to fight guerilla warfare and to trouble for the ruler. As a tribal chief he was well acquainted with the jungle roads. The incessant war caused political and economic hazards for Nandapur Empire and more over the victory had created more problems than benefits. Ultimately the king had to sign an agreement with Ray Jani. As per this agreement the place was named as Rayagada. After the death of Ray Jani (as per his desire), the soldiers (Paikas) of the Kondh king continued to live even nowadays at a place, called Biraguda and guarding entrance to the fort. They also traditionally worshipped the family deity of Ray Jani, Maa Majhi Ghariani who was installed at the centre of the fort and there by being named as majhi (middle) ghariani(guardian of the house or fort). The place where all the 108 queens of king Rai performed “Sati” is known as “Sati kunda” located at the northern side of the temple. The priests (Archakas) of this temple belong to the Paika community and they hold the traditional right to perform the rites in this temple. On every sundays and wednesdays the devotees have to stand in long queues for hours together to have a darshan of the deity, the Maa Majhi Ghariani. Devotees accept it for the heavenly bliss experienced by them on getting the darshan which is inexpressible. The fulfilment of their wishes prompts them to offer anything to the goddess. It is the faith that brings them prosperity and peace. Chaiti Parab is the annual festival of Maa Majhi Ghariani temple celebrated for 5 days. It is observed with glorification of spring season and a period of plenty after the harvesting. The festival starts from the eleventh day of bright fortnight of Chaitra and concludes on the day following fullmoon day. The sword of the deity is taken as a token in customary procession in the town to ward off evil spirits. It is worshipped in Brahmanic order and rituals are performed accordingly. The people believe this as the festival of amusement and fertility. Only the tribals of Rayagada participated in this festival in this temple with full of devotion. Dancing and lovemaking are the chief pastimes of the tribals (Dongria Kondhs) during Chaiti Parab.

11. Measurement/ Size Built area of the structure (in square mtrs.) 8 feet x 8feet (limited). Open space area (in square mtrs.) 6 acres of land under the control of Indian Railways as per ROR. Height (meter) and the measurement done as per the sketch diagram prepared from the temple.

12. Construction period(s)/ Date(s) (open field)

16th century – Medieval period


13. Who constructed or responsible for its construction

Rai Jani, a tribal king from the Kondh community was the king and ruled Rayagada. He constructed a fort at the centre and installed the family deity, Maa Majhi Ghariani and worshipped the goddess.

14. Predominant Architectural Style Traditional architecture design was done when the goddess Majhi Ghariani was installed during the time of Ray Jani.

15. Significance

• Historical • Cultural

16. Description of the structure:

The temple was constructed during the 16th century (Medieval period). The family deity of the Kondh king Ray Jani was installed, Maa Majhi Ghariani inside the fort Rayagada. He was killed inside the fort after defeated by the king of Nandapur. The deity was placed & installed at the centre of the fort. The Paikas worshipped the deity and also guarded the entrance to the fort and stayed at Biraguda.108 queens of king Rai Jani who had sacrifice their life in the kunda was known as “Sati kunda” located at the northern side of the temple. The sacrifice of lilika chheli, a particular type of goat having beard is sacrificed on the Durgastami day at this temple to commemorate the death of the king Ray. The ritual of putting stones (Jarapathar) near a tree at the north‐west side of temple by the main road is a tribal ritual of offering to the Goddess is still in practice. Chaitra festival is observed for five days from 11th day of Suklapakhya in the month of Chaitra ends on the day following Poornima (full moon). During the festival sword of the deity is taken out round the town to ward off evil spirits, if any and devotees feel her presence at their doorsteps.

17. Materials used for Construction:

stone, brick, cement, sand etc. used for the construction of the new temple by the Railway Department after acquiring the lands from the Endowment Department, Govt. of Orissa while planned to link Railway lines connecting to Western Orissa (the materials used for the construction of the temple at the initial time is not known or recorded any where).

18. Construction Techniques

Modern simple technique used for construction of temples of the Shaktipithas 19. Associated Local Traditions and legends:

The hearsay about the evolution of this ruined palace temple is quite interesting and popular. During 1930s when the construction of the railway bridge over the deep gorge on river Jhanjabati was in progress, the engineers encountered a lot of


problems in spite of perfect planning and meticulous execution. The pillars erected to support the bridge were crumbling mysteriously and the cause remained an enigma. One day the site‐in‐charge had a dream that the impediments were caused by the anger of a goddess abandoned and buried nearby. An oracle advised him to install the idol of the goddess and start worshipping her so that the bridge can be completed without any problem. The idol was traced and installed in a hut and the people engaged in the construction started worshipping it every day. The efficacy of the prayer to this goddess resulted in the completion of the bridge without any further problems. This bridge and engineering marvel were perhaps due to divine intervention. The visitors to the temple make it a point to enjoy the beauty of this gorge also.

20. State of conservation and structural stability: Condition: Excellent and well maintained Structural stability: Good and necessary repairing works are performed by the management as and when required by the trustee

Condition: Well maintained Threats : Nothing to mention

21. Recommended Grading: A

22. Category of protection : • State Archaeological Department Govt. of Orissa • Nine membered trustee of the temple responsible for day to day management

as per the governing body.

23. Archival records reference :

Pillai, D.S. “Maa Majhi Ghariani Temple”, Cultural Heritage of Orissa. volume‐ IX, Rayagada District, page 178, 2007, State Level Vyasakabi Fakir Mohan Smruti Sansad, Bhubaneswar.

Patnaik, Sabita Saktism, Cultural Heritage of Orissa. volume‐ IX,

Rayagada District

Rath, S. Bissamcuttack: Society and Culture,Cultural Heritage of Orissa. volume‐ IX, Rayagada District

Das, H.C. Forts and Strongholds, Cultural Heritage of Orissa.

volume‐ IX, Rayagada District Patnaik, A.K. History of Rayagada, Cultural Heritage of Orissa.

volume‐ IX, Rayagada District Ota, A. B. and S. C. Mohanty Dongria Kandha, SCSTRTI, Bhubaneswar, 2007.


24. Photographic record

Entrance gate of the Temple

Front view of the Temple

Backside view of the Temple

Sacred tree of the temple

Satue of Horse placed in front of the Temple

Sati Kunda

Feet of MAA MAJHIGHARIANI

Resting place and kitchen of the Temple

River Jjanjabati near the Temple

Railway line adjacent to the temple


25. Maps/ Drawing records

Furnished

26. Any other remarks: The temple is believed to be a source of the progress of the district. The district headquaters town, a sleepy village before independence has grown into a large township accommodating people from different parts of country, who co‐exist as an embodiment of India’s cultural unity. The charm of deity enthralls visitors and draw them again and again to Her feet.

27. Lister

Sri Jayant Kumar Sahoo, Reserch Associate, CPSW, Bhubaneswar

28. Comments of the Reviewer

Sri. J.P.Rout, Project Co‐ordinator, CPSW and Former Joint Director, SCSTRTI, Bhubaneswar.


2. Maa Markama

√ 1. Name (historic/ popular/ other name)

Maa Markama

2. Location

• Southern Orissa • Bissamcuttack • Rayagada • Orissa • At/po. Bissamcuttack

3. Approach/ means of access:

a. Gunupur – Bhawanipatna Highway b. Highway about 40km from Rayagada c. Hotels, Guest Houses and Govt. Bungalows d. South Indian, Indian, Chinese and Continental. Fast foods are also available in

hotels and restaurants 4. Setting:

Landscape: Bissamcuttack which was encircled by dense forest and mountain was impenetrable. The land was uneven and inaccessible. Hence it was named as Bissamcuttack, a difficult Gada to reach. The place carved out a position for itshelf in the socio‐ economic, political and religious life of the district in particular and that of Orissa State in general. The tribal dominated town has its presence felt in the cultural map of Orissa. The place is famous for its scenic beauty and as a trading centre. It is situated at the foot of Niyamgiri hill ranges and now connected with railway and bus route. Cultural environment: Every human society has its own culture or socio‐cultural system. For thousands of years the tribals lived in isolation, secluded in the dense forest of the hill slopes. They did not make their existence felt by the kings and rulers of the ancient India. The kings and rulers during their military and hunting expeditions were occasionally coming in contact with the wild tribes. The policy of British government ultimately brought about serious rebellions and revolution at different times. Similarly there was agitation in Bissamcuttack among the Dongria Kondhs against the king of Jeypore. When freedom struggle started the tribals of Bissamcuttack joined the agitation and courted arrest.

5. Nature of structure:

Single structure


6. Type of structure: Main structure Religious structure (Temple) MAA MARKAMA: Bissamcuttack is a small tribal dominated town having historical importance where there are several temples in its surroundings. Among all the temples Maa Markama is the prominent one. The temple is situated in the south‐east corner of Bissamcuttack about 150mtrs away from the Gunupur‐ Bhawanipatna highway. The tribal people especially Dongria Kondhs have great faith on the goddess. The details of the goddess are known from Chandi Purana. Maa Markama is Chandi or goddess Durga who fought against Mahisasura (Demon). Goddess Karkama, a sister of Markama is also worshipped beside Markama. These are known to all as Ma‐ra‐ka‐ma and Ka‐ra‐ka‐ma. These two sister goddesses are not worshipped anywhere else in Bissamcuttack. Initially goddess Markama was worshipped under a banyan tree. Once the king of Bissamcuttack experienced a dream in which the goddess told him to keep her inside a shed. Then the king built a hut like temple for the goddess. A shrine was placed in a hut. Subsequently with the leadership of Narsingh Balabhai, the villagers built a small temple. The present look of the temple is very beautiful and one Police Officer of Bissamcuttack took interest in giving a new shape of the temple. The priest of Brahman caste traditionally from one family worships the goddess. Different festivals are celebrated in the temple, the most famous being the Chaiti Parab.

Secular structures/ associated elements: The Britishers called Bissamcuttack or poisonous fort because of its unhygienic climate leading to malaria and black fever. The land was uneven and inaccessible. Hence it was named as Bissamcuttack, a difficult Gada or Fort. This is one of the oldest and historically important Fort of undivided Koraput district(Rayagada became a separate district in 1992). It was also a part of Mahakalantara of Bhagyaraja during Gupta period. The images of goddesses, gods and tantric images reveal its antiquity. It was not at certain as to when did people first started living at the Bissamcuttack Fort. But it is certain that the tribals were the first people to have settled here. The Kuvi tribes were the aboriginal primitive people who were the first inhabitants of the Bissamcuttack Fort. The Kuvi tribes are divided into two groups, such as the Kuvi Kondhs and the Dongria Kondhs. The former tribe lived on the plateau on the plains region of Bissamcuttack, whereas the Dongria Kondhs lived on the top of Niyamgiri hills.

7. Ownership:

Multiple ownership Shri Narendra Pujari and Shri Radhakanta Pujari by their names are, at present, the priest of the temple. Their ancestors were the priests of this temple. Public The present look of the temple is very beautiful after giving it a new shape by one officer of Bissamcuttack Police limit. This Police Officer had taken a lot of pains to reconstruct the old one with the help of local people and the nearby tribal villagers.


They have rendered financial support to built the present temple. A Trust is due to be formed for the management of the temple.

8. Present usage:

In use 9. Nature of present use (multiple choice possible):

Public place

10. Nature of past usage (S) descriptive:

The exact era of the commencement of the worship is not known. People of the area opined and believed that Maa Markama has been worshipped in this place before the rule of the Thatarajas. Since feudal lords ruled here, they might have started the worship and constructed the temple. As such, all rulers do have one family deity and Maa Markama was the family deity of Thatarajas. Maa Markama is considered as the Presiding Deity of the town. A number of legends are associated with her name. As the Presiding Deity it is her responsibility to protect the area. Hence in the line of Kanchi Kaveri episode of lord Jagannath and Balabhadra a similar folktale is associated with Maa Markama. When there was a war between the rulers of Jeypore and Bissamcuttack the later was about to lose the because of weak and numerically less soldiers. At that juncture, the two sisters, Maa Markama and Maa Karkama in the disguise of two‐ milk women sold curd to the soldiers of Jeypore, who fell unconscious after consuming the curd. This provided much opportunity to the soldiers of Bissamcuttack to turn the table to their side and ultimately got the victory.

11. Measurement/ Size:

• Built area of the structure = 58 ft x 35 ft • Open space area = 2.5 acres • Height = 46 feet – Width = 15 feet

12. Construction period(s)/ Date(s) (open field):

The exact time of the construction of the temple of Maa Markama and commencement of the worship are unknown. She has been worshipped here before the rule of the Thatarajas. Maa Markama was the family Deity of the Thatarajas after 1886 who had established their capital at Bissamcuttack.

13. Who constructed or responsible for its construction: Since the feudal lords ruled here, it is quit natural to believe that the goddess must have been enshrined by the Thataraja as his family Deity (Istadevi) and later it has become presiding deity of the town. There have been a number of legends about the origin and the participation of the goddess in the socio‐political activities of the area.

14. Predominant Architectural Style:


Initially the goddess Markama was worshipped under a banyan tree. The king of Bissamacuttack, the Thataraja built a shrine for the goddess. Later on the shirine was replaced by a temple. Narsinghballabhai and the aboriginals of primitive communities built a small temple. At present, the temple has been constructed with a new shape. There is no ancient architectural style.

15. Significance:

Historical/Cultural


Shakti, the primordial energy of the universe, has been an immanent force, both in the animate and inanimate aspects of life. Shakti denotes power. Shakti or cosmic energy is the binding force particularly in respect of the Hinduism, which is multilinear in its scope unlike unilinear religions, such as the Islam and the Christianity. It is taken as the bases of faiths and cults. Shakti has directly originated from the primitive mother goddess cult, which was a prominent feature of the religion during prehistoric period. Gradually it crept into the tribal religion and finally to the main stream of Indian religions. Thus, it has numerous manifestations depicting malevolent benevolent aspects of Shakti. Shaktisim has its impact felt on Saivism, Vaisnavism and Tantricism as well. Bissamcuttack has some important Shakti shrines, besides the grama devatis of almost every village and town. The important seats of Shakti worship is Maa Markama. Maa Markama is worshipped as the presiding deity of the town. Two sisters, Maa Markama and Maa Karkama are worshipped inside the same temple complex. However, it is traditionally believed that because of a curse Karkama is not being offered worship in her usual form. Because of the curse she has gone underground with her head first and the two legs which are visible over the ground are worshipped. The two sisters, Maa Markama and Maa Karkama also have some other sisters, like Sarakama, Garkama and Orakama who are being worshipped at different places of Rayagada district as presiding deities.


The present temple has been newly constructed. One police officer of Bissamcuttack took interest and with the help of nearby villagers collected money to build and gave a new touch of the present temple. The temple was built like other Shakti temples and the design is common. The materials, such as stone, brick, sand and cement were used for the newly constructed temple. The outer portion of the temple was white washed and the inner portion was decorated with colour paints.

18. Construction Techniques:

Like all other Hindu temple (Saktipitha) has been constructed recently.

19. Associated Local Traditions and Legends:

There are many legends depicting miracles of the two goddesses. One such legend is that the two goddesses in the guise of two sisters went to a bangle seller and wore bangles of red colour and directed the bangle seller to collect money from their


father, who was the priest of the temple. When the bangle seller came to the priest for the money, he saw the same bangles in the temple (lying near the goddesses), which he had sold to the two sisters. He was stupefied to see this. He refused to accept money from the priest. Since then, whenever he passed by the temple he would offer some bangles to the goddesses. According to another legend, the two goddess in the guise of two girls came to the priest and told him that they did not have parents and would live in his house. He agreed, they stayed and helped the priest in the household chores. They even went to the forest for collecting firewood for the family. When it became known that the two sisters were not human beings rather are goddesses, a temporary temple was constructed for them in the same place where the temple is now located.

20. State of conservation and structural stability:

Condition: excellent Structural stability: good Condition: Excellent Threats: Nothing to mentioned

21. Recommended Grading: A 22. Category of protection: State Culture (Archaeology) Department 23. Archival records reference :

Tripathy, S.K. Maa Markama temple, Cultural Heritage of Orissa.

volume‐ IX, Rayagada District,2007 Patnaik, Sabita Saktism, Cultural Heritage of Orissa. volume‐ IX,

Rayagada District Rath, S. Bissamcuttack : Society and Culture

Cultural Heritage of Orissa. volume‐ IX, Rayagada District

Das, H.C.(Dr) Forts and Strongholds, Cultural Heritage of Orissa.

volume‐ IX, Rayagada District Patnaik, A.K.(Prof) History of Rayagada, Cultural Heritage of Orissa.

volume‐ IX, Rayagada District Ota, A.B. and S.C.Mohanty Dongria Kandha, SCSTRTI, Bhubaneswar.


24. Photographic record:

Front view of the Temple

Entrance of the Temple

Maa Karkama, sister of Maa Markama

Sitting place of Maa Markama

Newly constructed Prayer Hall of the Temple

Human Sacrificing Stone

Other Goddesses within the Temple premises

Lion of Markaka Temple


25. Maps/ Drawing records

Newly Constructed Maa Markama Temple

Sketch drawing of Maa Markama old temple

26. Any other remarks:

Different festivals are celebrated in the temple. The Maa Markama Yatra is celebrated in the month of Chaitra with pomp and ceremony. During this festival, temple is decorated with coloured lights. Different stalls are opened and


entertainment programmes are held during these seven days. The favourite of the goddess is Tuesday and every Chaitra Tuesday is celebrated as festivals.

27. Lister

Sri Jayant Kumar Sahoo, Reserch Associate, CPSW, Bhubaneswar

28. Comments of the Reviewer

Sri. J.P.Rout, Project Co‐ordinator, CPSW and Former Joint Director, SCSTRTI, Bhubaneswar.


3. Gokanneswara Temple

1. Name (historic/ popular/ other name)

Gokanneswara/ Gokarneswar Temple of Mahendragiri hill ranges 2. Location:

Geocoordinate: Southern Orissa The formation of seven land masses in the process of continental drift and the formation of three large oceanic plates as describe in the Puranas along with the various types of land forms produced by different geo‐morphic agents through various geo‐morphic process are the guidelines of the Histo‐geographic subject of the world. The Physiographic maps of Bharat identified with mountains and their location of seven ranges of Bharat mentioned in the Puranas besides Himavata has been described as:

“Mahendra Malaya sahya, Suktimanarikesha Parvatah, Vindhyacha Panijatrasha, Saplante kula Parvatah”

The Kula Mahendra was identified with its sacred rivers as described in Purana as:

“Trisana Rushikulyasha kula Tridiba Chala Langulini Bansadhara Mahendra Tanaya Smrultha ha”

Mahendragiri was regarded as Kulagiri or Kula Parvatah in the ancient period. It is being a repository of natural beauty, deep valleys, luxuriant forest has attracted saints and sages to practice religious austerities in the past. Innumerable sacred places are there on the banks of the holy Mahendra Tanaya river. It is sacred like the Ganges of the Himalays. The religious monuments like Gokanneswara (Kunti), Bhima and Judhistira temples of this place and other archeological and historical traditions in all the ages. Mahendragiri belongs to the hill ranges of eastern ghats is located in the southeastern corner of Ganjam district and about 30kms northeast of Paralakhemundi town of Gajpati district. The mountain is considered to be the meeting ground flora and fauna of the north and south, the Himalays and the Nilgiris. It is also called the store house of medieval herbs and attractive environmental condition is really suitable for Sadhana. The forest cultural heritage describes that the Savaras or the Saouras are the important hill tribes in this region, who’s original home land was in between Vindhya range and the Mahendra range long before the Aryans migrate to Kalinga.

Village/ City: Kainpur/ Paralakhemundi District: Gajapati State: Orissa


Postal address: to be collected from the field

3. Approach/means of access

Name of nearest Railway Station: Paralakhemundi Approx. distance: About 30kms north‐east of Paralakhemundi town No of staying places: Hotels, Guest Houses and Govt. Bungalows No of eating places: South Indian, Indian (both veg. and non veg.) foods are available in the Hotels and Dhavas

4. Setting

Landscape: Mahendragiri range of hills lying between 18°.50′‐19°.05′ North latitudes and 84°.10′‐ 84°.30′ East longitude. It is physiographical bounded by Ramgiri, Udaygiri sites in the north Gonda hati and Narayan pur in south. Singargu in the east and Devagiri hills in the west. The peak is in north‐east of paralakhemundi. It is known for its scenic beauty attracting several thousands of people on the Shivaratri festival day. The peak has rich historical background with archeological, anthropological and natural heritage, overlooking the Bay of Bengal in the east as a mute witness to the glory of kalinga, Ganga Shailobhava and Gajapati dynasties and also to wanton acts of man on its ecology, Mahendragiri, Singaraju and Devagiri ranges form the chief biomass resources of people of scheduled tribe inhabiting the area.

Cultural environment: The river mahendra tanaya is originated on the Mahendra mountain. It passes east through Mundasa and falls in the bay of Bengal at Barua, which was in the ancient time a famous port for maritime trade and cultural link to the south and south‐east Asian islands. Mahendragiri one of the seven kula parvatah(principal mountains of the country). The mahabharat records that parsurama one of the ten incarnations of Vishnu kept himself engrossed in penance here for twelve long years. The ancient savaras or the Saoras being a dominant tribal community of this mountain ranges claim their origin to the dawn of civilization. The Savaras are inhabiting are mostly in around the Mahendra mountain ranges and valleys of Mahendra Tanaya and Vanshadhara rivers are the descendance of Jara who killed Lord Krishna.


Single structure

6. Type of structure Main structure:

Religious structure (Temple)

Gokanneswara/ Gokarneswar Temple The Ramayan, Mahabharat, Bhagabata and all the epics describe Lord Shiva undergoing arduous meditation in Mahendragiri. Gokanneswara and other immemerable lingas are established during the epic period and prior to creation of


the Himalayas. Indian peninsula was earth of the part of Gondwana. Hence it is famous as a Saiva khetra for ages. Lord Parsurama, a devotee of Lord Shiva spent most of his time here and established Dhanurveda centre to which Vishmah, Karna and their disciples paid regular visits. According to the above epics, after exterminating all khetrios for 21 times from the earth and after the presentation of the earth of Kashyap Maharshi, the latter ordered Parsuram to perform penance at Mahendragiri and hence Mehendragiri also known as Parsuram Khetra. In Ramayan too it is prominent that Parsuram is given his prowess along with his (Vaishnava Dhanu) to shree Ram and latter ordered Parsuram to remain at Mahendragiri for ages. The significance of Rama Parsuram bheta is reflected on the prevailing tradition of Janu Ghanti Parsuram a race, tying a bell on the limb and carrying a pot, holding Parsu moring in the area during Vaisakha month to observe the incident and birthday of Lord Parsuram. This race reside in Patropur block, Paralakhemundi block entire undivided Ganjam districts of the past and Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh. The cultural heritage is confined within Janu Ghanties. They sing the song of Abadhutas belonging “Nantha Dharma”. The Parsuram Kundas on the river bed of Mahendra tanaya at puria sahi near Tumba via‐ Jaroda, route bear testimony of Tarpana by Parsuram with the blood of kings. On the Tilla Saptami day people dip in the river to get Mokshya. On the second peak, next in height to Kubjagiri, there stands Gokanneswar/ Gokarneswar temple popularly known as Kunti Mandira. SubStructures/ associated elements: Saivism made and indelible mark in the district with Gokanneswar/ Gokarneswar siva on the Mahendra mountain as the earliest shrine (4th century A.D.). The tradition of worshipping Ekadasa Rudra is prevalent. With the advent of Eastern Ganga in Kalinga the important of the Mahendra mountains as a religious centre was further enhanced. The Eastern Ganga installed their family deity Lord Gokaraneswar on the top of the mountain. Even now there is the shrine of Lord Gokaraneswar on the top of the hill. The inscription of Anant Varman Chodaganga(1077‐1147 A.D.) reveals that Virasimsha’s son Kamarnava preseted his own territory in Gangavadi, in south India to his paternal uncle and came to Kalinga with his four brothers like the Pancha Pandavas.

7. Ownership Single Ownership

Type of owners with name and address: State Archeology under Dept. of Culture, Govt. of Orissa. This temple on the hill top of Mahendragiri is declared by Govt. of India as National Protected Monuments during the year 1964.

8. Present usage

In use

9. Nature of present use (multiple choice possible) Public place


10. Nature of past usage (s) Several authors (Rajguru 1991, Chauley 1992) studied the history and archeology of the area. The history of Mahendragiri dates back as far as 5th century A.D. existence of a hill fort Mahendragiri was on disputed. The Guptas, Lingas and cholas rules the place. Mathara king built Gokaraneswar temple on the peak. The place is described as Saivakhestra and present worshipped by Savara tribe. Mahendragiri founder mentioned is the two hindu epics and several purans. Interestingly, the place was described by the Chinese visitors, Yuan Shwang during his visit in 7th A.D. as a seat of communal harmony between two tribes celebrating Shivaratri together (Mahendra range of Hills.


Built in area of the structure: To be collected from field work.

12. Construction period(s)/ Date(s) (open field):

The temple of Gokanneswar/ Gokarneswar is modeled after early Kalinga style and resembles much to the architectural style of Mukteswar temple, Ekamra Tirtha at Bhubaneswar. So far the errection of the temple is concerned historians present different opinions. Dr. K.C.Panigrahi, assigns it to 5th century A.D. according to Dr. Mohatab it is constructed by Debendra Verma probably the first king of Ganga kings. According to Dr. Nabin Kumar Sahoo it was constructed by Samant Verma in the middle of 6th century A.D. (The Temples of Gajpati by Sri. B.N. Mallik, at page 248, Cultural Heritage of Gajpati district) It is difficult to ascertain at to who actually enshrined Lord Gokanneswar/ Gokarneswar there on the top of the Mahendragiri it is stated that the first rulling prince of Kalinga was presumably Maharaja Dhiraja indravaram to styled himself as the ruller of all the parts of Kalinga, acquired by his own valour and strength. He was a devout worshipper of the god Gokarnasvamin, established on the top of the Mahendra hills which afterwards became the family god of all the branches of the Gangas of Kalinga. So it becomes preety certain that the Lord had already been enshrined on Mahendragiri the long before the rule of the Kalinga chiefs.

13. Who constructed or responsible for its construction:

After Kharavela’s reign, the Nasik cave inscription informs us that Mahendra region found a part of Satabhana Empire. During this period Siva and Krishna were popular and grants of syasans to Bramhmins flourished. The Allahbad pillar incriptions says Mahendragiri as the king of Kalinga(4th century A.D.). the occupation of Mahendragiri by Samudragupta is the landmark in the history of Orissa. The Dhabalapata grant of Mathara king Umabarawan (circa 360‐395) says that it was under Mahendra Bhagavishaya it is seen in the history, the Mathara kings of Kalinga and Nala king of South Kosala accepted Vaishaism are their personal religion and patronized it in their respective kingdoms. (Temples of Mahendragiri by Dr. Bharat Panda, page.241) The epic graphic, Puranas and monumental evidence lead us that the Matharas worshipped sun and Narayan Palalographically assigned to 6th century A.D. but during this period the early Gangas established their hegemony in upper Kalinga and begun worship the Lord. The Mathara Empire, Ganga dynasty Sailodbhabhas


dynasty (5th‐8th A.D.) and Bhaumakara(8th‐10th A.D.) Mahendra mountain range is regarded as their respective cradle land by many royal dynasty from 6th‐11th A.D. a brach of eastern ganga of Kalinga nagar called Sbetaka Gangas(Chikiti area) occupied Mahendra region on either side of Mahendragiri Vishnu and Siva culture flourished

14. Predominant Architectural Style Temple architecture: Early Kalinga style Local/ traditional Architecture: According to Puranic lifenature, Lord Shiva himself established the Lord Gakarneswamin, the great god Siva once out of anger slaughtered the divine cow Kapila whose body fell in the ocean and ear (karma) fell on Mahendragiri. In order to expiate the sins he performed penance there where the ear (karma) of Kapila cow fell and established. His own lingam which was known as Gakarnaswamy is not written in history. So the origin of Lord Gakarneswar is obscure and remains an enigma. In the medieval history of the Eastern Ganges we find that their country was surrounded by the mount Mahendra on whose summit their family god Gakarneswar was established by the Gangas appears to be doubtful for, the lord was already there. But, the structure of the temple suggests that it belongs to the early kalinga style.

15. Significance:

Historical/Architectural.


Mahendragiri is an important Saiva centre of Gajapati. The Mahendra peak is actually situated in the Gajapati district of Orissa. Mahendra mountain is adorned with a group of early Saiva temples. Among these temple, the temple of Gakarneswar is the earliest. This important Saiva temple is found in various Ganga and Sailavaba inscriptions. No other mountain of Orissa has gained so much Puranic and historic importance as Mahendragiri has gained from time immemorial. Linga or Phallic representation of Lord Shiva is found in each and every Shiva temple. Linga with yoni is the universal symbol of Siva worship. There are interesting stories regarding the origin of Linga. The Skonda Purana narrates that, when siva went for begging alms in a naked fashion on Duruvana the wife rig his fell in love with him. Thereupon the Righis caused him that his linga will fall down but later on appeased they said that the linga thus should be worshipped by the whole mankind. Most of the siva temples of Gajapati contains manusq or man made lingos. These Lingos are also known as Achola or sthira lingo many ritual, ceremonies, festivals myths, legends, stories and belief have been developed around this cult. Adhercuts to Saivism is attested by the worship snake and Bull is closely associated with Saivism. This worship of snake and bull bears the testimony of the deep penetration of Saiva cult into the life of the people.


To be collected from the field work


18. Construction Techniques: The structure of the temple and the construction of the temple belongs to the early Kalinga style. It is desirable to mention here that there is an inscription on a slab right to the entrance of the temple. (The Temples of Gajpati, Sri B.N.Mallik, page 247, Cultural Heritage of Gajpati)

19. Associated Local Traditions and legends:

Some of the names of the mathara kings are Umavarman, Sakarvarman, saktivarnan, Anata Saktivarman, (17) and these names are associated with Lord ‘Shiva’ and his consort Uma. Besides, the matharas issued a large number of copper plate grants to the Brahmanas. Among the doness of their copper plate grants we find such names as Sivasaman, Rudradutta, Sivabhojaka. They had diviaion of the empire like Rudravati Visaya. This indicates that the very name of lord siva had entered into the life of people of that times Mahendrabhogo Vishaya(18), which was an administrative unit of the matharas, linked with mount Mahendra and Gokarneswar siva. Anantavarman, one of the Mathara kings describes him self as a “Paramamaheswar”. He granted land to matru sharma, a brahmin belonging to Kausika Gotra. We learn from the Pasupata literature that kasika was one of the four disciples of Lakulisa, the founder of the pasupata cult which believed in the phallic or linga worship of Lord Siva. Thus kausika gotra would mean the disciple in the line of kausika. Again, kausika gotriya Brahmans are can conclude that Saivism was a popular religion in Gajpati during the 4th and 5th century A.D.


Condition: Require repairments Structural stability: Not up to standard. Condition: Not up to standard. Threats: Requires conservation and communication.

21. Recommended Grading: C 22. Category of protection : Endowment Department/ Tehsildar 23. Archival records reference: 5th A.D.


24. Photo graphic record:

Mahendragiri Hill Ranges

Langia Saora Settlement on foothills

Yudhisthir Temple Damaged statue in front of Yudhisthir Temple

Damaged statues


Entrance to Yudhisthir Temple hiba Linga in Yudhisthir Temple

Statue of Parshuram Bhima Temple

Distance view of Yudhisthir Temple

Trishul at Hill top


Statue of Hanuman Gokarneswar Temple

Statue of Devi Durga

Ashram of Priest

Residence of Priest


Devi Kunti statue

Side view of Gokarneswar Temple Damaged Statue of Lord Vishnu

Entrance to Kunti Temple Statue of Devi Dirga inside Kunti Temple

Statue of Kartikeswar Shiba Linga inside Gokarneswar Temple


Shri Khetrabasi Pradhan, the priest of Gokarneswat Temple

25. Maps

26. Any other remarks(descriptive):

In view of its close proximity, the Singaraju peak (1516m) within 105m north west of Mahendragiri is also considered as Mahendragiri hill range. West of this system


lies the less studied devagiri (1382m) range, south of Gumma, Gajapati district (3850 sq. km) is essentially agro‐based with nearly 48 percent of its people being ecosystem people whose livelihood depends upon these hill ranges. Also, due to the region’s biological richness, historical, archaeological and cultural heritage, it is imperative that the area within and inclusive of the above three hill ranges need to be identified and protected as Biosphere Reserve under UNESCO Man and Biosphere (MAB) Programme.

27. Lister name and address Sri Jayanta Kumar Sahoo, Research Associate, CPSW, Bhubaneswar. And Sri Suresh Chandra Murmu, Research Associate, CPSW, Bhubaneswar.

28. Comments of the reviewer Sri J.P.Rout, Former Joint Director, SCSTRTI, CRPF Square, Bhubaneswar and Project Co‐Ordinator, CPSW, Bhubaneswar, Orissa.


4. Paknapat

1. Name (historic/ popular/ other name)

Paknapat/ PirPati/ Pakna Buru

2. Location

• Geocoordinate: Pakna mountain is located about 15kms South‐West of Rairangpur town. Longitude‐ 86°. 05′ Latitude‐ 22°. 25′

• Village/ City: Koinpur (Koyong) • District: Mayurbanj • State: Orissa • Postal address:

Village‐ Koinpur, PO‐ Jamda, Via‐ Rairangpur, P.S‐. Jamda, Pin‐ 757045

3. Approach/ means of access

• Name of nearest Railway Station: Rairangpur • Approx. distance: About 15kms from Rairangpur. • No of staying places: Hotels and Guest Houses are available in Rairangpur town. • No of eating places: Indian, Chinese, Tandoor, South Indian foods are available.

4. Setting

Landscape:

God Paknapat is worshipped on the Pakna mountain. It is a natural setting having scenic beauty of its own. Pakna mountain is a beautiful and complex structure of big stones with varieties of trees. On the Northern part, Dumha mountain enhances the beauty of the place. Other mountains few kms away from Pakna mountain, such as Parao Buru (west) and Jugni Buru and Budharana(south) increase the sacredness of the area. From the top of the mountain one can see the spectacular scenario of the tribal villages on all directions. During Jantal festival (September) beauty of the place is enhanced by green paddy fields around the mountain.

Cultural environment: God Paknapat is a symbol of cultural unity. Area is dominated by the tribal

communities such as Santal, Munda, Ho, Bhumij, etc. with diversity cultural traditions. Pakanpat is the main god of Jamda Pir (52 tribal villages). During Jantal festival, which is observed for three days, not only tribals come to the place, but also other caste people participate and enjoy the festival without any discrimination. So several cultures are seen in one place and people outside Orissa from the neighboring states like West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar etc. come to Paknapat to worship and solve their individual problems.



Single structure 6. Type of structure Main structure:

Religious structure (Traditional heritage) PAKNAPAT God Paknapat is one the main gods of Jamda Pir, and popularly known as Pirpati. Earlier the area was covered with dense forest. Worship in organized way started during the time of king Ramachandra Bhanj Dev. In Jamda there is Motha Padia which was the Rajkosh of the king. Once king was in visit to Rajkosh and while returning to Rairangpur, he was escorted by few Santals, while crossing the Pakna Mountain, a branch from tree fell down. King asked, is there any god or goddess in the area? The Santals who were escorting the king expressed regarding the god Paknapat. King Ramachandra Bhanj Dev advised and told them to worship Paknapat in a very organized way.

SubStructures/associated elements (descriptive): God Paknapat is famous for sacrifice of Buffaloes and Sheeps. Now buffalo sacrifice has been banned by district authorities. There are 52 villages in Jamda Pir. The main purpose to worship god Paknapat for bumper crops, timely rain and also the welfare of the village. The Priest of the respective villages worship in every morning in their houses but worship on the mountain only takes place twice in a year during Dhulia Jantal (Ashalia) and Jantal festival. Dhulia Jantal is observed in the month of July only in two villages ie. in Koyong and Belpush. But Jantal festival is an important one, which is observed in the month of September seven days after the Ganesh puja. During in this occasion 52 villages bring their 52 rams to sacrifice on the mountain. Therefore, large numbers of animals are sacrificed during the Jantal festival. Jantal festival is observed for three days as described below.

First day: On the first day 52 rams are sacrificed from 52 villages of the Jamda Pir. women are prevented to worship on this day whereas only males are allowed to participate. The worship only takes place at the village levels. Second day: Gathering is more in the second day of the festival at Paknapat Mountain. Males and females, young and old people are participating to worship. On this day people whose problems already fulfilled made earlier as per promise to god Paknapat sacrifice animals. People also come with fresh individual problems and make Mansik to god Paknapat for fulfillment and sacrifice the animals. Women having menstruation are prohibited to worship. Third day: In the past on the last day the buffaloes were sacrificed. But nowadays the only ear of the buffaloes are cut and given to the god Paknapat. The most significant events such as cock fight, kati game, football competition and dramas during the night staged continue for three days during the Jantal festival enjoyed by all sections of the community.


7. Ownership Multiple Ownership:

God Paknapat is being worshipped by the tribal communities like Santal, Ho, Munda, Kolha etc. inhabiting in and around Rairangpur town. But the tribals from the neighboring states also come and stay with their relatives to witness the three day festival. The non‐tribals also participate and put up their problems to god Paknapat for fulfillment. This religious traditional heritage has none to manage or any trustee has been formed. It is managed by the tribals with their belief and traditional concept. Type of owners with name and address: Tribal communities and Public

8. Present usage In use

9. Nature of present use (multiple choice possible)

Public place

10. Nature of past usage (s): There is no information available regarding the nature of past usage of this religious heritage. But it was collected from the local inhabitants and the older people and the priests who are actively involved in performing the rituals during the festivals that this religious heritage is present from the time immemorial


• Built in area of the structure: About 5 square meters • Open space area: About 200 square meters • Height: About 5 meters

12. Construction period(s)/ Date(s) (open field): From the time immemorial 13. Who constructed or responsible for its construction:

Natural and situated on the Paknapat Mountain 14. Predominant Architectural Style

• Temple architecture: Natural • Local/ traditional Architecture: Rock cut caves

15. Significance: Historical and Cultural


16. Description of the structure: Pakna mountain is a beautiful and complex structure of big stones with varieties of trees. On the northern part, Dumha Mountain enhances the beauty of the place. Other mountains are few kms away from Pakna Mountain, such as Parao Buru (west) and Jugni Buru and Budharana (south) increase the sacredness of the area. From the top of the mountain one can see the spectacular scenario of the tribal villages on all directions. God Paknapat is worshipped on the Pakna mountain. It is a natural setting having scenic beauty of its own. God Paknapat is a symbol of cultural unity. The area is dominated by the tribal communities such as Santal, Munda, Ho, Bhumij, etc. with diversity cultural traditions.

17. Materials used for Construction: To be collected from the field work 18. Associated Local Traditions and legends:

Kate haram and Pate haram were two old men of Halmah village in Bihar (now in Jharkhand). They had cultivated vegetables in their respective fields. Someone was destroying their crops. They decided to find out the cause. They made Macha (small hut) in their respective fields and tied a rope from one hut to other to get immediate information of cutting the rope. One midnight, one of them came to know that an animal is destroying the vegetables. He attacked the animal with bow and arrow and informed his friend. They traced blood drops from one mountain to another. At last they found the animal dead below a banyan tree in the Pakna Mountain. Ultimately they decided to make small pieces of the dead animal and to eat. When they tried to cut into small pieces they failed. But surprisingly when they rejoined the limbs, the dead become alive and run into the whole (which is still believed to be present in the Pakna Mountain). At the night they decided to stay on the mountain to watch the injured animal. At midnight when they were sleeping, the animal come out as God and told them to worship. God Paknapat advised them to settle down there and cultivate the nearby plain lands by cutting the trees. (Story narrator‐ Malda Sardar of Koinpur village)


• Condition :Good • Structural stability : Good • Condition : Good • Threats :

Certain external forces simultaneously have posed a threat to their existence which created internal solidarity amongst themselves. These forces are often referred to as ‘Dikus’. The money lender contractors, political infiltrators and such other exploiters are grouped in this category.

20. Recommended Grading: B

21. Category of protection: Community 22. Archival records reference: Traditional heritage


23. Photos:

Village Priest worshipping the Deity in the village

Preliminary Rituals on the second day at the village

Deity ‘Paknapat’ is being shifted by the Priest

Deity on the way to ‘Pakna’ Mountain

Deity placed on the sacred alter

Priest getting holy water from the Pond

The priest carrying the holy water to the sacred alter

Devotees Gathering around the sacred alter


Priest in preliminary rituals putting vermilion marks

Deity ‘Paknapat’ on the sacred alter

Devotees on the queue for rituals

Priest purifying the surroundings by sprinkling sacred water

Priest invoking the Deity ‘Paknapat’

... Offering of coconut in the rituals

Youths witnessing the rituals

Offering of Cock to the Deity


Deity ‘Paknapat’ return back to the village abode

Return journey of the deity with a procession

Deity entering into the original abode

Rituals of the reinstallation of the deity ‘Paknapat’

‘Paknapat’ in the original abode with inmate deities

Ladies offering prayers in front of the deity

Village Priest standing infront of his house


24. Maps: No maps available since it is a religious heritage 25. Any other remarks(descriptive):

The Santals are very conscious about their identity and heritage. They have conscious or unconsciously built up a sense of solidarity amongst themselves. Their international solidarity often based on their principle of likeness that is a shared cultural characteristic which binds them together. There is myth of origin which is widely accepted by the members of the community. The essential features of this myth are also shared by the Mundas, Hos and other neighboring tribes which also help in the formation of a regional solidarity. There is close linguistic relation with the Santals, Hos, Mundas and Bhumijas which contributes to this solidarity.

26. Lister name and address: Sri. Suresh Chandra Murmu, Research Associate, CPSW, Bhubaneswar

27. Comments of the reviewer Sri J.P.Rout, Former Joint Director, SCSTRTI, CRPF Square, Bhubaneswar and Project Co‐Ordinator CPSW, Bhubaneswar, Orissa


5. Patkhanda Mahaprabhu

√ 1. Name (historic/ popular/ other name)

Patkhanda Mahaprabhu

2. Location:

• Geocoordinate: At the centre of the groove above Mudulipada, an ancient Sword is hidden high an ancient banyan tree. Three times in the year – during Dassera, in the full moon of Magha and the Giaggige, the sword is brought down and worshipped. It is evidently a royal sword, for its cultus is subsidized by the Maharaja of Jeypore and its name “Pat Khanda” connects it with the Jeypore armory where there is a great and honorable weapon with the same title. Today the sword has become the symbol of an important local deity, the “Pat Khanda Mahaprabhu”. He is the special god of the twelve Jangar villages, but is not worshipped in other Bondo settlements. The Bondo are animistic and believe Pat Khanda Mahaprabhu as the Supreme Being.

• Village/ City: Mudulipada • District: Malkangiri • State: Orissa • Postal address:

Village‐ Mudulipada, PO‐ Mudulipada, Via‐ Khairiput, P.S‐. Mudulipada, Pin‐ ****** It is about 14 km from the Block Head quarters.

3. Approach/ means of access

Name of nearest Railway Station/ Airport: Railway Station‐ Koraput

Airport‐ Vishakapatanam (A.P)

Approx. distance: Railway station about 80kms south‐east of Koraput and the Airport about 250kms situated at Vishakapatnam (A.P).

No of staying places: There are no staying places available at Mudulipada except an Inspection Bungalow of Malkangiri ITDA.

No of eating places: This place is about 3000ft above the sea level, hotels, dhabas etc. are not available for eating. The visitors have to carry food stuffs and other eatables along with them.


4. Setting 4.1 Landscape (Topography/ Physical feature): In the wild and remote south‐western tip of Malkangiri uplands live a primitive tribe the ‘Remo’ speaking Bondo tribe of south Munda language group. While the mountainous tract inhibited by the Bondos enjoy a pleasant climate for its high elevation of about 3,000ft above the sea level. The rest of the Malkangiri district, which is comparatively a flat plain land dotted with small hillocks, has an extreme climate with oppressive hot and humid summer and severe cold winter. The Bondos are found nowhere except in Malkangiri district and the hills lie between 18º.30´ North latitude and 82 º.15´ ‐ 82 º.30´ East longitude. 4.2 Cultural environment: There are two culturally distinct groups of Bondo: Lower Bondo and Upper Bondo. The lower Bondo live in the foothill villages and are relatively acculturated. They are mainly settled agriculturists and wage earners. Whereas the upper Bondo live in the inaccessible mountainous areas with an elevation varying from 1500ft to 4000ft, well known as the Bondo hills. The megalithic platform called Sindibor is formed in the culture of the village. A village is an important social unit, members of which are related to each other as Sorubhai, meaning dining brothers. Marriage within the village is strictly for bidden.

5. Nature of structure: Single structure

6. Type of structure: Main structure Others (sacred care unit)

PATKHANDA MAHAPRABHU The Supreme Being or President of the immortals as he may not inaptly be described is usually called Mahaprabhu by the Bondos. As a term of address the Bondo applies it to any demigod, demon or human being whom he wants to please, a Bondo priest well in one breath invoke the sacred sword Patkhanda and flatter a constable with the same word, Mahaprabhu. Mahaprabhu proper name is SingiArke or SihArke and Singi or Sih is the Remo word for ‘Sun’. Arke in Remo means ‘moon’ or month, Mahaprabhu therefore SingiArke or RamaiBhimai, the sun‐moon, or simply the sun, a righteous creator (Dharam Deota), President of the immortals the demigods, demons, furies and ancestral spirits over whom he rules “urbalogursi buribalogbursi says the Bondos. “When the riser rises, the setter sets, the dying die, those to be born are born” and they salute the Sun. You rise to rise to give us rise and set to give us darkness. Mahaprabhu created the world, mankind and the gods and demons, and also‐ with curious inconsistency‐ the sun and the moon. He determines when men should die and what from they are to be reborn.

SubStructures/ associated elements (descriptive): A Raja had a son a daughter and the two were always playing together. One day the girl got a gourd seed and threw it away on a rubbish heap. It grew and a great flower came from it and a mighty gourd. The boy made a hole in the gourd and hollow it out. He said , “if ever it rains too much, we hide with the gourd”. One day the rain poured down and the brother and sister went to play in the shelter of the gourd, several days passed but the rain did not stop and the whole world was flooded with water.


The gourd floated on the surface and the children grew hungry and began to cry. Mahaprabhu heard them and come to ask what was the matter. He sent for the wild boar and it went round the under world and stole earth from kermo, with the earth it stole seven kinds of trees‐mango, tamarind, mahua, saga palm, dumar, pipal and banyan. The boar smeared and stolen earth over its body and dipped itself in the water. It came out and shook itself, making the earth fly allover the ocean. In this way the new earth was made. Some of the boar’s hairs came out and turned into grass. The seeds of the seven trees were also scattered across the world and from them came the jungle. Then the Mahaprabhu took the brother and sister out of the gourd and changed their appearance by small pox so that they did not know each other. They married and the mankind has come out of it.

7. Ownership:

Multiple Ownership: Community ownership Type of owners with name and address: ribal community. The genesis of Patakhanda is obscure, but the public opinion indicates that in the past all the Bondo villages in the hills were grouped under two taluks, namely, Ramgiri and Nandapur are known as Barajanger group of villages. The inhabitants of these Barajangar groups of villages mainly considered the sword the most sacred and started worshipping it as their Supreme Deity.

8. Present usage: In use

A group of twelve villages from a confederacy called, Barajangar over which there is a head man called Badnaik or Raja. The post of Raja is not hereditary. It is held on a tenure basis for a period of 3years. On this day all the Naiks of twelve villages assemble at Mudulipada near the banyan tree where a sacred sword (Patakhanda) representing the supreme deity of the tribe called, Patakhanda Mahaprabhu resides. The Naiks selected their Badnaik unanimously. After he is declared elected, each Naik ties a piece of red cloth on his forehead. But the Naik of Mudulipada village puts a vermiloin mark on his forehead in addition to the tying of red cloth on his head. The newly elected Badnaik is seated on a thorny chair under the banyan tree and the priest of Mudulipada village waves burning lamp and incense before him. On this occasion a goat is sacrificed at that place and they assemble there and partake the feast prepared for them. In case the Badnaik does something which amounts to violation of social norms and insecure dissatisfaction on the public he is thrown out of the post and a new Badnaik is selected on the next Magha festival. The Badnaik is given an acre of low‐land which belongs in common to all the twelve villages. So long as the Badnaik continues in his post he cultivates it and enjoys the produce from the land. The functions of Badnaik are that he presides over the inter village meeting and decides cases relating to village boundary, adultery, divorce and such other social offences. In which people belonging to different villages are involved. He is the custodian of the funds which are levied on the accused and when fines assume a big amount this is spent in organizing a feast on festive occasions and the Naiks of the villages belonging to the confederacy are only eligible to partake the food in the feast. Besides the secular headman of every Bondo village has a priest called Pujari. The post of Pujari is hereditary and the person who acts in this post is paid 15kgs of food


grains at the time of harvest from each household for his maintenance and for the service he renders for the village.

9. Nature of present use (multiple choice possible) Public place‐ the Community deity. Religion defined as the belief in spiritual being is one of the major cultural aspects and other occult controlling mechanisms. The Bondos believe in the transmigration of the soul. It is their belief that after the death of a person the soul departs is body and is subjected to the scrutinizing by the Patakhanda Mahaprabhu for its existence after life. The Patakhanda Mahaprabhu takes into consideration the nature of life it led and decides whether it would merge in the realm of ancestral spirits or it would lead the life of a ghost or demon or any other type of evil‐spirit. The life which lived a peaceful life without breaking any social norms is considered a good life and the soul of the person becomes one of the ancestral spirits. In contrast the soul of the person who was in the habit of breaking the social norms and did not lead a peaceful and happy life due to his deviant behavior turns into a ghost. The Bondos believe in three tire system of existence‐ spatial existence that is the earth in which the mortal beings live in the heaven in which, the heavenly immortal being live and the hell which is nothing but a large sheet of water unfathomable in depth and un‐measurable in other dimensions. The ancestral spirits, and many other categories of supernatural being live around the human habitation on the earth. Similarly many deities more powerful than the deities living on earth are found in the heaven. For example Patakhanda Mahaprabhu which is considered the supreme deity of the tribe has its abode in the heaven. The Bondos believe in a supreme being, who is called in their language as SingiArke (Sun‐Moon), which stands for the Patakhanda Mahaprabhu. It represents a sword of 3′ (feet) in length and 6″(inch) in width placed in the hollow of a banyan tree in the Mudulipada village.

10. Nature of past usage (s): On his return journey after completing 12 years of his banishment Lord Rama halted some time in the Bondo hills. The forest then was very dense and was full of wild animals which were the greatest sources of danger to the people. The Bondos who offered hospitality to Him, his wife Sita and His brother Laxman begged of them some weapon by means of which they could protect their life from the attack of the wild animals. Lord Ram fulfilled their prayer by giving them a sword which represent the Patakhanda and eventually become the supreme deity of the tribe. Not only the sword is sacred but also the banyan tree in which the sword is kept is considered equally sacred. The Bondo who passes through Mudulipada pay obeisance to it. Being of the Mundari group, the Bondos are expected to recognize the sun‐god as their supreme being. In fact they corroborate this by confessing that SingiArke was formerly their supreme being which is symbolized as PATAKHANDA in the past time.

11. Measurement/Size:

Built in area of the structure: There is no evidence.


Open space area (in square meters): It is said in Mudulipada that the presence of the sword become known by a dream, wherein Patakhanda appeared to the Sisa and gave direction for his worship. There is no record, however of a formal presentation of a sword by one of the Nandapur or Jeypore kings to the Bondos. The hill Bondos (upper Bondos) of BaraJangar group of villages comprising 12 villages originally of which Mudulipada village is being the central where the ancient sword is hidden high in a great banyan at the centre of the grove in open area. Height: The height of the banyan tree cannot be measured as it increases in height in every year and simultaneously broken at the top when wind blows in high velocity.

12. Construction period(s)/ Date(s) (open field): From the time immemorial

13. Who constructed or responsible for its construction: It is evidently a Royal Sword, for its cultus is subsidized by the Maharaja of Jeypore armory where there is a great and honorable weapon with the some title. For Bondo psychology this sword is of great importance, it has immense snob‐value. It fortifies the community self respect by establishing that fragile link with the Rajput mobility which it is the ambition of every aboriginal to maintain. Today the sword has become the symbol of an important local deity, Patakhanda Mahaprabhu.

14. Predominant Architectural Style: Natural, but no evidence behind it

15. Significance (menumultiple choice selection possible): Historical and Cultural


In the woodland near Mudulipada, a huge banyan tree forms a natural amphitheatre. At its stone after constructed very like a sindibor. A little to one side is a hut with a gabled branches of the tree is hidden the sacred sword of a deified hero called Pat khanda. Three times in a year, during the Sussu gege, the Gege gege (held in April) and the Gewar sang festival, a priest climbs up into the branches and brings down the sword for it to be worshipped. All the Bondos from the village near Mudulipada attend the worship. They bring their own provisions and offerings. Before the midday all assembles beneath the tree with offerings of goats, fowls, eggs and coconuts. Incense is burnt leaf cups. The priest washes himself with turmeric water, salutes the sword in the tree three times with folded hands to bring it down. The sword then bring down washed with turmeric water & placed on the alter. A hen is sacrificed after all present salute to the sword. Coconut is smashed on the alter followed by a goat’s throat is cut & the blood allowed to drain on the sword. Individual sacrifices of goats & fowls followed & in every sacrifice the priest is presented with head of the goat. After a communal feast


is arranged under the banyan tree, the sword is returned to the safe custody of the topmost branches.


The Patkhanda sword (Liasu), the drum of the Pujari possessed with supernatural powers. Cleaning of the worship place with cow dung & water, drawing icons in charcoal or turmeric powder, putting vermiloin dabs in different circles of the icon on the deity of Patkhanda sword, keeping the joss stick and incense burning sticks are generally required for rituals under the big banyan tree where the sword is hidden covered with big pebbles of ancient time.

18. Construction Techniques:

The Bondos are animistic. They believe in supernatural powers and ancestors. It is quite clear that the religion is intimately interwoven with the bondoway of life, their day to day activities and their material and ethical life. They are dependent on the deities and spirits in every aspect of their life and activities. They can not simply move without being dictated by the deities and spirits. Religious and magical beliefs regulate their relationship with the visible and invisible world around them. Underlying all their religious and magical rituals and ceremonies is the conviction that the welfare of the society and the individual depends on establishing a balance between man, nature and the supernatural universe.

19. Associated Local Traditions and legends: Geographically, the Bondo settlements fall into three groups. But the Bara‐jangar group is the important. Jangar or Badajangar is one of the names of Muduldipada or serayan, the capital of the Bondo country which is one of a group of 12 village and also known as Barajangardes. It is in Mudulipada that Bondo race come into being. It is about this village and its groves that the most ancient legends cluster. Its Naiko is of great authority and subsidized and supported in his position by the maharaja. These twelve villages are said to be the original Bondo settlements & each was founded by one of twelve brothers. Among them there is a certain degree of cultural homogeneity. Their community and only they attend the worship of Patkhanda mahaprabhu. They are most devoted to the maharaja. Seven brothers and seven sisters were born in Malyagiri were attracted by the hills and settled there. The elder brother had a dream that Patkhanda Mahaprabhu was born at Mudulipada & the same had lapped in case of the maharaja of Jeypore and he sent his men to worship him. These brothers who saw the soldiers of the maharaja hide themselves in the jungle expecting that’s the work of looking after the mahaprabhu would be too heavy for them. But the soldiers chased there seven brothers and brought them for a negotiation. The eldest brother was named the mundli and become the Naike of Mudulipada, chief of all. The challan was appointed to help him. The kirsani to carry the officials baggage, the Dongramajhi to see the youth(dhangra) brought wood and water for visitors. Another brother Sisa to perform the worship of Patkhanda Mahaprabhu and the other brother to help the Naiks. Latter on as the number of people increased, the descendants of the brother who was trade the kirsani went to live in kirsanipada, the descendants of the challan


separated to salanpada and the mundli people remained in their first home at Mudulipada.

20. State of conservation and structural stability: Condition: Fair Structural stability: Fair Condition: • At present the huge banyan tree forms the natural amphitheatre. • Below there is a stone alter constructed very like a Sindibor. • Little away in one side, there is hut with a gabled thatched roof supported by

posts. • At the top most point in high up the branches of tree is hidden. • The sacred sword of a deified the hero called Patkhanda Mahaprabhu. • The villagers near to Mudulipada attend the worship specially three times in a

year. • The community take care of this alter as and when required if damages

occurred.

Threats: • Deities of the earth, the sun, of fire and of water, local deities. Some resident

in houses, others in the country side, demons, deified heroes and spirits of the dead comprise the great supernatural company that surroundings the Bondos.

• Very often it invad the existence and complicating the even tenor of their social, domestic and economic life.

• The placation of this vast company is the work of the priest who presides and conducts the various festivals especially for harvest.

• But to battle with these spirits that are responsible for human tragedy and illness and to notify their machinations in the work of the medicine men, the Desari.

21. Recommended Grading (A/ B/ C):

Considered for B grading as per the condition & natural environment.

22. Category of protection

Protected locally by the community.

23. Archival records reference: Not available Published references: • Bondo high landers‐ Verier Elwin • Tribes of Orissa‐ Special issue, SC&STRTI • Development Hand Book of Bondos‐ Dr. N. Patnaik and others • Information collected from Journals, Periodicals from Library of SC&STRTI,




• The Half‐Clad Tribals of Eastern India‐ N.A.V. Watts • The Bondos and their response to Development‐ THRTI, Bhubaneswar 1984 • Development of Primitive Tribal groups of India‐ Dr. P.K. Mohanty, former

Joint Director, MOTA Government India, KALPAZ Publication, New‐Delhi Unpublished manuscripts: Locally collected information from the older people by organizing group discussion

24. Photographic records:

View of the Mudulipada village

Front side view of Patakhanda Mahaprabhu – The hidden ancient sword placed in the great banyan tree with in the groves

Left Side view of Patakhanda Mahaprabhu

Right side view of Patakhanda


Back side view of Patakhanda Mahaprabhu

Sindibor the supreme deity of village Mudulipada

25. Maps/ Drawing records:

Not Available 26. Any other remarks (descriptive):

The Bondos, whose religion and superstitions are derived from humanity’s most ancient beliefs, have a particular veneration for stones. Everywhere in the Bondo villages curious cairns are found to which they come in order to worship the presence of their deities. The Bondo women weave their loin cloth (Gosi) for the males and skirts or loin cloth (Ringa) for themselves and also traditional cloths used for their children. For this purpose they collect the barks of plant locally known as Kode or Insiva. The yarn is made and dyed with colour and clothes are woven in their traditional loom. But now a days they are purchasing the cotton threads of different colours either from the local market or buy from the Doms, the Scheduled Caste. In my opinion the Bondo women look, majestic in their unique spectacular fashion of traditional adornments. Their traditional costume consists of a large mass of necklaces of coloured beads, coins and cowries which adorn their shaven heads and hanging down from the neck to the naval totally covering their upper parts. Besides they wear a variety of ornaments, such as aluminum neckrings, earrings, noserings, finger and toe rings, bangles of glass and aluminum, metallic anklets, headband made of grass or beads etc.. they shave their heads and adorn it with coloured beads. But now a days the young Bondo girls are not wearing the traditional costume and dress rather prefer to adopt the modern saris and blouses which indicate the traditional adornment is vanishing in the Bondo highlands. Those are to be preserved and steps should be taken from various quarters.

27. Lister name and address: Sri. Jayanta Kumar Sahoo, Research Associate, CPSW, Bhubaneswar

28. Comments of the reviewer

Sri J.P.Rout, Former Joint Director, SCSTRTI, CRPF Square, Bhubaneswar and Project Co‐Ordinator, CPSW, Bhubaneswar, Orissa.

Publisher

Intangible Cultural Heritage Centre for Asia and the Pacific (ICHCAP)

Director of the Publication Seong-Yong Park Editor-in-chief Weonmo Park Editorial Staff Boyoung Cha Design and Layout Milee Choi Tel. +82428203508 Fax. +82428203500 Email. [email protected] Add. 82 Munjiro Yuseonggu Daejeon 305380 National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage Bldg. (4F) This publication is the outcome of the Cultural Atlas of India project developed by the UNESCO New Delhi Office with financial support from ICHCAP. ©2009. Intangible Cultural Heritage Centre for Asia and the Pacific This publication is copyright. No part may be reproduced by any process with out written permission. The contents herewith are entirely the product of the researchers and do not represent the views of ICHCAP

Documents

Cultural Atlas of India - UNESCO ichcap