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RIGHTS II NN BB RR II EE FF BUREAU OF INTERNATIONAL INFORMATION PROGRAMS U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE http://www.america.gov/ H U M A N RIGHTS �� ��� �������� � ������D eep in the mind and spirit of human beings lies the conviction that each and every person has rights, including a right to freedom from oppression, freedom to make reasonable choices, and freedom from cruelty. Nearly everybody feels this way, instinctively, even if they do not believe such rights are easy to obtain. 1 EXECUTIVE EDITOR: GEORGE CLACK • EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: MILDRED SOLÁ NEELY • EDITOR: PAUL MALAMUD • DESIGNER: CHLOE D. ELLIS • COVER DESIGN: MIN YAO • PHOTO RESEARCH: MAGGIE JOHNSON SLIKER • REFERENCE: ANITA N. GREEN CONSULTING EDITOR: RUTH WEDGWOOD, EDWARD B. BURLING PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DIPLOMACY, THE PAUL H. NITZE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY Human Rights In Brief INTRODUCTION British philosopher John Locke personifi ed

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RIGHTS II NN BB RR II EE FF

BUREAU OF INTERNATIONAL INFORMATION PROGRAMS

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

http://www.america.gov/

H U M A N

RIGHTS �� ��� �������� � ������D

eep in the mind and spirit of human beings lies the

conviction that each and every person has rights,

including a right to freedom from oppression, freedom

to make reasonable choices, and freedom from cruelty. Nearly

everybody feels this way, instinctively, even if they do not

believe such rights are easy to obtain.

1

EXECUTIVE EDITOR: GEORGE CLACK • EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: MILDRED SOLÁ NEELY •

EDITOR: PAUL MALAMUD • DESIGNER: CHLOE D. ELLIS • COVER DESIGN: MINYAO •

PHOTO RESEARCH: MAGGIE JOHNSON SLIKER • REFERENCE: ANITA N. GREEN

CONSULTING EDITOR: RUTH WEDGWOOD, EDWARD B. BURLING PROFESSOR OF

INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DIPLOMACY, THE PAUL H. NITZE SCHOOL OF

ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY

Human Rights

In Brief

INTRODUCTION

British philosopher John Locke personifi ed

the 17th century Enlightenment. He was

one of the fi rst to suggest that individuals

have “natural” rights, and that government

should serve the public good.2

CENTURIES OF PROGRESS

T

raditionally, all groups of humans,

from clans of forest dwellers to

urban sophisticates, have had

notions of justice, fairness, dignity, and

respect. However, the notion that all

human beings, simply because they are

human, have certain inalienable rights

they may use to protect themselves

against society and its rulers was a

minority view in the era before the 1500s.

Many pre-modern societies believed

that rulers had an obligation to govern

wisely and for everyone’s benefi t.

However, this obligation was believed to

come from divine commandment or from

tradition. It did not rest on a concept

of personal human rights that ordinary

people could call on to defend themselves against unjust rulers.

A Theory for Some

The fi rst person credited with developing a comprehensive

theory of human rights was British philosopher John Locke

(1632-1704). Locke wrote that people form societies, and

societies establish governments, in order to assure the

enjoyment of “natural” rights. Locke defi ned government

3

Most societies throughout history granted rights only to

the lucky few. In the 18th century, in Europe, there arose the

concept of “natural law”—based on a universal order — that

outlined such rights for all. This philosophy had an enormous

eff ect on the American Revolution of 1776, and on the concepts

embedded in the U.S. Constitution, which is still the document

that governs all American law.

In all civilized nations, attempts are made to defi ne and

buttress human rights. The core of the concept is the same

everywhere: Human rights are the rights that one has simply

because one is human. They are universal and equal. Human

rights are also inalienable. They may be suspended, rightly or

wrongly, at various places and times, but the idea of inherent

rights cannot be taken away. One can no more lose these rights

than one can stop being a human being.

Locke’s “An Essay Concerning

Human Understanding”

asserted the importance

and complexity, and thus

the dignity, of the subjective

self.4

as a “social contract” between rulers and ruled. Citizens, he

believed, are obliged to give allegiance only to a government

that protects their human rights. Those rights may even have

precedence over the claims and interests of the government.

Government can only be legitimate when it systematically

honors and protects the human rights of its citizens.

However, there were limitations to Locke’s theory. He did

not consider the claims of all people, even though the language

of his writing speaks in universal terms. His actual focus was

the protection of the rights of European men who owned

property. Women, along with indigenous peoples, servants,

and wage laborers, were not recognized as full rights-holders.

Nevertheless, the thinking of Locke and others of his time was

an important breakthrough.

Expanding Rights

Many of the great political struggles of the past two

centuries have revolved around expanding the range of

protected rights. This has included extending the right to vote

to all citizens, permitting working people to lobby for improved

pay and working conditions, and eliminating discrimination

based on race and gender.

In all of these situations, dispossessed groups used

their limited freedoms to press for legal recognition of the

fundamental rights still denied. In each case, the essence of the

argument was that “we,” no less than “you,” are human beings.

As such, we are all entitled to the same basic rights as well as

to equal concern and respect from the state. The acceptance of

such arguments has led to radical social and political changes

throughout the world.

Across the globe, regimes that denied basic human rights

to their citizens have lacked long-term stability. A signifi cant

cause of the collapse of the Soviet Union was the growing

unwillingness of citizens in the Communist-bloc countries

to accept the systematic denial of internationally recognized

human rights. In South America and Central America, repressive

military governments fell throughout the 1980s. In Asia and

Africa, liberalization and democratization have been more

irregular but nevertheless real. South Korea and South Africa,

for example, are two outstanding examples of human rights

progress.

The lesson of the recent past is that, wherever people

are given the chance to choose, they choose internationally

recognized human rights. And despite shortcomings, we live in

a world in which fewer governments dare to deny their people

that free choice.

HUMAN RIGHTS AS AN INTERNATIONAL

ISSUE

Today, nearly all states in all regions of the world, at all

levels of development, proclaim their commitment

to human rights. A government that engages in a

56 7

consistent pattern of gross human rights violations is widely

considered to be illegitimate.

This was not always the case. A nation’s progress on human

rights — or lack of it — has been an established subject of

international relations for only about half a century. Prior to

World War II, massacres of ethnic groups within a country were

met with little more than polite statements of disapproval. Less

fl agrant violations were not even considered a fi t subject for

diplomatic conversation.

How a government treated its own citizens in its own

territory was considered to be a matter of its sovereignty — that

is, the supreme power it had over its internal aff airs. In fact,

other states and the international community were considered

to be under an international legal obligation not to intervene in

such matters.

Shock of Holocaust

In the Holocaust during World War Two, Nazi Germany and

its collaborators systematically murdered millions — European

Jews, Roma, homosexuals — including men, women, and

children. The revulsion at this inconceivable brutality caused an

extraordinary intellectual change. The sense of responsibility

for the Holocaust generated the pledge that its cruelties should

never be repeated. Human rights entered the mainstream of

international relations. Prior to

the Holocaust some countries

had used the excuse that a

state’s treatment of its own

citizens was a domestic aff air.

The massacre of one’s own

citizens was not an established

international legal off ense.

The Nuremberg War

Crimes Trialsin 1945 helped

to change the situation. The

Following the bloodshed of World War II, a global charter for humanrights took on a new

urgency. Here, Eleanor Roosevelt, widow of President Franklin D.Roosevelt, holds the United

Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

This picture shows Eleanor Roosevelt (right)

discussing a draft document with the United

Nations Commission on Human Rights. An

outspoken humanitarian, Eleanor Roosevelt

helped shape the liberal intellectual climate

of the times.8 9

trials, at which high-level Nazis were held to account for their

actions, introduced the idea of crimes against humanity. For

the fi rst time, offi cials were held legally accountable to the

international community for off enses against individual citizens.

It was in the United Nations, however, that human rights really

emerged as a subject of international relations.

Human rights have a prominent place in the U.N. Charter

adopted in 1945. On December 10, 1948, the U.N. General

Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

This comprehensive list of rights declared that the way in

which states treat their own citizens is a matter of legitimate

international concern and subject to international standards.

Eff ect of the Cold War

However, not everything proceeded smoothly. In the years

following World War II, an intense ideological struggle broke

out between Communist and capitalist nations, which had

repercussions around the world. The “Cold War” lasted until

the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Just as the United

States was sometimes willing to ignore human rights lapses in

“friendly” anti-Communist regimes, the Soviet Union was ready

to use force when necessary to assure “friendly” totalitarian

regimes in its sphere of infl uence.

Furthermore, few states were willing to allow even

multilateral monitoring of national human rights practices, let

alone international implementation or enforcement. The United

Nations is not a world government. It can do nothing that its

members — sovereign states — do not authorize. During the

fi rst two decades of the Cold War, neither bloc was willing to

allow the United Nations to do much at all in the fi eld of human

rights.

By the mid-1960s, though, the Afro-Asian bloc had become

the largest group in the United Nations. These countries, which

had suff ered under colonial rule, had a special interest in human

rights. They found a sympathetic hearing from the Soviet bloc

and some countries in Europe and the Americas, including the

United States. The United Nations thus once again began to

attend to human rights.

This led, most signifi cantly, to completion of the

International Human Rights Covenants in December 1966.

Along with the Universal Declaration, these treaties provide an

authoritative statement of internationally recognized human

rights.

The comprehensiveness of the Covenants, however,

demanded that the United Nations shift its human rights work

from setting standards to monitoring how states actually follow

those standards. This was an area where the organization had

made virtually no headway in its fi rst two decades.

Although the core concepts of human rights norms were

clarifi ed by the mid-1960s, implementation of those norms

remained almost entirely up to the will of individual national

governments. 10 11

The Carter Revival

When Jimmy Carter became president of the United States

in 1977, he raised the profi le of human rights as an international

issue. Carter made the theme of universal rights a priority for

American foreign policy, encouraging the advocates of human

rights throughout the world.

Carter attempted to disentangle international human

rights from the East-West politics of the Cold War and from

North-South arguments between the industrialized and nonindustrializedcountries over economic matters. This gave

new momentum and increased legitimacy to human rights

organizations everywhere.

The Helsinki Process

The mid-1970s also saw the introduction of human rights

into the mainstream of multilateral and bilateral foreign policy.

The United States and European countries began to consider

human rights practices in their aid policies. And the Helsinki

Final Act of 1975 explicitly introduced human rights into the

mainstream of U.S.-Soviet relations.

The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe

(CSCE) began in the early

1970s as a series of talks

involving the United States,

Canada, the Soviet Union,

and almost all the countries

of Europe. Discussions

focused on resolving issues

between the Communist

East and democratic West.

The CSCE’s fi nal act, reached

in 1975 in Helsinki, Finland,

and signed by 35 countries,

became known as the Helsinki

Accords. The accords cited

10 specifi c principles, including respect for human rights and

President Jimmy Carter and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Desmond M. Tutuin 1986. Carter

wanted human rights to be a central concern of U.S. diplomacy.

Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, center left,

poses with U.S. President Gerald Ford in

July 1975 in Helsinki, Finland. The “Helsinki

Process” meetings on human rights issues

between capitalist and Communist nations

helped undermine the Soviet empire, showing

that ideas matter.12 13

The protest against British taxes known as the “Boston Tea Party,”1773.

fundamental freedoms

such as freedom of

thought, conscience,

religion, and belief.

Many experts credit the

Helsinki process with

helping to bring about

the fall of Communist

dictatorships in the

Soviet Union and in

Eastern Europe.

By the end of the

1980s the Cold War had come to an end, and on December 25,

1991, the Soviet fl ag was lowered from the Kremlin. The CSCE,

which up to this point had convened meetings and conferences,

now took on a greater role—managing the historic change

taking place in Europe. Its name changed to the Organization

for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). It is now the

largest regional security organization in the world, comprising

56 countries from Europe, Central Asia, and North America. It

also has partner states in Asia and the Mediterranean region.

Many people see the OSCE as a prototype for other regional

cooperative eff orts to forge greater respect for human rights

in other parts of the world. The Copenhagen Declaration and

the Paris Principles of the OSCE have become enormously

infl uential as a measure for human rights performance,

including the record of democratic states.

The protest against British taxes known as the “Boston Tea Party,”1773.

including the record of democratic states.

The protest against British taxes known as the “Boston Tea Party,”1773.

Within the United Nations, a revitalized Commission

on Human Rights, led by Canada, The Netherlands, and

others, formulated new treaties on women’s rights (1979),

torture (1984), and the rights of the child (1989). Experts were

appointed to study and report on human rights violations in a

growing number of countries.

By the mid-1980s, most Western countries agreed that

human rights should be an active concern of foreign policy, and

turned to the issues of monitoring and enforcement.

The 1970s was also the decade in which nongovernmental

organizations (NGOs) concerned with human rights emerged

as a notable international political force. This was symbolized

by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Amnesty International

in 1977 for its assistance to political prisoners. By 1980, there

were some 200 NGOs in the United States that dealt with

human rights, and about the same number in Great Britain. The

emergence of NGOs in the countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin

America has been an equally important development. These

groups, in addition to their advocacy for victims of human

rights abuses, have been important in infl uencing national and

international human rights policies.

The Post-Cold War Environment

Since the end of the Cold War, international eff orts to

promote human rights have been further strengthened. An

example is the creation of a U.N. High Commissioner for Human

Throughout history, tribal and religious hatreds

have been the bane of human rights. U.S. President

Jimmy Carter (center) considered the 1979 peace

treaty between Egypt and Israel a hallmark of his

presidency. Yet, its promise foundered on these

antagonisms.14 15

Artist’s depiction of the fi rst shots of the American Revolution, fired at Lexington,

Massachusetts, on April 19, 1775. Local militia confronted Britishtroops marching to seize

colonial armaments in the nearby town of Concord.

Rights, bringing about increased international monitoring. In

most countries, the nature and boundaries of human rights

have become more deeply entrenched on the national agenda.

As liberal economic ideas have spread through globalization, so

have other ideas. Nongovernmental human rights organizations

and advocates have become increasingly infl uential worldwide.

To be sure, raising human rights issues is sometimes still

resented by states, as illustrated by the strained relations

between China and its major trading partners in the years

following the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre of Chinese

citizens. And most states still refuse to press international

human rights concerns strongly enough to satisfy many human

rights NGOs.

There are still regimes in power—in Cuba, Burma, North

Korea, and elsewhere—that engage in systematic violation of

internationally recognized human rights. And, as documented

in the reports of the U.S. Department of State and various NGOs,

most countries of the world still have signifi cant human rights

problems.

Nonetheless, there is a new willingness within the

international community to tackle systematic human rights

violations. It is regrettable that, in 1994, the United Nations

failed to respond to stop the genocide in Rwanda with military

intervention. But in El Salvador, U.N. human rights monitors

played an important role in reaching a political settlement

and demilitarizing the country after a decade-long civil war.

Artist’s depiction of the fi rst shots of the American Revolution, fired at Lexington,

and demilitarizing the country after a decade-long civil war.

Artist’s depiction of the fi rst shots of the American Revolution, fired at Lexington,

IIn Somalia, when the country descended into warlord politics, nSomalia, when the country descended into warlord politics,

Artist’s depiction of the fi rst shots of the American Revolution, fired at Lexington,

Massachusetts, on April 19, 1775. Local militia confronted Britishtroops marching to seize Massachusetts, on April 19, 1775. Localmilitia confronted British troops marching to seize In Somalia, whenthe country descended into warlord politics,

multilateral military forces intervened to save thousands

of civilians from starvation. In Cambodia, a massive U.N.

peacekeeping operation helped to remove Vietnamese forces

and contain the Khmer Rouge, promoting a freely elected

government. In Bosnia, the international community, led by the

United States, used military force to bring an end to the bloody

civil war that had killed some 200,000 people and forced two

million others from their homes through systematic “ethnic

cleansing.”

Despite the importance of human rights and humanitarian

politics, the world community was struggling in the early 2000s

to halt vicious, tribal-based strife in the western Darfur province

of Sudan. The confl ict, characterized as genocide by the United

States and many human rights organizations, has taken tens

of thousands of lives and forced more than two million people

into refugee camps.

African Union

Mission troops have

been unable to stop

the widespread

killing and rape, and

the United States has

urged the United

Nations to deploy a

large peacekeeping

force in the country.

At the same time, the

Former South African President Nelson Mandela (right)

receives an award in Johannesburg, 2006. The principle

of black majority rule (personifi ed by Mandela) — as

opposed to white minority rule — for South Africa

became one of the major rights issues of the 20th

century.16 17

international community, including human rights NGOs, has

been engaged in responding to the sharp rise in international

terrorism highlighted by the September 11, 2001, attacks in

the United States and by other al Qaeda attacks around the

world, from Indonesia to Spain. These same observers have

also critiqued the responses to terrorism taken by national

governments.

CONTRIBUTIONS BY THE UNITED STATES

T

he United States has played a special role in the

development and support of human rights ideas and

practices. The Declaration of Independence, by which

the American colonies severed their allegiance to the British

Crown in 1776, proclaimed that “all men are created equal.” No

less important, the declaration asserted the right of a people to

dissolve political bonds that had come to be oppressive.

With the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights, the world

witnessed the fi rst practical experiment in creating a

government that would be judged by the extent to which

it respected and protected the rights of its citizens. Rights,

thus, are often seen by Americans as a defi ning feature of

their national heritage. The earliest Americans did not speak

of “human rights” per se, but they did speak of freedom and

liberties. Many of the fi rst colonists came to the New World

seeking religious freedom denied to them in 17th century

Europe. In forming their communities, they developed over

time a sense of religious tolerance as well as a passion forselfgovernment. When the time came for the American colonists

to break away from Britain, they had a well-established body of

law and custom that recognized freedom of speech, freedom of

religious worship, and freedom of assembly. To petition

The American Revolution of 1776 was based on the human rights theoriesof philosophers,

some of them French. By 1789, American revolutionary fervor hadspread back to France,

and soon destroyed the French monarchy. This etching refers to thepassage of a law in

France in 1795 guaranteeing freedom of speech and of the press.18 19

government, to have a jury trial, and to have a say in governing

their own aff airs were other cherished rights.

These were all among the values underlying the

Declaration of Independence—an excerpt of which appears

below—in 1776. Its principal author, Thomas Jeff erson, later

became the third president of the United States.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are

created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain

unalienable [inalienable] Rights, that among these are Life,

Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these Rights,

Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers

from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of

Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of

the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government,

laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its Powers

in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to eff ect theirSafety

and Happiness.

Left: The U.S. Declaration of Independence from Great Britain in 1776proclaimed that men

have “inalienable rights,” including “life, liberty, and the pursuitof happiness.” The concept

of “inalienable rights” — deriving from a universal morality and notrevocable by arbitrary

human rule — came from earlier philosophers and is still at the coreof human rights.20 21

The Bill of Rights

In 1787, representatives of 12 of the original 13 American

states met in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to begin drafting the

U.S. Constitution. They crafted a document of compromise and

representative democracy that has adapted well to changing

circumstances for more than 200 years.

There were many who opposed the new Constitution in

the beginning. Their consent to the document came only with

the promise that a series of amendments would be added

guaranteeing civil liberties—liberties that already were part

of most state constitutions. Thus, the 10 amendments below,

known collectively as the Bill of Rights, were added to the

Constitution in 1791. Since the adoption of the Bill of Rights,

only 17 additional amendments have been made part of the

Constitution.

Amendment I - Congress shall make no law respecting an

establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof;or

abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the

people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for

a redress of grievances.

Amendment II - A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the

security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear

Arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment III - No Soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered

in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war,

but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment IV - The right of the people to be secure in their

persons, houses, papers, and eff ects, against unreasonable

searches and seizures, shall not be violated. ...

Amendment V - No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or

otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment

of a Grand Jury ... nor shall any person be subject for the same

off ence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be

compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself,

In this painting by John Trumbull, Thomas Jeff erson presents theDeclaration of

Independence to John Hancock at the Continental Congress inPhiladelphia, 1776. The

drafters knew the document would lead to war with Britain, but couldnot imagine its

philosophic impact.22 23

nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of

law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just

compensation.

Amendment VI - In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall

enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of

the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed,

which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and

to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be

confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory

process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the

Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

Amendment VII - In Suits at common law, where the value in

controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury

shall be preserved. ...

Amendment VIII - Excessive bail shall not be required, nor

excessive fi nes imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments

infl icted.

Amendment IX - The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain

rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained

by the people.

Amendment X - The powers not delegated to the United States by

the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to

the States respectively, or to the people.

Human Rights Problems

There are, of course, less attractive sides to the U.S.

heritage. Slavery was an accepted practice in the southern

states during the fi rst 75 years of the American republic, and

racial discrimination in schools, public accommodations, and

social practices was the norm for much of its second century.

The American Indians, as they were then called, were forced to

move westward, losing their homes, their lands, and often their

lives. Women were denied the right to vote in elections, the

right to serve on juries, and even the right to hold property as a

wife. But one of the features of American democracy is thatselfcorrecting mechanisms like elections

and courts tend to remedy the

mistakes of earlier eras. The simple

power of the idea of equality has

also helped to correct social ills.

During the Cold War, the United

States supported some brutal

military dictatorships, providing

them with fi nancial and military

support so long as they supported

U.S. economic and geopolitical

interests. More recently, the United

States has been criticized in the

wake of 9/11 for its treatment of

some suspected terrorists, as well

President Abraham Lincoln at the

Antietam battleground, 1862. The

U.S. Civil War, pitting the nonslaveholding North against the

slaveholding South, ended slavery

in North America forever, and

made human rights concerns a

perpetual part of American society

and culture.24 25

about the disenfranchisement of convicted felons after they

have served their sentence, and discussions about the rights

of sexual minorities. Again, one sees that the power of an idea,

such as equality, generates a continuing debate.

Positive Actions

But the United States also has a long record of positive

international action on

behalf of human rights.

After World War I, U.S.

President Woodrow Wilson

championed national

self-determination and

protection of minorities by

the international community.

After World War II, the United

States devoted considerable

eff ort and money to

sustaining and rebuilding

democracy in Europe and

to establishing democracy

in Japan. The United States was a leader in decolonization,

granting independence to the Philippines in 1946. And with the

end of the Cold War, the United States has emerged as a leader

in multilateral human rights and humanitarian initiatives in

Somalia, Sudan, Haiti, Bosnia, and other countries.

as for isolated instances of prisoner abuse by the U.S. military

during the Iraq War. The boundaries of rights in instances

of confl icts involving terrorists — who, after all, are out to

destroy everybody’s rights — are still being debated in civilized

societies.

There are concerns in some quarters about the use of the

death penalty and the adequacy of legal representation in

death penalty cases, as well as the number of minority males

incarcerated in prisons for criminal off enses. There are debates

This scene by British painter Benjamin Haydon shows a meeting of ananti-slavery society

in 1840. In Britain and America, anti-slavery societies vehementlyopposed the slave trade

— an example of a political movement inspired by conscience.

President Woodrow Wilson celebrates

Armistice Day, 1921. Following World War

I, Wilson’s idealism led to the founding of

the League of Nations (the fi rst attempt to

form a United Nations) and to still-prevailing

theories of international order.26 27

Keeping Congress Informed

The U.S. State Department is required by law each year

to submit several comprehensive reports on human rights to

Congress. They include:

• Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, a detailed

assessment of the situation in countries around the world;

• Supporting Human Rights and Democracy • Supporting Human Rightsand Democracy, d, descriptions of what escriptions of what

the U.S. government is doing to address the abuses noted in

the country reports;

• International Religious Freedom Report • InternationalReligious Freedom Report, a, an examination of the n examination ofthe

degree to which people are free to worship as they please;

• Traffi cking in Persons Report • Traffi cking in PersonsReport, a s , a survey of modern-day slavery. urvey of modern-dayslavery.

When completed, these reports are delivered to Congress and

placed on the Internet for dissemination worldwide.

Abroad, American self-righteousness and an American

willingness to act unilaterally have provoked occasional

resentment, even among those who have shared the values

underlying American policies. It is not diffi cult to point out

where the United States falls short of its ideals. Nonetheless,

the United States today, as two centuries ago, is a world leader

in the ongoing struggle for human rights. And, while the ideas

are widely accepted, the struggle to implement them continues

globally.

INTERNATIONAL MONITORING AND

IMPLEMENTATION MECHANISMS

A

tt least theoretically, states are increasingly accountable leasttheoretically, states are increasingly accountable

AAtto the international community for their human rights o theinternational community for their human rights

practices. More than three-fourths of the countries

of the world have ratifi ed the International Human Rights

Covenants.

Opening ceremony at the United Nations World Conference on HumanRights, Vienna,

1993. Human rights concerns, if not always implemented, are now anelement of the global

agenda.28 29

The United Nation’s International Covenant on Civil

and Political Rights established a supervisory committee of

independent experts—the Human Rights Committee—the

principal function of which is to review periodic reports

submitted by states. Similar committees have been created by

international human rights treaties on racial discrimination,

women’s rights, torture, and the rights of the child, as well

as new treaties on the rights of the handicapped and migrant

workers.

Incentives for Improvement

Monitoring and reporting cannot force states to alter their

practices. There are, however, other incentives for states seeking

to improve or safeguard their human rights records. The process

of preparing a report may uncover areas where improvement

may be needed. This can be a reminder to offi cials of their

international legal obligations.

The European Commission on Human Rights, which existed

within the Council of Europe, had a stronger complaint system.

And its successor body, the European Court of Human Rights,

has made legally binding decisions in hundreds of cases dealing

with a variety of issues, including sensitive questions such as

public emergencies. In the European system there has been

a partial transfer of authority for implementing human rights

from states to a larger, regional political community.

Regional arrangements in the Americas and Africa have

had less success in this regard. The Arab world and Asia do not

yet have regional human rights commissions, although the Asia

Pacifi c Forum was created in 1996 with a mission to support

regional cooperation in the “establishment and development

of national institutions in order to protect and promote the

human rights of the peoples of the region.” There are also plans

for a new ASEAN human rights commission and a new African

Court of Human Rights. The strength and scope of international

monitoring procedures rests on the willingness of states to use

and participate in them. This situation remains a serious and

persistent problem.

Investigative Reporting and Advocacy

Another set of multilateral human rights monitoring

mechanisms involves

investigative reporting

and advocacy. The pioneer

in this area is the InterAmerican Commission on

Human Rights. Its reports

on Chile in the 1970s and

1980s were an important

element in exposing

human rights abuses of

the Pinochet government,

and its 1978 report on

Local offi cials in Chiapas, Mexico, welcome a

group of international human rights observers,

2002 following years of government clashes with

armed rebels identifi ed with indigenous groups. 30 31

Nicaragua appears to have contributed signifi cantly to the end

of the Somoza government.

Over the past two decades, the U.N. Commission on Human

Rights has devoted considerable eff ort to country studies,

including such politically prominent countries as Guatemala,

Iran, and Burma. Typically, the commission worked through a

so-called “special rapporteur”— an independent expert and

investigator. The special rapporteur, in addition to reporting

formally to the commission, typically attempts to maintain a

continuing dialogue with the government in question in order

to establish a sustained presence and channel for infl uence. The

U.N. Commission on Human Rights also created rapporteurs

or working groups to investigate disappearances, arbitrary

executions, arbitrary detentions, religious intolerance, human

rights violations by mercenaries, and racism.

In 2006, the Human Rights Commission was abolished in

favor of a smaller Human Rights Council. The new Council has

had a diffi cult start. It has been criticized for abolishing special

rapporteurs for countries such as Belarus and Cuba without

apparent reason. In addition, the Human Rights Council has

perpetuated the discriminatory practice of having a permanent

agenda item for only one country, namely, Israel, in relation

to the Palestinian situation. The new human rights machinery

in Geneva also has diminished the role of NGOs in the

Council’s formal sessions, and continues to exclude Israel from

membership in any of the regional groups that organize the

work in Geneva. There is some hope that so-called “universal

periodic review” can serve as an incentive for Council members

to improve their own human rights practices. Clearly, the moral

standing of any rights body has to rest largely on its impartiality.

NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS

AND STATES: CONTRASTING ROLES

T

he activities of nongovernmental organizations are also

important to the politics of international human rights.

Amnesty International, Americas Watch, the American

The Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet, speaks at a humanrights conference in New

Delhi, India. Tibet, a beleaguered ethnic enclave, has come tosymbolize the rights of ethnic

minorities.32 33

Civil Liberties Union, and several other organizations were

important in the debates about Central American policy in the

1980s. And in both North America and Europe, NGOs played

a major role in national debates over sanctions against South

Africa during the 1980s.

Because of their private status, NGOs often can operate

free of the political control of states. And because they do not

have broader foreign policy ambitions that may confl ict with

human rights objectives, NGOs often are better able to press

human rights concerns. Being narrowly focused and generally

nonpartisan, NGOs can sometimes raise human rights issues

within a country that others cannot. This is particularly the

case where independent political activity is repressed and civil

society is weak.

Strengths and

Weaknesses

However, the power

of NGOs is limited.

They must rely on the

power of publicity and

persuasion. Many states

have used their powers

of coercion against local

members of human

rights NGOs, turning

them into new victims. Some countries have forbidden external

funding of NGOs, or have used onerous registration procedures

to hobble their work.

Sovereign states have almost the opposite strengths

and weaknesses of NGOs. States must accommodate a wide

range of interests in their foreign policies. Governments tend

to formulate foreign policy in their national interest, and this

means that human rights advocacy may be limited by other

objectives. But when states do choose to pursue human rights

issues, they typically possess resources, channels of infl uence,

and even publicity capabilities that are unavailable to NGOs.

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

T

he 1993 Vienna

World Conference

on Human

Rights helped refocus

international attention

on human rights in the

post-Cold War world. The

war crimes tribunals for

the former Yugoslavia and

Rwanda, established by

the U.N. Security Council

in 1993 and 1994, have

developed the law of

Members of rights groups cheer in the Argentine

Congress following a vote by Argentina’s Senate to

revoke amnesty for those who committed human

rights abuses in the ’70s and ’80s. The damage done

by such abuses can linger for decades.

The United Nations criminal tribunal for the

former Yugoslavia, The Hague, 1995. International

juridical tribunals have been used to pursue war

criminals of failed states, in this instance, the

commander of a Bosnian concentration camp.34 35

armed confl ict and international humanitarian law, seeking to

protect civilians and noncombatants in those civil war confl icts.

Special tribunals were established for Sierra Leone in 2002 and

Cambodia in 2003 to prosecute military and political leaders

responsible for atrocities during times of war and genocide. In

addition, although the United States has not joined as a treaty

party, and has expressed certain reservations about its scope,

the International Criminal Court was established in 1998 by the

Rome treaty, and has been tasked by the U.N. Security Council

to prosecute human rights violations in the Darfur confl ict in

Sudan.

The 1995 United Nations Fourth World Conference on

Women in Beijing attempted to place women’s issues within

the mainstream of international human rights discussions. With

its emphasis on “good governance,” the World Bank highlights

important human rights issues. The Council of Europe and

the European Union have stressed that countries seeking to

join the political structures of Europe must have policies that

protect human rights. In 2002, the United States established the

Millennium Challenge Corporation to provide economic

A woman collects signatures for a campaign against domestic violencein Santiago, Chile.

The sign on her shirt reads “No more violence against women.”

A women’s group in ex-Soviet Georgia. The concept of women’s rights, alargely 20thcentury phenomenon, has arisen as concern for human rightsin general has risen.36 37

assistance to countries that govern democratically, invest in

their people, and encourage economic freedom.

Embarrassing Publicity

Another positive development is the light of embarrassing

international publicity that is increasingly focused on persistent

human rights violators. Global, regional, and national groups

have created a web of pressures that make it almost impossible

today for states to avoid being held accountable publicly for

their human rights practices.

The value of publicizing violations and trying to shame

states into better behavior should not be underestimated.

Even vicious governments may care about their international

reputations. For example, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the

Argentine military regime devoted considerable diplomatic

eff ort to thwart the investigations of the U.N. Commission on

Human Rights. Furthermore, publicity often helps at least a few

of the more prominent victims of repression regain a measure

of freedom and even sometimes avoid execution. The World

Wide Web has made it easier for human rights groups to link up

and publicize issues.

National and international norms and expectations are

being altered for the

better. The idea of

human rights has

a moral force and

mobilizing power

that is hard to resist

in today’s world. And

as more and more

citizens throughout the

world come to think of

themselves as endowed

with inalienable rights,

People read about their rights on a wall poster on a municipalbuilding in Albania.

A man in China surfs the Internet. Modern

technology makes it possible for human rights

organizations to connect with one another, and

share their message with the world.38

the demand for human rights continues to cause dictators to

fl ee and their governments to crumble.

The sword may prove mightier than the word in the short

run. But the task of human rights advocates, wherever they may

be, is the ancient and noble one of speaking the truth of justice

to power. And one of the most heartening lessons of much

recent history is that truth can triumph.

Abridged and adapted, with updates, from the essay What Are HumanRights?

by Jack Donnelly, a professor of international studies at theUniversity of Denver.

Dr. Donnelly is the author of Universal Human Rights in Theory andPractice,

International Human Rights, and numerous articles on a variety ofhuman rights

issues.

Photo Credits: Page 1: © The PrintCollector/Heritage-Images/Imagestate,

UK. 3: Special Collections, (c) 2006 University of Leeds Library. 6,7: UN Photo

(2). 10: T. Cambre Pierce/AP Images. 11: AFP/Getty Images. 12: APImages.

15: Themba Hadebe/AP Images. 17: Bibliotheque Nationale/akg-images.18:

Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Library of Congress (LOC).20, 23:

Prints and Photographs Division, LOC (2). 24: Bettmann/CORBIS. 25:Prints and

Photographs Division, LOC. 27: Rudi Blaha/AP Images. 29: EduardoVerdugo/AP

Images. 31: Manish Swarup/AP Images. 32: Daniel Luna/AP Images. 33: AP

Images. 34: Santiago Llanquin/AP Images. 35: Maria Steen/Moment/Redux.

36: Fejzon Numani/OSCE. 37: © Sinopix.

ten denied full human rights

- A + A Published 30 April 2008Tags health care human rights social policy social protectionShare on facebook Share on gmail Being particularly vulnerable, the elderly are "often ignored and denied their fullhuman rights," according to the Council of Europe's Commissioner for Human RightsThomas Hammarberg, writing on the council's website on 28 April 2008.

The author calls for the human dignity of the "lost generation" to be respected andtheir rights restored, as they do not enjoy an adequate standard of living and many ofthem are poor. 

Given their frailty, aged people should get "special protection", Hammarberg argues,explaining that this is why the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulated theyhave the right to security.

In our society, the elderly tend to be discriminated against on several levels and maybe considered as worthless or non-productive, the human rights commissioner states.

Hammarberg highlights the labour market as a good example of an area wherediscrimination frequently occurs – many retired people who wish to continue theirprofessional activity do not have the opportunity to do so as their age prevents themfrom accessing the market. 

The author suggests leaders should make retirement ages more flexible as "olderpersons should have the opportunity to work as long as they wish and are able to, insatisfying and productive work". 

Modern society has not adequately addressed disabilities caused by ageing like reducedvision, reduced hearing or reduced mobility, Hammarberg states, highlighting thenecessity of designing policies and programmes that would adapt to their situation. 

Institutionally, he says some countries should better control the way in which agedpeople are treated, as they are "less able to defend themselves against abuse". 

He also calls for the conditions in which they are hosted to be more thoroughlymonitored. 

Faced with ageing populations, the elderly are bound to be "a strain on the social andhealth care system," therefore the commissioner urges European leaders to re-examinetheir social protection systems, health care and housing policies, which are not"suited" to the elderly. 

India

INDIAN CRIMINAL DEFENSEMANUAL

1. The Role And Responsibility of a LegalAid Lawyer

2. Rights of the Accused and Exceptional Circumstances

3. Client Interview 4. Other Pretrial Matters 5. Theory of the Case 6. Various Defense Strategies 7. Questioning the Witness 8. Plea Bargaining/Guilty

Plea9. Evidence 10. Arguments

CODES

The Code of Criminal Procedure

The Constitution of India The Indian Evidence Act, 1872 The Indian Penal Code, 1860 LEGAL RESOURCES

Lawyer-Client Relationship India Country Summary Card Rights of the Accused Around

the World Important Case Law regarding

Defendants' Rights in IndiaLEGAL TRAINING RESOURCE

CENTER

eLearning Courses for Indian lawyers

BackgroundIndia has one of the world's largest populations of pre-trial detainees with249,796 people in overcrowded and unsanitary prisons. While in police custody,these Indian citizens are often subjected to beatings, sleep deprivation, andshock treatments - all in violation of their fundamental constitutionalrights. Subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, they are an example ofhuman rights abuses on a colossal scale. Four people die in police or judicialcustody every day from these abuses.

Many of these deaths could be avoided if cases were swiftly resolved. However,each year more cases are filed in Indian courts than can ever be disposed of,creating a huge bottleneck in the criminal justice system. There are currently26,752,193 pending cases in Indian courts and in some jurisdictions case loadsare so high that it would take a thousand years to clear court dockets.Because of this backlog, detainees who cannot make bail are sometimes kept inpretrial detention longer than the maximum sentence they would have receivedif convicted. In one case, a man was held in pretrial detention for 54 yearseven though the maximum sentence for his crime was only 10 years. During theseperiods of pre-trial detention, arrestees are at the greatest risk of humanrights abuses as victims have reported that the longer the period ofdetention, the more intense the violence against them becomes.

These abuses are made worse and worse by the continuing deterioration of theIndian Police, one of the most ill-equipped police departments in the world.For every 1,037 Indian residents there is only one police officer. (Asianaverage: 558, global average: 333). Understaffed, under-skilled and under-resourced, the police in many Indian states work long hours under filthy laborconditions. Junior officers face intense pressure from supervisors to solvecases quickly and efficiently. As a result, bribery, brutal torture, murders,illegal arrests and other human rights abuses have become the norm, ratherthan the exception.

Recently, India has demonstrated an increased commitment to rule of law andcitizens’ legal rights. Because of police abuses during interrogation, Article22 of the Indian Constitution was added to prevent police from detainingcitizens for longer than 24 hours without a special order from a magistrate.Though domestic law grants this fundamental legal right, there remains atremendous gulf between the actual law and its implementation. Police officersregularly detain suspects for several days, post-dating arrest documents 24-hours before producing the defendant before the magistrate. Similarly,pretrial detainees are routinely denied due process rights taken for grantedin the western world: notice of charges and an opportunity to contact familyor lawyers. In many cases these prisoners – poor and marginally literate – arecompletely unaware they have any legal rights at all, further emboldeningpolice officers.

NGOs have been successful in lobbying Indian authorities to criminalizetorture, organizing public awareness campaigns on the issue of torture andaiding the rehabilitation of torture victims. However, systematic policedenial, obstruction, an absence of records and a lack of accountabilitycontinues to plague the system.

Despite the fact that India has a limited legal aid system, the vast majorityof pre-trial detainees never receive any legal representation, making thisright illusory at best. India's current legal aid system operates primarily inurban areas, and due to caste segregation many Indians do not receive accessto legal aid at all. Each of India's 28 states operates its own Legal ServicesAuthority, resulting in an uncoordinated approach to India's legal aidproblems.

Type of SystemA former British colony, India has a criminal justice system heavilyinfluenced by the English common law system. There are, however, significantdifferences. For instance, India banned the use of jury trials in 1960.

Sources of Defendants' RightsDefendants' rights are protected by the Constitution of India, the CriminalProcedure Code of 1973 and the Indian Evidence Act of 1872 which governs asuspects rights prior to trial. In addition, defendants' rights are

established by case law by regional and national courts. By law, Indiandefendants retain a significant number of rights including the right tocounsel[1], the right to silence [2], the right to a fair trial[3], the right toconfront witnesses[4] and the right to a speedy trial[5]

Defendants' RightsPre-Trial

The arrest of a defendant must be made if a reasonable complaint has been madeor credible information received or a reasonable suspicion exists that anindividual committed a crime[6]. Police may conduct a search upon probablecause and the issuance of a search warrant.

A defendant may be detained pending trial. For bailable offenses a Magistratemust notify the accused of his right to bail and prescribe the amount of bail.The defendant has the right to identify an individual to be informed of his orher arrest.[7]. An arrestee has the right to demand an "Inspection Memo" fordocumenting any injuries incurred during or after arrest and has the right toa medical examination every 48 hours.

A defendant has the right to meet a lawyer during interrogation though notthroughout the entire duration of the interrogation.

Defendants in police custody must be produced before a Magistrate within 24hours of arrest. [8]

The right to counsel applies to all custodial interrogations as well ascritical stages of the proceedings including post-indictment interrogations,arraignments, gulity pleas and trials.[9]

Trial

A defendant has the right to a fair trial in open court [10] as well as theright to confront witnesses [11]. Jury trials were abandoned in 1960 and alltrials occur with the judge sitting as finder of both law and fact.

Confessions to police are inadmissible as evidence. Confessions may beadmissible if made to a Magistrate and only if the Magistrate examines thecircumstances of the confession for possible police coercion orintimidation[12]

Post-Conviction

The Constitution of India prohibits an individual from being prosecuted andpunished form the same offence more than once.[13] The Criminal Procedure Codestates that every individual convicted in High Court may appeal to the SupremeCourt. Any person convicted on a trial held by a Sessions Judge or AdditionalSessions Judge or a trial in any other court in which the sentence ofimprisonment is more than seven years may appeal to the High Court. Thedefendant must show that a miscarriage of justice jeapardized the fundamentalfairness of the trial in order to secure reversal.[14]

The Indian Supreme Court may enforce Constitution rights by Habeas corpus,mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari [15]

See Criminal Justice Systems Around the World

QUICK FACTS

There are 26,752,193 pending cases in Indian courts. In some jurisdictionscase loads are so high that it would take a thousand years to clear courtdockets.

References

1. ↑  Constitution of India, Art. 22(1)2. ↑  Constitution of India, Art. 20(3)3. ↑  Constitution of India, Art. 144. ↑  India Evidence Act, Section 1385. ↑  Hussainara Khatoon & Ors. V. Home Secretary, Bihar, Patna, (1980) I

SCC 986. ↑  Criminal Procedure Code, Sect. 417. ↑  Criminal Procedure Code, Section 50A8. ↑  Constitution of India, Article 22(2)9. ↑  State of M.P. v. Shobharam, AIR 1966 SC 1910: (1966) Cri LJ 152110. ↑  Criminal Procedure Code Sec. 32711. ↑  Indian Evidence Act Sec. 13812. ↑  Criminal Procedure Code, Sect. 164.

13. ↑  Constitution of India, Art. 20(2).14. ↑  For a full list of appealable issues see Criminal Procedure

Code, 1973, Sections 460-466.15. ↑  Constitution of India, Art. 32(2)

What Can Be Done: Human Rights First’sPrimetime Torture ProjectHuman Rights First has developed a project called Primetime Torture that seeksto limit the negative impact television has on the way U.S. troops operate by:Training soldiers

We are developing training materials to educate junior soldiers about why theway torture is portrayed on television should not be imitated. The trainingmaterials include a 20-minute video that combines scenes of torture and crueltreatment from popular television shows with interviews from seasonedinterrogators, script writers and cultural critics as well as a writtendiscussion guide written by former interrogators.Talking to the creative community in Hollywood

Human Rights First has reached out to writers, producers, studio executives,actors and others with creative control to talk to them about the way tortureis presented on TV. As part of this, we are introducing seasoned interrogatorsto Hollywood and encouraging writers and producers to utilize formerinterrogators as a resource.

Human Rights First has also created the following recommendations to creatorsof popular culture who are writing scenes about interrogation:1. Depict torture, but condemn it – and the torturer.

Historically, the American military has viewed torture as unacceptable: notonly does torture practiced by Americans undermine the United States’ role asa champion of human rights, it also puts captured Americans at greater risk oftorture and limits the U.S. government’s ability to criticize or punish suchtreatment.

U.S. interrogators say that not only is torture illegal and immoral, it isalso ineffective as an interrogation tactic – because it is unreliable.

Moreover, evidence gained through torture is inadmissible in court – andtherefore unusable for prosecuting alleged terrorists or criminals.

In depicting interrogation scenes, writers might consider having respectedcharacters condemn acts of torture or question the morality, the consequences,and the efficacy of abuse when used as an interrogation technique. Characterswho torture should be criticized and ostracized.

It would also be helpful for writers to consider having only villains – orcharacters of questionable ethics – torture to elicit information, and then tohave the abuse prove ineffective in producing actionable intelligence.Certainly, Americans – and American heroes in particular – should not torture.2. Show that torture is unreliable and ineffective.Torture, as it is performed by American characters on television, regularlyproduces reliable information – and quite quickly. When writingabout interrogation, writers might consider creating scenes that moreaccuratelymirror reality: showing that torture often incapacitates suspects (orkills them); that innocent people are often mistakenly tortured; or thatvictimsof torture provide false information.3. Show the consequences of torture – physicaland emotional.

On television today, torture has few consequences for the torturer and thetortured. Interrogators report, however, that the physical and psychologicaleffects of torture are profound – that it would be difficult, if notimpossible, for those who torture or are tortured to resume normal lifequickly as they do on television.

Writers might consider showing the psychological dimensions of those who treatothers inhumanely, and the real physical and psychological costs to those whoare tortured.4. Have heroes use legal techniques.

For decades American soldiers and police officers have gleaned valuableinformation from suspects without torturing them. There are textbooks full oflegal interrogation techniques – techniques with great dramatic possibilities.

Writers might consider speaking to experienced military and FBI interrogatorsabout the range of psychological and dramatic situations faced in real-lifeinterrogations.5. Remember that American popular culture is exported widely around the world.

With the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo fresh in people’s minds,exporting the glorification of torture by American military and policepersonnel further tarnishes America’s image in the world.

At a moment when there is an active policy debate in the United States aboutlegalizing coercive interrogation, writers might consider the effect onAmerica’s image – and soldiers’ safety – of creating interrogation scenes thatcelebrate Americans torturing without legal consequences.6. Understand the impact of perpetuating the “ticking time bomb” scenario.

Since the attacks of September 11, there has been an effort to change U.S.interrogation policy so that abuse is permissible in certain circumstances;the so-called “ticking time bomb” scenario is often raised as such acircumstance. Experienced interrogators say that the ticking time bombscenario is so exceptional it is all but mythical: interrogators rarely, ifever, are certain that a suspect in custody knows the details of an imminentattack and that torture would work to elicit that information.

The ticking time bomb scenario, however, has been firmly lodged in the publicdebate as likely and common. Opinion polls show that Americans – who oncethought torture unacceptable – now believe torture may be warranted in certaincircumstances.Because the ticking time bomb scenario is a powerful dramatic device, itis used regularly, even disproportionately, in television interrogationscenes;this contributes to the false idea that such a scenario is common. Writersmight consider balancing ticking time bomb scenes with other scenarios. Thisway, writers will not perpetuate the idea that this situation is commonplaceand effectively addressed by torture.

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Human Rights Protection

ByMichelle Maiese 

June 2004 

What are Human Rights?

Human rights are the basicrights and freedoms to whichall humans are consideredentitled: the right to life,liberty, freedom of thought andexpression, and equal treatmentbefore the law, among others.These rights represententitlements of the individualor groups vis-B-vis thegovernment, as well asresponsibilities of theindividual and the governmentauthorities.

Such rights are ascribed"naturally," which means thatthey are not earned and cannotbe denied on the basis of race,creed, ethnicity or gender.[1]These rights are often advancedas legal rights and protectedby the rule of law. However, they are distinct fromand prior to law, and can be used as standards forformulating or criticizing both localandinternational law. It is typically thought that

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I found one day inschool a boy ofmedium size ill-treating a smallerboy. I expostulated,but he replied: "Thebigs hit me, so I hitthe babies; that'sfair." In these wordshe epitomized thehistory of thehuman race.

- BertrandRussell

The 1993 World Conferenceon Human Rights affirmedthe crucial connectionbetween internationalpeace and security and therule of law and humanrights, placing them allwithin the larger contextof democratization anddevelopment.

The United Nations isincreasingly combiningefforts to prevent or endconflicts with measuresaimed at reducing humanrights abuses insituations of internalviolence. Special emphasisis placed on ensuring theprotection of minorities,strengthening democraticinstitutions, realizingthe right to developmentand securing universalrespect for human rights.-- United Nations, "Human RightsToday: A United Nations Priority."

the conduct of governments and military forces mustcomply with these standards.

Various "basic" rights that cannot be violated underany circumstances are set forth in internationalhuman rights documents such as the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights, the InternationalCovenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,and the International Covenant on Civil andPolitical Rights. The rights established by thesedocuments include economic, social, cultural,political and civil rights.[2]

While human rights are not always interpretedsimilarly across societies, these norms nonethelessform a common human rights vocabulary in which theclaims of various cultures can be articulated. Thewidespread ratification of international humanrights agreements such as those listed above istaken as evidence that these are widely sharedvalues.[3] Having human rights norms in placeimposes certain requirements on governments andlegitimizes the complaints of individuals in thosecases where fundamental rights and freedoms are notrespected.[4] Such norms constitute a standard forthe conduct of government and the administration offorce. They can be used as "universal, non-discriminatory standards" for formulating orcriticizing law and act as guidelines for properconduct.[5]

Many conflicts are sparked by a failure to protecthuman rights, and the trauma that results fromsevere human rights violations often leads to newhuman rights violations. As conflict intensifies,hatred accumulates and makes restoration of peacemore difficult. In order to stop this cycle ofviolence, states must institute policies aimed athuman rights protection. Many believe that theprotection of human rights "is essential to the

sustainable achievement of the three agreed globalpriorities of peace, development and democracy."[6]Respect for human rights has therefore become anintegral part of international law and foreignpolicy. The specific goal of expanding such rightsis to "increase safeguards for the dignity of theperson."[7]

Despite what resembles a widespread consensus on theimportance of human rights and the expansion ofinternational treaties on such matters, theprotection of human rights still often leaves muchto be desired. Although international organizationshave been created or utilized to embody thesevalues, there is little to enforce the commitmentsstates have made to human rights. Militaryintervention is a rare occurrence. Sanctions have aspotty track record of effectiveness. Although notto be dismissed as insignificant, often the onlyconsequence for failing to protect human rights is"naming and shaming."

Interventions to Protect Human Rights

 

To protect human rights is toensure that people receive somedegree of decent, humanetreatment. Because politicalsystems that protect humanrights are thought to reducethe threat of world conflict,all nations have a stake inpromoting worldwide respect forhuman rights.[8] Internationalhuman rights law, humanitarianintervention law and refugeelaw all protect the right tolife and physical integrity and

"Numerous reports,compiled by the UnitedNations (UN) and varioushuman rightsorganizations, have citedgross violations of humanrights in Africa,especially within thecontext of internal armedconflicts. In light ofthis scenario, thequestion of whether or nota right to humanitarianintervention exists hasbecome even morepertinent." - KithureKindiki, "Gross Violations ofHuman Rights"

attempt to limit the unrestrained power of thestate. These laws aim to preserve humanity andprotect against anything that challenges people'shealth, economic well-being, social stability andpolitical peace. Underlying such laws is theprinciple of nondiscrimination, the notion thatrights apply universally.[9]

Responsibility to protect human rights resides firstand foremost with the states themselves. However, inmany cases public authorities and governmentofficials institute policies that violate basichuman rights. Such abuses of power by politicalleaders and state authorities have devastatingeffects, including genocide, war crimes and crimesagainst humanity. What can be done to safeguardhuman rights when those in power are responsiblefor human rights violations? Can outside forcesintervene in order to protect human rights?

Humanitarian Intervention

In some cases, the perceived need to protect humanrights and maintain peace has led to humanitarianintervention. There is evidence that internationallywe are moving towards the notion that governmentshave not only a negative duty to respect humanrights, but also a positive duty to safeguard theserights, preserve life and protect people from havingtheir rights violated by others.[10] Many believethat states' duties to intervene should not bedetermined by proximity, but rather by the severityof the crisis.

There are two kinds of humanitarian interventioninvolving the military: unilateral interventions bya single state, and collective interventions by agroup of states.[11] Because relatively few stateshave sufficient force and capacity to intervene ontheir own, most modern interventions are collective.

Some also argue that there is a normative consensusthat multilateral intervention is the onlyacceptable form at present.[12]

There is much disagreement about when and to whatextent outside countries can engage in suchinterventions. More specifically, there is debateabout the efficacy of using military force toprotect the human rights of individuals in othernations. This sort of debate stems largely from atension between state sovereignty and the rights ofindividuals.

Some defend the principles of state sovereignty andnonintervention, and argue that other states must bepermitted to determine their own course. They pointout that the principles of state sovereignty and thenon-use of force are enshrined in the charter of theUnited Nations, which is regarded as anauthoritative source on international legal order.[13]

This argument suggests that different states havedifferent conceptions of justice, and internationalcoexistence depends on a pluralist ethic wherebyeach state can uphold its own conception of thegood.[14] Among this group, there is "a profoundskepticism about the possibilities of realizingnotions of universal justice."[15] States thatpresume to judge what counts as a violation of humanrights in another nation interfere with thatnation's right to self-determination. Suspicions arefurther raised by the inconsistent respect forsovereignty (or human rights for that matter);namely, the Permanent Members of the UN SecurityCouncil have tremendous say over application ofinternational principles. In addition, requiringsome country to respect human rights is liable tocause friction and can lead to far-reachingdisagreements.[16] Thus, acts of intervention may

disrupt interstate order and lead to furtherconflict.[17] Even greater human suffering mightthereby result if states set aside the norm ofnonintervention.

Others point out that humanitarian intervention doesnot, in principle, threaten the territorialintegrity and political independence of states.Rather than aiming to destabilize a target state andmeddle in its affairs, humanitarian interventionaims to restore rule of law and promote humanetreatment of individuals.[18]

Furthermore, people who advocate this approachmaintain that "only the vigilant eye of theinternational community can ensure the properobservance of international standards, in theinterest not of one state or another but of theindividuals themselves."[19] They maintain thatmassive violations of human rights, such as genocideand crimes against humanity, warrant intervention,even if it causes some tension or disagreement.Certain rights are inalienable and universal, and"taking basic rights seriously means takingresponsibility for their protection everywhere."[20]

If, through its atrocious actions, a state destroysthe lives and rights of its citizens, it temporarilyforfeits its claims to legitimacy and sovereignty.[21] Outside governments then have a positive dutyto take steps to protect human rights and preservelives. In addition, it is thought that politicalsystems that protect human rights reduce the threatof world conflict.[22] Thus, intervention might alsobe justified on the ground of preservinginternational security, promoting justice andmaintaining international order.

Nevertheless, governments are often reluctant tocommit military forces and resources to defend human

rights in other states.[23] In addition, the use ofviolence to end human rights violations poses amoral dilemma insofar as such interventions may leadto further loss of innocent lives.[24] Therefore, itis imperative that the least amount of forcenecessary to achieve humanitarian objectives beused, and that intervention not do more harm thangood. Lastly, there is a need to ensure thatintervention is legitimate, and motivated by genuinehumanitarian concerns. The purposes of interventionmust be apolitical and disinterested. However, ifrisks and costs of intervention are high, it isunlikely that states will intervene unless their owninterests are involved.[25] For this reason, somedoubt whether interventions are ever driven byhumanitarian concerns rather than self-interest.

Many note that in order to truly address humanrights violations, we must strive to understand theunderlying causes of these breaches. These causeshave to do with underdevelopment, economicpressures, social problems and internationalconditions.[26] Indeed, the roots ofrepression, discrimination and other denials ofhuman rights stem from deeper and more complexpolitical, social and economic problems. It is onlyby understanding and ameliorating these root causesand strengthening both democracy and civilsociety that we can truly protect human rights.

Restoring Human Rights in the Peacebuilding Phase

In the aftermath of conflict, violence and suspicionoften persist. Government institutions and thejudiciary, which bear the main responsibility forthe observation of human rights, are often severelyweakened by the conflict or complicit in it. Yet, ageneral improvement in the human rights situation isessential for rehabilitation of war-torn societies.Many argue thathealing the psychological scars

caused by atrocities and reconciliation at thecommunity level cannot take place if the truth aboutpast crimes is not revealed and if human rights arenot protected. To preserve political stability,human rights implementation must be managedeffectively. Issues of mistrust and betrayal must beaddressed, and the rule of law must be restored. Insuch an environment, the international community canoften play an important supporting role in providingat least implicit guarantees that former opponentswill not abandon the peace.[27] Because allinternational norms are subject to culturalinterpretation, external agents that assist in therestoration of human rights in post-conflictsocieties must be careful to find local terms withwhich to express human rights norms. While humanrights are in theory universal, ideas aboutwhich basic needs should be guaranteed varyaccording to cultural, political, economic andreligious circumstances. Consequently, policies topromote and protect human rights must be culturallyadapted to avoid distrust and perceptions ofintrusion into internal affairs.

To promote human rights standards in post-conflictsocieties, many psychological issues must beaddressed. Societies must either introduce newsocial norms or reestablish old moral standards.They must design programs that will bothaddress pastinjustice and prevent future human rightsviolations. Human rights must not become justanother compartmentalized aspect of recovery, butmust be infused throughoutall peacebuilding and reconstruction activities.Democratization implies the restoration of political andsocial rights. Government officials and members ofsecurity and police forces have to be trained toobserve basic rights in the execution of theirduties. Finally, being able to forgive past

violations is central to society's reconciliation.

Rights Protection Methods

Various methods to advance and protect human rightsare available:

During violent conflict, safe havens toprotect refugees and war victims from anysurrounding violence in their communities cansometimes help to safeguard human lives.

As violent conflict begins tosubside, peacekeeping strategies to physicallyseparate disputants and prevent further violence arecrucial. These measures, together with violenceprevention mechanisms, can help to safeguard humanlives. Limiting the use of violence is crucial toensuring groups' survival and creating the necessaryconditions for a return to peace.

Education  about human rights must become part ofgeneral public education. Technical and financialassistance should be provided to increase knowledgeabout human rights. Members of the police andsecurity forces have to be trained to ensure theobservation of human rights standards for lawenforcement. Research institutes and universitiesshould be strengthened to train lawyers and judges.To uphold human rights standards in the long-term,their values must permeate all levels of society.

Dialogue  groups that assemble people from variousethnicities should be organized to overcomemistrust, fear and grief in society. Getting to knowthe feelings of ordinary people of each side mighthelp to change the demonic imageof the enemy group.Dialogue also helps parties at the grassroots levelto discover the truth about what has happened, andmay provide opportunities for apology andforgiveness.

External specialists can offer legislativeassistance and provide guidance in drafting pressfreedom laws, minority legislation and laws securinggender equality. They can also assist in drafting a

constitution, which guarantees fundamental politicaland economic rights.

Those who perpetrate human rights violations find itmuch easier to do so in cases where their activitiescan remain secret.International witnesses, observers and reporters canexert modest pressure to bring violations of humanrights to public notice and discourage furtherviolence. Monitors should not only exposeviolations, but also make the public aware of anyprogress made in the realization of human rights. Inorder to ensure that proper action is taken afterthe results of investigations have been made public,effective mechanisms to address injustice must be inplace.

Truth commissions  are sometimes established after apolitical transition. To distinguish them from otherinstitutions established to deal with a legacy ofhuman rights abuses, truth commissions can beunderstood as "bodies set up to investigate a pasthistory of violations of human rights in aparticular country -- which can include violationsby the military or other government forces or armedopposition forces."[28] They are officiallysanctioned temporary bodies that investigate apattern of abuse in the past. Their goal is touncover details of past abuses as a symbol ofacknowledgment of past wrongs. They typically do nothave the powers of courts, nor should they, sincethey do not have the same standards of evidence andprotections for defendants. As such, they usually donot "name names" of those responsible for humanrights abuses, but rather point to institutionalfailings that facilitated the crimes. Finally, theyconclude with a report that contains recommendationsto prevent a recurrence of the crimes and to providereparations to victims.

International war crimes tribunals  are establishedto hold individuals criminally responsible forviolations of international human rights law inspecial courts. The international community rarelyhas the will to create them. As the experiences withthe war tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia

indicate, even where they are created, they areimperfect. They cannot hold all perpetratorsaccountable and typically aim for the topleadership. However, it remains difficult tosentence the top-level decision-makers, who bear theultimate responsibility for atrocities. They oftenenjoy political immunity as members of the post-conflict government. Incriminating a popular leadermight lead to violent protests and sometimes even torelapse into conflict. Leaders may be necessary tonegotiate and implement a peace agreement.

Various democratization measures can help to restorepolitical and social rights. For sustainability andlong-term viability of human rights standards,strong local enforcement mechanisms have to beestablished. An independent judiciary that providesimpartial means and protects individuals againstpolitically influenced persecution must berestored. Election monitors who help to guaranteefair voting procedures can help to ensure stable andpeaceful elections. And various social structuralchanges, including reallocations of resources,increased political participation, and thestrengthening of civil society can help to ensurethat people's basic needs are met.

Humanitarian aid  and development assistance seeks toease the impact that violent conflict has oncivilians. During conflict, the primary aim is toprevent human casualties and ensure access to basicsurvival needs. These basics include water,sanitation, food, shelter and health care. Aid canalso assist those who have been displaced andsupport rehabilitation work. Once conflict hasended, development assistance helps toadvance reconstruction programs that rebuildinfrastructure, institutions and the economy. Thisassistance helps countries to undergo peacefuldevelopment rather than sliding back into conflict.

Conclusion

The expansion of international human rights law hasoften not been matched by practice. Yet, there is

growing consensus that the protection of humanrights is important for the resolution of conflictand to the rebuilding process afterward. To achievethese goals, the international community hasidentified a number of mechanisms both to bring anend to human rights abuses and to establish anenvironment in which they will be respected in thefuture. They are not alternatives, but each providesimportant benefits in dealing with the past andenvisioning a brighter future.

[1] Little, David. "Universality of Human Rights,"[availableat: http://www.usip.org/research/rehr/universality.html]

[2] endnote goes here**

[3] At the same time, some would argue that thehegemonic power of the West, whether throughnormative pressure or economic, is responsible forwidespread ratification.

[4] Antonio Cassese, Human Rights in a Changing World.(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990), 2.

[5] Little, "The Nature and Basis of Human Rights,"United States Institute of Peace.

[availableat: http://www.usip.org/research/rehr/natbasis.html]

[6] "Human Rights Today: A United Nations Priority,"The United Nations, 2000. [availableat:http://www.un.org/rights/HRToday/]

[7] Cassese, 3.

[8] Cassese, 58.

[9] Don Hubert and Thomas G. Weiss et al. TheResponsibility to Protect: Supplementary Volume to the Report of theInternational Commission on Intervention and StateSovereignty. (Canada: International Development ResearchCentre, 2001), 144.

[10] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 147.

[11] Kithure Kindiki, "Gross Violations of HumanRights in Internal Armed Conflicts in Africa: IsThere a Right of Humanitarian Intervention?"in Conflict Trends, no. 3, 2001. ACCORD.

[12] Martha Finnemore, The purpose of intervention: changingbeliefs about the use of force. (Ithaca, Cornell UniversityPress, 2003), chapter 3.

[13] Kithure Kindiki, "Gross Violations of HumanRights"

[14] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 132.

[15] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 133.

[16] Cassese, 58.

z[17] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 133.

[18] Kithure Kindiki, "Gross Violations of HumanRights"

[19] Cassese, 55-6.

[20] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 135.

[21] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 136.

[22] Cassese, 58.

[23] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 136.

[24] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 137.

[25] Hubert and Weiss, et al., 141.

[26] Cassese, 59.

[27] See for example, Barbara F. Walter, Committing topeace: the successful settlement of civil wars. (Princeton, N.J.,Princeton University Press: 2002).

[28] Priscilla B. Hayner, (1994). "Fifteen TruthCommissions - 1974 to 1994: A Comparative Study."Human Rights Quarterly. 16(4): 604.

Use the following to cite this article:Maiese, Michelle. "Human Rights Protection." BeyondIntractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. ConflictInformation Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder.Posted: June 2004<http://www.beyondintractability.org/bi-essay/human-rights-protect>.

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