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Polish Voice Assimilation
at the Phonetics-Phonology
Interface
Karolina BrośUniversity of Warsaw
Bermúdez-Otero & Trousdale 2012:9
the lifecycle and domain narrowing
gradient phonetic processes categorical phrase level → →morphologization, lexicalisation
Polish
3 processes involved:
FD – final devoicing in obstruents, superseded by VA
VA – voice assimilation (obstruents, inside words and across #)
Presonorant VA – Kraków/Poznań dialects
Polish Final Devoicing and Voice Assimilation
chleb 'bread'
chle[p] chle[b]achle[p] polski chle[b] żytni
sklep 'store'
skle[p] skle[p]uskle[p] sportowy skle[b] warzywny
Kraków/Poznań 'presonorant voicing'
chle[b] Adama
skle[b] Adama
chle[b] Natalii
ko[p]nąć
ko[p]ać
pochle[b]ny
'CLASSICAL' AUTOSEGMENTAL ANALYSES
(Gussman 1992, Rubach 1996)
delinking cum spreading
word-final obstruents ≠ word-medial
underspecification
Final Devoicing (Rubach 1996:77)
R = Root Node, L = Laryngeal Node, Pw = Phonological Word
the laryngeal node is delinked
the obstruent is unspecified for voice
Cracow Spread (Rubach 1996:82)
voice is spread from a neighbouring segment specified for voice
process preceded by Sonorant Default
Problems
How to treat voice?
privativebinaryternary distinction
obstruents vs sonorants
default?
spreading properties in obstruents only
1.
Problems
VA as spreading
2-stage operation
assimilation to voiceless
asymmetry
obligatory/default fill-in rules
2.
Problems
The role of prosody
syllable or string-based?
medial phonology vs. edge effects
salience vs. weak positions
3.
Problems
Ordering of processes
Duke-of-York in Kraków/Poznań
xlɛb → xlɛB xl→ ɛb + Adama
laryngeal distinctions for technical purposes?
representational bias 4.
bra[t] 'brother'
bra[d. a]dama 'Adam's brother'
bra[d. m]agdy 'Magda's brother'
bra[t. k]asi 'Kasia's brother'
bra[d. g]osi 'Gosia's brother'
Compare syllabification:
ja.sny 'bright'
za.zna 'will experience'
Full contrast in (C)CN clusters
voiceless voiced
[ɕlɛpɨ] [ʑlɛ]
ślepy 'blind' źle 'badly'
[mɨɕlɛʨ] [ɲiʑl'i]
myśleć 'to think' niźli 'than'
[ɔpɕm'aʨ] [ɔbžm'awɨ]
obśmiać 'to mock' obrzmiały 'swollen'
[rɔspruʨ] [vɛzbraʨ]
rozpruć 'to unstitch' wezbrać 'to rise'
Latest phonetic study with implications for
phonology: Strycharczuk 2012
full obstruent agreement
FD phrase-final
full neutralisation only prepausally
BUT CRUCIALLY:
variability in production
underlying voiced and voiceless asymmetry
= presonorant voicing non-neutralising
UR voiced
ʺunderlyingly voiced presonorant stops have
significantly more voicing than stops followed by
voiceless obstruents [and] significantly less voicing
than stops followed by voiced obstruentsʺ
(Strycharczuk 2012:87)
→partial voicing?
OR
→optional full voicing?
supported by: voicing duration and voicing ratiobimodal distributionmost have 100% voicing during closure
UR voiceless
ʺunderlyingly voiceless stops typically surface with very
little voicing, becoming phonetically
indistinguishable from stops followed by voiceless
obstruentsʺ(Strycharczuk 2012:88)
Jansen (2004)
neutralised obstruents have more voicing
when followed by a sonorant than voiceless
obstruent, but less than before an actively
voiced obstruent
C1C2 incomplete neutralisation
PHONOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE FINDINGS
1. 'Presonorant Voicing' is
categorical but optional
2. 'Presonorant Voicing' is phonetic
MY PROPOSAL
1. There is no FD in the traditional sense
2. LAR contrast preserved word-medially in (C)CN
3. LAR neutralised in CC(C) by cluster homogeneity:
[pst]ry 'colourful' [bzd]ura 'nonsense'
gwia[zd]a 'star' mia[sto] 'town'
chle[p p]olski 'Polish bread' chle[b ž]ytni 'rye bread'
skle[b v]arzywny 'grocery' skle[p s]portowy 'sports store'
Edge effects:
neutralisation across a word boundary
(full laryngeal agreement in obstruents)
pre-pausal devoicing
(delaryngealisation at the phrase level)
STRATAL OT framework
*LAR and AGREE conspiracy at
Phrase Level
*LAR definition close to Lombardi's (1995)laryngeal features are not licensed in obstruents unless
they are adjacent to a sonorant
(reversed)
Markedness:
AGREE CC(C) – adjacent obstruents must agree in voicing
*LAR – obstruents must have no specification for voice ( ~ *+voice and *-voice combined)
Faithfulness:
Ident[LAR] – the input laryngeal specification must be preserved in the output
IdPreson[LAR] – the input laryngeal specification of a presonorant segment must be preserved in the output (Rubach 2008:439)
SCENARIO 1:
● word-final obstruents delaryngealised ● in phrase-level phonology to satisfy *LAR
● unspecified segments lack voicing targets● susceptible to voice spilling when flanked by sonorants● voicing as voice spilling in the phonetics component
sklɛp → sklɛB
sklɛp adama → sklɛB adama
xlɛb → xlɛB
xlɛb adama → xlɛB adama
SCENARIO 2:
● word-final obstruents delaryngealised only prepausally
● underlying voiced remains voiced● underlying voiceless remains voiceless
= no Final Devoicing of the Warsaw dialect typeprepausal delaryngealisation default feature filling at →the phonetics level
sklɛp → sklɛB
sklɛp adama → sklɛp adama
xlɛb → xlɛB
xlɛb adama → xlɛb adama
Modularity
phonetics-phonology interface
output underspecification by markedness:
fed into the phonetic component filled with a default value
'emergence of the unmarked'
FD as lack of voicing target no right-hand voicing cues(Steriade 1997, Jansen 2004)
Explained:
underlying voiced more prone to 'voicing'
possible domain narrowing(Warsaw)
AND THE LIFE CYCLE:
Poznań/KrakówPhrase-level domain
▐▼
Stabilisation▐▼
Restructuring▐▼
WarsawWord-level domain
Remaining issues:
● the (ir)relevance of IdentOnset
(onset faithfulness does not resolve the directionality problem in multiple clusters syllabified into the onset or followed by sonorant consonants; see Rubach 2008, cf. e.g. Lombardi 1999)
without resorting to some kind of 'contiguity' at the featural level in word-medial position as opposed to edge effects, IdOnset must be active to protect word medial clusters from delaryngealisation in Scenario 1 as opposed to presonorant coda segments
otherwise laryngeal (and other) phonological processes of Polish seem to disregard syllable structure (except sonorant transparency effects, cf. Rubach 1996, 2008)
Conclusion:
high-ranked, practically inviolable AGREE above all else
*Lar >> IdPreson[Lar]
word-medial effects ensured by IdOnset(perhaps to be substituted by an edge effects-
based constraint)
References:
Bermúdez-Otero, R. (2011). ‘Cyclicity’, in Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume, and Keren Rice (eds), The Blackwell companion to phonology (vol. 4: Phonological interfaces). Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2019-48.
Bermúdez-Otero, R. and G. Trousdale (2012). ‘Cycles and continua: on unidirectionality and gradualness in language change’, in Terttu Nevalainen and Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds), The Oxford handbook of the history of English. New York: Oxford University Press, 691-720.
Jansen, W. (2004). Laryngeal Contrast and Phonetic Voicing: A Laboratory Phonology Approach to English, Hungarian, and Dutch. Ph.D. thesis, University of Groningen.
Lombardi, L. (1995). Laryngeal features and privativity. The Linguistic Review 12, pp. 35–59.
Lombardi, L. (1999). Positional faithfulness and voicing assimilation in Optimality Theory. NLLT 17. 267-302.
Rubach, J. (1996). Nonsyllabic analysis of voice assimilation in Polish. Linguistic Inquiry 27, pp. 69–110.
Rubach, J. (2008). Prevocalic faithfulness. Phonology 25, pp. 433–468.
Strycharczuk, P. (2012). Phonetics-phonology interactions in pre-sonorant voicing. PhD thesis, University of Manchester. Available at http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/001645.