Upload
independent
View
0
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
Does the adopted or fostered child’s identity require contact with birth parents?
Abstract
It is often assumed that acquaintance with birth parents is important for the identity
of the child in a permanent placement (adoption or fostering). But how can there be
confidence in the idea that such contact contributes to the construction of identity when
there appears to be no explicit agreement about what identity is? I propose a definition
of personal identity that avoids the mistakes in the definitions of identity offered by
several specialists in the field of adoption and fostering. This definition shows that mere
acquaintance with birth parents, indeed mere acquaintance with anyone, could not qualify
as an ingredient of personal identity. Further understanding of the different kinds of
belonging to a parent and the significance of family resemblances supports the
conclusion that the current focus on identity for adopted or fostered children obscures the
important questions about who matters and who should be cared about.
Keywords: adoption, birth parents, contact, fostering, identity
One of the most compelling reasons for initiating or maintaining contact between
a child in a permanent placement and the birth parents is that contact is important for the
child’s identity. That contact helps the child form a full identity which is vital for healthy
psychological development can be the clinching argument that persuades decision-makers
to arrange contact wherever safely possible and even when there are concerns about the
child’s reactions to contact.
It is an urgent question whether contact with birth parents benefits or harms a
child in a permanent placement (adoption or fostering), and we are naturally concerned
about the value of contact with parents who are responsible for abuse and neglect. If we
believe that acquaintance with birth parents serves the child’s identity, then we ought to
make sure that we know what we are talking about. Reaching a sound agreement on
contact for the sake of the child’s identity needs a shared understanding of identity, which
entails that there is a clear understanding of what identity is. But do we have the clarity
of understanding that would make a shared understanding of identity possible? If there is
no clear understanding of what identity is, then the prevalent conviction of decision-
makers that staying acquainted with birth parents maintains the child’s identity is
problematic.
I intend to show that the idea that a complete or coherent identity depends on
being acquainted with birth parents, which in fact discriminates against many adopted and
permanently fostered children, is wrong. First, I consider the contrasting views on how
contact promotes identity before examining the concept of identity itself. I argue for a
twofold definition of identity and conclude that contact with birth parents cannot establish
or enhance identity. What then emerges from considering the different kinds of
belonging there are to a parent and the significance of family resemblances is that the
importance given to identity for children in permanent placements is misleading and
tends to mask the fundamental questions about who matters and who should be cared
about.
Alternative views
If contact with birth parents contributes to the formation of identity, how should
we understand the link? There are two logical alternatives: contact makes either an
essential or a non-essential contribution to identity. Contact with birth parents is
therefore, broadly, either constitutive of identity, necessary for a fully-realised identity
because the biological tie with birth parents is an ineliminable part of the person’s
identity; or contact is not necessarily formative of identity, because the biological tie itself
is not a critical factor, but may be a helpful addition to identity formation. According to
the Constitutive View (CV), contact contributes to identity by fulfilling a basic
component, which, if disregarded, will leave the person in later life lacking what he
should have in order to achieve a well-developed identity. According to the Additive
View (AV), because contact is dispensable, the absence of contact does not diminish
identity, but rather its presence may produce positive effects on a growing identity.
It is one thing to define alternative views, it is another to identify professionals in
the field of adoption and fostering who endorse either CV or AV if they are not aware
that being committed to the idea that contact contributes to identity means being
committed to one or the other. However, when asked to reflect on contact and identity,
some professionals reveal unmistakably that they believe CV is correct. Harris &
Lindsey found a number of professionals who thought that “physical contact with birth
relatives ensured a sense of completeness of the self, which without ongoing contact
would be absent and could not be compensated for through further identity development
in a new relationship” and that “loss of connection with [the family of origin] was equal
to a loss of identity”.1 There are also some writers on contact whose remarks seem to
strongly suggest CV. Adams says: “Children will have a developing identity that
comprises aspects from their birth family as well as their new permanent family . . .
Ongoing contact arrangements allow an opportunity for the child to explore their history
and move towards a coherent narrative of the self”.2 He concludes that many children
who have not had the benefit of well-judged contact plans ‘feel they have missed out on a
shared history, a sense of identity and relationships [which] can leave them feeling
“incomplete”, sometimes into old age’.3 Bond says: “Young adopted children with no
memory of their birth relatives will need slow and careful preparation for contact.
Contact needs to be seen as part of an ongoing process which enables the child to develop
a sense of their identity”.4 Macaskill recommends that if all involved in contact receive
independent advice and support then contact can help children to “understand the trauma
they have suffered in their birth family . . . begin to make sense of their identity and move
forward into the future with a sense of hope and optimism”.5 Neil & Howe say that “a
permanent placement creates new relationships [but] it cannot entirely eradicate old
ones”, that “Post-placement contact between birth families and adoptive and foster
families is where the interconnectedness of all parties is made real” and that one of the
developmental benefits of contact is “achieving a clear and continuous identity”.6
In contrast, there are writers on contact who seem to support AV, who regard
contact as sometimes useful for identity formation. Harris & Lindsey, disagreeing with
those who hold that identity consists in membership of the family of origin, say that
“identity is not a static, historically based concept . . . it is a dynamic developing process,
formed within the context of ongoing relationships. The quality of these relationships
will be important in determining how children feel about themselves [and] this
contributes to a sense of self-esteem and self-worth. A positive sense of identity can only
be developed in a relationship that supports that identity. Contact will only facilitate this
if the birth parent is able to communicate to the child their capacity to remember, love
and be concerned for that child”.7 Brodzinsky says that openness in adoption includes a
willingness “to acknowledge and support the child’s dual connection to two families, and
perhaps to facilitate contact between these two family systems in one form or another” ;
but he believes that it is the communication between the adoptive parents and the adopted
child about adoption issues that is most important: “as parents begin to share adoption
information [so] children’s curiosity grows, and questions about their origins are raised,
requiring parents to talk about the children’s connection to their biological family. For
healthy adjustment to occur, this interactive, communicative process must remain open,
focus on the child’s evolving needs, and support a positive connection to the birth family
as well as a positive adoption identity”.8 Grotevant et al say: “Children thrive best when
the adults are able to have a civil, reasonable relationship with each other . . . The degree
of collaboration among the adults in the child’s adoption will serve as input to the process
of adoptive identity development, in that it has to do with the child’s primary
relationships and how those individuals think about and portray adoption to the child”.9
Von Korff & Grotevant, in their study of adolescents and young adults adopted as infants,
find that the frequency of adoption-related conversation in the adoptive family mediates
the association between contact and adoptive identity formation, and conclude with
cautious generality that “the effects of contact on identity may be due in part to the
conversations that adoptive parents have with their children about adoption”.10
Defective identity
As CV and AV are logically contrary positions, if either is correct then the other
cannot be. And, as we have seen, some writers who express an opinion on contact and
identity can be understood to support one or the other. But of course it is possible to be
confused and to make contradictory claims unwittingly. Neil & Howe, as evident in
statements quoted above, appear to advocate CV. Yet they also make a claim that is
definitely consistent with AV: “Even when no contact is planned or possible, children
may be able to successfully manage issues of identity and loss by other means, for
example, if they obtain relevant information about their birth family and can
communicate with their new parents freely about their background”.11 I think that what
may explain why they offer this qualification and so seem to be subscribing to opposing
views highlights a serious problem for those who accept CV.
While acknowledging that contact in some cases can be detrimental to the child’s
psychological development if it hinders placement stability and secure attachments 12,
Neil & Howe argue that the best situation for the child’s identity formation is one where
both sets of parents work well together. They present a picture of the harmonious
relations that birth parents and new parents should strive for, which may strike one as
naïve in downplaying the difficult issues, the complexity of feelings and the possibility of
pretence: 13
. . . ideally children need to integrate their two families with as little tension and
conflict as possible . . . The most helpful way to achieve this is for children to
experience their permanent carers and birth family members working together
amicably and collaboratively . . . For children to see and experience their two
families working together for their good, recognising their respect for each other
and their respective points of view, experiencing them getting along sends
children a powerful message: that they, too, can have good and positive feelings
for both sets of parents, both families . . . Their history is recognised; their birth
family is valued. Children who have a good sense of who they are and where they
are in life tend to feel secure, autobiographically complete and psychologically
whole.14
Neil & Howe strongly promote contact because children need to maintain “family
relationships and a coherent identity” by means of an unbroken or restored acquaintance
with birth parents, and they believe that the absence of contact “poses long-term
developmental risks around issues of loss and identity”.15 Furthermore, contact has to be
of the right kind – both sets of parents looking happy together – in order to forestall the
child’s identity having a negative component. When good feelings about the birth parents
are absent, the question arises: “What will a child think about herself?”.16 Their position
amounts to this: when contact does not occur or when it is less than optimal, the child is
left with an impediment in identity formation, an impediment which cannot be removed,
although its effects can be mitigated by open communication with “sensitive and mind-
minded” parents.17
Now the problem that arises for the proponents of CV is not hard to see. The
conviction that contact with birth parents is necessary for a continuous and complete
identity implies that, as the removal from birth parents causes a rupture in identity
formation, the children in permanent placements who have no contact will have
irrevocably incomplete or incoherent identities. To have an incomplete or incoherent
identity is to have a defective identity. And what naturally follows is serious: to have a
defective identity is to be a defective person.18 Who would not be disquieted by the idea
that the absence of contact makes a person defective? Whether or not consciously
intended by Neil & Howe in reaction to a sense of unease, their AV-consistent
qualification that children can “manage issues of identity and loss by other means” seems
to have the consoling function of attempting to avert the troubling consequence of the
idea that a complete and coherent identity requires contact.
How might those who hold CV deal with the problem of defective identity? One
way would be to insist that, unfortunately, that is the way things are, but sound the alarm
and, like Neil & Howe, try to persuade all those involved to make every effort to establish
contact with birth parents wherever possible in order to minimise the number of children
affected by the lack of contact. Another way would be to doubt the validity of CV just
because it implies that any person who has not had continuing acquaintance with birth
parents during his formative years is defective. Is it plausible that a person is rendered
defective just because, for example, his birth parents died when he was an infant? Such
considerations should undermine a commitment to CV, and suggest that AV would be the
acceptable alternative. But changing sides is not a simple matter because CV and AV are
based on incompatible ideas of identity and identity formation. That is, in order to reject
CV we need to establish that acquaintance with birth parents is not necessary for identity,
and in order to accept AV we need to show how contact can add something of particular
value to identity formation.
Arguments for AV
It is of real importance to find sound reasons to reject CV because it implies a
disparagement of those who grow up without being acquainted with birth parents. The
discussions by the philosophers – and adoptive mothers – Witt19 and Haslanger20 are
instructive. In effect, they argue that CV is mistaken and maintain that contact may still
contribute to personal identity (AV).
Witt challenges the widely held view that “in ideal families the children are
biologically, genetically, related to their parents”, a view that involves not only “the role
and superiority of biology in determining parenthood” but also “the role of biology in
constituting personal identity”.21 She points out that this belief in genetic essentialism,
i.e., “a person’s identity is determined by his or her genetic endowment”, implies that
adopted children without contact with birth parents must suffer a defective identity.22
But, as she argues, genetic essentialism with its concerning implication is wrong because
“to be a person requires self-understanding . . . and self-understanding requires achieving
understanding of oneself in a particular context and set of relations”.23 She explains that
“personal identity, because it requires some degree of self-understanding, is not directly
and simply constituted by any of our properties, whether they are necessary and genetic,
or contingent and social” and that the properties that are “most important to a person’s
self-understanding can vary from person to person”.24 She allows that in order to create a
narrative of the self, the adopted child “may well require knowledge of biological or
genetic origins (as far as these are available)” .25 Moreover: “The issue of family
resemblances raises [a] complex question of personal identity for an adopted child, which
is how to relate to and understand her biological family of origin, some of whose
members she undoubtedly resembles. Curiosity about family resemblances might propel
a child to want contact with her birth family as part of the development of her sense of
self”.26 (More about family resemblances later.)
Witt contends that “to be a person requires self-understanding”27, but then seems
to assume that that is sufficient to make self-understanding a requirement of personal
identity. But does identity include self-understanding? As understanding can be correct
or mistaken, so self-understanding can be correct or mistaken. If personal identity
consists in self-understanding which can be correct or mistaken then it follows that a
person’s identity will thereby be correct or mistaken. But this is odd. While it makes
sense to say that a person can be correct or mistaken about his identity, it doesn’t make
sense to say that his identity itself is correct or mistaken. Thus identity cannot include
self-understanding. And so even if contact were to improve self-understanding, that fact
would have no effect on identity.
Haslanger takes issue with Velleman who strongly advocates CV. Velleman
claims that “knowing one’s relatives and especially one’s parents provides a kind of self-
knowledge that is of irreplaceable value in the life task of identity formation . . . Not
knowing any biological relatives must be like wandering in a world without reflective
surfaces, permanently self-blind”.28 For Haslanger, this “emphasis on biological parents
and siblings is highly exaggerated. We all rely on many sources in our development of
self-understanding, including friends, characters in literature and film, public figures, and
in cases where biological kin are missing, custodial family members”.29 She challenges
the dominant cultural schema of the natural nuclear family that he accepts30, and
concludes that “if we are to avoid harming our children, then rather than enshrining a
schema that most families fail to exemplify and which is used to stigmatize and alienate
families that are (yes!) as good as their biological counterparts, we should instead make
every effort to disrupt the hegemony of the schema”.31
Haslanger does however think that contact can in some cases promote a healthy
identity. In her view, a healthy identity does not require contact or “specific knowledge”
of birth relatives but that because of the dominance of the “natural nuclear family schema,
it is reasonable to provide children with information about or contact with their biological
relations, if and when this becomes an issue in their forming a healthy identity”.32 But
what is a healthy identity? Perhaps a healthy identity is one that is self-enhancing or
socially beneficial and an unhealthy identity is one that is self-damaging or socially
destructive. Or it may also be, as Haslanger suggests, an identity that involves “basic
knowledge of origins . . . that can anchor a meaningful life narrative, and cultural
categories and narratives that are non-oppressive”.33 Haslanger apparently regards the
social stigma of being adopted as possibly contributing to the formation of an unhealthy
identity if it leads to feelings of inferiority, and that contact may diminish the stigma of
being adopted by providing the child with “answers to questions that matter culturally”.34
So, if I understand her correctly, she thinks that a healthy identity at least involves feeling
good about oneself. But this does not seem right. Consider some examples. The mafioso
or the paedophile, despite having an unhealthy, deviant identity, may have high self-
esteem; and the anti-poverty activist or the international aid worker, despite having a
healthy, beneficent identity, may not feel entirely good about himself because his
dedicated work is never enough. And it is hard to see how contact itself could diminish
the felt stigmatic effect of being adopted and not simply confirm or even exacerbate it.
Nevertheless, if contact really does improve a child’s self-esteem then that is a good
thing, but not a possibly good thing, as I will argue, that makes any difference to identity.
In sum, the laudable attempts by Witt and Haslanger to refute the idea that the
child who lacks contact with birth parents has a defective identity are not conclusive
because each makes a claim about identity that is not convincing. Their arguments for
rejecting CV and accepting AV rely on attributing either self-understanding or self-
esteem to personal identity. But their arguments fail because there are reasons to believe
that neither is a feature of identity. If we are to make headway, I believe we have to think
more carefully about the concept of identity itself.
Some definitions of identity
I have been able to find only a few specialists in the field of fostering and
adoption who have attempted to define identity in order to understand what particular
difficulties children in permanent placements are faced with. Let’s consider each
definition:
(a) Personal identity is the result of multiple psychological, social and cultural
influences which combine towards the building of an integrated and unified self.
By personal identity I mean the kind of consciousness we all carry about – “who”
we are and the kind of self-image we have of ourselves. Depending on its quality
and strength, the sense of self gives us a feeling of separateness from others,
distinguishing us from our environment, whilst at the same time enabling us to enter
into daily interactions and relationships with a degree of confidence . . . three areas .
. . which are said to make a big contribution to identity building [are]: (i) a
childhood experience of feeling wanted and loved within a secure environment; (ii)
knowledge about one’s background and personal history; and (iii) the experience of
being perceived by others as a worthwhile person.35
(b) At its most basic, identity is about what we feel about ourselves and how we
think other people see us. How individuals experience and explain themselves and
how they are perceived by the wider society are abstract qualities and therefore
difficult to define. The ultimate aim, though, of the processes described so far [1.
Re-attachment to new parent(s). 2. Integrating in the developing self the knowledge
of being adopted] is that their positive resolution will contribute to the formation of
a strong identity with an increased sense of self worth. [Writers on identity have
suggested that identity is] a self-structure – an internal, self-constructed, dynamic
organisation of drives, abilities, beliefs and individual history . . . [and] ‘a sense of
psychological well-being, a feeling of being at home in one’s body, of knowing
where one is going, an inner assuredness of anticipated recognition from those who
count’ . . . [and some have put forward] the idea of a plural, rather than a single,
identity . . . instead of a single identity, the self is made up of a number of them
such as personal, social, physical, genealogical, racial or ethnic. . . [all of which]
must add up to a coherent whole.36
(c) There are twin aspects to identity. One is how we understand at a cognitive
level who we are (often called self-concept). The other is how we feel about this
self-understanding, which is where the term self-esteem fits in. Though we can
distinguish these two key aspects of identity it is not useful to see them as discrete.
They exist in a dynamic and reflexive relationship, within a social environment.
Self-concept will depend critically on the amount of information that we have about
ourselves, which for those who are adopted will include the amount of information
that is available concerning their original families and background. Where self-
esteem is high, discordant messages can generally be shrugged off or
accommodated. However when messages that conflict significantly with self-
concept persist these are a challenge to self-esteem and may make the achievement
of a satisfying personal identity difficult.37
(d) . . . we have identified three aspects of identity that are particularly
important . . . First, identity refers to self-definition, the set of characteristics by
which one identifies oneself and by which individuals are recognised by others
within a particular social and historical context. Second, it refers to the person’s
subjective sense of coherence of personality or how the various aspects of one’s
identity fit together. Third, identity refers to one’s sense of continuity over time,
linking past, present and future and, across place, linking multiple contexts and
relationships . . . Identity connects personality, subjective awareness, relationships,
and external context. Thus, the essence of identity is self-in-context.38
Reading these definitions together may well produce more confusion than clarity. But do
any of them provide what we need? A definition of personal identity should be neither
vague nor diffuse. It should not leave out anything crucial nor should it include just about
anything that can be said about the person – there has to be a limit to the characteristics of
the person that pertain to personal identity. I think that any difficulty in understanding
definitions (a) – (d) is due to the indefinite scope of “self-image” and “self-concept” as
well as to the attempt to make identity comprehensive: because identity is important the
authors of these definitions seem to feel that it must encompass as much as possible, as if
importance were a matter of size.
Self-esteem is often taken to be a feature of identity, which is indicated in the
some of the definitions above. As I have already argued when discussing Haslanger, this
is a mistake, but there is more to consider. Self-esteem is a mental state that consists in
thinking and feeling good about oneself, feeling either one is a good person or good at
something or simply good at looking good. But specific feelings of confidence,
competence or self-worth can change rapidly and frequently and can vary in intensity. If
someone feels good about himself – confident and optimistic – on Monday but then bad
about himself – discouraged and pessimistic – on Wednesday, it would not make sense to
infer that his identity changed in two days just because his self-esteem did. Moreover,
when we say that someone has either excessively high or excessively low self-esteem, we
imply that such self-esteem is unwarranted by how the person is, or what the person has
done or could do. So, definitions (a), (b) and (c) are flawed because they claim that how
one feels about oneself forms part of identity.
Definition (d) makes a different mistake by confusing personal identity with being
a person. The capacity to find meaning and gain self-understanding is an aspect of being
a person rather than a feature of personal identity. Similarly, it is not identity as such but
indeed the person that is a “self-in-context”, however we construe that notion. It is a
truism that every person has a personality and that personalities vary considerably from
person to person. But identity does not include all of an individual’s characteristics and
personal style. And not everything that identifies an individual is a function of identity.
The police officer’s uniform, the Sikh’s turban, the Muslim’s hijab and the Goth’s black
clothing demonstrate identity, but wearing trainers most days because they are
comfortable footwear does not have to indicate more than that. It would be very strange
to accept that merely liking chocolate or preferring red wine to white was an aspect of a
person’s identity. And it would be ridiculous to infer that the change from being a fan of
British costume dramas on TV to avidly watching Scandinavian crime series was
tantamount to a change in the person’s identity. But it would be hard to doubt that
someone’s increasing concern about global warming that leads to a critical study of the
scientific evidence, to an involving membership of a national environmental protection
organisation and to a sustained participation in the activities of a local volunteer group
amounted to a new identity. So it is certainly the case that some personal characteristics
are a function of my identity such that a change in them is a change that affects my
identity. But it is also the case that some of my preferences and habits are not related to
my identity, for if any of them change my identity remains the same.
These definitions make the general point that identity is more than one thing,
which seems to accord with what we are inclined to think about identity. However, as
definitions they are all unsatisfactory and also unhelpful inasmuch as they do not seem to
provide the means to resolve the outstanding problem presented by the opposition
between CV and AV, which is to determine the place that personal relationships have in
identity and identity formation. We need a clear definition of identity that properly
captures its complexity.
Identity as twofold
I think that a promising starting point for a definition is provided by a simple
observation: a person has an identity both by being a separate individual and by
belonging to a group or groups. So one aspect of personal identity is that which
distinguishes a particular person from all other persons, identifying him as the unique
human being he is; and the other aspect of personal identity is that which defines the life
he leads, involving the social affiliations that shape his attitudes and activities. Thus, as I
want to argue, a person’s identity is twofold, both singular and associative.39
Identity as singular. Determining a person’s identity usually involves taking account of
certain facts that pick out the person uniquely as one among many. And when we talk
about someone’s identity we sometimes just mention the facts that identify an individual
person. A person’s name, date and place of birth, parents’ names, sex, race, nationality,
DNA, marital status are facts that often define that person’s identity for certain purposes.
Knowing these facts certainly forms part of knowing who one is. We expect children to
begin to acquire knowledge of their identity in this sense as soon as they are old enough,
and we normally expect that people can give an account of their lives, of how they got to
where they are now, i.e., where they have lived, who raised them, the significant
relationships they have had (e.g. partners, relatives, friends), the schools they have
attended, the jobs they have had, and so on. Being in possession of the basic facts or
providing supporting evidence is enough to satisfy many demands to establish who one
is, and often giving only one’s name is enough to prove one’s identity. It is the kind of
identity we mean when we say that someone’s identity has been stolen and used for
fraudulent purposes; and it is the primary identity that we say a person can lose
knowledge of when he has a certain form of amnesia. Now there are some facts about a
person, e.g., being male, being able-bodied, that are an intrinsic part of his identity
because they make up the particular human being he is. But there are other identifying
facts about a person, e.g., where he was on a certain day, the number of people in his
social circle, which are extrinsic and therefore not part of his identity. That is why to
have both legs amputated changes one’s identity, but to lose two friends does not.
Identity as associative. Determining a person’s identity also involves making explicit
the interests, principles, values, and ideals according to which he leads his life, and so
naming the social categories to which he belongs .40 Examples of social categories that
constitute identity are: having a sexual orientation, having an ethnic, cultural or national
allegiance, living according to religious tenets or none, being a farmer, tradesman,
political activist, homemaker, scientist, educator, conservationist, athlete, soldier,
businesswoman, artist. According to Williams: “An identity in this sense is something
that a person has individually, but it is something that is essentially shared: it is a group
identity . . . People who think of themselves in such terms think of their affiliation, their
relations to the group, as representing in some sense what they really are, and they might
indeed say what they essentially are”.41 He points out that this shared identity is not
created by my simply deciding to belong to a social category, but the belonging is also to
a degree a function of something I discover about myself, which I feel I essentially am.
As this identity develops, as it is cultivated, so it shapes one’s life: “To form an identity,
the social category has to be rich enough to permeate and affect many of the most
important aspects of life – at the limit, to form the structure of a whole way of life”.42 A
social category then will form part of a person’s identity to the extent that it gives rise to,
affects and explains the person’s thoughts, feelings and activities. And just as the things
one values vary in intensity and importance so the social categories to which one belongs
will vary more or less as defining aspects of one’s identity.43 Nevertheless, not every
group to which a person belongs will form part of his identity, for groups in which he
participates can be temporary, casual or shallow.44
As identity is both singular and associative so a specific question about my
identity will be answered differently depending on the context. Sometimes the question
will be answered satisfactorily either by referring to any of the facts that uniquely identify
me, that pick me out from the crowd, that prove I am who I say I am, or by describing my
interests, values and activities relating to a social category (or the categories) to which I
belong. At other times the question will be answered best by my providing both sorts of
information together as in, for example, a job interview.
Singular identity and associative identity come about in different ways. Whereas
singular identity is there from the start, from birth, associative identity develops only
later, emerging in adolescence and normally formed and settled, but not rigidly, in
adulthood. And as associative identity develops so it includes preferences, values and
interests that will affect one’s attitude to aspects of singular identity. Indeed some social
categories that inform associative identity are continuous with social categories that are
present from the beginning. Although sex, race, nationality and (often) religion are
primary “givens” in identity, 45 the person has to embrace them if they are to form the
relevant defining social categories in associative identity. Of course they may not always
be embraced and they are not all immutable features of identity. A person cannot change
the fact that he was born in a certain country but he could renounce his nationality or
indeed lose it. He cannot change the fact that he was born male but he could by a process
of gender reassignment become a woman. He cannot change the fact that he was raised
in a particular faith but it is possible that he could adopt another or become an atheist. It
seems that the connections between singular identity and associative identity are variable
and complex. And as associative identity develops the primary social categories will be
accepted or altered in one way or another.
Persons and identity
Now that we have the definition of identity as both singular and associative we can
try to clarify how people and relationships bear on identity by considering three aspects.
First, a salient identifying fact about a person is the biological tie with those who
brought him into the world. As there is a general expectation that a person knows who his
birth parents are, anyone who lacks knowledge of his biological roots (in our culture) is
disadvantaged and may be stigmatised.46 But where does the deficiency lie? The person
who does not know the identity of one or both of his birth parents does not know some facts
about his singular identity but, although his knowledge is deficient, his identity cannot be. It
makes no sense to say that a person’s singular identity is either defective or well-formed.
Second, personal relationships can play a large, even indispensable, part in the
development of identity, but it is not the biological tie as such that makes the difference.
Taylor observes that “our identities are formed in dialogue with others, in agreement or
struggle with their recognition of us”.47 That is, it is our associative identities that are
shaped through personal relationships as we come to establish our commitments and values
that are manifested in the social categories by which we lead our lives. Some relationships
may influence the associative identity a person forms and certain relationships will be made
as a result of the associative identity a person forms. A relationship that is close, that has a
commitment of intimacy, or a relationship upon which one is dependent, is of course
undeniably important to the person who has it; but not everything that is important to the
person defines identity. While such relationships are a critical factor in the creation and
perhaps the maintaining of an associative identity, they are not by virtue of that fact a part of
identity itself.
Third, it is notable that persons may figure in associative identity. For example: the
Christian whose life is governed by contemplation of the life of Jesus; the enthusiastic
devotee (e.g., the fan of Elvis or Michael Jackson) who has an imitative fascination with the
public image, the attitudinal style, of a famous person; the civil rights activist who finds
support and constant inspiration in the words and life of prominent leaders (e.g., Martin
Luther King, Nelson Mandela); the music lover or the bookworm, the Wagnerian or the
Dickensian, whose enduring passion for the works of the composer or the novelist compels a
further preoccupation with the personality and life of the artist; the parent whose devotion to
his children amounts to an identification with them, perhaps living vicariously through
them; the dedicated full-time carer of a loved one in need of constant support. There are
many differences among these but what they have in common is that the person who “fills”
one’s life does so as a function of a set of principles, values and aims that form a social
category. It is the social category that has primacy in associative identity.
Belonging
Having considered the ways in which persons and personal relationships are relevant
to identity, we have arrived at the conclusion that a person or personal relationship does not
of itself form identity. And it follows that mere acquaintance with birth parents cannot
contribute to identity. But one might immediately object that this conclusion is not
compatible with the idea that a child, no matter by whom he is reared, still belongs to, and
thereby derives identity from, the birth family. Some advocates of contact take it for
granted that as the child in a permanent placement is a member of two families he should be
acquainted with birth parents as much as is reasonable and safely possible – after all, being a
member of a group normally means participating in the group. Schofield & Beek say that
children, especially those who are “late placed”, have to “think through and accept the
membership of two families” and that contact “holds the potential to assist children in
managing their dual family identities”.48 Bond says: ‘The notion that children need a “clean
break” with their past has been replaced with an awareness that “openness” towards the
concept of children being part of two families is beneficial to children’s welfare,
development and sense of identity’.49 While acknowledging that birth parents have to adjust
to being neither the legal nor the psychological parent to the adopted child, Neil et al
maintain that the adopted child is a member of two families and that “it is healthiest for the
child if both adoptive parents and birth parents can recognise and support the child’s
membership of both families”.50
As the kind of belonging the adopted child has to the birth family is neither legal nor
psychological (i.e. not being reared by them) but only biological, it is pertinent to ask what it
means to support the child’s membership of two families. If it doesn’t mean that the
biological tie itself provides sufficient reason for the promotion of a continuing acquaintance
with birth parents (assuming that contact is safe and reasonable), then perhaps more is
contained in the claim that the child has “dual family identities” than is conveyed by the
external description of belonging as legal, biological, and psychological (being reared by).
What seems to give the claim its particular force is the implied reference to the internal state
of the child, that is, the feelings the child should have about where and to whom he belongs.
And the unspoken reasoning may go something like this: the child has a biological tie to the
birth parents; the birth parents are therefore important to the child as a source of identity;
and so the child must have a sense of belonging to them. But is the sense of belonging
determined by the biological tie? Rather, what we do know is that the sense of belonging
that adopted persons have to the birth family (if they have it at all) varies between
individuals and may well vary in an individual over time. And we cannot ignore the fact
that it is not so very rare for a person to disown biological kin for a time or permanently.
Family resemblance
There are largely unavoidable questions about, and experiences of, family
resemblance. Doesn’t the experience of family resemblance tend to make concrete the
feeling of belonging and identity? Velleman goes so far to contend that family
resemblances are virtually indispensable not only for self-knowledge but also for providing
guidance, positive or negative, for becoming and defining the sort of person one is.51
However, as Haslanger and Witt argue, his position on family resemblances is not
persuasive because it gives too much prominence to inherited commonalities and because
family resemblances need not have a biological basis. Haslanger points out that biological
parents are often only one influential source for development among many and that
“judgments of similarity” are not always reliable: “Myths of commonality run rampant in
families”.52 Witt believes that family resemblances, contrary to the dominant biological
view, do not all have a genetic basis – some are transmitted through the genes but others are
transmitted through family relationships – and that “family resemblances which are heritable
via the gene are just one ingredient in a child’s self-understanding; many important family
resemblances are passed on in other ways”.53
Witt claims that family resemblances pose a problem of identity for the adopted
child, that is, working out “how to relate to and understand” the birth family.54 Relating to
and understanding the birth family may be a problem for the adopted child but I do not agree
that it is a problem of identity. Still, I do think that family resemblances have something to
do with assessment and self-esteem. The significance a family resemblance has for the
person carrying the resemblance greatly depends upon how he views the person he takes
after. That is, the attitude to the resemblance will often reflect the attitude, whether
favourable or unfavourable, to the person resembled. There is a huge difference between
taking after a family member one loves or admires and taking after a family member one
dislikes or despises. For a person to welcome a family resemblance – genetically based or
otherwise – normally implies, to some degree, a positive attitude towards the person he
resembles. Similarly, a family resemblance may be found intolerable because the
resemblance is to a family member one finds acutely disagreeable. And the realisation that
one resembles in some respect a family member one recoils from would likely compel one
to try to alter or minimise the resemblance. A child’s need to find out who he looks like or
resembles in other ways is a function of the need to know what to think and feel about
himself, whether to be pleased with or find merit in some particular characteristics, and
whether those characteristics are pleasing to those he wants to please.
Caring
When considering family resemblance, the crucial thing to keep in mind is that for
all of us what affects the significance of relationships and belonging to a family is the
inescapable problem of assessing what kind of people the family members are, the kind of
relationship one has with them, whether they ought to be cared about and, if they should be
cared about, how much should they be cared about. It is undeniable that my birth parents
are important to me just because I would not exist without them. That is one kind of
importance, and it may be the kind of importance that may matter to me a lot or not at all. It
is natural to assume that the child who has parents who are at least good enough will love
them and, as he loves them, will care about them to the extent that his level of maturity
allows. But should the child who has been adopted or permanently fostered because of
severe maltreatment by birth parents care about them? Perhaps birth parents may be cared
about to some degree just because they brought one into the world but, equally, they may
not be cared about at all – and there may be good reasons why caring about them is minimal
or absent. Whether birth parents are worth caring about is a problem for the child in a
permanent placement whose birth parents are responsible for severe abuse and neglect, a
problem made even more difficult in the face of the pressing cultural expectations about
caring for one’s biological kin.
Caring permeates our lives just as belonging and the feeling of belonging do.
Frankfurt makes the point that the question of what to care about is a “fundamental
preoccupation of human existence”.55 It is plainly the case that personal relationships are
among the things that matter to us most, the things that we most care about. Undoubtedly,
the prospect and the achievement of mutually caring relationships, and of an especially
intimate personal relationship, is a basic preoccupation. The claim that, if possible and safe
etc., the child should have a continuing acquaintance with birth parents and family because
he is a member of two families or has a dual family identity begs essential questions that are
perhaps seldom made explicit: Who matters to me, and how much do they matter?, Who do
I care about?, If I do care about them, should I care about them?, And if so, how much
should I care? Who matters and who to care about are questions at the heart of growing up,
and judging with whom one can have or should have a mutually caring relationship involves
a process of discerning who is worthwhile. These are questions whose answers are always
subject to revision. Ascribing a dual family identity to a child wrongly implies that the
questions need not arise because their answers are settled.
Conclusion
I have argued that the identity of the adopted or permanently fostered child does not
require contact with birth parents because identity neither consists in personal relationships
per se nor is improved by mere personal acquaintance, regardless of a biological link. The
definition of identity as twofold, singular and associative, shows that the alternative views
on how contact contributes to identity, as either essential (CV) or additive (AV), are wrong.
It is therefore also a mistake to posit adoptive identity as a distinct kind of personal identity,
a mistake compounded by some leading researchers who maintain that adoptive identity can
be divided into subgroups or patterns.56 This mistake seems to issue from first using
“adoptive identity” as shorthand for the adopted person’s attitudes to being adopted, to the
birth family and to the adoptive family.
We should not arrange contact for the sake of the child’s identity, although it may of
course serve other purposes, provided we appreciate the risk of secondary harm when
contact is mendacious.57 A single face-to-face meeting or a few may be effective in
satisfying an acute curiosity about birth parents. And in some cases one or more meetings,
properly prepared for and professionally conducted, involving the birth parent’s sincere
acknowledgement of maltreatment, can provide the opportunity for reparative work that aids
the child’s development.58
Contact does not always have to promote a relationship with one birth relative or
another, for limited contact can sometimes be effective in helping to wean a child, carefully
and sensitively, from a relationship, or it can retain a link that may be useful in later years.
But we need to be aware that, the apparent wish to know what the birth parents are really
like may flow from wondering about how one’s life would have turned out if the birth
parents and their circumstances had been different in one way or another. This wondering
points to the consideration that should be relevant in many decisions about contact.
That is, the adopted or permanently fostered child who has been compulsorily
removed from birth parents often needs help to come to terms with the experience of early
trauma, abuse and neglect. Accordingly, if possible, the child or young person should be
closely guided and supported in the difficult and often painful process of exploring the early
history of maltreatment in detail and helped to gain adequate knowledge of the character and
behaviour of birth parents so as to arrive eventually at a reasoned assessment of them as
parents, as persons. Such an assessment will naturally and indispensably inform the task of
determining whether birth parents should be cared about at all, and if they should be cared
about, how much they should be cared about.
The practice of arranging contact with birth parents, birth siblings and other relatives
for the sake of the child’s identity is undermined by the prevalent errors and confusions
about identity. The idea that relationships based on the biological tie must have a particular
significance for the child’s identity is mistaken. The vital concerns of who should be cared
about and who really matters are persistent, open and not fixed by the biological tie itself.
Notes
1. R. Harris & C. Lindsey, ‘How professionals think about contact between children
and their birth parents’, Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 7, 2 (2002): 147-
161, p. 152.
2. P. Adams, Planning for contact in permanent placements (London: BAAF, 2012),
p. 12.
3. Ibid p. 65.
4. H. Bond, 10 top tips for managing contact (London: BAAF, 2007), p. 34.
5. C. Macaskill, Safe contact?: Children in permanent placement and contact with their
birth relatives. Lyme Regis: Russell House Publishing, 2002, p. 145.
6. E. Neil, E. & D. Howe (eds.), Contact in adoption and permanent foster care:
Research, theory and practice, (London: BAAF, 2004), p. 1 & p. 229.
7. Harris & Lindsay op. cit. p. 153.
8. D. Brodzinsky, ‘Reconceptualizing openness in adoption: Implications for theory,
research, and practice’ in D. Brodzinsky & J. Palacios (eds.), Psychological issues in
adoption: Research and practice, (Westport, Connecticut and London: Praeger,
2005), pp. 149, 152.
9. H. Grotevant, N. Dunbar, J. Kohler & A. Lash Esau, ‘Adoptive identity: How
contexts within and beyond the family shape developmental pathways’ in R. Javier,
A. Baden, F. Biafora & A. Camacho-Gingerich Handbook of adoption: Implications
for researchers, practitioners and families, (Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2007), p. 84.
10. L. Von Korff & H. Grotevant, ‘Contact in adoption and adoptive identity formation:
The mediating role of family conversation’, Journal of Family Psychology, 25, 3
(2011): 393-401, p. 399.
11. Neil & Howe op.cit. p. 242.
12. Ibid p. 224.
13. Cf. A. L. Allen, ‘Open adoption is not for everyone’ in S. Haslanger & C. Witt
(eds.) Adoption matters: Philosophical and feminist essays, (Ithaca and London:
Cornell University Press, 2005), pp. 47-67.
14. Neil & Howe op.cit. pp. 237-8.
15. Ibid pp. 229, 237
16. Ibid p. 252.
17. Ibid p. 239.
18. Cf. C. Witt, ‘Family resemblances: Adoption, personal identity, and genetic
essentialism’ in S. Haslanger, S. & C. Witt (eds.) op. cit. pp. 135-145.
19. Ibid
20. S. Haslanger, ‘Family, ancestry and self: What is the moral significance of
biological ties?’, Adoption & Culture, 2, 1 (2009): 91-122.
21. Witt op. cit. pp. 135, 137.
22. Ibid p. 137.
23. Ibid p. 138.
24. Ibid p. 141.
25. Ibid p. 141.
26. Ibid p. 143.
27. Ibid p. 138.
28. J. D. Velleman, ‘Family history’, Philosophical Papers, 34, 3 (2005): 357-78, pp.
357, 368.
29. Haslanger op. cit. pp. 102-3.
30. Velleman admits to endorsing the view that: “First comes love, then comes
marriage, and then the proverbial baby carriage.” op. cit. p. 370.
31. Haslanger op. cit. p. 115.
32. Ibid pp. 114-5.
33. Ibid p. 101.
34. Ibid p. 113.
35. J.Triseliotis, ‘Identity and security in adoption and long-term fostering’, Early Child
Development and Care, 15 (1984): 149-170, p. 151.
36. J. Triseliotis, ‘Identity-formation and the adopted person revisited’ in A. Treacher,
& I. Katz, The dynamics of adoption, (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 2000),
pp. 82, 89-90.
37. M. Ryburn, ‘Adopted children’s identity and information needs’, Children &
Society, 9, 3 (1995): 41-64, p. 41.
38. H. Grotevant, n. Dunbar, j. Kohler, & a. Lash Esau, ‘Adoptive identity: How
contexts within and beyond the family shape developmental pathways’, in
R.Javier, A. Baden, F. Biafora. & A. Camacho-Gingerich, Handbook of adoption:
Implications for researchers, practitioners and families, (Thousand Oaks: Sage,
2007), p. 79. There is an earlier version in: H. Grotevant, ‘Coming to terms with
adoption: The construction of identity from adolescence into adulthood’, Adoption
Quarterly, 1, 1 (1997): 3-27, p. 5.
39. My aim is to describe our ordinary concept of identity, and to provide a definition
that professionals in the field of adoption and fostering would find convincing and
helpful. For a summary of the varied philosophical attempts to arrive at a
definition that would be immune to all possible objections, see: Eric T. Olson,
‘Personal Identity’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2016),
Edward N. Zalta (ed.), URL = <http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2016/entries/identity-personal/>.
40. M. Hogg & D. Abrams, Social identifications: A social psychology of intergroup
relations and group processes, (London: Routledge, 1988)
41. B. Williams, Truth and truthfulness: An essay in genealogy. (New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 2002), p. 201.
42. Ibid p.202.
43. B. Williams, ‘Identity and identities’, in B. Williams, Philosophy as a humanistic
discipline, A. W. Moore (ed.), (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press,
2006), p. 63.
44. Pace M. Hogg & D. Abrams op. cit. p. 2.
45. H. Grotevant, ‘Coming to terms with adoption: The construction of identity from
adolescence into adulthood’, Adoption Quarterly, 1, 1: 3-27, 1997.
46. Haslanger op. cit. p. 113.
47. C. Taylor, The ethics of authenticity, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1991), pp. 45-6.
48. G. Schofield & M. Beek, Attachment handbook for foster care and adoption,
(London: BAAF, 2006), p. 394.
49. Bond op. cit. pp. 5-6.
50. Neil op. cit. p. 107. They are in agreement with Brodzinsky op. cit.
51. Velleman op. cit. pp. 377-78.
52. Haslanger op. cit. p. 103.
53. Witt op. cit. p. 143.
54. Ibid.
55. H. G. Frankfurt, The importance of what we care about: Philosophical essays,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 80.
56. Grotevant et al op. cit. Also: E. Neil, M. Beek, & E. Ward, Contact after adoption:
A follow up in late adolescence, http://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/contact-after-
adoption-longitudinal-follow-late-adolescence, 2013.
57. L. Loxterkamp, ‘Contact and truth: The unfolding predicament in adoption and
fostering’, Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 14, 3: 423-35, 2009.
58. L. Sydney, E. Price & Adoptionplus, Facilitating meaningful contact in adoption
and fostering: A trauma-informed approach to planning, assessing and good
practice, (London and Philadelphia: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 2014)