ORI GIN AL PA PER

Maritime Archaeology and Trans-Oceanic Trade:A Case Study of the Oranjemund Shipwreck Cargo,Namibia

Shadreck Chirikure • Ashton Sinamai • Esther Goagoses •

Marina Mubusisi • W. Ndoro

� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Abstract Routine sand dredging for alluvial diamonds at Oranjemund on the southern

coast of Namibia exposed remnants of a long forgotten Portuguese merchant ship believed

to have wrecked in the 1530s. The rescue excavations yielded over 40 tons of cargo

consisting of thousands of gold and silver coins, tons of copper and lead ingots, and large

quantities of ivory together with food refuse, part of personal possessions and the super-

structure of the ship. This paper discusses the cargo from the shipwreck. The varying

provenances show that overland inter-and intra-regional networks fed into the maritime

trade between Europe and the Indian sub-continent. As such, the wreck is a lens through

which we can view what was happening on the seas as well as on land. Finally we consider

wider issues raised by this discovery relating to the protection and management of such

material wherever it may be found in future.

Keywords Maritime archaeology � Namibia � Oranjemund � Portuguese shipwreck �Nau � Trans-oceanic trade

S. Chirikure (&)Department of Archaeology, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africae-mail: shadreck.chirikure@uct.ac.za

A. Sinamai � E. GoagosesNational Museum, Windhoek, Namibiae-mail: asinamai@yahoo.co.uk

E. Goagosese-mail: goagoses@hotmail.com

M. MubusisiMinistry of Youth, National Service, Sport and Culture, Windhoek, Namibiae-mail: nmubusisi@yahoo.co.uk

W. NdoroAfrican World Heritage Fund, Midrand, Johannesburg, South Africae-mail: wndoro@hotmail.com

123

J Mari ArchDOI 10.1007/s11457-010-9059-9

Introduction

Oranjemund is a small Namibian mining town on the Atlantic coast near the mouth of the

Orange River on the southern border with South Africa (Fig. 1). The area in which the

town is located forms part of the three thousand square kilometre Sperrgerbeit, a forbidden

zone which runs along Namibia’s southern shoreline. This controlled access area has been

the focus of alluvial diamond mining for over a century. Oranjemund is controlled by

NAMDEB, a joint venture company between the Namibian government and De Beers

Company. Access to the town is only given to permit holders.

The Oranjemund shipwreck was fortuitously discovered during routine sand dredging in

NAMDEB’s Mining Area 1 (U60X). The shipwreck site is located approximately 18 km

north of the Orange River mouth. During alluvial diamond mining, NAMDEB reclaims the

seabed by building large sand walls to keep the sea at bay (Fig. 2). These walls are close to

twenty metres high and cost large amounts of money to maintain. After keeping the violent

waters away, NAMDEB miners then dredge the sand for processing to recover the dia-

monds. During one such mining episode, diamond miners noticed several artefacts (wood,

copper ingots and 2 canons) lying on the seabed (Noli 2009). These were unusual in the

history of diamond mining in the area and were certainly not part of what the miners were

looking for (Noli 2009). More artefacts were encountered nearby and these include the

following: ‘‘32 elephant tusks, 5 anchors, lead sheeting, 3 bronze swivel guns, wood, tin

ingots, as well as smaller artefacts like the charting compasses, as well as a brass mortar

and pestle’’ (Noli 2009). Together, these discoveries prompted NAMDEB to consult with

heritage authorities in Windhoek, the capital of Namibia. Furthermore, the company hired

the services of an archaeologist (Dieter Noli) who carried out the initial excavations at the

Fig. 1 Map of Namibia showing the location of Oranjemund

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site in April 2008. Due to the international significance of the shipwreck, the government

appointed a heritage expert, Webber Ndoro of the African World Heritage Fund as project

manager. In addition to Dieter Noli, the government brought in additional archaeologists

Bruno Werz, Ashton Sinamai and the highly experienced Portuguese experts, Francesco

Alves and Miguel Alleluia. NAMDEB provided logistical support for the excavation. The

excavation yielded not only one of the oldest known shipwrecks in sub-Saharan Africa, but

also a spectacular cargo consisting of tons of commodities destined for the Orient.

Excavation of the Shipwreck

This coastal region of Namibia is known as the Skeleton Coast, which is characterized by

the violent north bearing Benguela Currents. These currents are known to have caused

many shipwrecks along the Skeleton Coast of Namibia in recent history. Because the

Oranjemund shipwreck lay on a craggy seabed (Fig. 2), it is possible that some 500 years

ago, the powerful currents which are frequent in the area would have driven the ship to the

rocks that became its nemesis.

The initial excavation of the shipwreck was carried out by the archaeologist Dieter Noli

with the assistance of Bruno Werz and unskilled labour from the mine in April 2008. The

site was covered with sand which was removed using trowels and buckets (Noli 2009).

Some loose finds were found in this sandy matrix. Beneath this sandy layer was a large

mass of iron concretions that cemented together some of the artefacts. A decision was

made by the archaeologists to close the site by placing cobblestones on top of the unfin-

ished excavation.

That excavation drew international attention to Oranjemund as it produced a huge

amount of Portuguese and Spanish gold coins, Portuguese silver coins as well as more than

13 tons of copper ingots (Gwasira and Kambombo 2008). The inscriptions on the coins and

other evidence indicated that the Oranjemund shipwreck was perhaps one of the oldest

Fig. 2 Photograph showing the craggy seabed where the shipwreck was lying and the massive sand wallerected by NAMDEB to keep the sea at bay during alluvial diamond mining

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known shipwrecks of the Iberian Atlantic tradition in sub-Saharan Africa (Noli 2009; Werz

2009; Francesco Alves, pers comm.). Previously, the only other known African shipwreck

of this type was the St Antonio de Tanna a Portuguese frigate which was recovered in 1967

at Mombassa port after being sunk by the Omani Arabs in 1697 (Alves 1998: 79). The

national and international significance of the shipwreck prompted the government of

Namibia to fund the excavation of the remainder of the site with NAMDEB’s support.

After wide consultations by the government, excavations were restarted in September

2008 (Report 1st Stakeholders Meeting 2009). The excavation team was comprised of

terrestrial and marine archaeologists from Namibia, Portugal, Spain, South Africa, and

Zimbabwe. The second excavation began with the removal of the over burden that had

been used to cover the site in April 2008. This process was made difficult by the method

used to backfill the site after the initial excavation. Usually backfilling a site would involve

putting an artificial layer (e.g. plastic sheets) to separate the backfill from the archaeo-

logical layers. In the case of the shipwreck site, the backfill was put directly onto the

archaeological remains, which made it difficult to remove the overburden without dam-

aging the site and the artefacts below. With much difficulty the site was totally exposed and

excavations began. Three distinctive areas were identified after the total exposure of the

site and these were Structures 1, 2 and 3. These structures mainly consisted of concretions.

Other minor areas of importance were named Southern Deposits and Debris Field

(Spillage Area) (Werz 2009). The Southern Deposits had no stratification because the

artefacts were spread by wave action and the Debris Field was a scatter of artefacts on the

bedrock to the north and west of the wreck (Werz 2009). Structures 1–3 were covered by a

layer of copper ingots in concretions which after exposure, were seen to extend to the

Southern Deposits. After removing loose finds, attention was turned to the concretions.

These concretions were extremely hard and difficult to excavate using the conventional

tools such as trowels and small picks. As such, recourse was made to industrial equipment

like jack hammers, angle grinders and industrial cutters to remove them. The areas with the

wooden superstructure of the ship were, however, hand excavated. Admittedly, this was as

expected, notoriously difficult. However, the concretions and the abundance of copper had

a beneficial effect in that it sterilized the sea environment which led to the remarkable

preservation of organic finds. Furthermore, had it not been for the concretions, more

artefacts would have been widely dispersed by the violent waves characteristic of the

Skeleton Coast.

During the excavation process, some first-aid conservation was administered to the

finds. For example, the wood was wrapped in cling film and was watered on a regular basis.

After its removal, it was stored in water tanks. Other smaller objects were also immersed in

water baths pending desalination and other conservation interventions. After the comple-

tion of the excavation, it became clear that the ship, identified as a Portuguese nau, was

very large given the size of some of the planks and the quantity of the cargo that it was

carrying. An artefact audit carried after the excavation was finished established that there

was close to forty tons of cargo.

The Cargo of the Ship

Shipwrecks are often sudden and accidental time capsules that illuminate a variety of

issues concerned with mankind. The cargoes narrate the story about the sailors, voyages of

trade, and the provenance of the cargo reveal the networks of exchange and distribution

that directly or indirectly existed between regions (Law 1986; Hamilton 1997; Caple

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2006). Therefore, the remnants of the ship, the copper ingots, the elephant tusks, the

cannons, the gold and silver coins and rosary beads found at Oranjemund contain infor-

mation on technology, shipbuilding, armaments, monetary systems as well as social and

belief systems of the sailors. Unlike other shipwrecks recovered in other parts of the world,

no identifiable human remains were found at Oranjemund. This is hardly surprising given

that the ship floundered only 200 m from the beach. As such, it is possible many people on

board survived.

Copper Ingots

Although the Portuguese were interested in spices from the Orient, they had to supply

commodities that were in demand in that part of the world for them to maximize their profit

(Chalmin 1987). Such commodities include the vast quantities of copper ingots found at

Oranjemund (Fig. 3). The total weight of the ingots was close to eighteen tons and thus

formed the most bulky part of the cargo. Typological studies revealed that the ingots were

made in varying sizes; small, medium and large (Gwasira and Kambombo 2008). Mac-

roscopic examinations of the ingots suggest that they were cast as a one-off event as there

are no layers consistent with the repeated pouring of metal into a mould. Some of the

copper ingots have a visible trident seal similar to the Fugger family crest—a prominent

merchant and banking family from Augsburg, Germany (Fig. 4). Together with others such

as the Welser family, the Fuggers are known to have supplied merchandise that formed

part of the commercial artery of the Portuguese crown (Streider 2001; Chalmin 1987).

Although coming in various sizes, most of the ingots were plano-convex or half-moon

shaped except in cases where centuries of immersion in sea water had eroded some of the

metal leaving an irregular lump. The weight of the ingots varies from just under a kilogram

for the poorly eroded ones to 22 kg for the heaviest and largest ones. Of the complete

ingots, the smallest had diameters ranging between twelve and fifteen centimetres while

Fig. 3 Photograph showing plano-convex copper ingots laid on pallets in the storeroom

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the largest ones ranged between 16 and 22 cm. These differences notwithstanding, how-

ever, the ingots are fairly standardized suggesting the use of uniform moulds for casting.

There are numerous ingots which are plano-convex but have a tongue of metal folded

back over the curved surface (Fig. 4). Here, it seems that after casting, the ingot was laid

on an anvil with the flat surface down. It was then subsequently hammered on one side of

the curved surface creating a long and thin sheet of metal which was then folded back onto

the curved surface. Most of the time, trident seals were impressed on this folded tongue

(Fig. 4). Presumably, this was an exercise in quality control designed to make sure that the

metal was ductile and malleable and thus of good quality.

Typologically, there seems to be three types of marks on the ingots, the first being a

single circle with a trident inside. The second one also has a single circle enclosing the

trident mark but it is different from the first because it has a tiny circle on the shoulder of

the mark. The third one has double concentric circles and a trident with a tiny circle on the

shoulder. Perhaps, these seals belonged to the same company but it is not clear whether

these differences have chronological implications. Much of the copper was traded at the

main markets such as Nuremberg or Aachen in Germany although the metal probably came

from elsewhere (Herbert 1984). The Fuggers are also known to have had joint operations

with the Thurzo family of Poland. As such it may be tempting to speculate that these seals

may have evolved after this union. Only further research can shed more light on this.

Sometimes, there were tensions between the protestant metal producing countries in the

north and east of Germany, and the Hapsburg Empire in the south which impacted on trade

relationships; but then, there were substantial metal producers within the Hapsburg Empire

too, not least Schwaz in modern-day Austria or much of the (greater) Hungarian lands

(Herbert 1984: 131; Thilo Rehren pers comm.). These are all potential sources of the

Oranjemund copper. Therefore, provenance studies of the copper using methods such as

Fig. 4 Fugger seals stamped on the tongue of a plano-convex ingot

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trace element analysis are highly significant in illuminating the production and distribution

of metal in Central Europe and in the world (Pollard et al. 2007). Exploratory chemical

analyses carried out using a Portable XRF machine revealed that the ingots contained

between 95 wt% and 98 wt% copper and 2 and 5 wt% lead. The lead would have been

necessary to aid the casting since the casting of pure copper is often difficult (Thilo Rehren

pers comm.)

On another level, the seals were an important trademark that stopped people from

selling fakes and sub-standard materials. An examination of the material and cognitive

properties of sealing practices in Europe and Mesopotamia has shown that seals were

important in quality control, denoting ownership, and verifying authenticity of mass-pro-

duced goods (Wengrow 2008). Quality control and branding were important because there

are numerous cases in European metals trade history where metal producers would put lead

in the middle of a copper ingot to inflate its weight (Thilo Rehren pers comm.). Therefore,

the seals gave a supplier a unique identity.

Lead and Tin Ingots

Other ingot forms included heavy blocks and thin bars of a grey patinated metal. In the

absence of scientific analyses, it was assumed during the excavation that these were all tin.

Exploratory chemical analyses carried out to inform the conservation strategy revealed that

the heavy blocks were all lead (Fig. 5), while the thin bars proved to be tin and pewter. The

heavy lead blocks were mainly rectangular in cross section although a few were either

semi-circular or irregular. Some of the heavy blocks had holes drilled on the thinner end.

Presumably, a rope was attached for easy lifting. Unlike those of copper, the lead ingots

were hardly standardized with significant weight differences between them. The minimum

weight was about 70 kilograms while the maximum weight was 156 kg.

The tin and pewter bars were more or less standardized with an average length of

50 cm. The total number of thin bars is about 500 although their total weight is more or

Fig. 5 Photograph showing large blocks of lead on a wooden pallet

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less equivalent to that of two lead ingots. When bent, these bars produced the cracking

sound also known as tin crying.

While the thin bars had no seals or stamps, the lead blocks of different shapes had

various stamps (Fig. 6), some visible but others partially distorted by corrosion and

weathering in the sea. A few of these heavy blocks carry the same Fugger trident seal

visible on the copper ingots. Other ingots are stamped with a ‘W’ likely to be a trade mark

of the Welser family, also based in Augsburg and which together with the Fuggers funded

the Portuguese trade with East Asia (Boyajian 2008: 20) or could be still be associated with

the Fuggers as they were known to use several symbols, some from families they married

into (Noli, pers comm.). And yet there are a few cases with the impressions forming the

letter ‘‘X’’. So far no documents consulted have produced any leads to the owner of this

trade mark. Collectively, these trademarks are likely to have been used for commodity

branding purposes and thus distinguished products from central Europe’s trading houses.

Because of their weight, it is likely that together with the copper ingots, this large quantity

of metal was used as ballast for the ship on the way to India.

Ivory

Ivory also constituted an important part of archaeological materials from Oranjemund. It

comes in the form of unworked elephant tusks (Fig. 7). The sizes of the tusks vary from the

very large to small fragments. The biggest tasks are at most one and half metres long while

the smallest ones were just under a third of a metre (Gwasira and Kambombo 2008). Just as

their lengths differ, their weight was also different. The largest were the heaviest and these

weighed between 25 and 33 kg. In contrast, the small ones weighed as little as two

kilograms. There are numerous fragments or broken pieces of the ivory whose weight is

just under a kilogram.

In the absence of scientific research, it is tempting to speculate that the size differences

of the tusks relate to the age and size of elephants hunted. Certainly, judging from the size

Fig. 6 Photograph of an unidentified seal on a lead ingot

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of some of the smallest tusks there seems to have been no selective hunting of elephants, as

both young and old were slaughtered. However, tusk size also varies between the sexes, the

largest and heaviest being produced by the big bulls. One of the ivory pieces was a

hippopotami tooth. This is not surprising as hippo ivory was also a valued item of trade in

India. Two hippopotami teeth were also found in the Santo Antonio de Tanna, which sunk

in the port of Mombassa (Darroch 1986). One shipwreck of a Portuguese ship in the Sunchi

Reef off Goa had seven hippopotami teeth and eight elephant tusks that were all shown to

be of African origin (Tripati and Godfrey 2007.)

Perhaps, this ivory may have been obtained in West Africa where it is known that the

Portuguese actively traded for ivory, brass and gold (Herbert 1984; Newitt 1995). After

being shipped to Lisbon, the ivory was loaded onto cargo ships destined for India. It is also

possible that as the Portuguese anchored at various African ports such as Elmina and

Luanda for supplies, they would trade for ivory. An elephant tusk is known to contain a

‘record’ of the environment in which it roamed and fed (Cerling 2003; van der Merwe et al.

1990). Stable isotopic ratio analysis of carbon and nitrogen can reflect climate and veg-

etation of the area that the elephants or the hippo browsed in. As such, further scientific

analysis can provide leads to the source of the ivory which was found on the Oranjemund

shipwreck (Lafrenz 2004).

Coins: Gold, Silver and Copper Alloys

Coins represent an important part of the finds from the shipwreck. The main types include in

order of abundance gold (93.61%), silver (6.13%) and copper alloy (0.26%) coins. A recent

coin audit reveals that the gold coins from the ship were 2121 in number. They can be

grouped into three main types: Portuguese (8.06%), Spanish (90.38%) as well as a handful

of French, Arabic and Venetian ones making up 1.56% (Oranjemund Coin Audit 2010). On

the average, the Portuguese coins are standardised: each weighs 36 g and is 3.5 cm wide

and two millimetres thick. The coins have the Portuguese court of arms on one side and the

cross on the other (Fig. 8). They were minted around 1525 and were in circulation until the

Fig. 7 Photograph of unworked elephant tusks at the site

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late 1530s (Francesco Alves pers comm.). It is known from history that the coins had a high

gold content which prompted people of other nations to collect them (Francesco Alves pers

comm.). As a result, a royal decree was passed which led to the withdrawal of the coins

from circulation in the late 1530s. By far the largest in terms of their numbers, the Spanish

gold coins also date to between the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century. The heaviest

Spanish coins weigh about 14 g each with the majority clustered on ±6 g (Oranjemund

Coin Audit 2010; Noli 2009). The Spanish gold coins come in very different mints and

denominations and weight. The most popular ones were minted with depictions of King

Ferdinand II and Queen Isabella I. These Isabella coins were in circulation for a longer time

than the Portuguese coins (Harden 1962; Cullany 1999). Some have depictions of King

Ferdinand alone and maybe earlier. This mixed circulation was characteristic of European

monetary economy during this time. There are also a number of copper alloy coins. So far

we know very little about these but they are a tiny percentage of the collection. Some of the

inscriptions are not clearly visible and more research is needed to understand these and

other coin types better. Their small numbers possibly indicates their low value in the trade

and exchange relationships that took place in the Orient. Most of the silver coins were of

Portuguese origin. Like the gold coins, they have depictions of the Portuguese coat of arms

on one side and the cross on the other. The total weight of silver coins has been estimated to

be about 2.8 kg (Oranjemund Coin Audit 2010).

Miscellaneous Objects: Kitchenware, Personal Effects and Food Residues

There were other objects found in the shipwreck which were not part of the cargo but were

either part of the ship’s inventory or which belonged to those aboard. A sizeable amount of

kitchenware has been found at Oranjemund. This consists of pewter plates (Fig. 9), jugs

and cups. Brass and silver cutlery was also found together with remnants of cauldrons, pans

and pots. There are also a large number of knife handles some of which are elaborately

decorated. Perhaps one of the most interesting finds is the powder horn made of wood. Also

ceramics both European and oriental constitute an important part of the objects recovered

Fig. 8 Photograph of a Portuguese and three Spanish gold coins. The Portuguese coin has a Christian crosswhile the Spanish ones have depictions of Queen Isabella and King Ferdinand

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from the ship. These included bowls, plates and storage jars. Of the food eaten with these

utensils residues mainly consisting of fruit pips and animal bone were also recovered.

Some of the bone has cut marks suggesting that they may have been butchered for food.

Research is needed to identify the animals exploited although superficial observations

would point to the presence of whale bone and probably cattle.

Health at sea on long voyages was a constant problem and among the other objects

recovered was a urethral syringe or clyster which was used to treat the sailors with

mercury, the widespread treatment at the time for syphilis (Fig. 10). Mercury was also

Fig. 9 Photograph showing a pewter plate

Fig. 10 Photograph of a syringe from the shipwreck

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found during this excavation. There are also objects of a personal nature like wooden nit

combs which were recovered from concretions. Other objects include a mortar and pestle,

precision equipment such as, measuring weights and remains of leather shoes.

Remains of the Ship

In the so called Age of Discoveries culminating with Vasco da Gama’s successful journey

to India, ships were important vessels in enabling European adventurers to find territories

afar (Law 1986; Newitt 1995). The India Route was the longest commercial journey by sea

and therefore required the biggest and strongest ships (Fonseca et al. 2005: 1). There is no

doubt that for such journeys to be successful, efficient and seaworthy vessels were a

necessity. The naus were one type of vessel which was used by the Portuguese in their

voyages of trade. Naus had three or four decks and with their capacity they could reach

distances afar with tons of cargo for the merchants and for the king. In Portuguese mar-

itime history, naus are regarded as the ‘true workhorses of Portuguese exploration and

trade’ (do Vale 1998). Although the structure of the Oranjemund ship was badly destroyed,

ongoing research by Portuguese underwater archaeologists has focused on the forms of the

planks constituting the superstructure of the Oranjemund ship (Figs. 11, 12). Based on the

typology of some of the planks, preliminary observations suggest that the ship was of a nautype which was at least 40 m in length (Francisco Alves pers. comm.). Other finds that are

consistent with a vessel of this size are the anchors, ten of which were recovered on the

Oranjemund shipwreck, all made of cast iron.

To these remnants of the ship can be added the numerous lead strips and three rolls of

lead sheeting which were found in the shipwreck. The strips were replete with nail holes

suggesting that they were ‘tingles’, which were fastened over the seams between the planks

to prevent leakage.

Fig. 11 Photograph of part of the wooden superstructure of the ship

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Navigational Instruments

Reliable ships were not the only necessity in undertaking voyages of discoveries; navi-

gational instruments were also crucial. Indeed, three rare astrolabes, two of equal size and

one somewhat larger were recovered at Oranjemund (Fig. 13). Analyses performed by a

non-destructive Portable XRF machine revealed that identical astrolabes were made of gun

metal while the remaining was made of brass. The astrolabe was developed in the 8/9th

centuries by the Arabs who had based theirs on ancient Greek instruments. This modern

astrolabe was introduced to mainland Europe by the Arabs through Spain in the eleventh

Fig. 12 Photograph showing wood from the ship and well preserved rope

Fig. 13 Photograph of astrolabes

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century (do Vale 1998: 98). The Arabs had realized that with long journeys one could

augment factors such as course and distance travelled by determining orientation of

astronomical bodies such as the sun or the pole star. It was the mariner’s astrolabe that was

developed to do this, providing a means to determine the East–West distance travelled or

latitude. The Oranjemund astrolabes belong to the planispheric type in which the celestial

sphere is projected onto the plane of the equator. These are some of the best preserved

instruments ever discovered in the world so far. Their design is identical to nautical

astrolabes made between the 1540s and 1650s (do Vale 1998: 102). If the mid to late 1530s

date for the Oranjemund ship is correct, then these astrolabes adjust do Vale’s date range

somewhat earlier, an occurrence not unusual for objects associated with shipwrecks.

Other more precise instruments were also found on board. These include compasses

which were important in giving directions. No complete compass was found at Oranje-

mund but a brass compass gimbal was found during the excavations. There are however,

several charting or navigating dividers that were found on the shipwreck (Fig. 14). These

were made from a copper alloy and have decorations on the hands of the compass.

Other equipment associated with the processes of navigation includes the sounding

leads used for measuring the depth of the water under the ship and characterising the

bottom sediment, both vital in establishing location in limited visibility and in avoiding

shoals and submerged rocks when approaching the land.

All in all, the remnants of the ship and the navigational equipment provide a rare insight

into the days of ocean-going adventures linking Europe Africa and the Orient. Obviously,

the prime objective of those journeys was to promote trade and commerce between dif-

ferent regions.

Weapons: Cannons, Muskets and Swords

With the amount of treasure on board, this ship had to be well protected from the dangers

posed by pirates as well as other enemy ships. The Oranjemund ship seems to have been

heavily armed with large muzzle-loading guns and smaller swivel guns. These were made

of bronze or iron. The bronze cannons were very large and all of them were loaded with

stone shot (Fig. 15). The iron guns seem to have been smaller by comparison. As well as

Fig. 14 Photograph of charting dividers

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the guns a large number of stone and iron shot were found. The size varied from a diameter

of just under 100 mm for the smallest to over 250 mm for the largest. The iron cannon

balls seem to have been standardized with a diameter of 100 mm although smaller ones

have also been found. Apart from these heavy tools, light weapons such as muskets were

also used. These were augmented by a variety of swords presumably for close combat. A

box of sword blades and several concretion-covered swords was found during the exca-

vation. Some could have been used as trade items. Unfortunately, these formidable

weapons could not defend the ship from the vagaries of the sea.

Discussion

When it met its fate, the nau that wrecked at Oranjemund was carrying an eclectic cargo

together with items for personal use by the crew. Ranging from the mundane to the

spectacular, the remains from the Oranjemund shipwreck are a microcosm of life not only

in the first three decades of the sixteenth century but also during the maritime expeditions

to India. Therefore, the Oranjemund shipwreck collection is a neutral witness of the day to

day life, maritime and terrestrial trade as well as advances in shipbuilding and naviga-

tion—the catalyst for early forms of globalization.

If we zoom in on the Oranjemund shipwreck, we see a network of activities situated in

different continents that fed into the maritime trade that chained together the three con-

tinents of Europe, Africa and the Indian sub-continent. Starting from Europe, the cargo of

the ship reveals that although the Portuguese were the captains of the sea, they were

carrying cargo of trans-European origin. Nothing illustrates this point more than the tons of

copper and lead ingots that were part of the cargo. The copper ingots, forwarded to the

Portuguese crown by the Fuggers, had varying provenances in central Europe where

the Fuggers operated. The seals on the ingots suggest that candidates for the source of the

copper include southern Germany, Austria, parts of Hungary and Poland. Ingots from these

Fig. 15 Photograph of cannons on pallets in the temporary storeroom

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sources were transported by wagons to the coast for onward transportation to Portugal.

Here, the merchants would load the ships for India.

Perhaps, the processes involved in obtaining the copper were also the same as those for

lead and tin. However, tin and lead are geologically scarce metal when compared to copper.

As such their sources are more restricted. This maybe reflected by the great diversity of seals

stamped on the lead ingots. These range from the Fugger and Welser seals to the as yet

unidentified ones. If the geological occurrence of tin and in Europe is considered it seems

that the tin from Oranjemund may have been obtained in, Austria, Hungary and even

regions far afield such as Cornwall in Britain. The provenance of the tin bars is difficult to

fathom and only trace element analyses and isotopic studies can provide more light on the

sources of the tin (Gale 1997; Pollard et al. 2007). However, sometimes the Portuguese

traded with West Africa for commodities such as ivory and metal. Perhaps, some of these

bars originated in West Africa and were transported to Portugal (Herbert 1984). These

possible sources point to the inter-locked nature of trade and exchange relationships within

Europe, between Europe and Africa and between Europe and the Indian sub-continent.

Unworked elephant ivory also formed a significant part of the Oranjemund cargo. There

is a combination of large tusks and small ones consistent with juvenile and adult elephants.

As such, there seems to be no particular preferences for the ivory from large bulls as was

the case in other parts of Africa such as the Zimbabwe plateau where the Portuguese were

highly selective in the tusks which they traded in (Mudenge 1988). Here, they only pre-

ferred ivory from the bulls. There was a viable trade between west Africa and Portugal of

which ivory was a significant part of. The sizes of the tusks also argue for the elephants

being from West Africa. The forest elephants (Loxodonta africana cylotis) are much

smaller than their savannah relative, the Loxodonta africana africana and thus have much

smaller tusks. It is likely that the ivory came from West Africa but it is possible that some

of it was obtained from young savannah elephants along the way at places such as Luanda.

Arguably, isotopic work on the ivory is important in throwing light on the source of the

ivory (Cerling 2003; van der Merwe et al. 1990). Elephants in particular environments feed

on particular diets which are reflected in the stable light isotopes. The different biomes in

Africa would be reflected in the isotopes thereby shedding light on the source of the ivory.

This will also throw some further light on the trade and exchange relationships.

This trans-oceanic trade between Europe and India via Africa required vast amounts of

finance for it to flourish. Therefore, the presence of vast quantities of Spanish and Por-

tuguese gold coins, Portuguese silver coins, and copper alloy coins, is hardly surprising

(Chalmin 1987). These were important in trading and exchange relationships. Although

there was no common coinage or internationally accepted currency, it is possible that the

Indians would melt the coins and use them for a variety of purposes. The trans-national

nature of these coins also suggests that the trade on the Indian route required international

co-operation to succeed. Therefore, the failure of the ship not only represented financial

ruin to the Portuguese but also to a network of their financiers all over Europe.

It is not surprising that because of this rich and multi-national cargo and finance, the

ships was equipped with advanced technology to allow route planning and state-of-the-art

navigation. The astrolabes and other navigational equipment such as dividers were used for

this purpose. The ships were also heavily armed to defend the ship from the piracy that was

rife on the seas and any other form of threat. On the ship the crew was armed with swords,

muskets.

With regard to shipboard life, food was a principal both for the well-being and health of

the crew. As described, evidence for food preparation and consumption survives in the

form of kitchen utensils and various containers for cooking and eating, both metal and

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ceramic. As Dobbs has observed in the context of the Mary Rose (1545), the different types

of cooking vessel and eating dish may relate both to the types of food being prepared as

well as the status of those it was cooked for (Dobbs 2009: 133–5). So far, the remains of

food are the fruit pips and bone fragments with cut-marks. The remains of barrels allude to

the existence of drinking water and wine. Further research might throw more light on diet,

but meat and presumably stored fruit as well as fresh food when available suggests a

reasonable diet.

As a shipboard community there is much that we cannot yet reconstruct but the fact that

some of the artefacts are clearly of quite high quality, such as the decorated knife handles,

as well as the presence of oriental ceramics suggest a degree of wealth among the ship’s

compliment. Together with the weapons, domestic items and navigational instruments

which would probably all have been privately owned, this suggests a professional and well

equipped ship whose crew were unfortunate rather than incompetent.

The story told by the objects from the shipwreck is that of the beginning of globalization

through trans-continental commerce and voyages of discoveries. In those early days, the

voyages were by no means safe enterprises. Often, they were characterized by disasters

many of them unforeseen. However, the disaster has led to the freezing of a specific

moment in history that speaks about intra and inter-continental trade.

Conclusions and Implications

The Oranjemund shipwreck materials are an interesting ‘snapshot’ of the early transoce-

anic commerce at the beginning of the Age of Discoveries as well as the way of life of the

sailors. The wide ranging provenance of the cargo on the ship involving central European

copper, lead and tin, Portuguese and Spanish finance, Portuguese workmanship and

African ivory shows the connections that were characteristic of the world during that

period. On a superficial level there seems to be a lot of information from the materials

recovered. However, to get a well resolved picture more research from the fields such as

archaeometallurgy, numismatics as well as ship building is essential.

A further aspect, directly related to the archaeological importance of this site, is the

circumstances of its discovery and, following on from that, how such finds should be dealt

with and made accessible. Had this wreck been discovered in other circumstances then its

contents, especially the coins, might have passed into private hands, not only resulting in

their loss to scholarship and to the community but severely compromising the cultural

value of the assemblage as a whole. Nor does this only happen outside the law. In many

countries of the world, the sale of wreck material at auction is quite legal and results in the

dispersal of wreck assemblages irrevocably forfeiting the bulk of the information they

contain. Thankfully, this find was secured and the assemblage maintained together for

further study and perhaps for future exhibition in a national maritime museum. It is an

example of how long-term value can be derived from the archaeology of chance and

rescue. This indicates that serious attention should be placed on monitoring, managing and

protecting maritime sites and heritage. It is a vital part of human history and heritage.

The Namibian government has recognised this and through its departments has started

an active programme in managing and protecting underwater and maritime heritage.

Acknowledgments We are grateful to the April and September rescue excavation team members inparticular Dieter Noli, Bruno Werz, Francesco Alves and Miguel Alleluia. The Institute for Archaeo-metallurgical Studies, Institute of Archaeology, University College London generously provided the

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portable non-destructive XRF machine used for the analyses. Thilo Rehren and Marcos Martino-Torreswere always ready to share their knowledge of European metallurgy. The government of Namibia providedfunding for these excavations while the logistical support from NAMDEB is acknowledged with sinceregratitude. The National Museums of Namibia and the National Heritage Council together with their parentministry (Ministry of Youth, National Service, Sport and Culture) generously granted permission to usephotographs in their Oranjemund collection. The Portuguese and Spanish governments have availedtechnical assistance and funding that helped to sustain the Oranjemund project. We unreservedly thankthem.

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