Dissertation Final- Ideological Shifts Erich Honecker

MSc in Translation and CAT Tools

2012-13

Investigating Ideological Shifts in translatedspeeches of Erich Honecker on Socialism and

Success: A Socio-Cognitive Approach

By

Matthew Spofforth

H00134410

Presented for the award of MSc.

Heriot-Watt University

i

Table of Contents

Abstract.....................................................i

Acknowledgements............................................iiAbbreviations..............................................iii

1. Introduction..............................................12. Theoretical Framework.....................................2

2.1. Ideology...............................................22.1.1. Defining Ideology....................................2

2.2. Translation and Ideology...............................42.2.1. Translation as Ideological Activity..................4

2.3. Discourse Analysis.....................................52.3.1. Ideologies in Discourse and Text.....................5

2.3.2. CDA- Critical Discourse Analysis.....................72.3.3. Tracing Ideological Shifts in Translated Texts......10

2.4. Conclusion............................................113. Methodology.............................................12

3.1. About the Data........................................123.2. Method of Analysis....................................13

4.1. Data Analysis..........................................144.1.1 Research Data........................................14

4.2. Summary of key observations and trends................204.3. Discussion.............................................20

4.3.1. Discussion of research data in relation to research questions..................................................20

4.3.2. Shifts in Local Meanings............................21

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5. Conclusion...............................................375.1. Concluding Remarks....................................37

5.2. Suggestions for further research......................38List of References..........................................39

Appendices..................................................45

Abstract

This dissertation investigates ideological shifts in the

translation of political speeches delivered by General

Secretary of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) Erich

Honecker from a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

perspective. Adopting a socio-cognitive approach, it

examines the concept of ‘ideology’ and how it has been

explored within the field of Translation Studies;

particularly focusing on how it has been linked to

manipulation and power relations. Following Van Dijk, it

considers ideology to be constructed from the knowledge,

beliefs and value systems of the individual, and to be a

function of the society in which he/she operates. Using

Van Dijk’s Discourse-Cognition-Society triangle as a tool

for analysis, the study aims to identify translation

shifts that may be ideologically significant, and to

analyse them in relation to the context models and social

representations of Honecker and the translator. In

addition, the ideologies and objectives of Socialism and

Capitalism, as well as power relations and power elites,

iii

are explored in the analysis to apply the societal

dimension of Van Dijk’s model. It was concluded that

cognitive and social factors play a large role in the

production of political discourse and ideological

translation shifts. Suggestions are made to expand this

study to incorporate the discourse of further East German

officials to establish possible shift patterns, or

establish a comparative study of translation shifts in

the discourse of East and West German politicians.

Word Count: 13,127

Acknowledgements

I would first of all like to thank my supervisor Dr

Maggie Sargeant for providing invaluable advice and

support to improve this piece of research. Secondly, I

have to give my thanks to my good friend Mr Callum Watson

for giving me the benefit of his academic knowledge,

advice on writing MSc dissertations, proofreading and

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endless patience. Last of all I have to express my

gratitude to my parents for their love and support during

this process.

Abbreviations

ST- Source Text

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TT- Target Text

SL- Source Language

TL- Target Language

BT- Back Translation

GDR- German Democratic Republic

SED- Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (The

Socialist Unity Party of Germany

CDA- Critical Discourse Analysis

CSCE Agreement- The Conference on Security and

Cooperation in Europe Agreement/ Helsinki Agreement

DDR- Deutsche Demokratische Republik (See GDR)

vi

1. Introduction

Over the past decade, many different volumes have been

published concerned with further defining the two way

relationship between ideology and translation, and how

power relations affect the translation process, as well

as examining the position of the translator within this

process. All of these factors have an impact on the

target text (Mason, 1994; Álvarez and Vidal Claramonte,

1996; von Flotow, 1997; Gentzler and Tymoczko, 2002;

Calzada Pérez, 2003; Isbuga-Erel, 2008; Munday, 2007;

2008).

This investigation focuses on three extracts from

political speeches made by Erich Honecker, General

Secretary of the GDR from 1971 to 1989, and the

translated versions of these extracts. Using the CDA

framework formulated by Teun Van Dijk (1998; 2001), known

as the Discourse- Cognition- Society- Triangle, this

study aims to investigate the possibility of ideological

shifts occurring in the translated texts. This will be

directly followed by a discussion to explore the effects

that cognitive (such as contrasting mental and context

models of Honecker and the translator, polarisations and

social representations) and societal factors (such as

contrasting objectives and ideologies of Socialism and

Capitalism, as well as power relations and power elites)

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have on the translation solutions adopted by the

translators of these speeches.

Over the course of this study, an attempt will be made to

answer several questions which arise from the overarching

investigation into ideological shifts in the translated

data. These are, to identify whether shifts occur in the

translations; to establish whether the shifts follow

particular patterns, and what translation strategies were

used; what cognitive factors can account for these shifts

and patterns and what societal factors could be involved.

Apart from the studies conducted by Isbuga-Erel (2008)

and Munday (2007), (Focusing on Turkish literary texts,

and an analysis of discourse from Latin American

political leaders respectively), none of the translation

analyses mentioned above (Mason, 1994; Álvarez and Vidal

Claramonte, 1996; von Flotow, 1997; Gentzler and

Tymoczko, 2002; Calzada Pérez, 2003) were carried out

using a CDA framework, which has previously had a

monolingual tradition, working primarily with English

texts (Munday, 2007: 198/199). Similarly, while there has

been a focus on translation and ideology in the National

Socialist (Sturge, 2007), and East German (Thomson-

Wohlgemuth, 2003; 2006; Gibbels, 2008), contexts, there

has not yet been an attempt to systematically analyse

translated East German political discourse within a CDA

framework.

Attention here is focused on a small data sample;

therefore, the conclusions drawn cannot be extrapolated

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to an analysis of the translation of East German

political rhetoric as a whole.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Ideology

2.1.1. Defining Ideology

The notion of ideology is a highly contested concept,

with its definition having been discussed in many fields

of linguistics and politics, including Discourse Analysis

and Translation Studies. Originally coined by Destutt de

Tracy in 1796 to denote what he considered to be a

‘science of ideas (Hart, 2002), it was later expanded by

Marx and Engels to become an integral part of Marxist

Theory. Within this framework, it gave rise to the term

‘false consciousness’, to refer to the ‘misguided and

distorted beliefs that intellectuals had about their own

views, society, and the power that their views may have’

(Eyerman, 1981). False consciousness was also discussed

by several other proponents of Communism in their

contributions to Marxist thought, notably Lenin and

Gramsci, both of whom had differing views on the concept.

Contemporary approaches to defining ideology in the

general sense also vary but are closely related. Some

scholars (Fairclough, 2001; Hatim and Mason, 1997)

consider Ideology to be self-serving, and to be a

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function of the interests of those in power to manipulate

discourse. Discourse is defined by Van Dijk as a form of

language use which functions as a communicative event.

(Van Dijk, 1997: 2). He explains that people use these

events to communicate ideas, beliefs or emotions, and

they interact while doing so. As a result, they distort

reality and thereby preserve the status quo. (Ibid.)

Fairclough expanded on this to denote a set of values

that have undergone a naturalisation process over time

and that are seen to be ‘common sense,’ (Fairclough,

2001: 2).

Others such as Hirst (1979) and Seliger (1977) take a

more socially-inclusive stance on the subject (rather

than defining ideology as a means of manipulation),

defining ideology as assumption, value and belief systems

shared by groups, which are not always talked about

publicly. This inclusive position has been criticised by

academics such as John B. Thomson- who argues that such a

view is lacking a crucial link that he calls the

‘Critique of Domination’. For Thomson, the link between

ideology and domination should be maintained, as the

shared notion of ideology is too inclusive and disregards

its use by dominant groups for manipulative purposes.

(Thomson, 1984).

Teun Van Dijk takes a socio-cognitive approach to the

debate (2009). He always refers to ideologies in the

plural form and considers them to ‘be the basis of social

representations shared by members of a group’ (Van Dijk,4

1998: 8; 2006:116). Firstly, from a social perspective,

he echoes the sentiments of Fairclough, by acknowledging

that in most cases ‘ideologies are self-serving and are a

function of the material and symbolic interests of a

group, which have always been associated with socially

shared ideas’ (Van Dijk, 1997: 2). He agrees with

Fairclough’s assertion that ideologies are most

successful when they fade into the background and are no

longer considered as such (Ibid: 98). At the same time,

he argues that the reverse is also true, once a

population comes to the conclusion that accepted

assumptions are no longer commonly shared, they are

declared ideological (ibid.). In order to explain the

connection between the personal and the social, or more

specifically, ideologies on a personal level and their

reproduction in discourse in a wider context, Van Dijk

applies the cognitive science concept of ‘Mental Models’

to the cognitive dimension of the Discourse-Cognition-

Society Triangle (See Section 2.4.2 for an explanation of

the model). He defines these as the cognitive interface

between the personal and the social; he considers them to

provide an example of how personal views or ‘personal

cognitions’ (which are influenced by their own

assumptions, world-views, goals, values and (potentially)

ideological presuppositions) can be socially shared. This

interface also provides the basis for how personal

beliefs become shared group knowledge, attitudes and

ideologies which are adapted and updated according to

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social situations over time. This is known as a ‘context

model’. In this respect, ‘controlled context models’ are

the means by which ideological discourse and social

practices are produced (Van Dijk, 1998: 86). He explains

that repetition of certain forms of metaphor and

hyperbole can lead to the manufacture of controlled

context models, which dominant structures apply and then

reproduce. (Van Dijk, 1993: 259).

Van Dijk asks a crucial question as to whether ideologies

are experienced consciously or not. He argues that people

are often not aware of the ideological opinions that they

may have, and so they will only become aware of them if

those views are challenged by groups that oppose them.

2.2. Translation and Ideology

2.2.1. Translation as Ideological Activity

After years of linguistically oriented research in

translation from scholars such as Jakobson (1959) and

Catford (1965) surrounding equivalence, the field took a

‘cultural turn’, advocated by Mary Snell-Hornby (1988)

and mentioned by Bassnett and Lefevre (1990), it was

considered that cultural parameters are crucially

important in the translation process. Work in the 1990’s

and 2000’s has taken translation and ideology scholarship

in a different direction, towards political and

ideological analysis. For example, in his contribution to

the volume Translation Studies at the Interface of Disciplines (2006),

6

Matthew Wing-Kwong Leung turns his attention to the

‘ideological turn’ in Translation Studies. This shift in

focus within the discipline was, in Leung’s view, to

further Translation’s advance as an academic discipline,

profession and social practice, rather than a mere

manifestation of culture. (Leung, 2006: 129). He refers

to this more specifically as ‘a changed perspective of

seeing translation as a means of ideological resistance’

(Ibid: 129). In the field of Translation Studies, there

appears to be a clear, shared consensus among the pre-

eminent scholars (Al-Mohannadi, 2008; Bassnett & Lefevre,

1990; Hatim & Mason, 1990;1997; Mason, 1994:2007;

Tymoczko, 2003; Schäffner, 2004; Leung, 2006; Venuti,

2003) that translation is not performed from a purely

neutral perspective. As highlighted by the above

scholars, ideologies, intentional or otherwise, can

surface in texts of every type upon close analysis. Mason

(1994) demonstrated an ideological slanting in UNESCO’s

Spanish translation of its Courier magazine, which seemed

to portray Colombian Mexican oral tradition as inferior,

perhaps to fulfil a pre-determined ideological or

political motive (Ibid.).

Ideological issues were uncovered in an Anglo-Arab

context by Sara Al-Mohannadi in her analysis of the

British (BBC) and American (CNN) translated versions of

Osama Bin Laden’s speech after the September 11th attacks

on the World Trade Centre. By using Hatim and Mason’s

(1990) model of the genre, discourse and text hierarchy,

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as well as comparing various ideologically significant

passages in the text, Al-Mohannadi believed that the CNN

version is more subjective, arguably reflecting

overconfidence, leading to an ‘immature sense of

superiority when dealing with other cultures (Ibid: 540).

She argues that this could be seen as an example of a

text being manipulated to serve political ends (ibid.).

Work has also been done to discuss whether ideology can

only be seen as a negative force. In her contribution to

Maria Calzada Pérez’s edited volume, Maria Tymoczko is of

the opinion that the translator is not limited to one

position in cultural exchanges, not do they occupy a

space between. Rather, she believes that ideology in

translation is dependent on the translator’s position in

relation to the text and the receiving audience. In other

words, ‘the ideology of a translation resides not simply

in the text translated, but also the voicing and stance

of the translator, and in its relevance to the receiving

audience (Tymoczko, 2003: 183). She goes to argue that

the translator’s position is not fixed in one

geographical or temporal place and they can easily become

both a traitor and an agent for change (ibid: 201).

2.3. Discourse Analysis

2.3.1. Ideologies in Discourse and Text

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It was established in 2.2.1 that that translation very

often leads to the manifestation of ideologies in

discourse and text, but how ideologies manifest in source

text discourse must also be explored. Taking into account

the definition of Discourse in 2.1.1, it can take many

forms, be it written, spoken, formal or informal, but in

the context of this study, the discourse to be analysed

is political in nature. Therefore, the questions of where

and how ideologies manifest in the data can only be

answered by discourse analysis of political texts. Paul

Chilton and Christina Schäffner have charted the

development of political science and outline various

approaches in the field, as well as defining the various

‘strategic functions’ used in political oratory, which

enact social change through conscious linguistic choices

on the part of the speaker. (These functions are adapted

by Van Dijk (2009:113) to form what is referred to as a

‘polarisation schema’, a key component in the cognitive

dimension of Van Dijk’s Discourse-Cognition-Society

Triangle, which is the model used in this study). The

functions that they describe are ‘Coercion’ (Positioning

the self and others, and controlling language through

censorship and controlling information access),

resistance, opposition and power (through graffiti,

slogans, chants, petitions, appeals and rallies)

dissimulation (verbal evasion, denial or omission of

responsible actors) and finally legitimisation and

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delegitimisation (boasting about good performance and

self-presentation- blaming and insulting rivals.

In terms of polarisation, Van Dijk (ibid.) goes on to

refer to ‘us’ and ‘them’ as ‘ingroups’ or ‘outgroups’ in

which the ingroup will include the speaker and others who

share his or her mental models, and the outgroup will

consist of the aforementioned ‘them’. Strategies like

this comprise the cognitive dimension of discourse, which

he argues is often the most effective. This is because

access to other discourses (such as West German political

discourse, in the case of East Germany) is often

restricted by the structure in power letting the

production and the sustaining of a dominant discourse

influence the mental models of individuals in society.

(Ibid. 265).

In ‘Political Discourse and Ideology’ (2002), Van Dijk takes

things further by arguing that political discourse is

inherently ideological and may exhibit what he calls

‘interideologicality’, as he believes that several

ideologies can interact, which leads to the production of

a specific discourse. Hence he stresses the importance of

ideological analyses’ of political texts. In terms

ideological interaction, given that general group

ideologies can be applied in a professional context, Van

Dijk argues that they also play an important role in the

organisation of politicians’ lives. Ideologies can also

be extended to contrast the way in which politicians

identify themselves in relation to other officials, as

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well as their respective values and political

affiliations (Ibid: 23). He also believes that, elements

of these professional group ideologies as well as more

general ‘political ideologies’ such as those pertaining

to the organisation of the state (for example,

democracy), as well as opinions within the wider ideology

itself (for example, free elections), may be found when

conducting ideological analysis. One approach to carrying

out such an analysis is Critical Discourse Analysis

(CDA), which is pertinent to the current study. This

particular framework was chosen as it is well established

in the fields of linguistics and political analysis,

having been used for a variety of analytical studies over

the last decade (Fairclough, 1992; 2001; Wenden, 2005

Munday, 2007; Isbuga-Erel, 2008, Van Dijk, 1993; 1998;

2002; 2009). The study conducted by Munday is perhaps the

most similar to this one, as it applies Van Dijk’s CDA

framework to the analysis of Latin American political

texts. His investigation was one of the inspirations for

this study, as it was believed that applying the same

framework to an East German context would produce an

interesting project. A multidisciplinary approach to a

study of political discourse such as this one was deemed

appropriate as it allows the analyst to examine the text

from a wider perspective, instead of being confined to a

study based solely on linguistics.

2.3.2. CDA- Critical Discourse Analysis

11

Critical Discourse Analysis is defined as a range of

approaches to analysing text and discourse rather than a

specific method of analysis (Meyer, 2001; Simpson & Mayr

2010). Simpson and Mayr also point out that CDA was

conceived to address the criticism of mainstream textual

analyses that were prevalent at that time. CDA is

conducted with an overt political aim to pinpoint how

discourse analysis plays a role in the reproduction and

challenge of discourse (Van Dijk, 1993).

From a social perspective, van Dijk argues that CDA

scholars have to take a real social stance, in order to

show solidarity with those in need and to bring about

lasting change in society through critical understanding.

Taking inspiration from Halliday’s Systemic Functional

Grammar, CDA is an approach used to interpret how

language in text influences interaction and the formation

of social representation in the minds of the text

receivers, or to use Hallidayan terms, the impact of the

textual function and the interpersonal and ideational

functions. Of the many CDA models proposed since the

field’s inception, Fairclough’s three-stage model of

discourse analysis is perhaps the most well-known

(Fairclough, 2001: 91-139). His approach takes the form

of a ‘checklist’ to allow the researcher to explore the

text in detail. The first stage involves detecting

significant lexical, grammatical and syntactic phenomena

in the text using ten questions, split into three

subsections of Vocabulary, Grammar and Textual

12

structures. The second stage involves interpretation of

the relationship between text and interaction, Fairclough

uses the word interpretation in 2 ways, and he describes

it as the second stage in the discourse analytical

procedure as well as the interpretation of texts by the

text receivers. Finally, Fairclough calls the third tier

of his model the ‘explanation’ tier. This serves to

address the question remaining from the previous 2 tiers,

how are power, domination and ideological assumptions

related, making discourse practice a reflection of social

struggle.

Van Dijk advocates a multidisciplinary approach to his

CDA framework defined as the Discourse-Cognition-Society

Triangle (ibid, 2009). This model aims to pinpoint how

ideology is further legitimised or challenged through

‘discursive manifestations’ (Text structures in

discourse). He splits these structures into 2 distinct

categories, ‘Local Meanings’, (such as Lexical Choice,

Terms of Address, Pronouns, Semantics and Pronoun

Shifts,), and ‘subtle’ formal structures (such as

Voice/Modality, Transitivity and Rhetorical strategies

i.e. personification, additions and omissions). Van Dijk

believes these are ideologically significant as they are

less consciously controlled by the speaker (Van Dijk,

2001; 2009: 72). The legitimisation or challenge of these

text structures is produced as a result of the ST

translator’s ‘personal cognitions’ which are influenced

by their own assumptions, world-views, goals, values and

13

(potentially) ideological presuppositions (which comprise

the cognition dimension of the model). He applies notions

used in cognitive science, such as mental models and

context models, to interpret how ideology leads to the

creation of individual context models, and how the

underlying ideology is reproduced by groups.

As far as the societal dimension is of Discourse-

Cognition-Society triangle is concerned, the notion of

power is crucial, as how power is manifested in

discourse, may in turn influence the formation of

individual and group context models (for further

information on the discursive strategies used to exert

power see section 2.3.1.). How power is expressed by

dominant states or nations may differ according to their

dominant ideology and environment. This last point is

important for this particular study as the source texts

used are a manifestation of the socialist structure which

surrounds them, whilst the translated texts were produced

for a western, capitalist target reader. However, in

order to be able to exercise power, groups need a power

basis, which may be material or symbolic. Relevant of

symbolic power resources is preferential access to public

discourse, as is the case for the symbolic elites, such

as politicians, journalists and professors. Thus, each

social group is not only characterized by its structures,

relations to other groups, the characteristics of its

members, but also the presence or absence of power

resources. More specifically, a group may be defined in

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terms of the nature of its access to and control of

public discourse. Thus, journalists have active access to

the construction of news, politicians may have active

access to parliamentary debates, and professors to the

production of scholarly discourse, whereas most common

citizens have only passive access, as recipients to such

forms of discourse, or only as participants in the

representation of discourse, for instance as news actors

or citizens talked about in political or educational

discourse (Van Dijk, 2009). The differing parameters as

far as discourse access and a power elite is concerned

(such as freedom of press in West Germany and a lack

thereof in the east), will influence the cognitive

dimension discussed above. This differing notion of

access to discourse in East and West Germany through a

symbolic elite and national ‘establishment’ will be

discussed as part of the societal dimension influencing

translation shifts.

In short, the model attempts to show and explain the

effects of external factors on internal ones.

Several scholars in Conversational Analysis and

Linguistics (Schegloff, 1997; Stubbs, 1997; Widdowson,

2004; Chilton 2005) have levelled criticism at CDA as a

theoretical framework. In Schegloff’s view, CDA does notdeal with its material in a sufficiently serious way, in this

sense he wants the material to be made relevant to the study

being conducted and should make certain things more explicit,

such as the gender of the participants involved in any CDA

15

study . He argues that conversation analysis should be

conducted at first, or the research findings will be

labelled as purely ideological. Widdowson attacks the

term CDA itself, which he believes is very much ‘in

vogue’ and used very often in scholarly thought, without

anyone able to define sufficiently what the term denotes.

Chilton and Stubbs on the other hand, question the

methodological rigour of the framework, and its criteria

for text selection. However, despite his reservations,

Stubbs has a more sympathetic position in the debate,

believing that many of the questions he raises will be

answered in time.

Van Dijk’s Discourse-Cognition-Society triangle is highly

pertinent to the current study, as it presupposes that a

discourse does not exist in a cultural vacuum. His model

contains both a societal and textual dimension which can

also be seen in other model such as Fairclough’s (2001).

However, Van Dijk’s approach is unique in the sense that

it includes a cognitive dimension which he believes is

missing in other studies (Van Dijk, 1998:126). The main

point of this is that that ideologies have an indirect

influence on group members’ personal cognitions in

comprehending and reproducing discourse.

2.3.3. Tracing Ideological Shifts in Translated Texts

16

The concept of ‘translation shifts’ have been explored

for many years in the field of Translation Studies. The

term itself makes an appearance in Catford’s book A

linguistic theory of translation (1965) to uncover what he called

‘departures of formal correspondence in the process of

going from the SL to the TL’ (ibid: 73). Despite his

attempts to define the communicative function of

language, Catford’s focus on ‘shift probability’ was

subject to strong criticism from scholars such as Delisle

(1982), for being too linguistically oriented. Even if

his approach did suffer from a narrow focus, the

importance of such a study cannot be denied, as it was

the first attempt to systematically explore language at

the sentence level. It also provided the basis for

expansion in the field, which led to Koller’s model of

equivalence relations, and gradual movement away from

linguistic studies and towards other shift theories, such

as Hermans’s and Schiavi’s ‘stylistic shifts’ (1996).

Such an approach which is geared towards the impact of

translator’s style has played a larger role in

contemporary translation theory. It is here where

arguably, ideology intersects with translation, and

translation shifts become ideological in nature. This is

exemplified by a translation paradox explained by

Schiavi:

A reader of translation will receive a sort of splitmessage coming from two different addressers, bothoriginal although in two different senses: oneoriginating from the author which is elaborated and

17

mediated by the translator, and one (the language ofthe translator itself) originating directly from thetranslator (ibid: 14).

It is this mixed message, what Hermans calls the

translator’s ‘discursive presence’, which can be seen in

the linguistic choices in a TT. The important task for

the analyst here is to decipher how much the style and

intentions of the individual translator can be seen in

the TT, using the data collected. It is with this task in

mind, that scholars such as Mason (1994), Munday (2007),

and Al-Mohannadi (2008), have undertaken studies to

uncover ideological shifts in translated texts, making

use of multidisciplinary frameworks from Hallidayan

linguistics and CDA. Munday and Al-Mohannadi in

particular show that there is a societal dimension at

play that may influence the commissioned translator,

which will lead to differing degrees of mediation.

Munday’s work in 2008 took this area of study even

further by analysing translation patterns in Harriet de

Onis’s translations, in which he showed a manipulation of

paratextual features (Footnotes, Glossaries) amongst

others. Munday wonders what motivates the translator to

make such changes and questions how far the translator’s

social and political environment may influence the

motivation behind the choices made (Munday, 2012: 97).

This last point is crucial to the current study, as there

is a clear divergence in the production environment of

the STs and TTs respectively. The STs are situated within

an East German Socialist context, whereas the18

translations appeared in the public domain in 1994, 5

years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the

unification of Germany under a capitalist system.

2.4. Conclusion

Following this theoretical framework, we now know that,

for the purposes of this study, ideology is roughly

defined as ‘social representations shared by groups’. An

attempt has been made to link ideology with translation,

and to explore translation as an ideologically-motivated

social practice, for which there seems to be a general

consensus among scholars in translation studies. It was

also necessary to explore how this ideology manifests

itself in translated text, which is function of this

social practice.. A lengthy discussion of Critical

Discourse analysis, its aims and studies was then

conducted, including a passage explaining why a CDA

framework is appropriate to the current study.

Finally, a passage was devoted to the development of

‘translation shifts’ in discourse as a research pathway

following the work of John Catford. More recent work by

Hermans, Munday and Mason was also highlighted, whose

objective was to investigate how individual translators’

style manifests itself in translated text, and to answer

questions relating to underlying motivation behind this

style.

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In the following chapter, the methodology used in this

study will be explored further, as well as the background

context of the speeches used in the analysis.

3. Methodology

3.1. About the Data

In the previous chapter, a comprehensive overview of the

various issues and theories that need to be considered in

the critical analysis has been presented. In this

methodology chapter, the data to be analysed will be

contextualised first, then it will be shown how the

chosen methodology will be applied to the data.

Before the data is contextualised, the abbreviations to

be used must be explained. ST1, ST2 and ST3 refer to

Source Text 1, Source Text 2 and Source Text 3

respectively.

ST1 is the original version of General Secretary Erich

Honecker’s speech on the 40th anniversary of the GDR state

on 6th October 1989. This speech comes at a time of

immense upheaval in East Germany, in January of the same

year, Honecker made the assertion that ‘the wall will be

standing in fifty, even a hundred years’ time’

(Associated Press, (1986)), which at the time seemed to

be a fair assessment, despite the poor condition of

factories and homes. In the face of a state on the brink

20

of collapse and a mass population exodus, coupled with a

radical change in Soviet Union domestic policy, (headed

by Mikael Gorbachev’s calls for Perestroika which led to

the country’s first democratic elections in March 1989)

Honecker remains defiant in his speech. Ignoring the

salient political issues, the SED leader uses it as an

opportunity to celebrate the achievements of Socialism.

He dismisses the population exodus and the growing

opposition movement as capitalist slander, and vows to

continue his tough approach to leadership.

ST2 is a speech given by Honecker during the 10th (and

last) SED party conference from 17th-21st April 1986. At

the start of 1986, the political climate was still

unstable, but the US and Soviet Union both saw benefits

in calling for disarmament. Reagan addressed the Soviets

and Gorbachev made a speech to the Americans,

reciprocating their desire for a disarmament agreement.

As a result, Gorbachev formally proposes a three-step

plan on 10th January for the abolition of all nuclear

weapons by the year 2000, this was met with a largely

positive reception from the west. In spite of this, the

conference was mostly led by SED hardliners, who did not

support Gorbachev’s reforms.

In light of the above, Honecker does not mention

Gorbachev’s disarmament proposals and chooses to not

mention the salient issues in the GDR. Instead, he

focuses on the economic figures discussed above, praising

the five year plan as a great success, calls on GDR21

citizens to assist in the further development of the

state, and looks forward to the next party conference to

continue his plans.

ST3 is another extract from the same speech on the GDR’s

fortieth anniversary, in which he celebrates how far the

state has come since its founding, strongly criticises

the West for ‘ignoring the past’ and thus refusing to

come to terms with its historical responsibility by

establishing a new ‘Wehrmacht’ with NATO. He also

defiantly looks ahead to celebrating the future of

socialism in the year 2000 in partnership with its

neighbours in the Eastern bloc, and China, whom Honecker

had recently praised for putting down a rebellion in

Tiananmen Square.

The translated data TT1, TT2 and TT3 were all produced

for Konrad Jarausch and Volker Gransow’s book Uniting

Germany: Documents and Debates, 1944-1993 in 1994, published by

Berghahn Books.

3.2. Method of Analysis

The theory which will be applied is based on Van Dijk’s

Discourse-Cognition-Society Triangle (1997; 2001; 2009)

(see section 2.3.2). More specifically, attention will be

focused away from the Macrostructures of a text and

towards the ‘subtle’ formal structures of a text

(elements such as syntax and rhetoric, modality,

transitivity, additions, omissions), which Van Dijk

22

believes can be ideologically significant, as they are

less consciously controlled by the speakers (Ibid,

2001:2009: 72). In addition, analysis of ‘local meanings’

(lexical choice, pronouns, terms of address, semantics)

will be conducted to attempt to show any shifts in

lexical choice on the part of the speaker/translator.

These local meanings are a function of ‘controlled

context models’ which are indicative of the aims of the

organisation in power (ibid.). First of all, the

translated texts will be examined at the micro-level and

compared closely to the original source texts to identify

any translation shifts in accordance with the categories

outlined above.

In the discussion section, an attempt will be made in

this study to show and explain the two-way relationship

between the translation decisions in the data (discursive

dimension), and discuss the contrasting context models

and social representations of Honecker and the translator

(cognitive dimension), as well as the objectives and

ideologies of the society in which the ST and TT were

produced, linked to power relations (Societal Dimension).

Finally, the cognitive and societal elements of the model

will be brought together to show how they impact on the

translation solutions. In short, the objectives and

ideologies of the ST and TT societies will influence the

translator’s cognitive processes, which in turn have an

impact on the end product.

23

4.1. Data Analysis

The categories for the data will be as follows:

Shifts in Lexical Choice

Shifts in Terms of Address

Subtle Semantic Shifts

Pronoun Shifts

Voice/Modality Shifts

Transitivity Shifts

Rhetoric-Strengthening, personification, neutralisation

Omissions- Qualifiers weakened or dropped

Additions- Qualifiers added/explicitation

*Passages marked with an asterisk occur in more than onetext; therefore these will only be mentioned once.

The data shown are extracts taken from the full range of

results, these examples will be presented and then

analysed in the ‘Discussion. For all ideological shifts

found, see ‘Appendices’.

4.1.1 Research Data

Local Meanings

4.1.2. Shifts in Lexical Choice

24

1. sie ergibt sich nicht

aus irgendwelchen

veralteten Lehrsätzen.

(BT: It does not emerge

from any dated theories)

1. It has not evolved out

of dated doctrine.

3. Da ist die Rede vom‘Fortbestand des deutschen

Reiches in den Grenzen von

1937’. (BT: There is talk

of the ‚continuation of

the German Empire within

the 1937 borders’.)

3. There is talk of the ‘re-establishment of the German

Empire within the 1937

borders’.

4.1.3. Shifts in Terms of Address

1. Wie die Sowjetunion, dieuns befreit hat, wie die

Volksrepublik China, die in

diesen Tagen ebenfalls ihr

40. Gründungsjubiläum

beging, wie Volkspolen und

die ČSSR… (BT: Like the

Soviet Union that freed us,

like the People’s Republic

of China that also recently

celebrated the 40th

anniversary of its founding,

like the People’s Poland,

1. Like the Soviet Union,which liberated us, and the

People’s Republic of China,

which is also celebrating

the 40th anniversary of its

founding, The People’s

Republic of Poland, The

Czechoslovak Socialist

Republic…

25

and the ČSSR…)

4.1.4. Semantic Shifts

2. Gerade zu einer Zeit, dadie einflussreiche Kräfte

der BRD die Chance wittern,

die Ergebnisse des zweiten

Weltkrieges und der

Nachkriegsentwicklung durch

einen Coup zu beseitigen…

(BT: Just when the

influential powers in the

FRG sense the chance to

eradicate the results of

World War II and post-war

development through a coup…)

2. Just when the



annul the outcome of World

War II and post-war

developments through a coup.

3. Der Sozialismus auf

deutschem Boden ist ihm so

unerträglich, weil die

vordem ausgebeuteten Massen

hier den Beweis erbringen,

dass sie fähig sind, ihre

Geschicke ohne Kapitalisten

selbst zu bestimmen. (BT:

3. Socialism on German soilis so unbearable to our

opponent because it

represents proof that the

previously exploited masses

can determine their fortunes

without capitalism.

26

Socialism on German soil is

so unbearable to him because

it shows proof here that the


can determine their fates

without capitalists)

4.1.5. Pronoun Shifts

2. Wenn der Gegner derzeitin einem noch nie gekannten

Ausmaß seine Verleumdungen

gegen die DDR richtet, dann

das ist kein Zufall. (BT: If

the opponent is currently

directing its slander

against the GDR to a greater

extent than ever before,

then that is no

coincidence.)

2. It is no coincidence

that our opponent is



extent than ever before.










opponent because it




without capitalism.

27







Subtle Formal Structures

4.1.6. Voice/Modality Shifts

1. Und vergessen wir dabeinicht, dass der Wohlstand

hierzulande weder aus der

Erde sprudelt noch auf

Kosten erreicht wurde. (BT:

And we don’t forget here,

that prosperity in this

country neither comes

gushing out the ground

neither was achieved at the

expense of others.)

1. Let us not forget thatthe country’s prosperity

neither comes gushing out of

the ground nor comes at the

expense of others.

6. Ratschläge, die zur

Schwächung des Sozialismus

führen sollen, fruchten bei

uns nicht. (BT: Advice that

should lead to the weakening

of Socialism is of little

6. Advice that would lead

to the weakening of

Socialism will not get

anywhere with us.

28

use to us.

4.1.7. Transitivity Shifts

1. Dort wurde die

Restauration der alten

Gesellschaft in Gang

gesetzt, der Aufbau der

neuen Wehrmacht mit den

alten Generalen für die NATO

vorbereitet. Die

Vergangenheit blieb

unbewältigt. (BT: There the

restoration of society was

set in motion, as well as

the establishment of a new

Wehrmacht for NATO. The past

remained unresolved).

1. There, the process ofrestoring the old society

was started, as were the

preparations to establish a

new Wehrmacht for NATO using

the former [Hitler]

generals. They refused to

confront the past.

3. In 40 Jahren entwickeltesich bei uns eine Wirtschaft

von moderner Struktur und

großer Leistungskraft. (BT:

In 40 years an economy witha modern structure and great

economic potential has

developed here).

3. In 40 years we have

developed an economy with a

modern structure and great

economic potential.

29

4.1.8. Rhetoric Shifts
















opponent because it shows

proof here that the


can determine their fortune

without capitalism.

1. Im Westen, wo das

Potsdamer Abkommen mit Füßen

getreten wurde, war, ohne

das Volk zu fragen, ein

Separatstaat entstanden.

(BT: In the West, where the

Potsdam Agreement trampled

upon, a separate state was

established without asking

the people.

1. In the West, where thePotsdam Agreement was

ignored, a separate state

was established without

asking the people.

30

4.1.9. Omissions- Qualifiers weakened or

dropped

None Found

4.1.10. Additions- Qualifiers

added/explicitation

1. 40 Jahre DDR, die einenvöllig neuen Abschnitt in

der Geschichte unseres

Volkes markieren, haben

zugleich auf einprägsame

Weise die Notwendigkeit,

aber auch die Kostbarkeit

eines dauerhaften Friedens

zu Bewusstsein gebracht.

(BT: 40 years of the GDR,

which mark a completely new

chapter in the history of

our people, have made the

necessity but also the

precariousness of a long

lasting peace vividly clear

at the same time.)

1. Forty years of the GDRmark a totally new chapter

in the history of our

people. At the same time,

these forty years have

impressed upon our

consciousness the absolute

necessity and also the

precariousness of long-

lasting peace.

1. Wir werden unsere

Republik in der Gemeinschaft

1. In the future, throughour policies of continuity

31

der sozialistischen Länder,

durch unsere Politik der

Kontinuität und Erneuerung

auch künftig in den Farben

der DDR verändern. (BT: In

future through our policies

of continuity and renewal,

we will go on changing our

republic within the

community of socialist

countries in a manner

consistent with the colours

of the GDR).

and renewal, we will go on

changing our republic within

the community of socialist


consistent with the true

colours of the GDR.

4.2. Summary of key observations and trends

Many rhetoric shifts were observed in the data from

ST1 and ST3, but there were none in ST2.

There were no voice or modality shifts in ST2, but

they occurred in ST1 and ST3.

Additions occurred in several places in ST1 and ST3,

but not in ST2.

No omissions were apparent in the 3 texts analysed.

The pronoun shifts observed in the study suggests

that the translated version makes a clear attempt to

engage more with the audience. Whereas it appears

that the ST is more distant.

32

Several rhetoric shifts suggest a neutralisation

strategy employed in the target texts.

In terms of register, there is a clear strategy to

employ informality in the target texts. This could

also be in order to foster audience engagement.

4.3. Discussion

4.3.1. Discussion of research data in relation to research questions

Over the course of the theoretical sections of this

study, the objective was set out to investigate the

possibility of ideological shifts in specific speeches

from East German leader Erich Honecker. Namely, two

extracts from his keynote speech on the occasion on the

GDR’s fortieth anniversary in 1989, and Honecker’s annual

report to the tenth party conference in 1986. After

establishing this, it was shown that Van Dijk’s

Discourse-Cognition-Society framework would be used as a

tool for analysis and discussion.

As can be observed in the previous chapter, many

translation shifts have been detected in all 3 extracts,

and they will be discussed in the following section in

relation to the research questions that were established

in the introduction section. These were as follows:

33

(I) to identify whether shifts occur in the translations

and to establish whether the shifts follow particular

patterns, (II) what cognitive factors can account for

these shifts and patterns and (III) what societal factors

could be involved. For each example, the discussion

itself will first of all be centred around the shifts

themselves from a linguistic perspective, which allows

the discourse dimension of Van Dijk’s CDA model to come

into focus. The subheadings will therefore be

incorporated into what Van Dijk calls ‘local meanings’

(Terms of Address, Lexical Choice, Semantics, Pronoun

Shifts) and subtle formal structures (Voice/Modality,

Transitivity, Rhetoric). (See section 2.3.2. of the

literature review for further details). Secondly,

specific cognitive and societal factors, namely the

context models of Honecker and the translator,

objectives, ideologies and power relations of Capitalism

and Socialism will be examined. This examination will

explore how these may have influenced the translation

shifts that have been found in the data analysis section.

The sub-headings for these section will be the same as

those used for the data collection, but attention will be

focused on those examples that may provide interesting

points to discuss. For spatial reasons, only one or two

examples will be used per sub-heading.

4.3.2. Shifts in Local Meanings

Notable Shifts in Lexical choice

34

1. sie ergibt sich nicht

aus irgendwelchen



from dated theories)


of dated doctrine.









borders’.

Example 1

It can be observed here that the last noun has been

strengthened rather significantly with the use of

‘doctrine’, as opposed to the more neutral ‘Theories’. As

far as the Duden is concerned, Lehrsatz is defined merely

as ‘Theorem’ (‘Lehrsatz’, Duden, No Date). The Oxford

English Dictionary defines ‘Doctrine as ‘a belief or set

of beliefs held and taught by a Church, political party,

or other group’, (‘Doctrine’, Oxford English Dictionary,

No Date). It can be argued that this is an ideological

shift as from a purely linguistic perspective, the notion

of ‘set of beliefs’ in the definition of Doctrine echoes

the debate surrounding Ideology as ‘shared social

representations, which are self-serving and beliefs are

declared ideological when they no longer serve common

35

interests’ (Fairclough, 2001: 51). As far as cognition is

concerned, it seems plausible to assert that by choosing

to use ‘doctrine’ and creating an ideological link, the

translator is creating a polarisation (see Van Dijk,

2009), at once defining her position and mental model in

a capitalist environment and distancing herself from

socialist ideas and mental models alluded to in the

speech. From a social point of view, two arguments can be

put forward here, the first is that Honecker, being the

figurehead of the Socialist regime, of course wants to

portray SED policies as theories which have been proposed

and which can be improved and expanded upon, which is

indicative of his own context model. Van Dijk puts

forward the argument that attitudes and ideologies, (and

by extension context models) mediate and control

discourse (ibid: 82). This example provides evidence of

such mediation at work. Honecker’s position as the

speaker on behalf of the SED ensures that this view holds

weight and influences the mental and context models of

those present at the speech and those receiving it in

written form. At the On the other hand, being the

producer of the Target Text, the translator is arguably

also exerting power, perhaps to portray Socialism in a

less ‘progressive’ light, ensuring that the Capitalist-

Socialist contrast is upheld.

36

Example 2

In order to fully analyse this example, some historical

context is required. In this extract, by making reference

to ‘in den Grenzen von 1937’, Honecker is alluding to the

London Protocol, signed September 12th 1944 by the three

allied powers. This was intended to split up German

territory after the war. The article of interest is

Article 1, which reads as follows: ‘1. Germany, within

her frontiers as they were on the 31st December, 1937,

will, for the purposes of occupation, be divided into

three zones, one of which will be allotted to each of the

three Powers, and a special Berlin area, which will be

under joint occupation by the three Powers’ (German

History Docs, No Date).

The fact that East Germany formally came into being in

1949 following this allied occupation provides proof that

the borders of Germany were not fixed. Therefore it can

be argued that a ‘Fortbestand’ is inaccurate, and it is

in fact a ‘re-establishment in this context. On the other

hand, by using ‘da ist die Rede’ before introducing the

phrase implies that Honecker is disputing the existence

of such a document, and instead believes in the

infallibility of the East German borders. This echoes

Honeckers statement in 1986 that the wall will remain

standing as long as the conditions that forced its

construction continue (Associated Press, 1986). From a

cognitive perspective it can be argued that this example

is another instance of a polarisation at work, almost to

37

the extent where the translator has told the historical

truth that Honecker has chosen to conceal to the point of

defiance. From a societal point of view, the argument

could be put forward that Honecker is acting in his own

interests as the SED leader. The wall is the most

imposing symbol of the East German Regime, and as long as

it stands, the status quo of power elites within the

party is maintained indefinitely. Therefore it is

understandable that Honecker would speak of a Fortestand,

given that his position would be under threat if the wall

fell. The translator’s perspective is obvious very

different on the matter, he/she is translating in 1994

after the fall of the wall. Therefore it is clear that

the idea of the borders being continuous was proven

wrong, so it makes perfect sense that he/she would choose

to translate ‘Fordbestand’ as ‘reestablishment’. The

reunification itself restored the borders back to their

pre-war state (without an occupation), therefore in this

context, a re-establishment has taken place.

Notable Shifts in Terms of Address

1. Wie die Sowjetunion, dieuns befreit hat, wie die








38






celebrated the 40th



and the ČSSR…)




Republic…

Example 1

Several points can be mentioned here. First of all, it is

clear that an explicitation strategy has been applied to

eliminate the abbreviation ČSSR used by Honecker,

perhaps to make this implicit reference to part of the

Communist Bloc understandable to all readers of the text

in the West. It could be argued that the lexical choice

employed in the target text has several political

motives. From a cognitive perspective, the use of

‘Volkspolen’, which is the abbreviated form of

‘Volksrepublik Polen’, hints at informality and

potentially a desire to show solidarity with Poland. It

could also have been used to strengthen the identity of

the Communist Bloc as a whole, and reinforce attachment

to socialism. The same could be true for the use of ČSSR.

This is arguably another example of mediation and control

discourse, social representations play a role here along

with ideologies (van Dijk, 2009: 82), and it could be

39

construed that Honecker has a representation that a good

relationship between the members of the Communist Bloc is

crucial to the continued existence of Socialism.

Therefore he is trying to display this representation in

discourse. All of the above will have an impact on the

social representations and context models of the speech

receivers, with regards to how they see themselves and

fellow communists.

Using the full name of the nations in the target text

arguably creates a polarisation between the Source and

Target readership, between those who identify with

Socialism, and those who disassociate themselves from it.

Once again, given the fact that Honecker is using the

abbreviated forms in his position of power, it will no

doubt influence the context models of the listeners. By

using the form which is more formal, the translator is

arguably rejecting this, given his/her position in a

unified Germany.

Notable Shifts in Semantics




Weltkrieges und der



2. Just when the




War II and post-war


40

(BT: Just when the





















opponent because it




without capitalism.

Example 1

To analyse this example, we have to initially define the

main verbs used in both texts. Duden defines ‘beseitigen’

as ‘entfernen, aus dem Weg räumen, ermorden,

41

umbringen‘(Beseitigen, Duden, 2013) (to remove, to move

out of the way, to murder to kill- My Translation). As

can be seen here, the use of such a verb suggests

aggressive intentions. On the other hand, the Oxford

Dictionary defines ‘annul’ as ‘declare invalid (an

official agreement, decision, or result) (Annul, Oxford

English Dictionary, 2013) which is a much more passive,

neutral action in nature. Therefore, one could postulate

that another neutralisation strategy has been applied

here. Cognitively speaking it could be argued that by

describing the actions of the BRD in an aggressive

manner, he is creating another polarisation. This is a

very powerful rhetorical strategy, and it will help

persuade listeners to share his view and ideology. By

speaking in such a way he is arguably also exerting his

power as leader. From the translator’s point of view, we

could state that such a shift is due to differing mental

representations of what a coup actually entails, and its

implications from the incumbent regime. On the one hand,

by using ‘beseitigen, we could argue that Honecker views

a coup as a threatening development involving force. On

the other hand the translator could view such an act in a

more neutral manner, as a means of rendering previous

developments invalid, and as a chance to start fresh. In

terms of wider society, it could be said that the

translator also represents a more neutral Western view on

the coup.

Example 2

42

Once again, before we analyse this example from a

cognitive and societal point of view, we have to define

the nouns in question. ‘Geschicke’ is defined by Duden as

‘Schicksal’ (Geschick, Duden, 2013) (Fate- My

Translation) , which suggests a situation which is out of

one’s control, perhaps even pessimism, as hinting that a

situation is out of your control may suggest the

inability to shoulder responsibility for one’s

predicament or unwillingness to change it. On the other

hand, ‘Fortunes’ is defined by the Oxford Dictionary as

‘the success or failure of a person or enterprise over a

period of time (Fortunes, Oxford Dictionary, 2013). The

fact that fortunes change over time suggest that they can

be actively changed for the better, therefore it sounds

much more positive than ‘Geschicke’. From a cognitive and

societal point of view, it could be said that Honeckers

use of Geschicke reflects Honecker’s representation of a

socialist manifesto. Jobs and welfare were controlled by

his party, and were basic features of the welfare state

(Pfaller, 1997) so portraying the well-being of the

masses as being a matter of fate would be quite accurate,

given that it is out of their individual control. On the

other hand, the use of Fortunes by the translator suggest

that they are expressing the capitalist representation of

individual progress, in that the accumulation of wealth

allows the individual to achieve his/her goals in

society.

Notable Pronoun Shifts

43









then that is no

coincidence.)





















opponent because it




without capitalism.

Example 1

44

It can be observed here that Honecker has chosen to use

the impersonal ‘der Gegner’ to refer to the West, whereas

the translator has opted to make the extract more

personal with the use of ‘our opponent’. Therefore we can

say that a personalisation strategy has taken place here.

There could be several cognitive reasons for this; first

of all, Honecker may want to further his socialist cause

by fostering a negative attitude towards the west. By

portraying them as ‘der Gegner’, he is no doubt creating

a polarisation between US and THEM, refusing to

acknowledge the West Germans and referring to them in an

impersonal manner. The negative use of ‘Verleumdungen’ to

refer to its anti-socialist polices is also conductive to

this ideological effect. Using language in such a way

could condition listeners’ context models to see the West

Germans as ‘the enemy’, and could therefore strengthen

their belief in Socialism. In terms of socialist society

this also could have an impact, mainly to entrench the

elites of the SED in their position and further

legitimise the ideals of Socialism. From the translator’s

perspective, it could be argued that the personalisation

of ‘our opponent’ does not create an opposite

polarisation; rather it strengthens the message of the

source by involving the audience in the speech with the

use of the plural pronoun ‘our’. From a power

perspective, the translator may be attempting to exert

power and make the West Germans more visible. It could be

argued also that such an attempt to change the pronoun in

45

the TT makes the translator more visible as the author of

the text, as it contrasts quite sharply with the ST as a

result.

Example 2

As in example 1, it is apparent that Honecker alludes to

West Germany in an impersonal manner with ‘ihm’, and the

Target Text has been made more personal with ‘to our

opponent’. Once again, the translator has used a

personalisation strategy to deal with the text. In the

same way as in the first example, the use of ‘ihm’ no

doubt polarises East and West, as Honecker arguably does

not deem the West Germans worthy of being named outright.

This impersonal naming strategy hints at an ideological

motive, almost as if the East German leader regards the

West with disdain. This could be seen as indicative of

Honecker’s mental representation of the West that any

state which does not align itself with a socialist cause

is unworthy of being regarded as a legitimate state. Here

we could say that Honecker is therefore exerting his

power to con and transmitting his socialist ideology,

which serves his own end to maintain the integrity of the

state that he is leading. As far as the translator is

concerned, the same argument applies as per example one,

that the use of the plural personal pronoun could

strengthen the Socialist message of the ST even more, as

it involves the audience more explicitly in the speech.

Cognitively speaking, the translator changing the TT in

such an explicit manner could be due to differing social

46

representations of how the polarised OTHER should be

portrayed. Honecker is refusing to acknowledge the East-

West opposition by using the implicit ‘ihm’, but it has

been made explicit by the translator as he/she is

approaching the text from a more neutral perspective.

Once again it could be interpreted here that the

translator is attempting to make him/herself more visible

in the TT, as a result of the clear pronoun shift.

4.3.3. Subtle Formal Structures

Notable Shifts in Voice/Modality










expense of others.)




expense of others.








to the weakening of


anywhere with us.

47

use to us.

Example 1

It can be seen here that an indicative present in the ST

(Und vergessen wir dabei nicht…), has been changed to

show a plural imperative mood in the German TT (Let us

not forget that...). From a cognitive perspective it

could be argued that Honecker’s mental representation of

his audience contrasts with the translator’s perception

of it. For example, we could say that the ‘let’

imperative form introduces the next sentence in a

rhetorically emphatic manner to inform the audience of

something but this is lacking in the ST. Therefore it

suggests that Honecker thinks that the audience is

already aware of ‘prosperity being the product of hard

work’ and that they believe in the socialist system.

However, the TT arguably portrays Honecker in the role of

the preacher, performer and manipulator, using the form

‘let us’ to involve the audience in his piece and instil

socialist values into their minds. Socially speaking,

this contrasting picture of the East German leader is

indicative of the opposing ideologies of Capitalism and

Socialism. The Western view of East Germany is

encapsulated succinctly by Mary Fulbrook, ‘The GDR was a

repressive state, it was a Dictatorship’ (Fulbrook, 1995:

21), ‘All areas of social life were observed, manipulated

and controlled for the alleged greater good of the whole’

(ibid: 19). A view such as this on the everyday life may

48

have influenced the translators’ context models, which

mediate the discourse that is produced. Therefore, this

predominant repressive view of the GDR is arguably

reflected in this modality shift.

Example 2

In this example, the modal auxiliary ‘sollen’ in the

German ST, has been translated with the conditional form

‘would’ in the English TT. Cognitively speaking, it is

plausible to argue that such a shift may be due to

different representations of West Germans intentions with

regards to the ‘weakening of socialism’. This can be said

because the use of ‘should’ implies a degree of

certainty, suggesting that Honecker expects the West

Germans to have negative intentions and to want to

destroy any state which is attached to Socialism. On the

other hand, the use of the conditional ‘would’ in the TT

imposes some uncertainty on the text, suggesting that the

opinion in the West was not aggressively anti-socialist.

This opinion was corroborated by Alan Nothnagle who

believed that ‘by early 1989…the GDR had lost its pariah

status and was generally viewed as a stable republic that

was here to stay (Nothnagle, 1999: 1). At the same time,

History has shown that, despite Honecker’s reservations

in the discourse, the downfall of the GDR came from

within. From a cognitive perspective, Honecker’s choice

of modal verb is an indication of his representation of

the capitalist world. It shows his belief that there only

exists those who are for Socialism, and those against it,

49

therefore he is creating another polarisation. This again

provides proof of Van Dijk’s assertion that mental

representations mediate and control discourse. From a

social point of view Honecker is once again acting in his

interests and those of the SED by asserting that the

Capitalists only intention is to hinder the progress of

Socialism, which could help to legitimise his regime by

influencing the listeners’ context models. From the

translator’s point of view it could be argued that he/she

has a more neutral representation of West German

intention, given that it was translated after the wall

fell, with the benefit of historical hindsight. Socially,

he/she could be attempting to help improve relations in a

unified Germany, given that a modality shift towards the

use of conditional hints at a more careful approach to

the text.

Notable Shifts in Transitivity

1. Dort wurde die






vorbereitet. Die

Vergangenheit blieb







the former [Hitler]


confront the past.

50










developed here).




economic potential.

Example 1

From a discursive perspective, it can be observed that

the transitive pattern shows a shift from an intransitive

phrase (the past remained unresolved); to a transitive

one (they refused to confront the past). Due to the fact

that the phrase is intransitive in the ST, which suggests

passivity, it could be argued that, as Honecker is

talking about the reconstruction of the post-war West

German state; he regards this in a dismissive matter, as

if he expected the West Germans to fail in their efforts.

This seems to be indicative of his social representations

of the ‘other’ German state. At the same time it could be

said that, in talking about the West Germans in such a

way, Honecker has created a polarisation between them and

the East Germans. From a social point of view, his51

dismissive passive tone could be interpreted as a

manifestation of his belief in the infallibility of

Socialism, that it would not make the same mistakes. From

the translator’s perspective, the sentence has been made

active, and the addition of the plural pronoun ‘they’

suggests that blame is being explicitly assigned to the

West Germany with some emphasis. The fact that this is

the only active sentence in an entirely passive paragraph

suggests that the translator is attempting to clarify who

Honecker is talking about. This could once again be

indicative of different social representations and

patterns of thought; we could say that Honecker is being

passive in assigning blame because it is obvious to him

and his party where the problems are. However, to a

reunified Germany in 1994, this polarising link may not

be as obvious, therefore the pronoun has been added and

the sentence made transitive.

Example 2

In this example, a similar transitivity pattern to

example 1 is apparent, namely, from a reflexive verb

phrase in ST (which becomes intransitive in the Back

Translation i.e., an economy with a modern structure and

great economic potential has developed here) to a

transitive phrase in the TT (we have developed an economy

with a modern structure and great economic potential). It

could be said that, given that the sentence in reflexive

and suggests an air of passivity (as in example 1),

Honecker is not surprised that the East German state has

52

developed in such a way, as he believes that Socialism

cannot fail in its endeavours. This could be indicative

of Honeckers representation of success being a function

of the welfare state and his belief in Socialist

Ideology. However his could also suggest that Honecker

feels emotionally detached from the day-to-day affairs of

the state, and he is merely commenting on developments.

The latter point would prove Fulbrook’s criticism of East

Germany being a ‘repressive state’ (Fulbrook, 1995: 21),

the monopolisation by the SED power elites would

potentially render them detached from state realities,

given them the ‘distorted belief’ (Eyerman, 1981) that

their system leads to success. In terms of the Target

Text, the fact that the sentence has been made active

suggests the translator could have a different mental

representation of what it takes to form a successful

state, hard work and not luck. At the same time it could

be argued that the TT portrays Honecker in true

leadership role, using the pronoun ‘we’ to praise the

population for their part in what he believes is a stable

state.

Notable Shifts in Rhetoric

1. Der Sozialismus auf 1. Socialism on German soil53














is so unbearable to our


proof here that the



without capitalism.

1. Im Westen, wo das









the people.




asking the people.

Example 1

It can be argued here that Honecker is personally

attacking proponents of capitalism, implying that

Socialism is the way forward. In light of this, it is

54

clear that a neutralisation strategy has been applied to

redirect Honecker’s criticism away from certain

individuals and towards capitalism as whole. Cognitively

speaking, Capitalists represent everything that the SED

disapprove of, and by verbally attacking them personally,

this strengthens the polarisation that exists between the

two states. Honecker’s is attempting to separate East

Germany from THEM (West Germany), and in the process he

is transmitting his belief that what WE (East Germany)

are doing is the way forward, thereby influencing the

listeners’ context models. From a societal perspective,

Honecker is once again acting in his own interests as

leader, delegitimising the idea that Capitalism leads to

success, and at the same time, he is legitimising his own

regime. As far as the translator is concerned, a

redirection strategy could have been applied for several

reasons. First of all, it could be argued that the

translator views the ST as unfairly targeting

individuals, and instead her context model and

representation of the speech may show that his real

intention to delegitimise capitalism as a concept. This

would again me an example of context models controlling

discourse, but not in the usual manipulative manner.

Instead, it is used to neutralise, resulting in a

translation shift. From a social perspective, the

translation was completed in 1994 in a reunified Germany,

and since the fall of the wall, efforts have been made

towards integrating the East Germans into a capitalist

55

society, also known as ‘Inner Unity (Kasse and Bauer

Kasse, 1998). The reduction in aggression in the

discourse could be interpreted as the translation trying

to help foster inter-German relations. If this were the

case, Tymoczko’s assertion that the translator can be an

‘agent for change’ (Tymoczko, 2003: 201) would be proven

correct.

Example 2

Here once again it appears that Honecker has a negative

attitude towards historical developments. More

specifically, he is expressing his disgust at the fact

that the Potsdam agreement was systematically ignored by

officials in the West. The agreement was part of the plan

to reconstruct Germany after their World War II defeat.

Specifically, he is alluding to a memo to the SED on the

4th June 1961, which details the West German Bundestag’s

agreement to pay state pensions to former members of the

SS and to allow them to take up state positions (Chronik

der Mauer, 2013). This development was condemned by the

East Germans as a ‘monstrous law’ (ibid.), and this

attitude is reflected in the tone of the above example

It can be construed that a neutralisation strategy has

been employed here, as the source text shows obvious

aggression towards the West German governments’ decision.

Once more it can be argued that showing overt aggression

towards the West Germans creates an effective

polarisation, as by pointing out their faults in such a

way, Honecker is therefore showing that he believes

56

Socialism is not prone to these faults. At the same time

we could say that in this case, Honecker believes his

mental representations of the two different systems have

been proved correct. Socialism is still the superior

system as Capitalism is morally flawed. This attitude

arguably has an ideological and social motive as it

serves to legitimise Socialist ideology and the incumbent

regime. The TT could have been neutralised for several

reasons, the translator could be attempting to make the

truth visible, as the West German government chose to

ignore it by acting in such a way, and he/she is arguably

not bound to a regime with its own ideological agenda, so

the emotive quality of the ST is removed. On the other

hand, trying to make the truth visible in a more neutral

manner could be interpreted as a form of passive

resistance, as the West German government is clearly

being attacked and delegitimised. This would make sense

from a social perspective, as the text was translated in

1994 in a unified Germany. Therefore the translator may

be attempting to make a contribution towards this social

cause, as is also the case in example one, by reducing

the aggression in the text which is aimed at the West

Germans.

Notable Additions

1. 40 Jahre DDR, die einenvöllig neuen Abschnitt in




57














at the same time.)



impressed upon our




lasting peace.

1. Wir werden unsere










republic within the









colours of the GDR.

58


of the GDR).

Example 1

It can be seen here that the emphatic qualifier

‘absolute’ has been added to the German TT, which does

not occur in the English ST. From a cognitive point of

view, this could perhaps be a function of different

social representations in the East and West with regards

to the role that Honecker plays as the leader of the East

German people. It could be argued that the lack of such a

qualifier in the ST lowers the emphasis of the sentence

to an extent where it appears Honecker is ‘lecturing his

followers’ and informing them of his view on historical

developments in the GDR in a more gentle manner.

Therefore is could be argued that Honecker sees himself

in a more positive way, as a guide to the population.

This role, in Honecker’s view, serves to further

legitimise his regime. On the other hand the argument

could be put forward that the addition of the qualifier

in the TT increases the rhetorical force of the passage,

to the extent that it suggests an attempt to impose his

will as leader on his listeners in a powerful, almost

theatrical manner. This argument would again serve to

cast Honecker in the role of preacher, performer and

manipulator whose goal is to instil SED policy and

socialist values into his listeners’ minds. From a

social perspective this contrasting portrayal of the East

59

German leader could serve to confirm Western perceptions

of the East and further legitimise the West German

capitalist system.

Example 2

It can be observed here that ‘colours’ occurs with the

addition of the qualifier ‘true’ in the German TT, an

aspect which is missing in the English ST. From a

cognition point of view, this could be explained in a

similar way to Example 1 in the ‘Modality Shifts’ section

(see above), as a function of Honecker’s and the

translator’s different perception and representations of

the same audience. The fact that the qualifier ‘true’ is

missing in the ST suggests that Honecker believes that

his audience is already aware of what constitutes ‘the

colours of the GDR’. On the other hand, the addition of

‘true’ in the TT could imply that Honecker is imposing

what he believes constitutes ‘the true colours of the

GDR’, which differ from what the audience understands. It

could be argued also that the addition of ‘true’

increases the rhetorical force of the statement, making

it almost dramatic in nature. In this sense, Honecker

again occupies the role of the manipulator in the TT,

which is not the case in the original. This view would,

on the one hand, add weight to Fulbrook view of

manipulation ‘for the greater good of the whole’

(Fulbrook, 1995: 19), and would serve to confirm the

Western view of the east as a ‘repressive state’…a

dictatorship (Ibid: 21). 60

5. Conclusion

5.1. Concluding Remarks

In the previous chapter, an effort was made to explain

the patterns found in the data within Van Dijk’s

Discourse-Cognition-Society triangle (2009). More

specifically, the goal of the discussion was explore

ideological shifts by pinpoint specific strategies used

by the translator, and to find plausible cognitive and

social reasons for these. The argument was put forward

that many of the shifts occurred as a result of

contrasting mental representations of historical events,

passive resistance, or an attempt to portray Honecker in

a negative light, in line with prevailing western views

of East Germany as a dictatorship (see Fulbrook, 1995).

From a social perspective, examples were found that could

be interpreted as an attempt to foster inter-German

relations, as the Target text is situated in a post-

unified Germany. This study will serve to add weight to

Van Dijk’s social cognition theory, that cognitive and

social factors (mental models, ideologies, power

relations) are an interface for the mediation and control

of discourse. In the case of the data used in this study,

Honecker uses his discourse to legitimise his regime and

serve his own interests, whilst simultaneously

undermining Capitalism. The Target Texts did not show any

evidence to suggest a complete reversal (legitimisation

61

of Capitalism, whilst undermining Socialism), but there

were examples that showed a clear attempt to neutralise

ideological elements in the Source Texts. As a tool for

analysis, it appears that a Socio-cognitive approach to

the analysis of political translation provides an

opportunity for an extensive analysis. The three

dimensions of Van Dijk’s Discourse-Cognition-Society

allows for a large exploration of a number of factors on

the cognitive and social level that may influence

discourse, and shifts in the translations of this

discourse.

5.2. Suggestions for further research

Given that it was acknowledged in the introduction that

this study was limited in terms of its data sample size,

this study could be expanded to incorporate speeches of

different East German politicians, or adapted into a

comparative study of the translated speeches of East and

West German political officials.

In order to investigate the possibility of shift patterns

in translated German political rhetoric as a whole, it

may be appropriate to conduct a corpus-based study, or

investigate the impact of historically-embedded ideology

in translation using Wodak’s historical-diachronic CDA

model. The latter has previously been carried out in a

Turkish context with literary texts (Isbuga-Erel, 2008),

62

and it seems plausible to argue that this kind of study

could be applied to a German context.

Finally, after the seminal work of Confino (1997) which

explored the notion of the nation as an all-encompassing

metaphor, the speeches used in this study could be

explored from a collective memory perspective by means of

an audience reception investigation. It would enable the

researchers to explore the image of Honecker as a

political leader and orator in East German collective

memory in the 21st century.

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http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/pdf/eng/Allied%20Policies%201_ENG.pdf

http://www.duden.de/suchen/dudenonline/Geschick

http://www.duden.de/suchen/dudenonline/beseitigen

http://www.duden.de/rechtschreibung/Lehrsatz

Oxford English Dictionary (No Date), ‘Fortunes’, [online]available: http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/fortune?q=fortunes#fortune__6 accessed 6/8/2013

Pfaller, A. (1997), ‘Optionen zur Reform des europäischenSozialstaates‘, [online] available: http://www.fes.de/fulltext/stabsabteilung/00072.htm accessed 6/8/2013

Appendices

ST 1 Honecker, E. (1989), Erich Honecker am

40. Jahrestag der DDR (6. Oktober 1989)

(Original).

Heute ist die DDR ein Vorposten des Friedens und des

Sozialismus in Europa. Dies zu keiner Zeit zu verkennen,

bewahrt uns, sollte aber auch unsere Feinde vor

Fehleinschätzungen bewahren.

Wie die Sowjetunion, die uns befreit hat, wie die

Volksrepublik China, die in diesen Tagen ebenfalls ihr

40. Gründungsjubiläum beging, wie Volkspolen und die

ČSSR, wie die anderen sozialistischen Länder wird die DDR

die Schwelle zum Jahr 2000 mit der Gewissheit

überschreiten, daß dem Sozialismus die Zukunft gehört.

Der Sozialismus ist eine junge Gesellschaft, gleichwohl

72

http://www.fes.de/fulltext/stabsabteilung/00072.htm

http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/fortune?q=fortunes#fortune__6

http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/fortune?q=fortunes#fortune__6

übt er einen großen Einfluß auf die internationale

Entwicklung aus. Er hat gesellschaftlich Bedeutendes

vollbracht und wird dies auch fortan tun. Seine Existenz

gibt nicht nur unserem Volk neue Hoffnung, sondern der

ganzen Menschheit. [ . . . ]

Gerade zu einer Zeit, da einflußreiche Kräfte der BRD die

Chance wittern, die Ergebnisse des zweiten Weltkrieges

und der Nachkriegsentwicklung durch einen Coup zu

beseitigen, bleibt ihnen nur erneut die Erfahrung, daß an

diesen Realitäten nichts zu ändern ist, daß sich die DDR

an der Westgrenze der sozialistischen Länder in Europa

als Wellenbrecher gegen Neonazismus und Chauvinismus

bewährt. An der festen Verankerung der DDR im Warschauer

Pakt ist nicht zu rütteln.

Wenn der Gegner derzeit in einem noch nie gekannten

Ausmaß seine Verleumdungen gegen die DDR richtet, dann

ist das kein Zufall. In 40 Jahren DDR summiert sich

zugleich die vierzigjährige Niederlage des deutschen

Imperialismus und Militarismus. Der Sozialismus auf

deutschem Boden ist ihm so unerträglich, weil die vordem

ausgebeuteten Massen hier den Beweis erbringen, daß sie

fähig sind, ihre Geschicke ohne Kapitalisten selbst zu

bestimmen.

[ . . . ]

Das Leben in unserem Lande wie auch die internationalen

Ereignisse stellen in unserer Zeit Fragen, die der klaren

Antwort von einer festen Position aus bedürfen. Unsere

73

Position leiten wir nicht von einem der Revolverblätter

der BRD oder des dortigen Rundfunks und Fernsehens ab,

sie ergibt sich nicht aus irgendwelchen veralteten

Lehrsätzen, sondern aus der schöpferischen Anwendung des

Marxismus-Leninismus, aus den Interessen der

Arbeiterklasse und aller Werktätigen. Mit einem Wort,

unsere Position ist die einer Politik nach dem obersten

Grundsatz, alles zu tun für das Wohl des Volkes und seine

friedliche Zukunft. Dementsprechend bleiben wir beim

Erreichten nicht stehen, erhalten wir Bewährtes, trennen

uns von dem, was überholt ist und hemmt, schreiten wir

auf dem Kurs der Einheit von Wirtschafts- und

Sozialpolitik voran. In diesem Geist werden wir auch die

sozialistische Demokratie in ihren vielfältigen Formen

weiterentwickeln. Unser Anliegen ist, daß die Bürger sich

immer aktiver und konkreter an den Staatsgeschäften

beteiligen. [ . . . ]

40 Jahre DDR, die einen völlig neuen Abschnitt in der

Geschichte unseres Volkes markieren, haben zugleich auf

einprägsamste Weise die Notwendigkeit, aber auch die

Kostbarkeit eines dauerhaften Friedens zu Bewußtsein

gebracht. Von deutschem Boden darf nie wieder Krieg

ausgehen, dieses Bekenntnis entspricht einer

entscheidenden Lehre aus der Vergangenheit. Es wurde bei

uns zur Staatspolitik. Wir haben es allem obenan gesetzt,

was wir bisher taten und weiterhin tun werden, damit die

sozialistische DDR gut gedeiht und die Familie der

europäischen Völker in Sicherheit und Eintracht leben

74

kann. Zuverlässig erfüllt unser Land seine Verantwortung

im Zentrum des Kontinents, an der Trennlinie zwischen den

beiden Bündnissystemen. [ . . . ]

Im scharfen Kontrast zu unserer Politik stehen

revanchistische Forderungen von Politikern der BRD, die

weltweit auf Sorge und Protest stoßen. Da ist die Rede

vom »Fortbestand des Deutschen Reiches in den Grenzen von

1937«. Die Nachkriegsordnung wird in Frage gestellt, die

These von der angeblich offenen deutschen Frage lauter

vorgebracht als früher. Die Neubelebung der

Alleinvertretungsanmaßung der 50er und 60er Jahre gipfelt

in der sogenannten »Obhutspflicht für alle Deutschen«.

Auch in dieser Hinsicht ist der Vorrat an Gemeinsamkeiten

zwischen revanchistischen Bonner Politikern und den

erstarkenden Neonazis offenbar beträchtlich.

Das Erscheinen der Neonazis auf der politischen Tribüne

der BRD gibt zu denken. Angesichts der Tatsache, daß

versucht wird, die Existenz des Neonazismus zu leugnen

oder sie zu verniedlichen, möchte ich auch hier daran

erinnern, daß ich unter dem Naziregime mit zwei weiteren

Kameraden dem Gefängnis der »Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler«

zur gleichen Zeit zur »Behandlung« übergeben wurde, da

dort der jetzige Führer der »Republikaner« als SS-Führer

tätig war. Kein Zweifel, solche die Völker der Welt

beunruhigenden Elemente der BRD-Politik sind dringend

reformbedürftig.

75

Die zügellose Verleumdungskampagne, die derzeit,

international koordiniert, gegen die DDR geführt wird,

zielt darauf ab, Menschen zu verwirren und Zweifel in die

Kraft und die Vorzüge des Sozialismus zu säen. Dies kann

uns nur darin bestärken, auch in Zukunft alles zu tun für

3 ein friedliches europäisches Haus. Das Zusammenleben

und die Zusammenarbeit der Staaten verschiedener sozialer

Ordnung in einem solchen Haus sollen sich gut entfalten.

Dafür besteht in der Schlußakte von Helsinki sowie den

anderen KSZE-Dokumenten eine solide Grundlage.

Wir werden aber niemandem gestatten, diese Vereinbarungen

zur Destabilisierung des Sozialismus zu mißbrauchen.

Strikte Achtung der Souveränität, der territorialen

Integrität, der Unabhängigkeit, der Nichteinmischung in

die inneren Angelegenheiten sind unverzichtbar. Die

Deutsche Demokratische Republik hat ihren Weg mit

Ergebnissen zurückgelegt, die unser Volk im Wissen um

seine Kraft, um den Wert aller Mühen beim Aufbau eines

neuen, eines menschenwürdigen, eines sinnerfüllten Lebens

bestärken. Sozialismus und Frieden sind und bleiben die

Schlüsselworte für das bisher Vollbrachte wie für das,

was künftig zu leisten sein wird. Wir gehen es mit

Tatkraft und Zuversicht an. Auch im fünften Jahrzehnt

wird der sozialistische Staat der Arbeiter und Bauern auf

deutschem Boden durch sein Handeln zum Wohle des Volkes,

durch seinen Beitrag zu Frieden, Sicherheit und

internationaler Zusammenarbeit ständig neu beweisen, daß

seine Gründung im Oktober 1949 ein Wendepunkt war – in

76

der Geschichte des deutschen Volkes und Europas.

[ . . . ]

Quelle: Erich Honecker am 40. Jahrestag der DDR (6.

Oktober 1989); abgedruckt in Blätter für deutsche und

internationale Politik, 1989, S. 1401 f.

TT 1 (Translated by Allison Brown and

Belinda Cooper 1994), Erich Honecker on the

40th Anniversary of the GDR (October 6,

1989).

Today, the GDR is an outpost of peace and socialism in

Europe. We will never forget this fact; this keeps us,

and should also keep our enemies, from misjudgment.

Like the Soviet Union, which liberated us, and the

People’s Republic of China, which is also celebrating the

40th anniversary of its founding, the People’s Republic

of Poland, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, and other

socialist countries, the GDR will also cross the

threshold into the year 2000 with the certainty that

socialism is the future. Socialism is a young society,

and yet it exerts a great influence on international

developments. It has brought about significant social

change and will continue to do so. Its existence gives

hope, not only to our people, but to all of humankind.

[ . . . ]

77

Just when the influential powers in the FRG sense the

chance to annul the outcome of World War II and post-war

developments through a coup, they have again had to

realize that reality cannot be changed, that the GDR, on

the western boundary of the socialist countries in

Europe, remains firm as a dam against neo-Nazism and

chauvinism. The GDR’s solid position in the Warsaw Pact

cannot be shaken.

It is no coincidence that our opponent is directing its

slander against the GDR to a greater extent than ever

before. Forty years of the GDR also means forty years

since the defeat of German imperialism and militarism.

Socialism on German soil is so intolerable to our

opponent because it represents proof that the previously

exploited masses can determine their fortune without

capitalism. [ . . . ]

Life in our country and international events presently

pose questions which demand clear answers from a firm

position. Our position does not come from one of the

scandal sheets of the FRG, nor from the radio or

television there; it has not evolved out of dated

doctrine, but rather from the creative application of

Marxism-Leninism, from the interests of the working class

and all factory workers. In a word, our position is a

policy based on the highest principle, namely, to do

everything possible for the well-being of the people and

a future in peace. Accordingly, we do not stop at the

achievements we have made. Upon attaining something78

dependable, we leave behind that which is outdated and

restrictive; we are progressing on our course of unified

economic and social policy. In this spirit, we will also

continue to develop socialist democracy in its many

forms. Our aim is for citizens to participate more and

more actively and concretely in the activities of the

state. [ . . . ]

Forty years of the GDR mark a totally new chapter in the

history of our people. At the same time, these forty

years have impressed upon our consciousness the absolute

necessity and also the preciousness of long-lasting

peace. Never again shall war emanate from German soil;

this declaration arises from a decisive lesson of the

past. It has become our state policy. It has been the top

priority behind all we have done up to now and all we

will do in the future, so that the socialist GDR

continues to thrive and the family of European peoples

can live in safety and harmony. Our nation is reliably

satisfying its responsibility at the center of the

continent, at the division between the two major allied

blocs. [ . . . ]

In sharp contrast to our politics stand the revanchist

demands of FRG politicians, spurring concern and protest

throughout the world. There is talk of the

“reestablishment of the German Reich within the 1937

borders.” The post-war settlements are being questioned,

the theory of the supposedly open German question is

stated more loudly than it has been previously. The79

revival of the claim of sole representation, from the

1950s and 1960s, has culminated in a claim to so-called

responsibility for all Germans. In this regard, there is

obviously a considerable amount of common ground between

revanchist politicians in Bonn and the increasingly

strong neo-Nazis.

The emergence of neo-Nazis on the political stage in the

FRG is food for thought. In light of the fact that

attempts are being made to deny or downplay the existence

of neo-Nazism, I would like to remind you that during the

Nazi regime, two other comrades and I were turned over to

the prison of Hitler’s personal guards for “treatment,”

at the same time as the present head of the Republikaner

was active there as an SS leader. There is no doubt that

such elements of FRG politics which cause concern among

the peoples of the world are in urgent need of reform.

The relentless, internationally coordinated slander

campaign currently being led against the GDR aims to

confuse the people and sow doubt regarding the strength

and advantages of socialism. This can only serve to

strengthen our resolve to continue in the future to do

everything possible for a peaceful European house. The

ability for states with different social orders to live

and work together in such a house should be allowed to

develop to the fullest. A solid foundation for this is

provided in the final act of the Helsinki Conference as

well as other CSCE documents. But we will not allow

anyone to abuse these agreements for the purpose of80

destabilizing socialism. Strict respect for sovereignty,

territorial integrity, independence, and non-intervention

in internal affairs are indispensable.

The GDR has paved its way with achievements serving to

strengthen our people in the knowledge of their power and

of the worth of all efforts to establish a new, humane,

complete life. Socialism and peace are, and remain, key

words for that which we have achieved up to now, as well

as that which we will continue to accomplish. We tackle

the task with vigor and confidence. In its fifth decade,

the socialist workers’ and peasants’ state on German soil

will continue to prove – through its actions for the good

of its people and through its efforts for peace, security

and international cooperation – that its founding in

October of 1949 was a turning point in the history of the

German people and of Europe. [ . . . ]

Source of English translation: “Erich Honecker on the

40th Anniversary of the Founding of the GDR” (October 6,

1989), in Konrad H. Jarausch and Volker Gransow, eds.,

Uniting Germany: Documents and Debates, 1944-1993.

Translated by Allison Brown and Belinda Cooper. Berghahn

Books: Providence and Oxford, 1994, p. 51-53. © Berghahn

Books.

Source of original German text: Blätter für deutsche und

internationale Politik [Readings in German and

International Politics], 1989, p. 1401 f.

81

ST 2 Honeckers Erfolgsbilanz (17.-21.April

1986) (original).

Bericht des Zentralkomitees der Sozialistischen

Einheitspartei Deutschlands an den XI.

Parteitag der SED. Berichterstatter: Genosse Erich

Honecker

[ . . . ]

III. Unser Hauptkampffeld ist die Einheit von

Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik

Liebe Genossinnen und Genossen!

Seit dem X. Parteitag hat unsere Republik ihre

Entwicklung als politisch stabiler und ökonomisch

leistungsfähiger sozialistischer Staat erfolgreich

fortgesetzt. Der Plan 1981 bis 1985 wurde gut

abgeschlossen. Alle Seiten des gesellschaftlichen Lebens,

die Produktivkräfte und die Produktionsverhältnisse,

82

Wissenschaft, Bildung und Kultur, die sozialen

Beziehungen der Menschen und die Landesverteidigung,

wurden weiter vervollkommnet.

Mit unserer ökonomischen Strategie gelang es, die

Intensivierung der Produktion zur entscheidenden

Grundlage des Leistungsanstiegs zu machen und das nötige

Wirtschaftswachstum dauerhaft zu gewährleisten. Die

Steigerung der Arbeitsproduktivität beschleunigte sich.

Rechtzeitig orientierte sich unsere Partei auf die

modernsten wissenschaftlich-technischen Entwicklungen.

Mehr und mehr wurde das Weltniveau zum Maßstab eigener

Arbeit. Wissenschaft und Produktion durchdrangen einander

enger. Allein die Nutzung von wissenschaftlich-

technischen Ergebnissen sparte jährlich im Durchschnitt

500 Millionen Stunden Arbeitszeit, was dem

Arbeitskräftevolumen von 300 000 Werktätigen entspricht.

Von 1981 bis 1985 erzeugte die DDR ein Nationaleinkommen

von 1,087 Billionen Mark, wobei sich die jährlichen

Zuwachsraten erhöhten. In sechs Monaten des vergangenen

Jahres wurde soviel Nationaleinkommen geschaffen wie im

ganzen Jahr 1970. Nimmt man die 15 Jahre seit dem VIII.

Parteitag zusammen, so produzierten wir 2,7 Billionen

Mark Nationaleinkommen,

1,7mal mehr als in den 22 Jahren von 1949 bis 1970. Das

Wachstum des Nationaleinkommens wurde zu über 90 Prozent

durch die Steigerung der Arbeitsproduktivität getragen.

Daß unsere Industrie zunehmend effektiver produziert,

83

zeigt sich auch daran, daß sich ihre Nettoproduktion im

vergangenen Jahrfünft wesentlich schneller erhöhte als

die Warenproduktion. Mit Stolz können wir feststellen,

daß es nur wenige Länder in der Welt gibt, die über einen

langen Zeitraum eine so solide und dynamische ökonomische

Entwicklung nahmen und sie ständig in sozialen

Fortschritt umsetzen konnten.

[ . . . ]

Wie es dem Sinn des Sozialismus entspricht, nutzen wir

die beträchtlich gewachsene Leistungskraft unserer

Volkswirtschaft dafür, das materielle und kulturelle

Lebensniveau des Volkes zu sichern und weiter zu erhöhen.

In 15 Jahren entstanden 2,4 Millionen neugebaute und

modernisierte Wohnungen, wodurch die Wohnbedingungen für

7,2 Millionen Bürger verbessert werden konnten. Zwei

Drittel aller fertiggestellten Neubauwohnungen wurden an

Arbeiter vergeben, jede vierte Neubauwohnung an junge

Ehepaare. Seit 1971 haben wir für unser

Wohnungsbauprogramm 260 Milliarden Mark aufgewendet, 10

Prozent des in diesem Zeitraum produzierten

Nationaleinkommens. Gleichzeitig mit den Wohnungen wurden

über 137 000 Plätze in Kindergärten geschaffen, 46 000

mehr als im vorhergehenden Jahrfünft. Gewährleistet ist,

daß alle Kinder der entsprechenden Altersstufen, deren

Eltern es wünschen, einen Kindergarten besuchen können.

Bei Kinderkrippen beträgt der Zuwachs an Plätzen 66 300.

Konnten 1970 erst 29 von 100 Kindern bis zu 3 Jahren

84

einen Platz erhalten, so waren es 1985 nunmehr 73. Damit

besitzt die DDR auf diesem Gebiet einen hohen

Versorgungsgrad. Seit 1971 entstanden 46 772

Unterrichtsräume und 2041 Schulsporthallen.

Das Realeinkommen der Bürger hat sich in 15 Jahren

verdoppelt. Die Nettogeldeinnahmen der Bevölkerung

stiegen auf 178 Prozent. Seit nunmehr 10 Jahren wurden

für mehr als 7 Millionen Werktätige Produktivlöhne und

weitere leistungsorientierte Lohnmaßnahmen wirksam. Immer

weiter ausgestaltet haben wir die Fürsorge für die

Kinder, die berufstätigen Mütter und junge Ehen.

Das Spektrum der sozialen Entwicklung ist breit. Genannt

seien nur solche Maßnahmen wie die Einführung der 40-

Stunden-Arbeitswoche für alle Werktätigen im 3-Schicht-

System und für Mütter mit 2 Kindern. Heute gilt für jeden

fünften Werktätigen die 40-Stunden-Arbeitswoche. Für 500

000 Zweischichtarbeiter beträgt die wöchentliche

Arbeitszeit 42 Stunden. Alle Werktätigen haben seit der

letzten Urlaubserhöhung einen Erholungsurlaub von

mindestens 3 Wochen und 3 Tagen bei vollem Lohn. Seit

1970 wurden fünf Rentenerhöhungen für die Veteranen der

Arbeit durchgeführt. Rund 60 000 Plätze entstanden neu in

Feierabend- und Pflegeheimen.

[ . . . ]

VI. Die SED ist die Partei der Arbeiterklasse und des

ganzen Volkes

85

[ . . . ]

Liebe Genossinnen und Genossen!

Vor 40 Jahren, am 21. April 1946, besiegelten Wilhelm

Pieck und Otto Grotewohl auf dem Vereinigungsparteitag

der KPD und der SPD zur SED durch ihren historischen

Händedruck das 3 Ende der unseligen Spaltung der

deutschen Arbeiterklasse und die Herstellung ihrer

Einheit.

Das war ein Ereignis von großer historischer Bedeutung.

So entstand die Kraft, die fähig war, unser Volk auf dem

Weg in ein neues Leben, bei der antifaschistisch-

demokratischen Umwälzung und der sozialistischen

Revolution, beim Aufbau des Sozialismus zu führen.

Vier Jahrzehnte mit ihren gewaltigen Veränderungen in der

gesellschaftlichen Wirklichkeit unseres Landes legen

Zeugnis davon ab, daß die SED ihrer Verantwortung gerecht

geworden ist. Die Größe und Schönheit des Werkes, für das

Partei und Volk gemeinsam tätig sind, inspiriert

gleichermaßen diejenigen, die schon im ersten Viertel

unseres Jahrhunderts auf den Barrikaden des

revolutionären Kampfes gestanden haben, diejenigen, die

im Widerstand gegen die braune Barbarei ihr Leben wagten,

diejenigen, die 1945 und danach in die Reihen der Erbauer

einer neuen Zukunft traten, und diejenigen, die bereits

im Sozialismus geboren wurden und in ihm aufwachsen.

86

Entsprechend dem, was unser XI. Parteitag beschließen

wird, gestalten wir weiter die entwickelte sozialistische

Gesellschaft und schaffen so grundlegende Voraussetzungen

für den allmählichen Übergang zum Kommunismus, wie es im

Programm unserer Partei vorgezeichnet ist. Wir tun alles,

damit unser Volk, damit die Welt in Frieden leben kann.

Der Gemeinschaft der sozialistischen Bruderländer und der

revolutionären Weltbewegung fest verbunden, erfüllen wir

unsere internationalistische Verantwortung.

Alles zum Wohle des Volkes, alles für das Glück der

arbeitenden Menschen!

Es lebe unsere sozialistische Deutsche Demokratische

Republik!

Es lebe der proletarische Internationalismus!

Es lebe unsere Sozialistische Einheitspartei

Deutschlands!

Quelle: „Bericht des Zentralkomitees der Sozialistischen

Einheitspartei Deutschlands an den XI. Parteitag der

SED“. Berichterstatter: Genosse Erich Honecker, 17.-21.

April 1986; abgedruckt in Günter Benser, Hg., Dokumente

zur Geschichte der SED, Bd. 3: 1971-1986, Berlin, 1986,

S. 416-17, 420-21, 495-96.

TT 2 (Translated by Allison Brown 1986)

Honecker Reviews His Successes (April 17-

21, 1986).87

Erich Honecker Reviews his Successes (April 17-21, 1986)

Report of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity

Party of Germany at the 11th Party

Congress of the SED. Reported by Comrade Erich Honecker,

April 17-21, 1986

[ . . . ]

III. Our main battlefield is the unity of economic and

social policy

Dear Comrades!

Since the 10th Party Congress our republic has

successfully continued its development as a politically

stable and economically productive socialist state. The

plan for 1981 to 1985 was completed with good results.

All areas of social life, the productive forces and the

production conditions, science, education and culture,

the social relations of the people, and the defense of

the country have been further improved.

Our economic strategy enabled us to increase productivity

on the basis of intensified production and to guarantee

the needed long-term economic growth. The increase in

work productivity accelerated. In time, our party focused

on the most modern scientific and technological

developments. A high international benchmark increasingly

became the standard for our own work. Science and

production became more closely intertwined. The

88

application of scientific technological findings alone

saved a yearly average of 500 million work hours, which

corresponds to the work volume of 300,000 workers.

From 1981 to 1985, the GDR generated a national income of

1.087 trillion marks, with increasing annual growth

rates. Last year, it took only six months to generate the

same national income as in all of 1970. The total

national income for the fifteen years since the 8th Party

Congress was 2.7 trillion marks, which is 1.7 times the

total in the twenty-two years from 1949 to 1970. Over 90

percent of national income growth was due to increased

work productivity. Our industrial production is becoming

more and more efficient, as indicated by the fact that

net production in the last five years increased much

faster than the production of goods. We can proudly

declare that there are very few countries in the world

that have achieved such solid and dynamic economic

development over an extended time period and constantly

turned it into social progress.

[ . . . ]

Corresponding to the aim of socialism, we are using the

substantially increased productive strength of our

national economy to secure and further increase the

material and cultural standard of living of the people.

In fifteen years, 2.4 million new, modernized apartments

were built, which made it possible to improve the living

conditions of 7.2 million citizens. Two-thirds of all

89

completed, newly-built housing was allocated to workers;

one in four new apartments went to young married couples.

Since 1971 we have spent 260 billion marks on our housing

program, which was ten percent of the national income

generated during this time period.

Parallel to the housing construction project, more than

137,000 spaces in daycare facilities were created, 46,000

more than in the previous five years. It has been

guaranteed that all children in the respective age groups

can attend daycare if the parents so desire. Regarding

day nurseries: there was an increase of 66,300 spaces.

Whereas in 1970 only 29 out of every 100 children up to

three years old received a space, in 1985 the figure was

73 percent. With this, the GDR can boast a high level of

care in this area. Since 1971, 46,772 classrooms were

built as well as 2,041 school gymnasiums.

The actual income of citizens doubled over the last

fifteen years. The net earnings of the population

increased 178 percent. For ten years already, more than 7

million workers have received wages based on production

and other achievement-oriented measures. We have

continually expanded care for children, working mothers,

and young families.

The spectrum of social development is broad. Only a few

measures shall be mentioned, such as the introduction of

the forty-hour work week for all workers in a three-

shift-system and for mothers with two children. Today,

90

one in five workers enjoys the forty-hour work week. The

500,000 double-shift workers have a 42-hour work week.

All workers have received at least three weeks and three

days of vacation at their full wages since the last

vacation increase.

Since 1970 there have been five pension increases for

work veterans. Space for roughly 60,000 new residents has

been built in retirement and nursing homes.

[ . . . ]

VI. The SED is the Party of the Working Class and of the

Entire Volk

[ . . . ]

Dear Comrades!

Forty years ago, on April 21, 1946, the historic

handshake of Wilhelm Pieck and Otto Grotewohl at the

Joint Party Congress of the KPD [Communist Party of

Germany] and the SPD [Social Democratic Party of Germany]

to form the SED [Socialist Unity Party of Germany] sealed

the end of the unfortunate division of the working class

and the creation of their unity. This event had great

historical significance. Out of it emerged the strength

that was able to lead our people on the road to a new

life, with the antifascist, democratic upheaval and the

socialist revolution to build socialism.

91

Four decades that brought immense change to the social

reality of our country testify to the fact that the SED

has fulfilled its responsibility. The greatness and

beauty of the work shared by the party and the people is

inspiring to those who stood at the barricades of the

revolutionary struggle in the first quarter of this

century; to those who risked their lives to resist the

Nazi brown barbarism; to those who joined the ranks of

the builders of a new future; and to those who were born

into socialism and are growing up in it.

Corresponding to what our 11th Party Congress will

decide, we will continue to shape the socialist society

we have developed, thereby creating fundamental

prerequisites for the gradual transition to communism, as

it is laid down in our party’s program. We are doing

everything so that our people, and the world, can live in

peace. Firmly allied with the community of the socialist

fraternal countries and the revolutionary world movement,

we are fulfilling our internationalist responsibility.

Everything for the good of the people, everything for the

happiness of the working people!

Long live our socialist German Democratic Republic!

Long live the proletarian internationalism!

Long live our Socialist Unity Party of Germany!

Source: Bericht des Zentralkomitees der Sozialistischen

Einheitspartei Deutschlands an den XI.

92

Parteitag der SED (17.-21. April 1986). Berichterstatter:

Genosse Erich Honecker [Report of the

Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany

at the 11th Party Congress of the SED (April 17-21,

1986). Given by Comrade Erich Honecker]; reprinted in

Günter Benser, ed., Dokumente zur Geschichte der SED

[Documents on the History of the SED], vol. 3: 1971-1986.

Berlin, 1986, pp. 416-17, 420-21, 495-96.

ST 3 Erich Honecker verteidigt die Erfolge

des Sozialismus anlässlich des 40.

Jahrestags der DDR (6. Oktober 1989).

Liebe Freunde und Genossen!

Verehrte ausländische Gäste!

Meine Damen und Herren des diplomatischen Korps!

Vor 40 Jahren wurde der erste sozialistische Staat auf

deutschem Boden, die Deutsche Demokratische Republik,

gegründet. Jeder, der das Glück hatte, an diesem

historisch bedeutsamen Ereignis beteiligt zu sein, denkt

nicht ohne Bewegung an die Tage zurück, in denen die

Arbeiter und Bauern im Bunde mit der Intelligenz und

allen Werktätigen im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes ihre Macht

errichteten. Im Westen, wo das Potsdamer Abkommen mit

Füßen getreten wurde, war, ohne das Volk zu fragen, ein

93

Separatstaat entstanden. Dort wurde die Restauration der

alten Gesellschaft in Gang gesetzt, der Aufbau der neuen

Wehrmacht mit den alten Generalen für die NATO

vorbereitet. Die Vergangenheit blieb unbewältigt. Heute

ist klarer denn je: Die Gründung der Deutschen

Demokratischen Republik, die durch die Volksbewegung für

Einheit und gerechten Frieden zustande kam und deren

Verfassungsentwurf bereits in allen Zonen auf breiter

Basis diskutiert wurde, war geradezu eine geschichtliche

Notwendigkeit.

[ . . . ]

Unsere Republik gehört heute zu den zehn

leistungsfähigsten Industrienationen der Welt, zu den

knapp zwei Dutzend Ländern mit dem höchsten

Lebensstandard. Und vergessen wir dabei nicht, daß der

Wohlstand hierzulande weder aus der Erde sprudelt noch

auf Kosten anderer erreicht wurde. Die DDR ist das Werk

von Millionen, von mehreren Generationen, die in harter

Arbeit ihren Arbeiter-und-Bauern-Staat aufgebaut haben,

einen Staat mit moderner Industrie und Landwirtschaft,

mit einem sozialistischen Bildungswesen, mit aufblühender

Wissenschaft und Kultur. Schließlich – die DDR, eine

Weltnation im Sport. Mit unseren Händen und Köpfen haben

wir das zuwege gebracht, unter Führung der Partei der

Arbeiterklasse. Nichts, aber auch gar nichts wurde uns

geschenkt oder ist uns in den Schoß gefallen. Zudem waren

hier nicht nur mehr Trümmer wegzuräumen als westlich der

Elbe und Werra, sondern auch noch die Steine, die uns von94

dort in den Weg gelegt wurden. Heute ist die DDR ein

Vorposten des Friedens und des Sozialismus in Europa.

Dies zu keiner Zeit zu verkennen, bewahrt uns, sollte

aber auch unsere Feinde vor Fehleinschätzungen bewahren.

Wie die Sowjetunion, die uns befreit hat, wie die

Volksrepublik China, die in diesen Tagen ebenfalls ihr

40. Gründungsjubiläum beging, wie Volkspolen und die

ČSSR, wie die anderen sozialistischen Länder wird die DDR

die Schwelle zum Jahr 2000 mit der Gewißheit

überschreiten, daß dem Sozialismus die Zukunft gehört.

Der Sozialismus ist eine junge Gesellschaft, gleichwohl

übt er einen großen Einfluß auf die internationale

Entwicklung aus. Er hat gesellschaftlich Bedeutendes

vollbracht und wird dies auch fortan tun. Seine Existenz

gibt nicht nur unserem Volk neue Hoffnung, sondern der

ganzen Menschheit.

[ . . . ]

40 Jahre DDR – das waren 40 Jahre heroische Arbeit, 40

Jahre erfolgreicher Kampf für den Aufstieg unserer

sozialistischen Republik, für das Wohl des Volkes. Auch

weiterhin wird das so sein. Wichtig ist, daß die führende

Partei unserer Gesellschaft, die Sozialistische

Einheitspartei Deutschlands, in Vorbereitung ihres XII.

Parteitages die eigenen Reihen weiter festigt, sich noch

enger mit der Arbeiterklasse verbindet, den

Genossenschaftsbauern, der Intelligenz, dem gesamten

Volk. Wir werden auch weiterhin im Sinne der Erkenntnis

95

von Karl Marx handeln, daß es darauf ankommt, die Welt

nicht nur zu interpretieren, sondern sie zu verändern.

Wir werden unsere Republik in der Gemeinschaft der

sozialistischen Länder, durch unsere Politik der

Kontinuität und Erneuerung auch künftig in den Farben der

DDR verändern. Die Ziele sind im Programm unserer Partei

niedergelegt. Es geht um die weitere Gestaltung der

entwickelten sozialistischen Gesellschaft.

Selbstverständlich ist dies kein Vorhaben, das binnen

kurzer Zeit und nach fertigen Rezepten, ohne unablässige

Suche nach den jeweils zweckmäßigsten Lösungen zu

bewältigen wäre. Es handelt sich vielmehr um einen

historischen, einen langfristigen Prozeß tiefgreifender

Wandlungen und Reformen in allen Bereichen. Dadurch

erlangt der Sozialismus als reale Alternative zum

Kapitalismus eine ständig höhere Stufe, wirken seine

Vorzüge um so nachhaltiger auf das Leben der Menschen.

Sie selbst sind, bei aktiver Beteiligung an allen

gesellschaftlichen Belangen nach unserem Grundsatz

„arbeite mit, plane mit, regiere mit“ die Schöpfer ihrer

Gegenwart und Zukunft. Soviel steht fest, für uns gilt

die in der Gründerzeit der DDR geprägte Losung: Vorwärts

immer, rückwärts nimmer.

[ . . . ]

Ein Vergleich der DDR von heute mit der DDR von 1949

spricht für sich selbst. Eindrucksvoll tritt der große

revolutionäre Umgestaltungsprozeß zutage, der hier auf

96

deutschem Boden vollzogen wurde und in dem sich die

Fähigkeit der Arbeiterklasse und ihrer Bündnispartner

erwies, die Macht auszuüben. Die vertrauensvolle,

kameradschaftliche Zusammenarbeit der SED, der anderen

Parteien und Massenorganisationen im Demokratischen Block

und in der Nationalen Front der DDR bewährte sich als

eine unserem Land gemäße Form der demokratischen

Einbeziehung aller gesellschaftlichen Kräfte. So gelang

es auch, eine Vielzahl von Wandlungen zu realisieren –

die Bodenreform, die Überführung der entscheidenden

Betriebe in Volkseigentum, die Schulreform, das Gesetz

über die örtlichen Volksvertretungen, die

Industriepreisreformen, die Strukturveränderungen in der

Volkswirtschaft.

[ . . . ]

In 40 Jahren entwickelte sich bei uns eine Wirtschaft von

moderner Struktur und großer Leistungskraft. Dynamik und

wachsende Effektivität sind für sie kennzeichnend. 1989

werden 279 Milliarden Mark Nationaleinkommen erzeugt,

elfmal soviel wie 1949. Auf das Zehneinhalbfache stieg

die Arbeitsproduktivität. In der Industrie erhöhte sich

die Produktion in diesem Zeitraum sogar auf das

Achtzehnfache. Die Bauproduktion ist fast in einem Monat

so hoch wie im gesamten Jahr 1949. Nahezu verdoppelt hat

sich die Pflanzenproduktion unserer Landwirtschaft, und

die Erzeugung von Schlachtvieh stieg auf das Achtfache.

Der tägliche Umsatz an Industriewaren für die Bevölkerung

ist heute dreizehneinhalbmal so groß wie vor 40 Jahren.97

Überblicken wir die jüngste Vergangenheit, so können sich

unsere Ergebnisse ebenfalls sehen lassen. Das

Nationaleinkommen stieg im Durchschnitt der achtziger

Jahre, dank der Arbeit der Werktätigen, jährlich um vier

Prozent, eine auch international beachtete Rate.

Angesichts der starken Veränderungen auf dem Weltmarkt,

einer immer härteren Konkurrenz konnten wir uns

behaupten. Das ist eine Tatsache, die für sich selbst

spricht, wenn wir auch keinesfalls übersehen dürfen, daß

uns der rasche Wandel von Wissenschaft und Technik in der

Welt vor eine noch größere Herausforderung stellt. Wir

haben diese Herausforderung angenommen. Es bleibt dabei:

Unser Arbeitsplatz ist ein Kampfplatz für Frieden und

Volkswohlstand.

[ . . . ]

Die modernen Technologien stärken unser wirtschaftliches

Potential und bieten zugleich für viele Werktätige ein

interessantes Feld schöpferischer Arbeit und persönlicher

Entfaltung. Das gilt insbesondere für die junge

Generation. Gehört es nicht überhaupt zu den größten

Errungenschaften unserer Republik, daß ausnahmslos alle

jungen Leute eine Zukunft haben, daß sie nicht auf der

Straße stehen müssen, ohne Ausbildung bleiben, an der

Drogennadel hängen oder gar ohne Dach über dem Kopf

dahinvegetieren müssen? „Der Jugend Vertrauen und

Verantwortung“, das ist unsere, die bessere Welt. Wer

nach Sinnerfüllung im Leben strebt, der wird den faulen

98

Zauber, der da drüben glänzt, schnell als das erkennen,

was er ist.

Sich in der modernen Produktion dem Wettlauf mit der Zeit

zu stellen, verlangt viel Kraft, heißt Risiko, auch vor

Fehlern ist man auf Neuland manchmal nicht gefeit. Es

geht mit Strukturveränderungen und Anspannungen einher,

doch wo in der Welt würde sich die Bewältigung der

wissenschaftlich-technischen Revolution reibungslos

vollziehen. Unsere Probleme allerdings lösen wir selbst,

mit unseren sozialistischen Mitteln. Ratschläge, die zur

Schwächung des Sozialismus führen sollen, fruchten bei

uns nicht. Massenarbeitslosigkeit, Obdachlosigkeit,

soziale Unsicherheit, welche die moderne Technik in der

BRD begleiten, gibt es bei uns weder heute noch in

Zukunft. Es ist eine Pervertierung der Menschenrechte,

wenn ein Drittel, ein Viertel oder welcher Teil der

Gesellschaft auch immer ins Abseits gestellt, ausgegrenzt

wird. Die wissenschaftlich-technische Revolution

vollzieht sich bei uns in sozialer Sicherheit, ist, um

mit Karl Marx zu sprechen, eine der Springquellen des

gesellschaftlichen Reichtums.

[ . . . ]

So haben wir in unserer Sozialpolitik Prioritäten

gesetzt, die dem Wesen unseres Arbeiter-undBauern-Staates

entsprechen. Auf die Befriedigung der grundlegenden

Bedürfnisse der Menschen wurden die Mittel konzentriert.

Gewiß, alles zur gleichen Zeit läßt sich nicht lösen,

99

denn wie jeder weiß, kann man die Mark nur einmal

ausgeben. Mit weiter steigenden Leistungen wachsen auch

hier unsere Möglichkeiten.

[ . . . ]

Eine feste Grundlage unserer ökonomischen Strategie ist

die immer tiefere Zusammenarbeit mit der Sowjetunion und

den anderen Ländern des RGW. Bei meinen Treffen mit

unserem Freund und Genossen Michail Gorbatschow wurden in

den letzten Jahren die Möglichkeiten der Arbeitsteilung

und Kooperation immer tiefer ausgelotet und entsprechende

praktische Schritte eingeleitet. So können wir

verzeichnen, daß sich gerade im Bereich der

Hochtechnologie, der von so großer Zukunftsbedeutung ist,

gegenwärtig ein engeres und effektiveres Zusammenwirken

entwickelt hat als jemals zuvor. Das erfüllt uns mit

Freude.

Die Zusammenarbeit mit der Sowjetunion geht einher mit

millionenfachen Begegnungen zwischen den Bürgern beider

Länder. Wer erinnert sich nicht jener faszinierenden

Begegnung der „besonderen Art“ im Jahre 1978 zwischen

Sigmund Jähn und Waleri Bykowski im Orbit?

Dank unserer Freundschaft war der erste Deutsche im All

eben ein Bürger der DDR. Auch dieses Ereignis darf im

Rückblick auf 40 Jahre DDR nicht fehlen.

[ . . . ]

100

Auf der Grundlage steigender ökonomischer Leistungen

werden wir unsere Sozialpolitik fortführen, wobei der

Wohnungsbau ein erstrangiges Anliegen ist. Zugleich gilt

es, dem sich differenzierter entwickelnden Bedarf an

Konsumgütern und Dienstleistungen mehr Augenmerk zu

widmen. Selbstverständlich nehmen bei all diesen

Schritten Handwerk und Gewerbe ihren Platz ein und werden

gefördert.

Jeder hat in der DDR seinen Platz, unabhängig von

Weltanschauung und Religion. Der Sozialismus bietet mit

seinem humanistischen Anliegen Raum für die Entfaltung

jeder Persönlichkeit. So ist auch jeder angesprochen, an

unseren gemeinsamen Vorhaben zum Wohle des Volkes

schöpferisch mitzuarbeiten.

Die Entwicklung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik war

stets begleitet von einem reichhaltigen geistig-

kulturellen Leben. Durch den Bau zahlreicher

Kulturstätten wurden dafür weitere bedeutende

Möglichkeiten geschaffen. Es ist unser Wunsch und unsere

Überzeugung,

daß die Kulturschaffenden ihr Talent, ihr Können und die

ihnen gebotenen gesellschaftlichen Möglichkeiten noch

aktiver nutzen, um das geistige Leben der Menschen,

inspiriert durch große humanistische Ideale, zu

bereichern und die Werte des Sozialismus zu vermitteln.

[ . . . ]

101

40 Jahre DDR, die einen völlig neuen Abschnitt in der

Geschichte unseres Volkes markieren, haben zugleich auf

einprägsamste Weise die Notwendigkeit, aber auch die

Kostbarkeit eines dauerhaften Friedens zu Bewußtsein

gebracht. Von deutschem Boden darf nie wieder Krieg

ausgehen, dieses Bekenntnis entspricht einer

entscheidenden Lehre aus der Vergangenheit. Es wurde bei

uns zur Staatspolitik. Wir haben es allem obenan gesetzt,

was wir bisher taten und weiterhin tun werden, damit die

sozialistische DDR gut gedeiht und die Familie der

europäischen Völker in Sicherheit und Eintracht leben

kann. Zuverlässig erfüllt unser Land seine Verantwortung

im Zentrum des Kontinents, an der Trennlinie zwischen den

beiden Bündnissystemen.

[ . . . ]

Die zügellose Verleumdungskampagne, die derzeit,

international koordiniert, gegen die DDR geführt wird,

zielt darauf ab, Menschen zu verwirren und Zweifel in die

Kraft und die Vorzüge des Sozialismus zu säen. Dies kann

uns nur darin bestärken, auch in Zukunft alles zu tun für

ein friedliches europäisches Haus. Das Zusammenleben und

die Zusammenarbeit der Staaten verschiedener sozialer

Ordnung in einem solchen Haus sollen sich gut entfalten.

Dafür besteht in der Schlußakte von Helsinki sowie den

anderen KSZE-Dokumenten eine solide Grundlage.

Wir werden aber niemandem gestatten, diese Vereinbarungen

zur Destabilisierung des Sozialismus zu mißbrauchen.

102

Strikte Achtung der Souveränität, der territorialen

Integrität, der Unabhängigkeit, der Nichteinmischung in

die inneren Angelegenheiten sind unverzichtbar.

Die Deutsche Demokratische Republik hat ihren Weg mit

Ergebnissen zurückgelegt, die unser Volk im Wissen um

seine Kraft, um den Wert aller Mühen beim Aufbau eines

neuen, eines menschenwürdigen, eines sinnerfüllten Lebens

bestärken. Sozialismus und Frieden sind und bleiben die

Schlüsselworte für das bisher Vollbrachte wie für das,

was künftig zu leisten sein wird. Wir gehen es mit

Tatkraft und Zuversicht an. Auch im fünften Jahrzehnt

wird der sozialistische Staat der Arbeiter und Bauern auf

deutschem Boden durch sein Handeln zum Wohle des Volkes,

durch seinen Beitrag zu Frieden, Sicherheit und

internationaler Zusammenarbeit ständig neu beweisen, daß

seine Gründung im Oktober 1949 ein Wendepunkt war – in

der Geschichte des deutschen Volkes und Europas.

Es lebe der 40. Jahrestag der Deutschen Demokratischen

Republik!

Quelle: „Der Generalsekretär des ZK der SED und

Vorsitzende des Staatsrats der DDR Erich Honecker auf der

Festveranstaltung zum 40. Jahrestag der Gründung der DDR

in Ost-Berlin“,

Neues Deutschland, 6. Oktober 1989.

TT 3 (Translated by Allison Brown and

Belinda Cooper 1994), ‘Erich Honecker103

Defends the Achievements of Socialism on

the 40th Anniversary of the GDR (October 6,

1989)

Dear friends and comrades!

Honored foreign guests!

Ladies and gentlemen of the diplomatic corps!

Forty years ago, the first socialist state on German

soil, the German Democratic Republic, was founded. Anyone

who was lucky enough to participate in this historically

significant event feels moved when thinking back to the

days when the workers and farmers, in alliance with the

intelligentsia and all workers, established their power

in the truest sense of the word. In the West, where the

Potsdam Agreement was ignored, a separate state was

established without asking the people. There, the process

of restoring the old society was started, as were the

preparations to establish a new Wehrmacht for NATO using

the former [Hitler] generals. They did not confront the

past. Today it is clearer than ever before: The founding

of the German Democratic Republic, which came about

through a popular movement for unity and a just peace,

and whose draft constitution had already been discussed

by a broad base in all the zones, was virtually a

historical necessity.

[ . . . ]

104

Today our republic is among the ten most productive

industrial nations in the world and also among the nearly

two dozen countries with the highest standard of living.

Let us not forget that this country’s prosperity neither

gushes out of the ground nor comes at the expense of

others.

The GDR is the work of millions, over several

generations, who worked hard to build up the Workers’ and

Farmers’ State, a state with modern industry and

agriculture, with a socialist education system, with

flourishing science and culture. And finally: the GDR, a

world-class nation in athletics. With our hands and our

heads we have achieved this under the leadership of the

party of the working class. Nothing, absolutely nothing,

was given to us or fell into our laps.

On top of that, not only was there more [war] rubble to

clear away here than west of the Elbe and the Werra,

there were also the rocks taken from there and put in our

way. Today, the GDR

is an outpost of peace and socialism in Europe. We will

never forget this fact; this keeps us, and should also

keep our enemies, from misjudgment.

Like the Soviet Union, which liberated us, and the

People’s Republic of China, which is also celebrating the

40th anniversary of its founding, the People’s Republic

of Poland, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, and other

socialist countries, the GDR will also cross the

105

threshold into the year 2000 with the certainty that

socialism is the future. Socialism is a young society,

and yet it exerts a great influence on international

developments. It has brought about significant social

change and will continue to do so. Its existence gives

hope, not only to our

people, but to all of humankind.

[ . . . ]

Forty years of the GDR – these were forty years of heroic

labor, forty years of successful struggle for the

advancement of our socialist republic, for the good of

the people. And that will continue in the future. The

important thing is that the leading party of our society,

the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, will continue to

strengthen its own ranks in preparation for its 12th

party congress, will further tighten its ties to the

working class, to the collective farmers, the

intelligentsia, the people as a whole. We will also

continue to act in the spirit of the insights of

Karl Marx, that what matters is not only to interpret the

world, but to change it. In the future, through our

policies of continuity and renewal, we will go on

changing our republic within the community of socialist

countries in a manner consistent with the true colors of

the GDR. The aims have been laid down in our party

106

program. It is a matter of further shaping the developed

socialist society.

Of course, this is not a project that can be achieved

within a short period of time according to pat procedures

and without an unremitting search for the best solution

in each individual case.

Instead, it is a historic, long-term process of profound

change and reform in all areas. In this way, socialism

steadily ascends to an ever-higher level as a real

alternative to capitalism, and its advantages will have

an even more lasting impact on the lives of the people.

They themselves create their present and their future by

actively participating in all social matters according to

our principle: “Take part in the work, take part in the

planning, and take part in the government.” So much is

certain: for us, the slogan coined in the founding period

of the GDR still applies: “Forward ever, backward never.”

[ . . . ]

Comparing the GDR of today with the GDR of 1949 speaks

for itself. Impressively, the great revolutionary process

of reorganization – a process that was carried out here

on German soil and that proved the abilities of the

working class and its allies to exercise power – still

manifests itself. The trusting, comradely cooperation of

the SED [Socialist Unity Party] and the other parties and

mass organizations in the Democratic Bloc and the

National Front of the GDR has proven itself as a form of

107

democratic inclusion of all social forces that is

appropriate to our country. And so it was possible to

implement a number of changes – land reform, the

conversion of important companies into public property,

school reform, the law on local parliaments, industrial

price reform, and structural changes in the political

economy.

[ . . . ]

In forty years, we have developed an economy with a

modern structure and great economic potential. It is

characterized by dynamism and growing efficiency. In

1989, the national income will amount to 279 billion

marks, eleven times what it was in 1949. Labor

productivity rose ten and a half times. Industrial

production increased eighteenfold in this time period!

Production in construction in just one month is almost as

high as in all of 1949. In our agriculture, plant

production almost doubled, and the production of meat

stock increased eightfold. The daily turnover of

industrial goods for the population today is thirteen-

and-a-half times what it was forty years ago.

Our results also make themselves evident when we survey

the recent past. Thanks to the labor of the workers, in

the 1980s the national income rose by an average of four

percent per annum, a rate that has also received

international notice. We were able to assert ourselves in

the face of great changes in the world market, with its

108

increasingly harsh competition. That is a fact that

speaks for itself, although we should certainly not fail

to notice that we are facing an even greater challenge on

account of rapid changes in science and technology

throughout the world. We have accepted this challenge. It

is still true that our workplace is a place of struggle

for peace and popular prosperity.

[ . . . ]

Modern technologies strengthen our economic potential and

at the same time offer many workers an interesting field

for creative work and personal development. This applies

to the younger generation especially. Is it not one of

our republic’s greatest achievements that all young

people here, without exception, have a future? That they

do not have to loiter on the streets without training,

hang on the needle of drug addiction, or vegetate without

a roof over their heads. “Trust and responsibility for

the young”: That is our better world. Anyone seeking a

fulfilled life will quickly recognize the false glitter

shining on the other side for that which it truly is.

Participating in the race against time in modern

production requires considerable strength and means

taking risks – and one is not immune to making occasional

errors in uncharted territory.

Structural changes and tensions go along with this. But

where in the world would the scientific, technological

revolution be accomplished without a hitch? We will solve

109

our problems ourselves, though, with our socialist means.

Advice that would lead to the weakening of socialism will

not get anywhere with us. Mass unemployment,

homelessness, lack of social protection – all of which

accompany modern technology in the FRG – do not exist

here now and won’t in the future. It is a perversion of

human rights when one-third, one-fourth, or whatever

proportion of the population is shunned and excluded. The

scientific, technological revolution is being implemented

here by us along with social protection and is, to use

Karl Marx’s words, one of the wellsprings of social

wealth.

[ . . . ]

We have set priorities in our social policies that

correspond to the nature of our Workers’ and Farmers’

State. Our resources were concentrated on satisfying the

basic needs of the people.

Certainly, it is not possible to solve every problem at

the same time, because as everyone knows, a mark can only

be spent once. As performance continues to grow, our

options will

increase as well.

[ . . . ]

Our deepening cooperation with the Soviet Union and the

other countries of Comecon is a firm foundation for our

economic strategy.

110

In my meetings with our friend and comrade Mikhail

Gorbachev over the past years, options for the division

of labor and cooperation were further sounded out and

corresponding practical steps were introduced. And so we

are able to register that precisely in the area of high

technology, which has such great significance for the

future, closer and more effective cooperation than ever

before is now developing. This makes us very

happy.

Cooperation with the Soviet Union also involves the

millions of meetings between citizens of the two

countries. Who does not remember the fascinating

“special” encounter between Sigmund Jähn and Valeri

Bykovsky that occurred in 1978 as the two were in orbit?

Thanks to our friendship, the first German in outer space

was a citizen of the GDR. Likewise, this event should not

be omitted from a look back at forty years of the GDR.

[ . . . ]

On the basis of increasing economic achievements we will

continue our social policy, wherein residential housing

construction is a top priority. At the same time, we will

dedicate more attention to the need for consumer goods

and services, which is becoming increasingly

differentiated. Of course, crafts and trades have their

place in all these steps and will be promoted.

111

Everyone in the GDR has his place, independent of

worldview and religion. The humanistic objectives of

socialism offer space for everyone to develop his

personality. And everyone is also encouraged to

participate creatively in our common project for the good

of the people.

The development of the German Democratic Republic has

always been accompanied by a rich intellectual and

cultural life. By building numerous cultural venues, we

have created significant additional possibilities. It is

our wish and conviction that, inspired by great

humanistic ideals, artists will more actively use their

talent, ability, and the social opportunities afforded to

them to enrich the intellectual life of the people and

convey the values of socialism.

[ . . . ]

Forty years of the GDR mark a totally new chapter in the

history of our people. At the same time, these forty

years have impressed upon our consciousness the absolute

necessity and also the preciousness of long-lasting

peace. Never again shall war emanate from German soil;

this declaration arises from a decisive lesson of the

past. It has become our state policy. It has been the top

priority behind all we have done up to now and all we

will do in the future, so that the socialist GDR

continues to thrive and the family of European peoples

can live in safety and harmony. Our nation is reliably

112

satisfying its responsibility at the center of the

continent, at the division between the two major allied

blocs.

[ . . . ]

The relentless, internationally coordinated slander

campaign currently being led against the GDR aims to

confuse the people and sow doubt regarding the strength

and advantages of Socialism. This can only serve to

strengthen our resolve to continue in the future to do

everything possible for a peaceful European house. The

ability for states with different social orders to live

and work together in such a house should be allowed to

develop to the fullest. A solid foundation for this is

provided in the final act of the Helsinki Conference as

well as other CSCE documents. But we will not allow

anyone to abuse these agreements for the purpose of

destabilizing socialism. Strict respect for sovereignty,

territorial integrity, independence, and non-intervention

in internal affairs are indispensable.

The GDR has paved its way with achievements serving to

strengthen our people in the knowledge of their power and

of the worth of all efforts to establish a new, humane,

complete life. Socialism and peace are, and remain, key

words for that which we have achieved up to now, as well

as that which we will continue to accomplish. We tackle

the task with vigor and confidence. In its fifth decade,

the socialist workers’ and peasants’ state on German soil

113

will continue to prove – through its actions for the good

of its people and through its efforts for peace, security

and international cooperation – that its founding in

October of 1949 was a turning point in the history of the

German people and of Europe

Long live the German Democratic Republic on the occasion

of its fortieth anniversary!

Source of original German text: The General Secretary of

the Central Committee of the SED and Chairman of the

Council of State of the GDR Erich Honecker on the

Occasion of the Fortieth Anniversary of the Founding of

the GDR, in East Berlin, Neues Deutschland, October 6,

1989. For an English translation of other parts of this

document, see: "Erich Honecker on the 40th Anniversary of

the Founding of the GDR" (October 6, 1989), in Konrad H.

Jarausch and Volker Gransow, eds., Uniting Germany:

Documents and Debates, 1944-1993. Translated by Allison

Brown and Belinda Cooper. Berghahn Books: Providence and

Oxford, 1994, p. 51-53. © Berghahn Books.

Results Appendix

4.1.1. Shifts in Lexical Choice

ST1/TT1

114

ST1 TT11. sie ergibt sich nicht

aus irgendwelchen



from any dated theories)


of dated doctrine.

2. …aus den Interessender Arbeiterklasse und

aller Werktätigen (BT:

from the interests of the

working class and all

workers).

2. From the interests ofthe working class and all

factory workers.









borders’.

4. Die zügellose Verleumdungskampagne, die

derzeit, international

koordiniert, gegen die DDR

geführt wird, zielt darauf

ab, Menschen zu verwirren

und Zweifel in die Kraft

und die Vorzüge des

4. The relentless,

internationally coordinated

slander campaign currently

being led against the GDR

aims to confuse the people

and sow doubt regarding the

strength and advantages of

Socialism.

115

Sozialismus zu säen. (BT:

the unrestrained,

internationally

coordinated slander

campaign currently being

led against the GDR aims

to confuse the people and

sow doubt regarding the


Socialism.)

ST2/TT2

ST2 TT21. Konnten 1970 erst 29

von 100 Kindern bis zu 3

Jahren einen Platz erhalten,

so waren es 1985 nunmehr 73.

Damit besitzt die DDR auf

diesem Gebiet einen hohen

1. ...Whereas in 1970 only29 out of every 100 children

up to three years old

received a space. In 1985

the figure was 73 percent.

With this, the GDR can boast

116

Versorgungsgrad. (BT: In

1970 only 29 out of every

100 children up to three

years old were able to

receive a space, in 1985 the

figure was 73 percent, with

that, the GDR has a high

level of care in this area.)

a high level of care in this

area.

2. Vor 40 Jahren, am 21.

April 1946, besiegelten

Wilhelm Pieck und Otto

Grotewohl auf dem

Vereinigungsparteitag und

der SPD zur SED durch ihren

historischen Händedruck das

Ende der unseligen Spaltung

der deutschen Arbeiterklasse

und die Herstellung ihrer

Einheit. (BT: Forty years

ago, on April 21, 1946, the

historic handshake of


Grotewohl at the Joint Party

Congress of the KPD to form

the SED [Socialist Unity

Party of Germany sealed the

end of the ill-fated

division of the working

2. Forty years ago, on

April 21, 1946, the historic

handshake of Wilhelm Pieck

und Otto Grotewohl at the

Joint Party Congress of the

KPD [Communist Party of

Germany] to form the SED

[Socialist Unity Party of

Germany sealed the end of

the unfortunate division of

the working class and the

creation of their unity.

117

class and the creation of

their unity.]

3. Vor 40 Jahren, am 21.

April 1946, besiegelten


Grotewohl auf dem

Vereinigungsparteitag und

der SPD zur SED durch ihren

historischen Händedruck das

Ende der unseligen Spaltung

der deutschen Arbeiterklasse

und die Herstellung ihrer

Einheit. (BT: Forty years

ago, on April 21, 1946, the

historic handshake of


Grotewohl at the Joint Party

Congress of the KPD to form

the SED ,sealed the end of

the ill-fated division of


manufacture of their unity.

3. Forty years ago, on

April 21, 1946, the historic

handshake of Wilhelm Pieck

und Otto Grotewohl at the

Joint Party Congress of the

KPD [Communist Party of

Germany] to form the SED

[Socialist Unity Party of

Germany sealed the end of

the unfortunate division of


creation of their unity.

4. ...inspiriertgleichermaßen diejenigen,

die schon im ersten Viertel

unseres Jahrhunderts auf den

Barrikaden des

revolutionären Kampfes

4. …is inspiring to thosewho stood at the barricades

of the revolutionary

struggle in the first

quarter of this century; to

those who risked their lives

118

gestanden haben, diejenigen,

die im Widerstand gegen die

braune Barbarei ihr Leben

wagten, diejenigen, die 1945

und danach in die Reihen der

Erbauer einer neuen Zukunft

traten…( BT: is inspiring to

those who stood at the

barricades of the

revolutionary struggle in

the first quarter of this

century; to those who risked

their lives to resist the

Nazi brown barbarism; to

those who joined the ranks

of the architects of a new

future.)

to resist the Nazi brown

barbarism; to those who

joined the ranks of the

builders of a new future.

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31. So gelang es auch, eineVielzahl von Wandlungen zu

realisieren- die

1. And so it was possibleto implement a number of

changes- land reform, the

119

Bodenreform, die Überführung

der entscheidenden Betriebe

in Volkseigentum, die

Schulreform, das Gesetz über

die örtlichen

Volksvertretungen, die

Industriepreisreformen, die

Strukturveränderungen in der

Volkswirtschaft. (BT: And so

it was possible to realise a

number of changes- land

reform, the transfer of

important companies into

public property, school

reform, the law on local

parliaments, industrial

price reform, and structural

changes to the political

economy.

conversion of important

companies into public

property, school reform, the

law on local parliaments,

industrial price reform, and

structural changes to the

political economy.

4. So gelang es auch, eineVielzahl von Wandlungen zu

realisieren- die





die örtlichen










120






reform, the conversion of






changes to the People’s

economy.

political economy.






developed).




economic potential.

4. * Die zügellose Verleumdungskampagne, die

derzeit, international

koordiniert, gegen die DDR

geführt wird, zielt darauf

ab, Menschen zu verwirren

und Zweifel in die Kraft und

4. The relentless,







121

die Vorzüge des Sozialismus

zu säen. (BT: the

unrestrained,







Socialism.)

Socialism.

4.1.2. Terms of address

ST1/TT1

ST1 TT11. Wie die Sowjetunion, dieuns befreit hat, wie die









celebrated the 40th









Republic…

122


and the ČSSR…)

ST2/TT2

No Shifts

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31. * Wie die Sowjetunion,

die uns befreit hat, wie die









celebrated the 40th



and the ČSSR…)








Republic…

Subtle Semantic Shifts

123

ST1/TT1

ST1 TT11. Socialism ist eine jungeGesellschaft, gleichwohl übt

er einen großen Einfluss auf

die internationale

Entwicklung aus. Er hat

gesellschaftlich Bedeutendes

vollbracht und wird dies

fortan tun. (BT: Socialism

is a young society, and yet

it exerts a large influence

on international

development, it has achieved

great things from a social

perspective, and will

continue to do so.)

1. Socialism is a young

society, and yet it exerts a

great influence on

international developments.

It has brought about

significant social change

and will continue to do so.




Weltkrieges und der



(BT: Just when the



2. Just when the




war II and post-war


124



















opponent because it




without capitalism.

ST2/TT2

ST2 TT21. Alle Seiten des

gesellschaftlichen Lebens,

die Produktivkräfte und die

Produktionsverhältnisse,

Wissenschaft, Bildung und

Kultur, die sozialen

1. All areas of social

life, the productive forces

and the production

conditions, science,

education and culture, the

social relations of the

125

Beziehungen der Menschen und

die Landesverteidigung,

wurden weiter

vervollkommnet. (BT: All

areas of social life, the

productive forces and the

production conditions,

science, education and

culture, the social

relations of the people, and

the defense of the country,

were further perfected.)

people, and the defense of

the country, have been

further improved.

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31.*Socialism ist eine jungeGesellschaft, gleichwohl übt

er einen großen Einfluss auf

die internationale

Entwicklung aus. Er hat

gesellschaftlich Bedeutendes

vollbracht und wird dies

fortan tun. (BT: Socialism

1. Socialism is a young

society, and yet it exerts a

great influence on

international developments.

It has brought about

significant social change

and will continue to do so.

126

is a young society, and yet

it exerts a large influence

on international

development, it has achieved

great things from a social

perspective, and will

continue to do so.)

Pronoun Shifts

ST1/TT1

ST1 TT11. Heute ist die DDR einVorposten des Friedens und

des Sozialismus in Europa.

Dies zu keiner Zeit zu

verkennen, bewahrt uns,

sollte aber auch unsere

Feinde vor

Fehleinschätzungen bewahren

(BT: Today the GDR is an

outpost of peace and

Socialism in Europe, to

never fail to recognise

this, keeps us, but it

1. Today, the GDR is anoutpost of peace and

Socialism in Europe. We will

never forget this fact: this

keeps us, and should also

keep our enemies, from

misjudgement.

127

should also keep our enemies

from misjudgement. )









then that is no

coincidence.)





















opponent because it




without capitalism.

128

ST2/TT2

ST2 TT21. Mit unserer ökonomischenStrategie gelang es, die

Intensivierung der

Produktion zur

entscheidenden Grundlage des

Leistungsanstiegs zu machen

und das nötige

Wirtschaftswachstum

dauerhaft zu gewährleisten.

(BT: It was possible, due to

our economic strategy, to

increase productivity on the

basis of intensified

production and to guarantee

the needed long-term

economic growth).

1. Our economic strategy

enabled us to increase

productivity on the basis of

intensified production and

to guarantee the needed

long-term economic growth.

129

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31. * Heute ist die DDR einVorposten des Friedens und

des Sozialismus in Europa.

Dies zu keiner Zeit zu

verkennen, bewahrt uns,

sollte aber auch unsere

Feinde vor

Fehleinschätzungen bewahren

(BT: Today the GDR is an

outpost of people and

Socialism in Europe, to

never fail to recognise

this, keeps us, but it

should also keep our enemies

from misjudgement. )

1. Today, the GDR is anoutpost of peace and

Socialism in Europe. We will

never forget this fact: this

keeps us, and should also

keep our enemies, from

misjudgement.

Voice/Modality Shifts

ST1/TT1

ST1 TT11. Sozialismus und Frieden

bleiben die Schlüsselworte

für das bisher Vollbrachte

wie für das, was künftig zu

Socialism and peace are, and

remain, key words for that

which we have achieved up to

now, as well as that which130

leisten sein wird. (BT:

Socialism and peace remain

keyword for what has already

been achieved, as well as

that which will be achieved

in future).

we will continue to achieve.

ST2/TT2

No shifts

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31. Und vergessen wir dabeinicht, dass der Wohlstand












expense of others.

131

expense of others.)

2. Selbstverständlich ist

dies kein Vorhaben, das

binnen kurzer Zeit und nach

fertigen Rezepten ohne

unablässige Suche nach den

jeweils zweckmäßigsten

Lösungen zu bewältigen wäre.

(BT: Of course, this is not

a project that could be

achieved within a short

period of time according to

pat procedures and without

an unremitting search for

the best solution in each

individual case.)

2. Of course, this is not aproject that can be achieved

within a short period of

time according to pat

procedures and without an

unremitting search for the

best solution in each

individual case.







use to us.


to the weakening of


anywhere with us.

4.1.7. Transitivity Shifts

132

ST1/TT1

1. Das Zusammenleben und

die Zusammenarbeit der

Staaten verschiedener

sozialer Ordnung in einem

solchen Haus sollen sich gut

entfalten. (BT: The ability

for states with different

social orders to live and

work together should develop

to the fullest).

1. The ability for stateswith different social orders

to live and work together

should be allowed to develop

to the fullest.

ST2/TT2

ST2 TT21. Gewährleistet ist, dassalle Kinder der

entsprechenden Altersstufen,

deren Eltern es wünschen,

einen Kindergarten besuchen

können. (BT: It is

guaranteed that all children

in the respective age groups

can attend daycare if their

parents so desire)

1. It has been guaranteedthat all children in the

respective age groups can

attend daycare if the

parents so desire.

2. . Seit nunmehr 10

Jahren wurden für mehr als 7

2. For ten years already,more than 7 million Workers

133

Millionen Werktätige

Produktivlöhne und weitere

leistungsorientierte

Lohnmaßnahmen wirksam. (BT:

For over 10 years, wages

based on performance and

other achievement-oriented

measures came into effect

for more than 7 million

workers.)

have received wages based on

production and other

achievement-oriented

measures.

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31. Dort wurde die






vorbereitet. Die

Vergangenheit blieb










the former [Hitler]


confront the past.

134











expense of others.)

2. Let us not forget thatthe country’s poverty



expense of others.






developed here).




economic potential.

4. *Das Zusammenleben unddie Zusammenarbeit der

Staaten verschiedener

sozialer Ordnung in einem

solchen Haus sollen sich gut

entfalten. (BT: The ability

for states with different

4. The ability for stateswith different social orders

to live and work together

should be allowed to develop

to the fullest.

135

social orders to live and

work together should develop

to the fullest).

4.1.8 Rhetoric-Strengthening,

personification, neutralisation

ST1/TT1

ST1 TT11. Der Sozialismus auf
















proof here that the



without capitalism.

2. Das Leben in unserem

Lande stellen in unserer

Zeit Fragen, die der klaren

2. Life in our country

presently poses questions

which demand a clear answer

136

Antwort von einer festen

Position aus bedürfen (BT:

Life in our country poses

questions in our time, which

require clear answers from a

firm position)

from a firm position.

3. Das Leben in unserem

Lande stellen in unserer

Zeit Fragen, die der klaren

Antwort von einer festen

Position aus bedürfen (BT:

Life in our country poses

questions in our time, which

require clear answers from a

firm position)

3. Life in our country

presently poses questions

which demand a clear answer

from a firm position.

4. Mit einem Wort, unserePosition ist die einer

Politik nach dem obersten

Grundsatz, alles zu tun für

das Wohl des Volkes und

seine friedliche Zukunft.

(BT: In a word, our position

is a policy based on the

highest principle, which is

to do everything for the

good of the people and its

peaceful future.

4. In a word, our positionis a policy based on the

highest principle, namely,

to do everything possible

for the good of the people

and a future in peace.

5. 40 Jahre DDR, die einen 5. Forty years of the GDR137

völlig neuen Abschnitt in















at the same time.)

mark a totally new chapter




impressed upon our




lasting peace.

6. Möchte ich auch hier

daran erinnern, dass ich

unter dem Naziregime mit

zwei weiteren Kameraden dem

Gefängnis der

‚Leibstandarte‘ Adolf

Hitler‘ zur gleichen Zeit

zur ‚Behandlung‘ übergegeben

wurde. (BT: I would like to

put on record that during

the Nazi regime, two other

comrades and I were given

I would like to remind you

that during the Nazi regime,

two other comrades and I

were turned over to the

prison of Hitler’s personal

guard for treatment.

138

over to the prison of

Hitler’s personal guards for

treatment)7. Sozialismus und Frieden

bleiben die Schlüsselworte

für das bisher Vollbrachte

wie für das, was künftig zu

leisten sein wird. (BT:

Socialism and peace remain

keyword for what has already

been achieved, as well as

that which will be achieved

in future).

Socialism and peace are, and

remain, key words for that

which we have achieved up to

now, as well as that which

we will continue to achieve.

8. ...inspiriert

gleichermaßen diejenigen,

die schon im ersten Viertel

unseres Jahrhunderts auf den

Barrikaden des

revolutionären Kampfes

gestanden haben, diejenigen,

die im Widerstand gegen die

braune Barbarei ihr Leben

wagten, diejenigen, die 1945

und danach in die Reihen der

Erbauer einer neuen Zukunft

traten…( BT: is inspiring to

those who stood at the

barricades of the

8.…is inspiring to those who

stood at the barricades of

the revolutionary struggle

in the first quarter of this





of the builders of a new

future.

139

revolutionary struggle in

the first quarter of our





of the architects of a new

future.)

ST2/TT2

No Shifts

ST3/TT3

ST3 TT31. Im Westen, wo das









the people.




asking the people.

2. Die DDR ist das Werk vonMillionen, von mehreren

2. The GDR is the work ofmillions, over several

140

Generationen, die in harter

Arbeit ihren Arbeiter-und-

Bauern Staat aufgebaut

haben. (BT: The GDR is the

work of millions, over

several generations, who

worked hard to build up

their Workers’ and Farmers’

State.)

generations, who worked hard

to build up the Workers’ and

Farmers’ State.

3. Nimmt man die 15 Jahreseit dem VIII Parteitag

zusammen, so produzierten

wir 2,7 Billionen Mark

Nationaleinkommen, 1,7 mal

mehr als in den 22 Jahren

von 1949 bis 1970. (BT: If

you put together the fifteen

years since the 8th party

congress, then we produced

2.7 trillion marks, which is

1.7 times the total in the

twenty-two years from 1949

to 1970.

3. The total national

income for the fifteen years

since the 8th party congress

was 2,7 trillion marks,

which is 1.7 times the total

in the twenty-two years from

1949 to 1970.

4. So gelang es auch, eineVielzahl von Wandlungen zu

realisieren- die







141



die örtlichen







reform, the conversion of






changes to the political

economy.





political economy.

5. Gehört es nicht

überhaupt zu den größten

Errungenschaften unserer

Republik, dass ausnahmslos

alle jungen Leute eine

Zukunft haben, dass sie

nicht an der Straße stehen

müssen, ohne Ausbildung

bleiben… (BT: Is it not one

of our republic’s greatest

achievements that all young

5. Is it not one of ourrepublic’s greatest

achievements that all young

people here, without

exception, have a future?

That they do not have to

loiter on the streets

without training…

142

people here, without

exception, have a future?

That they do not have to

stand on the streets without

training…





would lead to the weakening


use to us.

6. Advice that would leadto the weakening of


anywhere with us.

7. Auf die Befriedigung dergrundlegenden Bedürfnisse

der Menschen wurden die

Mittel konzentriert. (BT:

Resources were concentrated

on satisfying the basic

needs of the people).

7. Our resources were

concentrated on satisfying

the basic needs of the

people.

8. Das erfüllt uns mit

Freude. (BT: This fills us

with pride/joy).

8. This makes us very

happy.

9. * 40 Jahre DDR, dieeinen völlig neuen Abschnitt

in der Geschichte unseres








impressed upon our

143











at the same time.)




lasting peace.

10. * Sozialismus und

Frieden bleiben die

Schlüsselworte für das

bisher Vollbrachte wie für

das, was künftig zu leisten

sein wird. (BT: Socialism

and peace remain keyword for

what has already been

achieved, as well as that

which will be achieved in

future).

10. Socialism and peace

are, and remain, key words

for that which we have

achieved up to now, as well

as that which we will

continue to achieve

Omissions- Qualifiers weakened or dropped

ST1/TT1

No Shifts.144

ST2/TT2

No Shifts

ST3/TT3

No Shifts

Additions- Qualifiers added/explicitation

ST1/TT1

ST1 TT11. 40 Jahre DDR, die einenvöllig neuen Abschnitt in



















impressed upon our




lasting peace.

145

at the same time.)

2.Auch im fünften Jahrzehntwird der sozialistische der

Arbeiter und Bauern auf

deutschem Boden durch sein

Handeln zum Wohle des

Volkes, durch seinen Beitrag

zu Frieden, Sicherheit und

internationaler

Zusammenarbeit ständig neu

beweisen…(BT: Even in the

fifth decade, the socialist

workers’ und peasants’ state

on German soil will continue

to prove- through its

actions for the good of the

people and through its

efforts for peace, security

and international

cooperation…)

2. In its fifth decade, thesocialist workers’ und

peasants’ state on German

soil will continue to prove-

through its actions for the

good of the people and

through its efforts for

peace, security and

international cooperation.

ST2/TT2

No Shifts

ST3/TT3

146

ST3 TT31. Wir werden unsere










republic within the




of the GDR).







colours of the GDR.

2. Soviel steht fest, füruns gilt die in der

Gründerzeit geprägte Lösung:

Vorwärts immer, rückwärts

nimmer. (BT: So much is

certain: for us the slogan

coined in the founding

period of the GDR applies:

Forward ever, backward

never.

2. So much is certain: forus the slogan coined in the

founding period of the GDR

still applies: Forward ever,

backward never.

3. * 40 Jahre DDR, die 3. Forty years of the GDR

147

einen völlig neuen Abschnitt

in der Geschichte unseres







(BT: Years of the GDR, which

mark a completely new






at the same time.)

mark a totally new chapter




impressed upon our




lasting peace.

4. * Auch im fünften

Jahrzehnt wird der

sozialistische der Arbeiter

und Bauern auf deutschem

Boden durch sein Handeln zum

Wohle des Volkes, durch

seinen Beitrag zu Frieden,

Sicherheit und

internationaler

Zusammenarbeit ständig neu

beweisen…(BT: Even in the

fifth decade, the socialist

4. In its fifth decade, thesocialist workers’ und

peasants’ state on German

soil will continue to prove-

through its actions for the

good of the people and

through its efforts for

peace, security and

international cooperation.

148

workers’ und peasants’ state

on German soil will continue

to prove- through its

actions for the good of the

people and through its

efforts for peace, security

and international

cooperation…)

149