NATIVE HAWAIIAN EDUCATIONAL ASSESSMENT PROJECT

ABOUT THE COVER:

T ra d i t io n a l Hawaiian de s ign s used fo r decorat ive p r in t in g on Tapa c lo th .

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter I I n t r o d u c t i o n ............................................................................. 1

Chapter I I Nat ive Hawaiian Student Achievement ............................. 19

Chapter I I I Specia l Educational Needs ........................................... 62

Chapter IV C u l t u r a l l y Related Academic Needs ............................. 268

Chapter V Culture Loss and S t re s s Among Nat ive Americans . . 396

Chapter VI The Search fo r S o l u t i o n s ..............................................422

B ib l iography ........................................................................................... 438

C H A P T E R 1 I N T R O D U C T I O N

Chapter I

In troduction

In the year 1959 the American nation came to include as one o f i t s

S ta te s a group of i s la n d s in the P a c i f i c Ocean known c o l le c t iv e ly as

H aw a i ' i. I t s re s iden ts included groups o f people with many d i f fe r e n t

ancestra l and cu l tu ra l backgrounds. Among them were the descendants of

the a b o r ig in a l in h a b ita n ts of the i s la n d s . From dim o r ig in s in the va s t

P a c i f i c Basin th e ir ancestors had come, the f i r s t to see, to s e t t le , and

to th r iv e in the i s la n d s . Their epic voyages o f m igra t ion over uncharted

waters are thought to have f i r s t reached H aw ai 'i sometime between 500 and

800 A .D ., a time when European sea fa re rs were loathe to venture out o f

the s i g h t o f land. A r e la t i v e ly s tab le cu ltu re and l i f e s t y l e developed

and f lo u r ish e d u n t i l the year 1778, when Haw ai'i was f i r s t seen by

western eyes, those of Capta in James Cook and h is crew. Less than two

hundred years l a t e r , Hawai'i had become the f i f t i e t h o f the United S ta te s .

And what o f the Hawaiians? In that h i s t o r i c a l l y b r ie f period they

had seen t h e i r land claimed by o thers, t h e i r va lues and language l o s t ,

th e i r own numbers decimated by d isease, th e i r very ex istence threatened.

Statehood was only the most recent in the s e r ie s o f events which have

modernized and Americanized H aw a i ' i. I t a l s o helped to focus a t ten t ion

on the fa c t th a t Hawaiians now share with other nat ive and m inor ity

groups w ith in America a legacy of educational and soc ia l in e q u a l i t ie s .

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BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The Native Hawaiian Educational Assessment P ro ject e x i s t s in

re cogn it ion of the lo n g -s ta n d in g patterns o f low educational achievement

and h igh so c ia l a l ie n a t io n experienced by in d iv id u a l s o f Native Hawaiian

ancestry . For most of t h i s century, while these problems were known to

e x i s t , there were few data a v a i la b le to quan t ify th e ir se v e r it y , to

define t h e i r geographic scope, to r e f le c t whether cond it ion s were

improving, or even to in d ica te how Hawaiians f e l t about th e ir s i tu a t io n .

E f f o r t s to obta in answers to these and other questions took a turn in

1974 when Hawaiians were granted Native American de sign ation by Congress

(P.L. 93-644). Th is led to the c re at ion o f a n o n -p ro f i t o rgan iz a t ion to

serve as a re c ip ie n t body fo r pub lic and p r iva te funds that are intended

to a s s i s t Hawaiians to develop economic and so c ia l s e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y .

One of the i n i t i a l a c t i v i t i e s of th is o rga n iz a t io n , Alu L ike, was to

conduct a comprehensive statewide needs assessment survey o f Hawaiians.

The survey re su lt s ind ica ted that Hawaiians id e n t i f ie d education as the

h ighe st p r i o r i t y area re q u ir in g redress.

With th i s in mind, represen tat ives o f the Hawaiian community

conferred with Indian groups and governmental o f f i c i a l s in an attempt to

broaden the d e f in i t io n of "Native American" contained in the Ind ian

Education Act to inc lude Hawaiians. Broadening the d e f in i t io n was not

fe a s ib le .

E f f o r t s were subsequently re -d ire cted to encouraging passage by

Congress of separate l e g i s l a t i o n , the Native Hawaiian Education Act, th a t

would extend to Hawaiians benefits comparable to those being o ffered

Ind ians. Attempts to pass such l e g i s l a t i o n re su lte d , in stead , in the

cre a t ion by Congress in 1980 of an Advisory Council on Hawaiian Education.

However, before the Advisory Council could begin i t s work, the

Omnibus Budget R e c o n c i l ia t io n Act of 1981 was passed, re sc in d in g

a u th o r iza t io n of funds fo r a l l programs newly created in 1980.

Notw ithstanding the e f fe c t o f the Budget R e c o n c i l ia t io n Act on the

Adv iso ry Council, the Senate A ppropria t ions Committee in stru c ted the

O ff ice o f Education in 1981 to submit to Congress a comprehensive report

on Native Hawaiian education. These in s t ru c t io n s were accompanied by an

o f fe r from The Kamehameha Schoo ls/Bern ice Pauahi Bishop Estate to

underwrite costs of conducting the assessment and preparing the report.

The needs assessment plan was coopera t ive ly developed by

rep re sen ta t ive s of the O ff ic e o f Education (sponsor) and The Kamehameha

Schools/Bern ice Pauahi B ishop E sta te (contrac tor a t no pub lic expense.)

Gu id ing the d ire c t io n o f the Assessment and m onitoring the progress

o f s t a f f was an Executive S te e r in g Committee comprised of the fo l lo w in g

in d iv id u a l s :

Myron B. Thompson, Chairman

Urie Bronfenbrenner

Thomas Cook

H arr ie tte Ho lt

Pau line K ing

Trustee, The Kamehameha Sch o o ls / Bernice P. B ishop Estate .

P ro fessor o f Human Development and Family Stud ie s and of Psychology, Cornell U n iv e r s i ty .

P ro fe sso r o f Psychology, Northwestern U n ive rs ity .

U n ive rs ity o f Hawaii law school student and former researcher Hawaii S ta te L e g is la tu re .

Pro fe sso r o f H is to ry , U n iv e r s i ty of Hawaii.

Hamilton McCubbin Chairman and P ro fe sso r , Departmento f Family Soc ia l Science, U n ive rs ity o f Minnesota.

Frank Ryan Act ing D ire c to r , O rgan izationa lPerformance Se rv ic e s , O f f ic e of Management, Department o f Education.

Robert Sweet Executive D ire c to r , National Council fo r Educational Research.

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Benjamin Young Dean of Students, School o fMedicine, U n iv e rs i ty of Hawaii.

S t a f f in g of the study co n s is te d o f the fo l low in g in d iv id u a l s :

Mr. Neil J. Hannahs

Dr. Jim Brough

Mrs. Sherlyn Frank lin

Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing S t a f f :

Dr. Ormond Hammond

Mr. C h r is Melahn

Ms. Jana Hall

Mrs. Gail Aoki

Ms. Kelcey Reeves

Mrs. Kathleen Fleming

Project D ire c to r and D ire c to r of Communications/Community R e la t io n s , The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate.

Assessment Manager and D ire c to r of Support Se rv ic e s , The Kamehameha School s /B ishop Estate.

Washington, D.C. L ia iso n .

D ire c to r , Program Evaluation and Planning

Evaluation S p e c i a l i s t

Research A s s i s t a n t

A d m in is tra t ive A s s i s t a n t

C le rk -T y p is t

C le rk -T y p is t

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PURPOSE AND GOALS OF THE STUDY

The purpose of the Native Hawaiian Educational Assessment has been to

produce a comprehensive report th a t inc ludes in form ation r e la t iv e to the

fo l lo w in g two goa ls :

1. To id e n t i f y the unique educational needs o f Native

Hawaiians.

This Goal was addressed through three quest ions;

a. Do Hawaiian Students score below p a r i ty with

national norms on standard ized achievement

t e s t s ?

b. Do Hawaiian students have other spec ia l

educational needs not measurable by

standard ized achievement te s t s ?

c. Do Hawaiian students have c u l t u r a l l y re la ted

academic needs, or needs which accrue to

th e i r unique c u ltu ra l background?

2. To id e n t i f y e f fe c t iv e Native American and lo ca l educational

programs which could meet the unique needs o f Native

Hawaiians?

This Goal was addressed by the fo l lo w in g question:

a. Vihat sp e c i f ie d Native American educational

programs can be id e n t i f ie d which could

e f f e c t iv e ly meet the Native Hawaiians?

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Another question was added la t e r by the Executive S teer ing

Commi t t e e :

b. What can be learned from lo ca l programs and

from nat iona l "e f fe c t iv e sch o o ls " research

which would be app licab le to the Hawaiian

s i t u a t io n ?

F igure 1 presents a model of the study design showing how the two

Goals above are conceptualized as lead ing to two complementary pieces of

a la r g e r puzzle.

The P ro je c t was to work w ith in c e r ta in parameters. These were:

A. Continuous Needs Assessment. The Kamehameha Schools/Bern ice P.

Bishop Estate has been and w i l l continue to be a c t iv e ly invo lved

in developing accurate Needs Asessment in form ation fo r and about

the Native Hawaiian population.

B. Educational/Academic Emphasis. Each aspect of the study was to

be re la ta b le to educational needs: e i th e r cond it ion s which

would lead to educational d e f i c i t or which would be amenable to

educational in te rven t io n .

C. In c lu s iv e d e f in i t io n of "H aw aiian ." Fo llow ing federal

l e g i s l a t i o n recogn iz in g the Native American s ta tu s of Hawaiians,

a Hawaiian i s : "any in d iv id u a l any of whose ancestors were

nat ive s of the area which c o n s is t s o f the Hawaiian I s la n d s p r io r

to 1778."

D. Ages 0 - 1 8 . While i t i s recognized that educational needs may

extend well beyond high school ye a rs , t h i s P ro ject would be

l im ite d to ages 0 - 1 8 .

FIGURE 1

NATIVE HAWAIIAN

EDUCATIONAL A S S E S S M E N T PROJECT

ProgramRecommendations

Areas for Further

Research

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E. Extant d a ta . The P ro ject would not generate new data, but r e ly ,

in stead , on e x i s t in g data. (An exception to t h i s gu id e lin e was

made when i t became apparent th a t i t was necessary to conduct a

spec ia l survey o f p r iva te schoo ls in Haw ai 'i to determine needs

in th a t se c to r ) .

The p ro ject o f f i c i a l l y began in February 1982. F ind ings are to be

reported to the sponsor during the second quarter o f calendar year 1983.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

While g o a ls , ob je c t ive s , and an ac t ive executive s te e r in g committee were

extremely va luab le in gu id in g the d ire c t io n of the study, a th e o re t ica l

framework was a lso e s s e n t ia l . I t was f e l t that the necessary th e o re t ica l

p o s i t io n fo r t h i s educational needs assessment had to consider both the

Hawaiian c h i ld in to d a y 's complex world and the cumulative events o f

h is to ry impinging on the c h i ld . The framework proposed by Urie

Bronfenbrenner (1979) provided a useful approach to the ecology o f human

development. I t o ffered a s tru ctu re to so r t out the phenomena, h ig h l i g h t

the i s su e s , ask quest ions, and in te g ra te data about

so c io -e d u c a t io n a l-c u ltu ra l r i s k . I t encouraged an a n a ly s i s o f patterns

of educational needs and the form ulation of hypotheses of causal

re la t io n s h ip s .

Like other models, the Eco logy of Human Development r e l i e s on some

spec ia l terminology th a t requ ire s d e f in it io n . Bronfenbrenner would see

the experience of the Hawaiian c h i ld "a s a se t o f nested s tru c tu re s , each

in s id e the next . . . " (1979, p. 22) This concept suggests th a t in

lo ok in g a t educational r i s k and educational opportun ity , one must look

both to the le ve l "beyond" and the leve l "w ith in " to understand the

fo rces surrounding and a f fe c t in g the developing ch i ld . For example, i f

one observes a d isp ro p o r t io n a te leve l o f school f a i lu r e in Hawaiian

ch i ld re n , i t may be necessary to look "beyond" to the c u ltu ra l fa c to rs

that define the world o f the c h i ld as well as socio-economic fa c to rs th a t

erect b a r r ie r s to the le a rn in g experience of the Hawaiian youngster. At

the same time, one must look w ith in to the p a re n t -ch i ld re la t io n s h ip s and

chi 1d-teacher r e la t io n s h ip s that are a ffected by c u ltu ra l va lues and the

changing ro le s of the fam ily w ith in the changing soc ie ty . One must a ls o

look " a c ro s s " to see how m u lt ip le systems ( fa m i ly , school, cu ltu re ,

economics) ad ju st to new con d it ion s over t im e--changes th a t may have, in

f a c t , re su lte d in major transform ations o f such systems and the Hawaiian

c h i ld as an element w ith in .

Th is e c o lo g ica l model embraces four le v e ls o f in te ra c t io n th a t may

enhance or i n h ib i t the le a rn in g o f Hawaiian c h i ld re n . Each o f these w i l l

be b r ie f l y described:

• Microsystem - Th is leve l i s the most immediate to

developing ch i ld ren and encompasses the actual s e t t in g of

the yo u n g s te r - - the p laces they l i v e , the people with whom

they in te ra c t ; p a re n t -ch i ld re la t io n s h ip s , te ach e r -ch i ld

re la t io n s h ip s , etc.

• Mesosystem - These are re la t io n s h ip s between var ious

microsystems in which the Hawaiian c h i ld experiences

r e a l i t y ; for example, home:school, peer g rou p s: s c h o o l,

etc. The r ich ness o f the mesosystems fo r the c h i ld depends

on the number and q u a l i t y of the connections. Minimal

and/or c o n f l i c t i n g l in k a g e s w i l l place the c h i ld a t r i s k ,

p a r t i c u la r ly i f there i s l i t t l e agreement and overlap

between home and school in terms of va lues, experiences,

language, o b je c ts , and behavioral s t y le . In such a

d ispa ra te con d it ion , the odds would favor poor academic

achievement by youngste rs.

• Exosystem - These systems bear upon a c h i l d ' s development

and y e t the c h i ld i s not n e c e ssa r i ly a p a r t ic ip a n t at th i s

le v e l . They inc lude such forces as school boards (and

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r u le s / re g u la t io n s ) and paren t 's work s e t t in g s . Exosystems

may contr ibute to a t - r i s k con d it ion s o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren

when the c h i l d ' s parents su f fe r in a way th a t n e ga t ive ly

a f fe c t s the c h i l d ' s le a rn in g , or when d e c is ion s made in

such exosystems adverse ly a f fe c t the youngster. For

example, a school board could prescribe a se t o f behaviora l

expectations in c o n f l i c t w ith cu ltu re re la te d values o f the

c h i l d ' s home. Exosystem r i s k occurs when the c h i ld lack s

e f fe c t iv e advocates in decis ion-m aking bodies. Thus, such

r i s k may be la r g e ly a p o l i t i c a l matter— a matter o f " c lo u t . "

• Macrosystem - These are the broad id e o lo g ic a l and

i n s t i t u t io n a l patterns of a p a r t ic u la r cu ltu re , the

"b lu e p r in t s " fo r human development. Macrosystems are the

shared assumptions and shared expectations o f a people.

"Macrosystem re fe rs to the general o rgan iza t ion of the

world as i t i s and as i t might be. The existence of

h is t o r i c a l change demonstrates that the "might be" i s qu ite

r e a l , and occurs through evo lu t ion (many in d iv id u a l

d e c is ion s guided by a common perception of r e a l i t y ) and

through revo lu t io n introduced by a small cadre of

dec is ion -m akers. " (Garbarino, 1982, p. 24) Macrosystem

r i s k occurs when an ideology or cu l tu ra l al ignment i n h i b i t s

the educational development of the c h i ld by e re ct ing

le a rn in g b a r r ie r s in the exosystems, mesosystems, and

microsystems o f that person. For example, patterns of

r a c i s t va lues, economic sanct ion s, or p o l i t i c a l suppression

or repress ion may be demeaning to parents and

s tre ss -p rod u c in g in both parents and ch i ld re n to the extent

of in h ib i t in g the le a rn in g process.

These le v e ls o f a complex, in te r re la te d system may be seen as nested

h ie r a r c h ic a l ly , as i l l u s t r a t e d in F igure 2.

FIGURE 2

THE ECO LO G ICAL ENVIRONMENT:AN EXAM PLE

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As F igure 2 su gge sts , t h i s systems theo re t ic concept avoids some o f the

p i t f a l l s o f the t r a d i t io n a l l in e a r explanatory models. Cause and e f fe c t

are not considered a one-way s tre e t : events a t the mesosystem le v e l , fo r

example, contr ibute to. the developing macrosystem ju s t as events a t the

higher system le v e ls w i l l in e v itab ly have e f fe c t s on the developing

ch i ld . The im p lic a t ion i s that changes a t the upper le v e ls have

fa r -re a ch in g consequences. Some o f these changes a t the upper le v e l s do

not occur in an slow-moving evo lu t ionary manner. Abrupt changes a t the

macrosystem leve l w i l l c le a r ly change the d a i ly l i v e s o f a l l w ith in .

Bronfenbrenner re fe rs to t h i s kind of change as a " tran sform ing

experiment." The d e f in i t io n he o f fe r s i s :

"A transform ing experiment in vo lve s the system atic a lt e r a t io n and re s t ru c tu r in g of e x i s t in g eco lo g ica l systems in ways that cha llenge the forms of so c ia l o rgan iz a t ion , b e l ie f systems, and l i f e s t y l e s p r e v a i l in g in a p a r t ic u la r c u ltu re or su b cu ltu re . " (1979, p. 41).

The value of the e c o lo g ic a l model to the Native Hawaiian Educational

Assessment P ro ject l i e s p r im a r i ly in p rov id ing the s t a f f w ith a broad

s tra te gy fo r data ga thering and an in te rgra ted approach to the a n a ly s i s

o f the data. The concept o f transform ing experiment, fo r example,

prov ides a way o f lo o k in g at h i s t o r ic a l events in Hawaii in terms of

th e i r po tentia l e f fe c t on the microsystems of Hawaiian fa m il ie s and

sch oo ls . As sta ted a t the o u tse t, the macrosystem changes of the past

two hundred years have t o t a l l y a lte red the world o f Native Hawaiians.

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

For the reader to ga in a better understanding of the macrosystem of

modern H aw a i ' i, a b r ie f summary of some o f the s i g n i f i c a n t h i s t o r i c a l

events in Hawaiian h is to ry w i l l be presented. As the e co lo g ica l theory

would suggest, many o f these events have come to e l i c i t strong emotional

re a c t io n s , making a simple rendering of the " f a c t s " v i r t u a l l y

im poss ib le . Because the study s t a f f did not want to impose y e t another

in te rp re ta t io n a l b ia s on these events, they are ch ron ic led below ju s t as

they are reported in a p u b l ic a t io n issued by the S ta te o f Hawai'i and the

Haw ai'i V i s i t o r s Bureau (1981). The e f fe c ts o f these events on the

Native Hawaiian population w i l l be d iscussed in more d e ta i l l a t e r in t h i s

report.

No one ye t knows when Hawaii was f i r s t inhabited. I t was long be lieved th a t the Po lynesians f i r s t a r r ive d in Hawaii from T a h it i around 1000 A .D . , but new d isco ve r ie s have suggested that the true date may be c lo se r to the 6th century A.D.

Researchers be lieve th a t the Polynesians who conquered the P a c i f i c int h e i r doub le -hu lled canoes came o r i g in a l l y from Southeast A s ia . T a h it i i s thought to be one center o f Po lynesian development, but there i s evidence in d ic a t in g th a t Hawaii was f i r s t s e t t le d from the Marquesas. Regard le ss, to those f a m i l ia r w ith the va s t reaches ofthe P a c i f i c Ocean, the seamanship o f the Po lynesians i s a fea t o fs ta g g e r in g p roportions.

CAPTAIN JAMES COOK

Hawaii was "d iscovered " by the western world in 1778, when B r i t i s h Captain James Cook s igh te d Oahu. Cook named the arch ipe lago the Sandwich Is la n d s , a f te r h is patron, the Earl o f Sandwich, and fo r many years the i s la n d s were so known in the western world. In January 1779, Cook was s l a in in a f i g h t w ith the Hawaiians at Kealakekua on the Is la n d o f Hawaii.

KAMEHAMEHA THE GREAT

At the time of Cook 's a r r iv a l each is la n d was ru led as an independent kingdom by hered itary c h ie f s . One such c h ie f , Kamehameha, conso lida ted h is power on the is la n d of Hawaii in a s e r ie s of b a t t le s , about 1790, and then conquered Maui and Oahu. By the time of h is death in 1819, Kamehameha I had united the i s la n d s under h is rule and had e s ta b l ish e d the Kingdom o f Hawaii which surv ived u n t i l 1893.

M ISSIONARIES ARRIVE IN 1820

In 1820, the f i r s t American m is s io n a r ie s a r r iv e d from New England. Not only d id they b r in g C h r i s t i a n i t y to a people becoming d i s i l l u s io n e d w ith th e i r anc ient gods, but they represented the f i r s t of several m igra t ion s which led to the cosmopolitan character o f H a w a i i 's people today. In the years s ince Cook 's a r r i v a l , Hawaii had become a haven fo r v e s se ls and had opened a trade in sandalwood with China, p ro f i t a b le fo r the K ing and the c h ie f s , but a burden on the people who had to gather the wood. The in tro d u c t ion of western d ise a se s and l iq u o r , and the breakdown of the anc ient m ora lity had created a chao tic s i t u a t io n . The m is s io n a r ie s gained g rea t success because they a l ign e d themselves w ith the c h ie f s a g a in s t some of these e v i1s .

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Kamehameha's e ld e s t son, Li ho i iho , took the t i t l e o f Kamehameha I I . His short re ign was noted f o r the o f f i c i a l demise o f the o ld r e l i g io n and the breakdown o f anc ien t tabus. Li ho iiho and h is queen both died of measles w ith in a few days o f each other w hile v i s i t i n g London in 1824.

Another son of Kamehameha, Kau ikeaou li, was proclaimed K ing w ith the t i t l e o f Kamehameha I I I . During h is 30-year re ign , many hazards to the l i t t l e kingdom were surmounted, and i t s independence recognized by the g re a t powers: France, B r i t a in and the United S ta te s . In h isre ign , a semi-feudal inher itance was g rad u a l ly transformed in to a c o n s t i tu t io n a l monarchy.

Among notable events during t h i s re ign were the opening ofLahainaluna School on Maui in 1831, the o ld e s t high school west o f the Rocky Mountains; the proclamation o f a C o n s t i tu t io n (1840); the strengthen ing o f the p r in c ip le o f p r iva te property through the Great Mahele (1848).

In 1845 King Kamehameha I I I and the L e g is la tu re moved to Honolulu from the cap ita l a t Lahaina, on Maui; on August 31, 1850 he declared Honolulu o f f i c i a l l y to be a c i t y , and the Cap ita l o f the Kingdom.

MANY IMMIGRANTS ARRIVE

D uring the middle of the 19th century, Hawaii was a center of whaling a c t iv i t y . An in fa n t sugar industry had found a shortage ofp la n ta t io n labor, and in 1852 Chinese were brought in to the Kingdom by co ntract. Thus began the stream of imported la b o r which la s te d u n t i l 1946. The f i r s t Japanese came in 1868, while F i l i p in o s s ta r te d a r r iv in g a t a much l a t e r date. Koreans, Portuguese and Puerto R icans are among the other nat iona l groups brought to the i s la n d s .

With the death o f Kamehameha V, the l i n e of d i r e c t descendants o f Kamehameha ended, and the le g i s la t u r e , fo l lo w in g a p le b i s c i t e , e lec ted Prince W illiam C. L u n a l i lo as K ing. He died a year l a t e r ,and David Kalakaua was e lected h is successor.

KING KALAKAUA

D esp ite h is being known as the Merry Monarch, K a lakaua 's re ign (1874-1891) was a stormy one. He was c o n t in u a l ly b a t t l in g fo r an increase in the personal au thor ity o f the K ing. H is e f f o r t s , however, were u n su ccess fu l, and under pressure he s igned a new c o n s t i tu t io n in 1887 which further l im ite d h is power, and se t up a cab ine t type government re spon s ib le to the L e g is la tu re .

HAWAII BECOMES A REPUBLIC

Kalakaua died in 1891 during a v i s i t to San F ranc isco , and was succeeded by h is s i s t e r , Li 1iu o k a la n i . The l a s t Hawaiian monarch, she reigned le s s than two years. Her p o l ic y was to e lim inate the

KAMEHAMEHA II AND III

r e s t r i c t i o n s which had been placed on the Monarchy, and to t h i s end she attempted to procla im s t i l l another c o n s t i tu t io n . This led in 1893 to a b lood le ss " r e v o lu t io n , " her de pos it ion as Queen, and the formation of a p rov is ion a l government under the leadersh ip of Sanford Ball ard Dole.

The P rov is ion a l Government requested annexation by the United S ta te s ,but P re s id en t Grover Cleveland was not in sympathy with theP ro v is io n a l Government or w ith the re v o lu t io n , and refused. The P ro v is io n a l Government then converted Hawaii in to a Republic and Dole was proclaimed Pres ident in 1894.

ANNEXATION IN 1898

Pres ident W illiam McKinley had a more sympathetic a t t i tu d e regard ing annexation, and the outbreak of the Spanish-American War in 1898 brought matters to a head. H aw a i i 's s t r a te g ic m i l i t a r y importance in the P a c i f i c was recognized, p a r t i c u la r ly i t s potentia l th re a t to the United S ta tes were another g reat power to occupy the i s la n d s . By J o in t Reso lu tion o f Congress, the i s la n d s were o f f i c i a l l y annexed, and formal tra n s fe r of sovere ign ty was made on August 12, 1898.

With annexation, the pattern fo r H aw a ii 's development during the next few decades was set. The sugar industry and the new pineapple in d u st ry were developed, and a continual stream o f labore rs was brought to the i s la n d s .

DEVELOPMENT IN THE '2 0 ' s and '3 0 ' s

During the 1920's increased e f f o r t s to promote Hawaii fo r t o u r i s t s were in i t i a t e d .

The e f fe c ts of the g rea t depression in the 1930 's were not as se r iou s in Hawaii as they were in more in d u s t r ia l iz e d areas. With growing in te rn a t ion a l te n s ion s , and p a r t ic u la r ly the a gg re ss ion s of Japan in the Far East, the '3 0 ' s saw a bu ild -up o f American m i l i t a r y power in Hawaii.

PEARL HARBOR— 1941

In te rn a t io n a l tens ions bu rst in to flame at 7:55 a.m. on the morning o f December 7, 1941, when the f i r s t Japanese bombs f e l l on Pearl Harbor, causing nearly 4,000 c a s u a l t ie s , and se r io u s ly c r ip p l in g the g re a t American f le e t berthed there. Hawaii qu ick ly mushroomed in to an armed camp, and was the nerve center o f Am erica 's whole P a c i f i c war e f fo r t .

POSTWAR CHANGES

With the outbreak of the Korean c o n f l i c t in 1950, Hawaii was again c a l le d upon fo r s a c r i f i c e . The unpreparedness o f the nation as a whole led to a p a r t i c u la r ly heavy demand on Hawaii, c lo s e s t to the c o n f l i c t , and H aw a i i 's people suffered more m i l i t a r y c a su a lt ie s per c a p ita than any sta te in the union.

- 15 -

- 16 -

Since the end of the Korean c o n f l i c t , Hawaii has enjoyed an exp los ive economic growth. I t i s one of the f a s t e s t growing s ta te s in the union.

The rap id development of a i r tran spo rta t ion , cu lm inat ing in la r g e r and f a s te r j e t s , has brought more and more v i s i t o r s to the i s la n d s and tourism has become H a w a i i 's la r g e s t source of ta s ic income, fo llowed by Federal m i l i t a r y expenditures. In 1980, tourism poured more money in to the economy than a l l a g r ic u l tu r a l products combined.

Construct ion boomed in the '6 0 ' s and e a r ly ' 7 0 ' s as f a c i l i t i e s were provided fo r v i s i t o r s and fo r H aw a ii 's growing population. H ig h - r i s e b u i ld in g s mushroomed in W aik ik i and major re s o r t areas developed on Maui, Hawaii, Kauai, and Molokai.

From the '3 0 ' s through the '5 0 1s the dominant p o l i t i c a l theme inHawaii was Statehood.

HAWAII BECOMES A STATE

A l l these e f fo r t s f i n a l l y culminated in success in 1959, when John A.Burns was Delegate, and both Houses o f Congress passed the necessaryl e g i s l a t i o n on March 12. Hawaii o f f i c i a l l y entered the AmericanUnion as the 50th S ta te on August 21, 1959.

DEMOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW

Throughout the period of h is to ry since Capta in Cook landed, major

changes have occurred in the demographic patterns o f H aw ai ' i. There have

been two major trends r e la t iv e to the Hawaiian populat ion. F i r s t , there

has been a steady dec line in the numbers o f "pure" Hawaiians. Estim ates

of severa l hundred thousand Hawaiians re s iden t in the i s la n d s were made

by e a r ly t r a v e le r s . By the year 1900 the numbers had been reduced to

approximately 40,000 (L ind, 1967). Today one estimate of pure Hawaiians

i s 9,366 (S ta te o f Hawai'i Data Book, 1981).

The other major trend has been the steady in c re a se , s ince the

m id-1800 's, o f the number o f part-Hawaiians. Today the part-Hawaiian

popu lat ion has the h ighe st b i r t h rate o f any group and i s one of the four

l a r g e s t e th n ic /c u ltu ra l groups in Haw ai'i.

E th n ic /c u ltu ra l d e f in i t io n s have always posed problems in as d iverse

a context as H aw i 'i . The d e f in it io n of "Hawaiian" has changed

p e r io d ic a l ly over the past several decades, meaning that the abso lute

numbers represented on any one survey may d i f f e r d ram at ica l ly from those

on another in the same period of time. A prime example i s that of the

United S ta te s Census. The 1980 Census d id not d i f fe r e n t ia t e between

Hawaiian and part-Haw aiian. I t had one category: Hawaiian. By

s e l f - r e p o r t on t h i s Census, there were a to ta l o f 115,500 Hawaiians in

the State o f Hawaii, or 12.0% of the population o f 965,691.

The S ta te o f Haw ai 'i Department of Health f i g u r e s , on the other hand,

show t o t a l s o f 9,366 Hawaiian and 166,087 part-H aw a iians, fo r a to ta l of

175,453 or 18.9% of the s ta te population o f 930,270. The l a t t e r f ig u re

i s the more frequently c ite d , s in ce the Census process was thought to

have re su lted in an undercount.

For t h i s study the d e f in i t io n o f "Hawaiian" i s the in c lu s iv e one. I t

i s based on the d e f in i t io n included in Federal l e g i s l a t i o n (P.L. 93-644,

1974) g ran t in g Native Hawaiians Native American s ta tu s : "any in d iv id u a l

any o f whose ancestors were n a t ive s o f the area which c o n s is t s o f the

Hawaiian i s la n d s p r io r to 1778." Thus the f ig u re s of the Department of

Health are considered the more accurate. The other e th n ic /c u ltu ra l

groups in H aw a i ' i, from the Department of Health f i g u r e s , are as fo l low s:

Caucasian 244,832 26.3%Japanese 218,176 23.5%Hawaiian/part-Hawai ian 175,453 18.9%F i l i p in o 104,547 1 1 .2%Mixed (non-Hawaiian) 87,840 9.4%Chinese 47,275 5.1%Korean 11,803 1.3%Negro 11,799 1.3%Samoan 11,173 1 .2%Puerto Rican 6,649 .7%Other 10,723 1 .2%

TOTAL 930,270 100%

The estimated de fac to population of the S ta te o f Hawai'i i s over one

m i l l i o n , due to the presence of an average o f 96,500 v i s i t o r s per day.

The population i s young, w ith a median age o f 28.4 ye ars . Cu rrent ly ,

about 5,000 bab ies are born each year who are Hawaiian by the d e f in i t io n

above.

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This b r ie f look a t the h is t o r ic a l and demographic context on ly

scratches the surface o f the complexity o f so c ia l l i f e in Haw ai 'i. The

descendants o f the a b o r ig in a l Polynesian in h a b ita n ts o f Hawai'i face a

world fa r d i f fe r e n t from th a t which th e ir ancestors created. The next

se c t io n s of t h i s report w i l l document the k inds of educational and

re la te d b a r r ie r s which con fron t the Hawaiian ch i ld ren of today.

C H A P T E R II

N A T I V E H A W A I I A N S T U D E N T A C H I E V E M E N T

CHAPTER I I

Native Hawaiian Student Achievement

In Hawaii i t i s s a id th a t there are no m inority groups. . . s ince

every group i s a m inor ity group. Hawaiian students, fo r example,

represent only 21% of the 200,000 elementary and secondary students

statewide. Yet they are among the four la r g e s t e thn ic groups, a long with

Caucasians, Japanese, and F i l i p in o s . I f , as a group, they are su f fe r in g

from severe educational problems, i t i s a s i g n i f i c a n t problem for

educators in Hawaii and elsewhere. I s i t re a l ly true th a t th e i r academic

achievement la g s behind th a t o f other ch i ld ren as has been suggested in

recent testimony and l i t e r a t u r e ? I f so, i s t h i s true in a l l subject

areas? For a l l grade le v e l s ? For p r iva te school Hawaiian students as

well as pub lic school students? This study sets out to t ry to

sy s te m a t ic a l ly answer these questions by comparing c e r ta in in d ic a to r s of

achievement a g a in s t ce r ta in standards. The underly ing question i s

whether Hawaiian students are " a t p a r i t y " with other students, both

n a t io n a l ly and in Hawaii.

THE PARITY HYPOTHESIS

In the conceptual sense, p a r i ty means equal educational outcomes as

well as o p p o r tu n it ie s . As such, i t i s a concept near and dear to

- 20 -

American education in recent years . I t has proven d i f f i c u l t to define In

an operat iona l sense, however, s ince there i s no universa l agreement as

to what co n s t i tu te s meaningful educational outcomes. The cont inu ing

controversy over t e s t i n g demonstrates the lack of an agreed-upon standard

a g a in s t which to measure educational progress. This report w i l l not

argue that there are, or should be u n iv e r sa l l y agreed-upon standards or

measures of educational outcomes. I t w i l l , however, present the best

evidence cur rent ly a v a i l a b le on the s ta tus of a group which should not be

expected, purely on the b a s i s of ancestry, to be performing more poorly

than other groups. The best a v a i l a b le data bear ing on th i s quest ion

happens to come from the standardized t e s t in g program of the State of

Hawaii Department of Education. Data from the pr iva te schools of Hawaii

have a l s o been assembled. Based on these data, the par i ty hypothesis

would s ta te that:

There i s a d i f fe rence between the performance of Hawaiian students on standard ized te s t s and the performance ofother s tudents, n a t io n a l l y and in Hawaii.

How can i t be determined i f there are d i f fe rences and what the

observed d i f fe rence s might mean? The answer re la te s to the form and

q u a l i t y of data a v a i l a b le , and these w i l l be d iscussed in the next

sect ion . What was found, however, was that the scores of a l l Hawaiian

students in the DOE could be compared to the nat iona l norming group by

simply p l o t t i n g the curve of percentages of students scor ing in each of

the nine stan ines on any given te s t ad m in is t ra t ion . The norming process

assures that the curve fo r the national comparison group i s normally

d i s t r ib u te d . The degree, then, to which the curve represent ing Hawaiian

students i s skewed or d i f f e r s from th i s normal d i s t r i b u t i o n i s the

absolu te degree to which the Hawaiian students are not " a t p a r i t y . "

According to most recent l i t e r a t u r e on the subject (see Chapter I I I ) , one

would expect to f ind the Hawaiians scor ing below national norms.

SOURCES OF DATA

A. The DOE Data

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The Department o f Education of the State o f Hawaii (DOE) began us ing

the S tan fo rd Achievement Test (SAT) se r ie s fo r statewide t e s t in g in

1975-76. At about the same time the DOE began a survey of the e th n ic i t y

of i t s students in order to comply with federal re gu la t io n s r e la t in g to

b i - l in g u a l education. This survey asks each s tu d e n t 's parents to in d ica te

the s tu d e n t 's e th n ic i ty . Thus, i f a student i s l i s t e d as Hawaiian, that

i s what the parents declared the student to be (Chapter I d is cu s se s

d e f in i t io n s o f Haw aiians). The existence of these two sources o f data

permits the cro ss ta b u la t io n of te s t scores by e th n ic i t y . The data to be

presented in t h i s chapter are based on t h i s determination. The actual

process by which the "curves" o f Hawaiian student achievement were drawn

var ied, however, by year. Table 1 i l l u s t r a t e s the extent of the data

which were a v a i la b le from the DOE fo r t h i s study.

There are three academic years of data, 1976-77, 1980-81, and

1981-82. Some of the SAT sub tests are a v a i la b le fo r a l l three ye ars as

shown in Table 1, but not a l l . Data fo r grades 2 ,4 ,6 ,8 , and 10 are

a v a i la b le for 1980-81, fo r example, but on ly grades 4 and 8 in 1976-77.

This permits some lo n g itu d in a l comparisons as well as sub test comparisons

and comparisons between grade le v e ls in the same year.

The 1976-77 data and the 1980-81 data are based on a manual merging

of the achievement with the ethnic data. For those years the scores fo r

Hawaiian vs. non-Hawaiian students are a v a i la b le . In 1981-82, the f i l e s

were e le c t r o n ic a l ly merged, perm itt ing comparisons across a l l e thn ic

groups.

B. The P r iva te School Data

Although the o r ig in a l plan fo r th i s Needs Assessment c a l le d fo r only

the use of a l r e a d y -a v a i la b le data, i t was d iscovered th a t there was no

r e a d i ly - a v a i la b le data fo r p r iva te schoo ls in the S ta te o f Hawaii which

would g ive any in s i g h t in to the achievement o f Hawaiian students.

Because the p r iva te school system i s considered to be a major force in

education in Hawaii, the dec is ion was made to conduct a survey o f p r iva te

schoo ls to determine the number Hawaiian ch i ld ren en ro lled and th e ir

STANDARDIZED TESTING DATA - D.O.E.TABLE 1

ReadingA&B

Reading Cano re.

TotalReading a

Math)nce'ts

MathCompu.

MathAppli.

TotalMath Vocabulary

WordStudy Spelling

(English)Language OLMAT

76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81 76 80 81

X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X

2

4

6

8

10

- 22

-

achievement le v e ls on standard ized te s t s are. A d m in istra to rs o f a l l the

p r iva te schoo ls in the s ta te w ith students in the same grade le v e l s as

those in the DOE study (2 ,4 ,6 ,8 , or 10) were contacted and th e i r

cooperation sought. Table 2 g ive s the response rate fo r the p r iva te

schoo ls , broken down in to C a tho lic and non -Catho lic i n s t i t u t io n s .

Table 2

P r iva te School P a r t ic ip a t io n

Data

# Schools # Contacted Received From

C a th o l ic (K-12) 34 34 33 (97.1%)

P r iva te

Non-Catho lic (K-12) 78

11278

11277 (98.7%)

110 (98.2%)

The data provided by the cooperating schoo ls was v a r ia b le . Most d id

not have an e thn ic survey upon which to base th e ir determ ination of

Hawaiian enrollment. For some t h i s in form ation was contained on

a p p l ic a t io n papers; fo r many the determination was made by the s c h o o l 's

s t a f f being aware of students ' backgrounds. Others a c tu a l ly conducted

ethn ic surveys o f the students. Thus, from the respondent schoo ls we

received the number o f students en ro lled in the ta rge t grades and the

number o f Hawaiian students in these grades. The o ve ra l l Hawaiian

enrollm ent (shown in Table 3 ), then i s a best estimate based on

in te rp o la t io n from the ta rge t grade le v e ls to the re st of the grades a t

each p r ivate school.

The standard ized te s t s i tu a t io n was found to be expectably v a r ia b le .

The C a th o l ic system schoo ls did a l l use the same te s t , but i t was not the

SAT, rather, the M etropo litan Achievement Test. Other p r iv a te schoo ls

used other achievement te s t s . Some 29 schoo ls used the Stanford

Achievement Tests. Only in these cases i s d i r e c t comparison w ith the DOE

- 24 -

p o s s ib le , although some patterns can be judged from cons id e ra t ion of the

other data.

HAWAIIAN STUDENT POPULATION

Table 3 compares the student population in p r iva te and pub lic

schoo ls. The numbers o f students shown are fo r the ta rg e t year o f

1980-81. The number of Hawaiian students a ttend ing p r iva te schoo ls

represents 20.4 percent o f the Hawaiian students in the S ta te and 24.9

percent of a l l p r iva te school students. Thus there i s a la r g e r

percentage o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren in p r ivate schoo ls than in p u b l i c . While

t h i s conc lu s ion may be v a l id ly drawn from the data, the in te rp re ta t io n

must a lso consider ad d it ion a l fa c ts . Some 2700 of the p r iva te school

Hawaiian ch i ld re n attend The Kamehameha Schoo ls, whose student body i s

composed only of Hawaiian students. When these students are not

inc luded, the percentage of p r iva te school students who are Hawaiian

drops to 18.5%. Thus i t could be argued th a t the " t y p i c a l " p r iva te

school other than Kamehameha does not have a proportion o f Hawaiian

students equal to th e ir proportion o f the o ve ra l l population. The impact

o f the ex istence o f a school l i k e Kamehameha on the r e la t iv e

p u b l ic /p r iv a te placement of students i s both s i g n i f i c a n t and d i f f i c u l t to

evaluate.

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Table 3

Hawaiian Student Population

DOE Pri vate TOTAL

# Schools 225 112 337

# Students to ta l

(1980-81)

163,934

( a c t u a l )

34,360

( estimated)

198,294

# Hawaiian (1980-81 ) 33,423

( a c t u a l )

8,558

(estim ated)

41,981

% Hawaiian 20.4 24.9 21.2

Figure 3 presents the overa ll p ic ture of e th n ic i t y in the DOE. Note

th a t the Hawaiians are the second la r g e s t of the four major ethnic

groups. Even these f ig u re s are somewhat v a r ia b le : the DOE sometimes

breaks what i s c a l le d "Hawaiian" in t h i s study in to "Hawaiian" and

"p a r t -H a w a i ia n . " "C aucas ian ," s im i l a r l y , i s sometimes broken down in to

"White" and "Po rtuguese ." The main p ic tu re of four major groups w ith

from f iv e to e ig h t c le a r ly id e n t i f ia b le other sm a lle r groups remains

v a l id .

FIGURE 3

ETHNICITY OF STUDENTS ENROLLED BY THE HAWAII DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, 1980-81

KEY E T H N I C I T Y

C CA U C A S I A N

HWN HAWAI IAN

J JAPANESE

F F I L I P I N O

CH C H I N E S E

S SAMOAN

H H I S P A N I C

K KOREAN

B BLACK

0 OTHER

NUMBER PERCENT

40,148 24.5

33,423 20.430,724 18.7

30,704 18.76,232 3.85,327 3.2

3,307 2.0

3,031 1.82,279 1.4

8,759 5.3

163,934

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-

- 27 -

Figure 4 shows th a t the d i s t r ib u t io n of the e thn ic groups i s somewhat

v a r ia b le throughout the s ta te . Some 65% of a l l the Hawaiian ch i ld re n are

in one of the fou r d i s t r i c t s on the i s la n d o f O'ahu. The most populous

Hawaiian d i s t r i c t i s Leeward. The le a s t populous d i s t r i c t i s K a u a ' i .

Figure 5 shows the change in d i s t r i c t Hawaiian enrollment between 1976-77

and 1980-81. In general, the la r g e s t O'ahu d i s t r i c t s have l o s t students

and the sm a lle r d i s t r i c t s have gained.

PARITY COMPARISONS

As mentioned e a r l ie r , the p a r i ty hypothesis w i l l be examined by

comparing the "cu rve s" o f Hawaiian students on standardized achievement

te s t s w ith nat iona l norms and w ith other comparative groups. With the

quantity of data a v a i la b le from the DOE and from p r iva te schoo ls as j u s t

d iscussed , the number of p o s s ib le comparisons i s astronom ica l. Each

sub test a t each grade leve l fo r each year represents j u s t one "cu rv e ."

This i s what might be c a l le d " f i r s t - o r d e r " curves. The raw data were

converted in to a complete se t o f " f i s t - o r d e r " curves.

The data represented in the curves i s non-sample. That i s , i t i s the

scores o f a l l the Hawaiian ch i ld ren in the DOE. Thus, any d e v ia t ion of

the d i s t r ib u t io n of scores from the national nonming d i s t r ib u t io n i s a

" re a l " d e v ia t ion . There i s no s in g le s t a t i s t i c which incorporates as much

meaningful in form ation about th i s dev ia t ion as does the v isua l

presentation of the curve i t s e l f . Skewness f ig u re s fo r the curves do not

a llow comparison o f centra l tendencies. That i s , a Hawaiian curve might

be quite normally d i s t r ib u te d , thus low in skewness, but l i e o f f -c e n te r .

Comparing the means of the d i s t r ib u t io n s or the var iances does not

in d ica te where a long the d i s t r ib u t io n the d e v ia t ion s are the g re a te s t .

Using g o o d n e s s -o f - f i t s t a t i s t i c s g ive s a p ic tu re o f re la t ive d if fe rence

between a th e o re t ica l and an observed d i s t r ib u t io n , but does not in

i t s e l f in d ica te the d ire c t io n of d iffe rence or, aga in , the placement of

the g re a te s t d e v ia t io n s . In sum, there i s no more meaningful p resentation

of the data fo r educational p lann ing purposes than the graph ica l one.

(For purposes o f fu rther research in to changes over time and more

m icro - leve l ana lyses, appropriate s t a t i s t i c a l techniques may be a p p l ie d . )

NUMBER OF HAWAIIAN STUDENTS BY DOE D ISTR ICT

FIGURE 4

i

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-

NU

MBE

RS

OF

HAW

AIIA

N

STU

DEN

TS

(X 1

,00

0)

HAWAIIAN ST U D EN T S BY DOE D ISTR ICTS, 1976-77 TO 1980-81

FIGURE 5

LEEWARD HONOLULU WINDWARD HAWAII MAUI CENTRAL KAUAI1976-77 1980-81

LEEWARD 7,618 7,143HONOLULU 7,024 5,880WINDWARD 6,669 5,769HAWAI'I 4,887 5,662MAUI 3,969 4,144CENTRAL 2,823 3,062KAUA' I 1,559 1,763

STATE 34,549 33,423

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Ninety-one f i r s t - o r d e r curves were generated a l low in g any number of

h igher-o rder comparisons. For the purposes of th i s report, in the

se c t io n s th a t fo l low we w i l l b r in g together two or more of the

f i r s t - o r d e r curves in order to i l l u s t r a t e several trends which seem to

g ive the most useful in s i g h t in to the o r ig in a l question concerning

o ve ra l l p a r ity .

A. Long itud ina l Comparisons

F igure 6 presents the achievement curves fo r DOE Hawaiian Fourth

Graders in Total Reading fo r three te s t in g years. The most obvious

im p lic a t io n of these f ig u re s i s that, fo r these three y e a rs , the

achievement leve l o f Hawaiian students has been low but i s im prov ing. The

curves are moving c lo s e r to the normal d i s t r ib u t io n . Another conc lu s ion

which could be drawn from these f ig u re s i s th a t there has been more

improvement in the lower areas o f the curve than in the upper. There has

been an apparent movement from the lowest s tan ine s in to the middle

s tan ine s. There has not been as much movement in the seventh, e igh th , and

n in th s tan in e s. S im i la r re su lt s have been found a t other grade le v e l s and

in the o ther SAT su b te s ts .

F igure 6 shows improvement fo r three d i f fe r e n t groups of students:

those who were fourth graders in three d i f fe r e n t years. F igure 7 shows

th a t there has been s im i l a r improvement fo r the same group of students

between fourth and e igh th grade, between 1976-77 and 1980-81. Once again

the main movement or the curve appears to be from the lower to the middle

s tan ine s. The upper s tan ine s remain extremely low.

The fa c t th a t there has been some improvement and the f in d in g that i t

has occured mostly in the lower achievement areas may re la te to the

emphasis which has been placed in recent years on help ing a l l the lowest

ach iev ing p u p i ls in the pub lic schoo ls. The DOE and others have conducted

a number of specia l programs to a s s i s t these students through

compensatory e f f o r t s . In ad d it ion , improvement on national standard ized

te s t s has been an e x p l i c i t goal o f the DOE during t h i s period of time.

Another way to look at lo n g itu d in a l data as i t a p p l ie s to the

Hawaiian student, i s to ask i f the degree of improvement noted fo r

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

1 1

FIGURE 6

GRADE 4 SAT TOTAL READING

I

CO I— *

I

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

FIGURE 7

SAT TOTAL READING - SAM E C L A S S

I

COno

i

- 33 -

Hawaiian students has p a ra l le le d improvement fo r other students in the

DOE. Table 4 g iv e s the re la t iv e improvement o f Hawaiians students and

the overa ll DOE. The Hawaiian students have improved more than other

students in the DOE as a whole.

Neverthe less, the most recent curves fo r Hawaiian students are s t i l l

below p a r i t y w ith nat iona l l e v e l s .

B. Grade Level Comparisons

The lo n g itu d in a l comparisons have shown both improvement and room fo r

fu rther improvement. The a n a ly s i s focused on the fourth and e igh th grade

le v e l . I s there a pattern across d i f fe re n t grade le v e ls in t h i s same

ye ar? F igure 8 shows the re s u l t s across three grade le v e ls : 2nd, 6th and

10th grades on the Total Reading subtest. For t h i s p a r t ic u la r sub test,

there i s a la rg e drop between 2nd and 10th grade. Across the other curves

the general pattern of lower scores in the la t e r grade le v e ls ho lds true.

Statewide, 10 th graders have always done more poorly compared to nat iona l

le v e l s than have, fo r example, 2nd graders.

In the S ta te o f Hawaii as a whole, the 2nd grade scores are above

national norms on SAT su b te sts . The Hawaiians score at or s l i g h t l y below

nationa l norms. These p a r t ic u la r su b tests which depress the Hawaiians'

scores are d iscu ssed in the next sect ion . Statew ide, the drop in p r o f i le s

across grade le v e l s holds true fo r a l l of the SAT su b tests , some dropping

more d ram at ica l ly than others.

SAT READING SCORE COMPARISONS

TABLE 4

PERCENT BELOW AVERAGE PERCENT AVERAGE PERCENT ABOVE AVERAGEStanines 1, 2, 3, Stanines'4, 5, 6 Stanines 7, 8, 9

WHOLE STATE

1976 - 1977

1980 - 1981

6% - 34

-

HAWAIIANS/PART-HAWAIIANS

33%

24%

Posi tivePercentChange

97o

55%

58%

3 %Posi ti vePercentChange

1 2%

18%

PositivePercentChange

1976 - 1977

1980 - 1981

50%

35%

15%PositivePercentChange

45%

58%

1 2%PositivePercentChange

4%

7 %

3%PositivePercentChange

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

FIGURE 8

DOE SA T 19 8 0 -81 T O T A L READ ING

- 36 -

C. Subtest Comparisons

F igu re s 9 and 10 show d if fe rence s between performance by Hawaiian

students on se lected su b te s ts o f the SAT. In the f i r s t case, Vocabulary

and Reading Comprehension sub tests are compared a t the 2nd grade le v e l .

The second case, compares the Math Computation with the Math A p p l ic a t io n s

su b te sts . Reading Comprehension and Math Computation are very c lo se to

the nat iona l curve, w hile Vocabulary and Math A p p l ic a t io n s f a l l below the

national le v e ls .

Th is pattern o f sub test d if fe rences remains true in general across

grade le v e ls . Reading Comprehension, however, drops o f f in the 4th and

6th grades u n t i l i t i s very c lo se to Vocabulary by the 8th grade. Math

A p p l ic a t io n s remains more c le a r ly below Math Computation through the 8th

grade.

The fa c t that Reading Comprehension and Math Computation very nearly

co inc ide with the nat iona l curves at second grade leve l i s encouraging.

That Vocabulary and Math A p p l ic a t io n s seem to f a l l well below national

standards g ive s some d ire c t io n fo r p o s s ib le c u r r ic u la r a t te n t io n . These

are areas fo r which improved in s t ru c t io n could well make a d if fe re n ce in

performance, even by the second grade le v e l . Vocabulary, in p a r t i c u la r ,

i s an area which re la te s to the d iffe rence in cu ltu ra l context in Hawaii.

Words r e la t in g to w inter weather and co ld , fo r example, would be quite

un fam i l i a r to Hawaiian ch i ld ren without specia l i n s t ru c t ion .

D. Male/Female Comparisons

F igu re s 11 & 12 i l l u s t r a t e two of the many p o ss ib le male/female

comparisons in the data. They compare Hawaiian students ' performance on

the Total Reading and Total Math sub tests a t the 6th grade le v e l . On

these two p a r t ic u la r comparisons the female curves are h igh e r than the

male.

Hawaiian females outscore males on most sub tests a t every grade

le v e l. Of p a r t i c u la r in te r e s t i s th a t the math scores o f females remain

well ahead of those of males through the 10th grade. While th i s may

% OF

S

TU

DE

NT

SFIGURE 9

G RAD E 2 DOE SA T 1980-1981

I

GO

I

% OF

S

TU

DE

NT

SFIGURE 10

GRADE 2 DOE SAT 1980-81

COCO

I I

% OF

S

TU

DE

NT

S

FIGURE 11

GRADE 6 1980 -81 T O T A L READ ING

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

FIGURE 12

GRADE 6 DOE 1980-81 TOTAL MATH

I

O

i

- 41 -

in d ica te a s i g n i f i c a n t need among Hawaiian males, i t should be noted th a t

both males and females f a l l well below p a r i t y by 10th grade.

E. Rura l/Urban D i s t r i c t Comparisons

There are many areas in Hawaii which could be considered " r u r a l . " The

only real urban area i s Honolulu i t s e l f , a lthough the o u t ly in g d i s t r i c t s

on O'ahu a l l have ready access to the m etropo lis . The Neighbor I s la n d s ,

w hile more rura l than O 'ahu, are considered to have a d i f f e r e n t k ind of

c u ltu ra l context and pace as w e ll. Thus, any ru ra l/u rban achievement

comparison i s in e x t r ic a b ly bound up w ith other c u l tu ra l and

socio-economic v a r ia b le s . In the present case, F igure 13 compares the

achievement p r o f i l e s o f a Neighbor I s l a n d (K a u a ' i ) , a ru ra l O'ahu

d i s t r i c t (Leeward) and the urban Honolulu D i s t r i c t .

In t h i s p a r t i c u la r comparison, 4th grade Reading Comprehension, the

rura l O'ahu d i s t r i c t scores more poorly than do e ith e r the K a u a 'i or

O'ahu. While t h i s pattern i s v a r iab le across grade le v e l s and su b te s t s ,

i t po in ts out the f a c t that there i s no- c le a r ru ra l/u rban dichotomy

present in Hawaii. The " in n e r - c i t y " school problem i s not so severe in

Hawaii as in c i t i e s on the mainland. S t i l l , o u t ly in g d i s t r i c t s , and in

p a r t i c u la r , c e r ta in sch oo ls , have had severe achievement decrements in

the years covered by the study. For educational p lann ing purposes i t w i l l

be necessary to more c lo s e ly cons id e r ta rg e t d i s t r i c t s and sch oo ls in

terms of th e ir unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in ad d it io n to th e ir t e s t p r o f i l e s .

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

FIGURE 13

GRADE 4 SAT 1980-81 READING COM PREHENSION

I

-p *noi

- 43 -

F. Ethnic Group Comparisons

I t has been noted th a t the achievement le v e ls o f Hawaiian students

are improving, even in comparison with those of others in the DOE. At any

given po int in time, however, th e ir achievement w i l l be compared on an

abso lu te leve l with o thers. F igure 14 shows the Hawaiian achievement

curve compared w ith those of the other three la r g e s t groups in the DOE,

the Japanese, Caucasian, and F i l i p in o groups. Each of the other groups

may be seen in t h i s comparison to be ahead of the Hawaiians, the Japanese

le ad in g the way. The Japanese and Caucasian curves are su p e r io r to the

national norm, while the F i l i p in o group curve shows a d i f fe re n t pattern.

The F i l ip in o pattern has an elevated middle se c t ion with lower numbers in

both the lower and upper stan ine areas.

Scores of the other, sm aller ethnic groups are var ied , w ith some

showing the su p e r io r p r o f i le o f the Japanese (Korean, Chinese) and some

showing p r o f i le s which are c o n s is te n t ly below that of the Hawaiians

(Samoan, Portugese, Indochinese).

The overa ll pattern of p r o f i le s fo r the four major groups remains

c o n s is te n t across su b te s ts o f the SAT and across grade le v e ls . Based on

these comparisons, the p ic tu re of d i s p a r i t y fa c in g the Hawaiians becomes

c le a re r . Even as t h e i r achievement p r o f i le s in general are improving and

approaching nat iona l norms, the p r o f i le s of the "com petitor" groups

remain quite high by comparison.

G. Pub lic vs. P r iv a te School Comparisons

F igure 15 compares the performance of Hawaiian students in the DOE

(S ta te o f Hawaii Department o f Education) with Hawaiian students in

p r iva te schoo ls in one grade leve l (4th) using one te s t (SAT) and lo ok in g

at one su b te s t (Reading Comprehension) on ly. While the percentages on the

ch art show a dramatic su p e r io r i t y of p r iva te over pub lic in terms of

percentage d i s t r ib u t io n s , the numbers o f students involved in t h i s

comparison are very d i f fe r e n t a lso :

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

GRADE 4 SA T 1 9 8 1 -8 2 TOTAL READING

FIGURE 14

I

-p*

I

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

GRADE 4 SAT 1980-81 READING COMPREHENSION

FIGURE 15

- 45

-

- 46 -

Pub lic School group

P r iva te School group

2,039

203

C le a r ly , the s e le c t i v i t y o f p r iva te education i s represented in the

elevated scores o f the p r iva te school Hawaiian students. Th is pattern

holds true f o r the o ther types of standard ized te s t s adm in istered by

pr iva te schoo ls and a t the other grade le v e l s . While i t i s not p o s s ib le

to lump together the scores o f a l l p r iva te school students and add them

to those of the pub lic school students, F igu re 15 g iv e s the pattern fo r

pub lic and p r iva te school Hawaiian students. The hypothetical composite

curve would s t i l l be somewhat below th i s national d i s t r ib u t io n simply

because there are not enough p r ivate school students to outweigh the

pub lic school scores. The p ic tu re i s not a ltoge ther a gloomy one,

however, and i t i s encouraging to f in d a pool o f high ach iev ing Hawaiian

students in p r iv a te schoo ls .

H. W ith in -P r iva te School Comparisons

F igures 16, 17, and 18 d i f f e r from the others in th a t i t was not

p o s s ib le to show the complete stan ine d i s t r ib u t io n fo r these data. These

percentages come from the C a tho l ic school system, which only had data

summarized in to th ree -s tan in e groupings. However the f ig u re s permit a

comparison of the performance o f Hawaiian ch i ld re n in the C a th o l ic

schoo ls with the o ve ra l l f ig u re s fo r C a tho l ic schoo ls on three su b tests

of the M etropo litan Achievement Test. The pattern fo r a l l three su b te sts

i s that there are more Hawaiian students in the middle three s tan in e s,

fewer in the upper s tan ine s, and mixed r e s u l t s in the lower three

s tan in e s. These are the numbers o f students tested:

These f ig u re s show again th a t Hawaiian students in p r iva te schoo ls

are ach iev ing a t r e la t i v e ly high le v e ls compared to the national norming

group. They po int out once again , however, th a t w ith in the p r iva te

schools as well as the p u b lic , th a t Hawaiian students are below p a r i ty

with other lo ca l students. This d i s p a r i t y i s most apparent fo r p r iva te

A ll students

Hawaiian students

1,102

300

PE

RC

EN

T

FIGURE 16G RADE 4 CATH OL IC S C H O O L S Y S T E MMETROPOL ITAN A C H IEV EM EN T T E ST 1 9 8 0 -81 READ ING

- 47

-

PE

RC

EN

TFIGURE 17

GRADE 4 CATHOLIC SC H O O L S Y S T E MMETROPOLITAN ACHIEVEMENT T E ST 1980-81 MATH

- 48

-

PE

RC

EN

TGRADE 4 CATH O L IC SC H O O L S Y S T E MM ETROPOLITAN ACH IEVEM EN T T EST 1980 -81 LANGUAGE

<X>

FIGURE 18

- 50 -

schoo ls in the upper stan ine areas. In other words, there appear to be

more non-Hawaiian students in the very h igh -ach ie v in g brackets.

LACK OF PARITY AND EDUCATIONAL NEED

In the preceeding se c t io n s only a few o f the p o ss ib le comparisons of

curves have been presented which go in to the overa ll assessment o f the

o r ig in a l question concerning pa r ity . There are a few areas in which

Hawaiian students are demonstrably doing as well as the national norming

group: mainly in the lower grade le v e ls . However, there are a m ultitude

of areas o f wide d i s p a r i t y as w e ll. While i t m ight seem d e s ira b le to be

able to give a simple s in g le g e n e ra l iza t io n about the academic

achievement o f Hawaiians, such i s not the case. In re cogn iz in g

complexity, the is su e changes from simply whether there i s or i s not

p a r ity , to what to do about those areas in which there i s not p a r i ty .

This i s where the concept o f "need" a r i s e s . Where, among the curves i s

the need? Where i s t h i s need the g re a te s t ? What could be done about i t ?

In look ing a t the curves a n a ly s i s fo r a d e f in i t io n of need, another

degree of complexity a r i s e s . There are a t l e a s t three ways of d e f in in g

educational need based on the curves. Each has some cla im to being the

pathway to educational in te rven t ion . An examination of each of these

three needs d e f in i t io n s fo l low s:

A. Those sco r in g lowest on the te s t are the most in need.

This d e f in i t io n assumes that a l l ch i ld ren who score, say, in the

f i r s t stan ine are those in the most need fo r educational in te rven t ion .

F igure 19 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s need d e f in i t io n . A l l those up through the

middle of the stan ine group ings are in need, the degree of need r e la t in g

d ir e c t ly to how low the score i s .

According to th i s need d e f in i t io n , those students sco r in g above the

national mean would not be regarded as in need of educational

i ntervention.

% OF

S

TU

DE

NT

SFIGURE 19

LO W EST S C O R E S = M O ST IN NEED

I

<J1I— »

I

- 52 -

R . Any d i s p a r i t y from the national norms in d ica te s need.

Figure 20 i l l u s t r a t e s how t h i s d e f in i t io n of need may be

conceptualized. The key d iffe rence between t h i s d e f in i t io n and the

preceding one i s th a t there i s a need area above the national mean score.

In fa c t , there may be as severe an educational need a t the uppermost

stan ine achievement le v e ls as a t the lowest. Looking a t comparative

curves, however, shows th a t the meaning o f the d i s p a r i t i e s changes a t the

upper le v e ls . An in-need group may have too many students sco r in g in the

lower s tan in e s. Thus the idea of in te rven tion would be to help these

students "move up." The problem at the upper le v e ls , however, i s too few

students. So the ta rge t s o f in tervention are not the students who are a t

the upper le v e l s , but rather the students a t the middle le v e ls who could

move in to the h igher le v e l s . The standard of comparison in both of the

f i r s t two need d e f in i t io n s i s the national curve.

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

FIGURE 20

NEED = CURVE D IFFERENTIALS FROM NATIONAL N O RM S

- 53

-

- 54 -

C. The need i s to achieve p a r i ty with the h ighest ach iev ing lo ca l

group.

P a r i t y comparison po in t out that other ethnic groups in Hawaii score

above the national norms. Under t h i s t h i r d d e f in i t io n of need, even i f

Hawaiian students were to achieve national p a r i ty , they would s t i l l be

behind the other lo ca l groups. Because the lo ca l system i s the one in

which se lf - im age i s formed and i s the one in which the Hawaiian student

must measure personal success, i t i s held th a t upward curve m o b i l i t y

should not stop u n t i l the Hawaiians are a t p a r ity with the h ighest

ach iev ing loca l group. Of the four major groups in the Hawaii DOE, t h i s

i s the Japanese. F igu re 21 i l l u s t r a t e s th i s d e f in i t io n o f need.

D. Can these need d e f in i t io n s be o p e ra t io n a l iz e d ?

Using the DOE data which generated the statewide curves used in the

p a r i t y comparisons, i t i s p o s s ib le to determine the in d iv id u a l schoo ls in

the sta te which would be the "m ost-in -need" by each of the three need

d e f in i t io n s above. There are a va r ie ty of ways o f o p e ra t io n a l iz in g the

d e f in i t io n s of each. For example, under need d e f in i t io n number 1, the

number of Hawaiian students in the lowest stan ine would be one way to

rank order schoo ls . For the example shown in Table 5, the number of

students in the bottom three stan ines in 4th grade reading to ta l was used

to estimate the to ta l number of students in each school. Table 5 presents

the ten schoo ls w ith the h ighest numbers, rank ordered.

One way of o p e ra t io n a l iz in g need d e f in i t io n number 2 would be to

c a lc u la te the number o f students sco r in g " ju st -be lo w -a ve rage ," or in

stan ine s 3 and 4. Th is would be the pool of students from which the most

movement past the middle of the curve might be expected. The top ten

schoo ls in terms of the estimated number of students in these s tan ine s

are presented in Table 6.

The th ird need d e f in i t io n im p lie s even more s tro n g ly that the most

severe need i s fo r more Hawaiian students to be represented in the

uppermost stan ine area of the curve. One way to o p e ra t ion a lize t h i s would

% OF

ST

UD

EN

TS

FIGURE 21

NEED = PARITY WITH H IGHEST LO CAL GROUP

- 55

-

ST A N IN E

- 56 -

TABLE 5

"MOST-IN-NEED" SCHOOLS BY NUMBER OF 4TH GRADE HAWAIIAN STUDENTS SCORING IN STANINES 1-3

IN TOTAL READING, SAT, 1980-81

RANK SCHOOLtt IN STANINES

1 - 3 (4TH GRADE)

NUMBERTESTED

# HAWAIIAN STUDENTS (K-6)

ESTIMATE # NEEDING

ASSISTANCE

1 School "A" 36 65 510 295

2 School "B" 39 78 474 237

3 School "C" 29 60 387 186

4 School "D" 20 53 447 170

5 School I I £ II 25 52 327 157

6 School I I p II 17 45 396 150

7 School "6" 18 36 282 141

8 School "H" 14 43 408 135

9 School H J II 20 49 299 123

10 School "J" 17 35 232 114

- 57 -

TABLE 6

"JUST-BELOW-AVERAGE" STUDENTS: TOP 10 SCHOOLS BY ESTIMATED NUMBER OF HAWAIIAN STUDENTS IN STANINES 364, TOTAL READING, SAT, 1980-81

RANK SCHOOL

tt IN STANINES 3 & 4

(4TH GRADE)NUMBERTESTED

# HAWAIIAN STUDENTS

(K -6 )

EST. tt HAWN. "JUST-BELOW-

AVERAGE"

1 School "A" 32 65 510 251

2 School "B" 34 60 387 219

3 School "C" 24 45 396 211

4 ’ School "D" 34 78 474 207

5 School "E" 18 53 538 183

6 School "F " 23 34 251 170

7 School "G" 16 43 408 152

8 School "H" 19 36 282 149

9 School " I " 18 31 247 143

10 School "J " 22 52 327 138

- 58 -

TABLE 7

SCHOOLS WITH NO HAWAIIAN STUDENTS SCORING IN THE UPPER STANINES (7, 8, 6 9) ON 4TH GRADE SAT, TOTAL READING TOP 10 RANKED BY TOTAL NUMBER OF HAWAIIAN STUDENTS, K-6

RANK

1

SCHOOL

School "K"

tt HAWAIIAN STUDENTS, K-6

251

2 School "M" 238

3 School "N" 216

4 School "0" 201

5 School "L" 197

6 School "P" 189

7 School "Q" 187

8 School "R" 159

9 School "S " 158

10 School "T" 155

- 59 -

be to lo o k f o r those schoo ls in which there i s a la rg e number o f Hawaiian

students but none sco r in g in the 7th, 8th, or 9th s tan in e s. Table 7

presents the top ten schoo ls se lected on t h i s b a s is , rank ordered by

h ighe st number of Hawaiian students, none of whom scored in the top

stan ines in Total Reading, 4th grade le v e l.

None of these l i s t s should be in terpre ted as p re s c r ip t iv e or

d e f in i t i v e ta rge t s of educational need. They serve to i l l u s t r a t e th a t the

data does permit a schoo l-by-schoo l a n a ly s i s o f achievement and, thus,

g ive the potentia l fo r a focused in te rve n t io n plan based on any of the

kinds of need d e f in i t io n we have discussed.

Perhaps the most important f in d in g here i s the amount of overlap

between schoo ls in the needs ca te go r ie s . E igh t o f the ten schoo ls in L i s t

1 repeat in L i s t 2. Two from L i s t 2 are in L i s t 3. In other words,

c e r ta in schoo ls account fo r needs a t several le v e ls . In te rven t ion planned

fo r these schoo ls would be most c o s t -b e n e f ic ia l in th a t i t would reach

the most Hawaiian ch i ld re n with needs at many educational le v e ls .

Taking L i s t 1, fo r example, the to ta l number o f Hawaiian c h i ld re n

estim ated to be in need a t these schoo ls i s 1 ,708. This i s 27.8% of the

to ta l number of elementary ch i ld re n estimated to be in need statewide by

t h i s need d e f in i t io n . In other words, programs a t these ten schoo ls would

have the po tentia l to reach almost a th ird o f those estimated to be in

need statewide. (The ten schoo ls are but 5.7% of the 175 elementary

schoo ls s ta tew ide.)

CONCLUSIONS

Th is sect ion of the Native Hawaiian Educational Assessment P ro ject

Report has examined the most thorough se t of standardized achievement

te s t data ever assembled by e th n ic i t y in Hawaii. The study looked at

p r iva te as well as pub lic school t e s t sco res; a t three d i f fe r e n t academic

y e a rs ; a t f iv e grade le v e l s ; a t sub test scores; a t male/female sco re s ; a t

d if fe re n ce s among H aw a i i 's ethnic groups. Achievement curves were

developed in an attempt to d iscover where, i f a t a l l , Hawaiian students

f a l l below p a r i ty with national norms as well as with t h e i r peers in

Hawaii. W ithin the c o n s t ra in t s o f t h i s study, the fo l low in g seem to be

the most v a l id con c lu s ion s :

- 60 -

I . O v e ra l l , Hawaiian students do score below p a r i ty with nat iona l norms

on standardized achievement te s t s .

The o r ig in a l DOE data conta ins a to ta l o f 91 subtest score curves

showing Hawaiian student performance compared to the nat iona l norming

d i s t r ib u t io n on the S tan fo rd Achievement Test se r ie s . Only f iv e of

these, four a t the second grade leve l and one a t the fourth grade le v e l ,

come c lo se to p a r i t y w ith the normal d i s t r ib u t io n . A l l the other curves

show a d is p r o p o r t io n a te ly high percentage of Hawaiian students in the

lower s tan ine s or below average achievement and a d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly low

number o f Hawaiian students in the upper stan ines or the above average

achievement le v e l. Th is o ve ra l l f in d in g , however, must be q u a l i f ie d by

the an a lyses presented of sub test comparisons:

a . ) The scores o f Hawaiian students in the DOE have been

improving over the three years o f data a v a i la b le fo r the

s tu d y .

b . ) Standardized te s t scores are c lo se to national p a r i ty at

the second grade but are lower at the upper grade l e v e l s .

c . ) Vocabulary and Math A p p l ic a t io n s stand out as weaker than

the other su b te sts e sp e c ia l ly at the lower grade l e v e l s .

d . ) Hawaiian male students c o n s is te n t ly score below females in

math and re a d in g .

e . ) Scores o f Hawaiian students who attend p r iva te schoo ls in

Hawaii are c o n s is te n t ly at or above national norms.

f .) P u b lic and p r iva te schoo ls both show a pattern of low

percentages o f Hawaiian students in the uppermost s t a n in e s .

g . ) Ce rta in schoo ls can be sp e c i f ie d as most-in-need on the

b a s is of several k inds o f educational need.

- 61 -

h . ) Hawaiian students are the lowest o f the four major e thn ic

groups in H aw a i i 's schoo ls. Two o f these score

c o n s is te n t ly well above national norms on standard ized

achievement t e s t s .

The is su e of d i s p a r i t y i s , then, not a simple one. While the Hawaiian

students in general continue to score below p a r i ty with nat iona l groups,

the d i s p a r i t y w ith other lo ca l groups i s even greater. The data points

out the need to make a careful determination of need fo r focussed

educational in te rven tion .

Once aga in i t should be emphasized that standard ized te s t scores have

been used here as only one index o f Hawaiian student need: they are not

considered to be the u lt im ate measure of educational outcomes. In the

chapters which fo l low a much broader perspective on educational need i s

presented.

C H A P T E R III

S P E C I A L E D U C A T I O N A L N E E D S

Chapter III

Specia l Educational Needs

Given the general p r o f i le o f the overa ll educational achievement of

Native Hawaiians in the S ta te o f Hawaii as based on standard ized te s t

score data, i t i s c le a r th a t Hawaiians as a group have su b sta n t ia l needs

in the educational arena. However, the te s t score ana lyses do not t e l l

the whole s to ry . The purpose o f t h i s chapter i s to take a broader look

a t the concept o f educational need and at the unique spec ia l educational

needs o f Native Hawaiian students.

D e f in in g educational need can be done in any number of ways.

However, the primary goal in t h i s instance was to be as comprehensive as

p o s s ib le . Adoption of th i s operational goal was based on several

c o n s id e ra t io n s . F i r s t , the th e o re t ica l model used as a guide in the

study, Bronfenbrenner1s e co lo g ic a l model of human development (see

Chapter I I ) , i s comprehensive. Brofenbrenner's model suggests th a t

in d iv id u a l development can only be understood w ith in the la r g e r context

of causal fa c to rs a t m u lt ip le le v e ls o f a n a ly s i s . This opens the way fo r

con s id e ra t io n of many trends and p o l ic ie s w ith in a so c ia l s e t t in g in

terms o f t h e i r impact on in d iv id u a l development. E co log ica l theory a ls o

lends i t s e l f to in c lu s io n of the h is to r ic a l dimension s ince i t i s a

natural p rogress ion to move from a comprehensive e co lo g ic a l assessment of

- 63 -

a so c ia l s e t t in g at a g iven po in t in time to a con s id e ra t ion of how a

s p e c i f i c e co lo g ica l c o n f ig u ra t io n evolved out of those preceeding i t .

In c lu d in g at le a s t some h i s t o r i c a l perspective was deemed c ru c ia l in t h i s

case because many Hawaiians emphasize the h i s t o r i c a l bases of

contemporary Hawaiian problems.

A second reason fo r attem pting to be comprehensive stemmed from a

desire to id e n t i f y the d iverse viewpoints th a t in d iv id u a l s and groups

l i v i n g and working in Hawaii have with respect to education and the

d e f in i t io n of educational need. S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t was hoped th a t the

perspect ives o f the " s i l e n t m a jo r i ty , " the "average Joe ," the "Mr. A loha"

could be captured— along with those of educational and community leaders

who ro u t in e ly comment on and w rite about education.

Methodology

The search pattern fo llowed in ga thering inform ation fo r t h i s

chapter, as well as in the fo l low in g one on c u l t u r a l l y - r e la t e d educa­

t io n a l needs, was ge n era lly one as broad as p o s s ib le . The key gu id in g

question in both cases was: What hypotheses have been ra ised as to the

s p e c i f i c educational problems of Hawaiian schoo l-age youth? The goal

throughout the search process was to try to garner as much evidence as

was reasonably p o s s ib le w ith respect to each hypothesis discovered. In

b r ie f , three types o f in form ation were sought:

1. Testimony: P r im a r i ly statements o ffe red before federal

l e g i s l a t i v e committees and recorded in w ritten form. However,

statements o ffered in the popular p rinted media such as

newspapers and inagazineswere a lso accepted and considered.

2. Soc ia l In d ic a to r D ata : A rch iva l, governmental, and agency

records o f any type th a t could be used to generate some

i n d i c a t io n s of problem s i tu a t io n s with a d i re c t or sometimes an

i n d i r e c t bearing on education.

3. Soc ia l Science A n a l y s i s : Research reports or p ro fess iona l

op in ions and ana lyses of fered by soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s that have a

d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t connection with understanding the processes

invo lved in or the reasons behind s p e c i f i c problem s i t u a t i o n s

fa c in g Hawaiian schoo l-age youth with regard to t h e i r

educat ional achievement.

Thus, t h i s chapter cons iders a number of barr iers or cond i t ion s

a f f e c t i n g the educational development o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren and examines

the te s t im on ia l , soc ia l i n d ica to r , and soc ia l science a n a l y s i s data

gathered during the study. B r i e f l y , the order of presentat ion and the

i tems to be considered fo r each cond it ion are as fo l low s . In cases where

one of the l a s t three items i s m is s ing from a sec t ion , t h i s i s an

i n d i c a t io n that a s p e c i f i c type of data was not a v a i l a b le fo r review.

Condition Summary: A b r i e f overview of the problem area as

defined by the data reviewed.

Potential Educational Interventions: I n d i c a t io n s of the general

types of educat ional in tervent ions that might be introduced

given the problem cond i t ion s described. Often more than one

potent ia l in tervent ion w i l l be suggested because educators have

t h e i r own programmatic preferences and because d i f f e r e n t

programs may be needed in d i f fe re n t communities.

Testimony: A review o f the test imonia l statements thought to

re la te to the problem condit ion spec i f ied .

Social Indicator Data: A presentation o f pert inent soc ia l

in d i c a t o r in format ion , or references to the same.

- 64 -

- 65 -

Social Science Analysis: Often a m in i-rev iew of the l i t e r a t u r e

in a s p e c i f i c area. In the current version review e f fo r t s were

ge nera lly l im ite d to those a r t i c l e s th a t d e a lt s p e c i f i c a l l y with

Hawaiians. Future re v is io n s may inc lude more comprehensive

1ite ra tu re reviews.

I t should be re ite ra te d th a t th i s i s an "open" chapter in the sense

th a t the work, ideas, and inform ation presented i s a beginning rather

than an end. In a d d it io n , i t i s not p ra c t ic a l to include a l l the

inform ation gathered in t h i s ye ar long e f f o r t because o f the sheer volume

of the r e s u l t in g product. Thus, in some of the con d it ion s representative

te st im on ia l data and only the best so c ia l in d ic a to r and so c ia l science

ana ly se s are presented; p lu s , i t was necessary in some cases to l i m i t the

a n a ly t ic commentary. In sho rt , t h i s product i s but a window through

which an ongoing process can be viewed. The O f f ic e of Program Eva luat ion

and P lann ing has the complete text for anyone in te re sted .

Major Need Category: Specia l Educational Needs

General Need Area: Socio-Economic Sta tus

Condi t i on 1: Poverty

Condition Summary

TESTIMONIAL AND SOCIAL INDICATOR DATA SHOW THAT MANY HAWAIIANS ARE POOR AND SUFFER FROM THE NEGATIVE EDUCATIONAL, SOCIAL, EMOTIONAL, PHYSICAL, AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH INADEQUATE INCOME.

Potential Educational Interventions

• "A n t i-p ove rty " programs that attempt to am eliorate poverty-re la te d cond it ion s through educational in te rven t io n with youth and th e ir fa m il ie s .

• Community-level e f f o r t s by educators to e f fe c t so c ia l changesth a t w i l l help a l le v ia t e poverty and i t s impact on fa m il ie s andchi 1dren.

Testimony

. . . Money, money, money has always been our Hawaiianproblem. With only a high school diploma what chances does one have a g a in s t a co l le ge graduate? With no s k i l l developed, how could one get a good paying job? (Lovey Apana, B i l l 916, p. 205)

Su c c in c t ly s tated, th i s in d iv id u a l views fam ily income as ap a r t i c u la r problem for Hawaiians and one which i s d i r e c t ly connected toth e ir leve l of educational attainment. Other s im i l a r ly focused testimony d irected at l e g i s l a t i v e committees included the fo l low ing :

The Hawaiians have a spec ia l claim on our a t te n t io n .These i s la n d s are th e i r nat ive land. Today, we know th a t a number o f Hawaiians have not been able to keep pace with the progress and p ro sp er ity which has taken place here.Too many have fa l le n in to the hardcore poverty cyc le . And because of t h i s f a c t , I am deeply concerned th a t persons of Native Hawaiian descent comprise a la rg e , i d e n t i f ia b le segment o f the State o f H aw a ii 's unemployed and w elfare r e c ip ie n t s .

- 67 -

The so c ia l co sts connected w ith hardcore poverty are tremendous ranging from the lo s s o f these i n d i v id u a l ' s potentia l con tr ib u t ion of e f f o r t and ta le n t , down to the d o l la r co s t o f m a in ta in ing welfare programs and p r isons.

I am convinced th a t the key to reve rs in g th i s trend l i e s in the area of education, fo r t h i s g i f t once given can never be taken away. The educational needs of Native Hawaiians are unique and deserving o f special Federal support. I f enacted, Senate b i l l 916 w i l l authorize funding to develop and implement the educational programs required to address the unique needs o f Native Hawaiians and th e i r ch i ld ren (Hoaliku Drake for Frank F a s i , B i l l 916, p. 36).

This b i l l has a simple purpose--to improve and expand educational o pp ortu n it ie s for Native Hawaiians. I t w i l l help Native Hawaiians master the m ysteries o f th e ir world as nat ive Americans and as members o f our dynamic Nation. I t w i l l help them enrich th e i r minds and learn the s k i l l sof work. And these to o ls can open the world to them.

With education, instead of a l i f e of poverty and s ta gn a t io n , Native Hawaiians can learn the s k i l l s to f in d a job and a career and provide fo r a fam ily . In stead of boredom and f r u s t r a t io n , they can f in d excitement and pleasure in th e i r hours o f re st . In stead of squandering th e i r t a le n t s , they can learn to use them to benefit themselves, the community, the S ta te , and the country they 1 i ve in.

How many l i v e s , both young and adu lt, have been wasted? How many fa m i l ie s now l i v e in m isery? How muchof our native ta le n t have the Hawaiian people, the S ta teo f Hawaii, and the Nation l o s t because we have ye t to reconc ile th e ir f a i lu r e ? Each da y 's delay con tr ibu tes to the intense so c ia l and economic s t r a in s p resently experienced by Native Hawaiians.

Today, 23.5 percent o f the re c ip ie n ts fo r general a s s is ta n c e are Native Hawaiians; 46.8 percent of the population in our S ta te co rrec t iona l f a c i l i t i e s are Native Hawaiians; and 40.3 percent under the su perv is ion of the Hawaii P a ro l in g Au thor ity are Native Hawaiians.

For calendar year 1977, the unemployment rate among Native Hawaiians was 11.1 percent, compared to a low of4.3 percent fo r other e thn ic groups.

During 1972, among minority-owned bu s ine sses, exclud ing bu sinesses owned by w hites, b la ck s , and personsof Spanish o r ig in , Native Hawaiians owned 393 f irm s which t r a n s la te s to 2.8 percent. Yet we make up 17.7 percent o f the population.

This i s a shocking waste of our primary nativeresource --our people. And we can measure the co s t in other terms. We now spend $2,217 a year per c h i ld in our pub lic schoo ls. But we spend $1 6,500 a year to keep adelinquent youth in a detention home; $8,736 fo r a fam ily on r e l i e f ; $17,000 a year per inmate in our S ta te prison.

- 68 -

Education i s the most economical investment that th i s Nation can make toward a b r ig h te r future for Native Hawaiians.

From the very beginning, knowledge fo r a l l was thekey to success o f the American experiment. The duty toprovide that knowledge has rested on each successive generation. I t weighs most heav ily on those in p o s i t io n sthat have the opportunity and re la ted resourses. For ass o c ie t y has grown more in t r i c a t e , the need fo r le a rn in ghas grown more intense , and the rap id growth of our i s la n d State threatens to outd istance the c a p a c it ie s o f the lo ca l school system in de a lin g with the s p e c i f i c needs of Hawaiians.

The re s u l t i s that the young and adu lt NativeHawaiians are denied t h e i r fu l l r i g h t to develop t h e i r minds and take th e i r place in soc ie ty .

This b i l l represents a determination on the part ofthe Senate that th i s w i l l no longer be true. Section 8 ofS. 916 proposes to amend the Adu lt Education Act byin s e r t in g a f te r sec t ion 316 a new sect ion which i s of in te r e s t and importance to the Department o f Hawaiian Home Lands (Georgina Padeken, B i l l 916, pp. 39-40).

Others have o ffered more s i t u a t io n - s p e c i f i c accounts o f the degree of poverty among Hawaiians as exem plified by t h i s testimony from thed ire c to r of a preschool program:

One measure i s the fam ily income of the Hawaiians in our preschool. These fa m i l ie s have an average g ro ss fam ily income of 38.9 percent o f the S ta te median income adjusted fo r fam ily s iz e . These gross incomes range from 78 percent o f the S ta te median down to 21.7 percent, a bare f i f t h o f the amount requ ired fo r a decent standard ofex istence.

Evidence of the e f f o r t s made by these Hawaiian f a m il ie s to su rv ive i s provided by the number employed.Some 60 percent are working. However, 40 percent of theemployed fa m i l ie s earn so l i t t l e th a t they need, and are e l i g i b l e fo r p u b l ic a s s is ta n c e supplementation (Joanne Bristow , B i l l 857, p. 113).

F in a l l y , some testimony contained e x p l i c i t fa c ts and f ig u re s showing the r e la t iv e stand ing o f Hawaiians in the S ta te o f Hawaii. For example,Thompson and Hannahs (1979) offered the fo l lo w in g f ig u re s that were drawn from the ongoing needs assessment work o f A lu L ike, Inc.

KEY S X IA L INDICATORS: STATISTICAL COMPARISON BETWEENHAWAIIAN ADULTS AND ADULTS STATEWIDE

STATE POP. HAWN. POP. Less Than High School Education 24% 30%

Co llege Degree 16% 5 %

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Unemployed 4% 6%

Near or Below Poverty 16% 23%

In s u f f i c i e n t Income for Family S ize 22% 35%

P ro fe ss io n , Techn ica l, Managerial 27% 19%

Welfare Rec ip ien ts 1 5% 22%

Income Less Than $4,000/Year 26% 31%

Median Income $7,400 $6,900

Crim inal Offenders .5% 1.2%

of T o t a l :

• P rosecutions Authorized - - 62% Native Hawaiians

• Incarcerated - - 47% Native Hawaiians

• Juven ile s on Probation - - 41% Native Hawaiians

• Adu lts on Probation - - 35% Native Hawaiians

GENERAL DEMOGRAPHICS

Whole and Part-Haw aiians comprise 17% of State Population

Whole and Part-Haw aiians comprise 24% o f Youth Population

Whole and Part-Haw aiians comprise 13% of Adu lt Population

50% of a l l Whole and Part-Haw aiians are 20 Years Old and Younger

A d d it iona l re levant testimony included that o f Darrow Aiona, B i l l 916, pp. 66-67 and Keoni Agard, B i l l 916, pp. 91-92.

Social Indicator Data

Alu L ike, In c . , a lo ca l n o n -p ro f i t so c ia l change o rgan iz a t ion , has fo r a number of years expended considerab le e f f o r t in m ain ta in ing f i l e s of so c ia l in d ic a to r in form ation regarding Hawaiians. In general, th e ir s ty le of presentation has been to co n tra s t "Native Hawaiian" f ig u re s with those of the sta te population as a whole. In many cases t h i s has invo lved combining f igu re s which may have o r i g in a l l y been broken out in terms of "Haw aiians" and "P a r t -H aw a i ian s . " For example, in the area of

personal income, the data shown in Figures 22 and 23, taken from a pu b l i ca t ion e n t i t l e d He Hawai ' i Makou (We are Hawaiians) (Alu L i k e , 1979) i l l u s t r a t e s the type of presentat ion that has often been used. In th i s case data were drawn from the 1975 0E0 Census Update Survey. The summary comment offered in connection with these data was as fo l low s:

Of those who have income, Native Hawaiians have a s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher percentage of t h e i r populat ion in the low income le v e l s than the r e s t of the S ta te , and they have p roport iona te ly fewer people a t the higher income l e v e l s . Almost one - th ird (31.2%) o f Native Hawaiians rece iv in g income get l e s s than $4000 per year. (p. 17)

While the above s t y le o f presentation c le a r l y shows apparent need on the part of Hawaiians, i t a l so may convey l e s s informat ion about the nature of s o c ia l o rgan iza t ion in Hawaii than a s t ra ig h t - fo rw ard presen­t a t ion of informat ion broken down by ethnic group. As a con tra s t to the above, Rapson (1980) presented the income informat ion by ethnic group for the year 1977 as shown in Table 8.

In look ing a t the f inal -median- income column one can notice a su b s tan t ia l d i f fe rence between the f i gu re s for Hawaiians and Part -Hawai ians , the Hawaiians being the lowest group shown in the Table. I t i s a l s o of some i n te r e s t to con t ra s t the F i l i p i n o f i gu re s with th a t of the Part-Hawai ian group, the F i l i p i n o median income being lower. Moreover, i t should be noted th a t an estimated one - th ird o f "Hawaiian" f a m i l i e s would be scat tered throughout d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups due to outmarriage by Hawaiians and part-Hawai ian women ( th a t i s , f i gu re s drawn from Department of Health, 1981, Table 59, p. 50, v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s on marriage by race of br ide and groom show th a t of a l l marriages in v o lv in g Hawaiians about one - th ird of the tota l involve Hawaiian women who marry non-Hawaii an s ) .

A s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t perspect ive on poverty among Hawaiians and part -Hawai ians can be obta ined from a c lo se cons iderat ion of f i gu re s compiled by the Hawaii O f f i c e of Economic Opportunity and the Hawaii CAP D i re c t o r s A s so c ia t io n (1979). S p e c i f i c a l l y , the in format ion presented in Table 9 was drawn from poverty data broken down by age group. For convenience, f i gu re s for Hawaiians and part -Hawai ians were combined. In genera l, the f i gu re s show an overrepresentat ion of Hawaiians among those l i v i n g under what are c l a s s i f i e d as poverty income cond i t ion s a t a l l age l e v e l s . However, i t does appear that poverty s ta tus may be most preva lent among Hawaiian school age youth aged 6-18.

A percentage representat ion pie graph of i n d i v id u a l s l i v i n g in poverty f o r the age group 6-18 i s shown in F igure 24. Th is s t y l e of present ing the s ta te populat ion by age group w i th in the to ta l S ta te of Hawaii populat ion and the poverty populat ion w i th in the same age group was used in the P r o f i l e on Poverty report (Hawaii O f f i ce of Economic Opportunity and Hawaii CAP D i rec tors A s so c ia t ion , 1979) fo r the s e r ie s of age groupings cons idered in Table 9. The fo l low ing were comments offered in a b r ie f a n a l y s i s of the ethnic composit ion with in the two groups shown in F igure 24 as well as w i th in a t h i r d "Non-Poverty" group.

- 70 -

ANNUAL INCOME OF CIVILIAN FAMILIES. BY ETHNIC STOCK OF FAMILY HEAD: 1977TABLE 8

_1/ Median not shown where base (unexpanded) is less than 50.

SOURCE: Rapson, 1980, p. 53

ETHNIC STOCKALL

LEVELSUNDER$5,000

$5,000to

$9,999

$10,000to

$14,999$15,000

to$19,999

$20,000to

$24,999$25,000andOVER

INCOMENOT

REPORTED

MEDIAN INCOME 1/ (DOLLARS)

All groups 200,101 8,834 31,340 32,248 29,930 25,828 40,626 31,293 17,000Caucasian 51,836 1,731 7,447 7,437 6,580 6,788 13,826 7,992 19,002Japanese 64,696 1,190 6,486 9,240 11,459 10,509 15,259 10,552 19,431

Hawa i i an 3,097 624 897 555 456 48 202 314 9,278Fi1i pi no 22,370 1,442 5,080 5,369 3,446 1,533 1,936 3,564 12,683

Chi nese 13,063 291 914 2,096 1,640 2 , 120 3,824 2,178 21,183

Korean 2,941 112 313 357 377 672 442 668 19,702

Samoan 1,039 191 468 206 --- 66 --- 107 . . . .

B1 ack 897 — 243 --- 207 112 232 102. . . .

Puerto Rican 1,514 115 586 377 169 45 57 165 . . . .

Other unmixed and unknown 1,535 284 178 163 46 --- 56 809 . . . .

Mixed: Part Hawaiian 25,263 2,051 5,980 4,068 4,086 2,617 3,143 3,318 13,615

Mixed: Non-Hawaiian 11,851 803 2,749 2,343 1,464 1,318 1,650 1,525 13,438

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-

Per

cent

FIGURE 22

ANNUAL PERSONAL INCOME, STATE OF HAWAII 1975

Q State Population ■ Native Hawaiian

Population

Annual Personal Income

FIGURE 25ANNUAL MEDIAN PERSONAL INCOME,

STATE OF HAWAII 1975

SOURCE: He Hawai'i Makou - We Are Hawaiians, Alu Like 1979, p. 17.

- 73 -

Table 9

Representation of Hawaiians & Part-Haw aiians in Total Age-Group Populations & Age-Group

Poverty Populations

Percent Percentof of Poverty

Group_____________Age Range________ Population Population

Preschool 0-5 24.4% 29.1%

Youth 6-18 24.1% 34.4%

Young Adul ts 19-25 14.9% 16.2%

Adults 18 and o lder 12.9% 16.9%

Sen io r C it iz e n s 55 and o lder 9.1% 9.9%

OVERALL Total Population 16.7% 23.9%

S t a t e . Compared to the overa ll s ta te popu lat ion , the ethn ic composition of Youth in Hawaii shows la rg e r pro­port ions o f Part Hawaiians and Mixed.

Poverty . The la r g e s t ethnic groups in poverty Youth population are the Part Hawaiians (32.5%), Mixed (16.5%), and F i l i p i n o s (12.8%).

Non-Poverty. The la r g e s t ethnic groups in the non-poverty Youth population are the Japanese (22.0%), the Part Hawaiians (21.5%), and the non-Portuguese Caucasians (20.9%).

Social Science Analysis

Ever s ince the i n i t i a t i o n of the federal "War on Poverty" during the 1960s so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s have devoted considerab le a t te n t io n to studying the c h a r a c te r i s t ic s o f ch i ld ren reared under poverty con d it ion s. For in stance, i t has come to be f a i r l y w e l l -accepted that ch i ld ren of the poor tend to a r r iv e a t school with in te l le c tu a l and language problems of vary ing degrees. In Hawaii so c ia l s c ie n t i s t s have tended to fo l low a long with research

FIGURE 24

ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION OF POVERTY AND OVERALL STATE POPUJATIONS FOR INDIVIDUALS AGED 6-18 YEARS, 1975

- 74 -

POVERTY POPULATION:

MIXED■16. 5%

SAMOAN5 . 9%

PUERT O R ICAN

KOREAN1.1»%

JAPANESE■ 3 . 5%

OTHER3 . 6%

BLACK, NEGRO

0 . 7%

CAUCASIAN,NOT PORTUGUESE

12. 2%

CAUCASIAN,PORTUGUESE

1».6%

CHINESE1 . 6 %

F IL IP IN O12 . 8%

HAWAIIAN1. 9%

PART-HAWAIIAN 32 . 5%

STATE POPULATION:

MIXED14.9%

SAMOAN1.0*

PUERTO RICAN

0.5%KOREAN

0.9%

JAPANESE19-5%

rr

OTHER1.4* BLACK, NEGRO

1.0 * CAUCASIAN,^RT^GUESE

CAUCASIAN, PORTUGUESE

2 . 6* CHINESE

3.5*

F I L I P I N O

10.9*

HAWAIIAN 1.1*

PART-HAWAI IAN 2 3 - 0 *

Populat ion Estimates (Age 6 through 18)

State

Poverty

207,763

28,455

SOURCE: Hawaii Office of Economic Opportunity and Hawaii CAP Directors Assn.Profile on Poverty, State of Hawaii. April, 1979.

and program development trends th a t have s ta r ted on the Mainland. For example, the Kamehameha Ear ly Education Program (KEEP), a programsponsored by The Kamehameha Schoo ls/Bern ice Pauahi B ishop Estate , was i n i t i a t e d in the ear ly seven ties as an R & D e f f o r t designed to d iscover e f fe c t iv e methods of teach ing Hawaiian youth how to read. In l i g h t of the decade o f in ten s ive a t ten t ion to the needs of low-income, disadvantaged youth on the Main land, i t i s not s u r p r i s in g th a t KEEP too has concentrated i t s e f f o r t s on low-income students. And as might be expected, they have discovered much the same pattern of d e f i c i t s as has been found w ith Mainland samples o f low-income students, with perhaps afew tw is t s , as Tharp e t a l . (1978) explained:

Most o f the students a t the KEEP school (Kamehameha Ear ly Education Program) are from poor fa m i l ie s who receiveState a s s is ta n c e . Such fa m il ie s are assumed in Hawaii, as well as on the mainland, to ra ise ch i ld re n who are apt to be l i n g u i s t i c a l l y and c o g n it iv e ly d e f ic ie n t . These problems as well as low m otivat ion are often c ite d by I s la n d educators as reasons fo r the poor school performance of Hawaiian ch i ld ren .

The s i t u a t io n i s fu rther complicated by the fa c t that the KEEP ch i ld re n speak as a f i r s t language, Hawaiian I s la n d s Creole E n g l ish . Creole or " p id g in " (as i t i s commonly c a l le d ) has i t s o r ig in in the 19th century during a period of rap id , massive immigration from North America, Europe, and A s ia . For many years Creole was discouraged in the pub lic schoo ls because i t was considered a b a r r ie r to le a rn in g , a "broken" E n g l ish (W ist, 1940). (p. 27)

- 75 -

Major Need Category: Specia l Educational Needs

General Need Area: Soc ia l-Econom ic Status

Condition 2: Unemp1oyment

- 76 -

Condition Summary

HAWAIIANS ARE OVERREPRESENTED AMONG THE STATE'S UNEMPLOYED. THIS IS TRUE WITH ADULTS AS WELL AS WITH TEENAGERS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• School-based programs that seek to ensure post-graduation em p lo yab il ity .

Testimony

Alu Like, In c . , as a sponsor under the CETA program, has been heav ily invo lved in t rack in g employment f igu re s fo r Hawaiians, and pub lic comments from the pres ident and the executive d ire c to r inc lude the fo l low in g :

Hawaiians desperate ly need to increase th e i r employment p a r t ic ip a t io n in the p r iva te sector bus ine sses in order to increase th e i r a b i l i t i e s to take care of themselves .. . One day soon, Hawaiians won't need to hang onto the edge of the pool . . . w ith these a c t io n s , and othersbrewing in Congress, Dan (Inouye) i s he lp ing us swim alone. (Myron Thompson, Honolulu S t a r - B u l ie t in , August 29, 1978)

We haven 't even scratched the surface (o f employment t r a in in g ) . We're only accomodating 5 percent, a t the most, of the number of Native Hawaiians who need to be accomodated in the program.

The number of Native Hawaiians who are unemployed or underemployed i s twice th a t of the unemployed in the e n t ire s ta te . . . We cannot take care of the fu l l need.We hope th a t other employment e n t i t ie s w i l l address the other port ion. (Winona Rubin, Honolulu S t a r - B u l l e t i n ,August 29, 1978)

While these were comments about unemployment in general, Verl ie -Ann M alina W right, Chairperson of the State Commission on Manpower and Full Employment, noted problems of unemployment among teenagers:

- 77 -

Youth unemployment has a p a r t i c u la r ly marked impact on the disadvantaged. The 1 975 f ig u re s fo r the i s la n d of Oahu, where 80 percent o f the S t a t e ' s population re s id e s , in d ica te that nearly one fourth (24.9 percent) of a l l unemployed teenagers (ages 16-19) were Hawaiian and part-Haw aiian, the h ighe st rate fo r a l l ethnic groups. The Commission's f in d in g s , published in a 1978 report e n t i t le d P r o f i l e of H a w a i i 's Youth in the Labor Force, emphasized that youtTi who a r i d isadvantaged Tn other areas; they often have low educational attainment and achievement, are em otionally troubled, present d i s c ip l in a r y problems, and lack soc ia l s k i l l s . The native Hawaiian Education Act would go a long way to a l le v ia t e some of these d isadvantages. ( B i l l 916, p. 221)

Social Indicator Data

In the testimony with respect to poverty among Hawaiians (see Condit ion 1: Poverty ), Thompson and Hannahs (1979) contrasted a 6percent unemployment rate fo r Hawaiians w ith a rate of 4 percent fo r the State as a whole. However, in the same sect ion Agard o ffered an unemployment f ig u re of 11.7 percent fo r Hawaiians statew ide. The l a t t e r f igu re was based on s ta te average 1975 fo r 1978, and i t agrees exact ly with the f ig u re found in the 0E0 Census Update Survey. S p e c i f i c a l l y , Retherforti (1982) reported the unemployment rates shown in Table 10 by e n th n ic i ty and county in h is a n a ly s i s of Census Update Survey data.

TABLE 10UNEMPLOYMENT RATES BY ETHNICITY: HAWAII AND ITS COUNTIES, 1975 (IN PERCENTAGES)

COUNTYETHNICITY State Honolulu Hawaii Maui Kauai

Caucasian 9.5% 9.9% 10.0% 6.9% 4.5%

Filipino 6.6% 7.2% 4.5% 6.8% 2.1%

Hawaiian 11.7% 12.3% 10.1% 12.5% 2.2%

Japanese 4.1% 4.1% 4.7% 2.5% 3.1%

Other 9.8% 9.8% 12.3% 11.7% 4.1%

SOURCE: Retherford, 1982, p. 4.

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Even more d e ta i le d inform ation about unemployement among Hawaiians was offered by Ikeda and Jackson, (1980) in a ta bu la t ion that was a ls o based on 0E0 Census Update Survey in form ation from 1975. As shown in Table 11 the h ighe st unemployment ra te s among Hawaiians are for those w ith le s s than a high school education. This i s p a r t i c u la r ly true fo r young workers aged 16-19 who d id not complete high schoo l: unemployment rates fo r males o f t h i s type was 33 percent, fo r females 55 percent. The lowest unemployment rate shown fo r co llege -educated females 25 years of age and o lder (1.4 percent), while the second lowest i s fo rco llege -educated males (3 .9 percent). In commenting on the s i t u a t io n of young females with le s s than a high school education, Jackson and Ikeda noted that, "The data in d ica ted that one out of two teenaged Hawaiian females who d id not f in i s h high schoo l, t r ie d but could not f in d a job, and more than three out of four dropped out of the labor force because they were d iscouraged or d id not even try to seek employment", (p 10)

Further in form ation about employment s ta tu s among Hawaiians as contrasted with the s ta te population as a whole was o ffered in the Alu Like booklet "We Are Hawaiians" (1979). Based on the 1975 CEO CensusUpdate Survey f in d in g s , the data shown in F igures 25 and 26 were o ffered with the fo l low in g comment:

Compared to the to ta l popu lation, Native Hawaiians show higher percentage of persons unemployed as well aspersons not in the labor force. A s im i la r , but greater, d iffe rence e x i s t s in the youth population, (p. 13)F in a l ly , f ig u re s obtained from the Department o f Laborand In d u s t r ia l R e la t ion s fo r 1981 show Hawaiians ranked f i f t h in terms o f the number and percent of unemployment insurance c la im ants. A summary of the in form ation made a v a i la b le i s o ffered in Table 12.

UNEMPLOYMENT RATE f%) AMONG HAWAIIANS, BY SEX, LOCATION, AGE, AND EDUCATION, 1975

TABLE 11

BELOW HIGH SCHOOL HIGH SCHOOL COLLEGE +AGE: 16-19 20-24 25+ 16-19 20-24 25+ 16-19 20-24 25+

(N) 34.3%(1190)

14.0%(431)

9.6%(4564)

23.1%(1103)

8.7%(2025)

6.6%(7060)

39.1%*(279)

10 .2%( 1200)

3.8%(3509)

Other Counties .25.3% (283)

29.4%*(137)

4.1%(1751)

18.5%(510)

15.3%(712)

7.1%(2576)

0*(72)

6.6%(317)

4.5%(966)

Neighbor Islands Hawai i 53.2%*

(65)21.0%*

(95)4.9%

(844)16.5%*

(196)12.9%

(346)9.9%

(1265)0*

(24)10.6%*

(197)7.3%

(383)

Maui 17.8%(207)

65.7%*(31)

4.9%(611)

31.6%(195)

24.1%(266)

4.7%(986)

0*(15)

0*(88 )

3.6%.(422)

Kauai 0* (ID 0*( 1 1 )

0(296)

0(118)

0(100)

3.3%(325)

0*(32)

0*(32)

0(161)

Statewi de 32.6%(1473)

17.7(569)

8.0%(6315)

21.6%(1613)

10.4%(2737)

6.7%(9636)

31.1%*(351)

9.4%(1519)

3.9%(4475)

(N) 64.8%*(552)

0*(182)

9.9%(2089)

43.4%(772)

20.9%(1568)

9.0%(5323)

10.8%*(373)

8.5%(1073)

1.1%(1981)

Other Counties 39.1%(315)

39.4%*(44)

5.2 % (949)

18.4%(302)

11.5%(394)

6.2%(1595)

11.3%(118)

8.5%(350)

2.6%(623)

Neighbor Islands Hawai i 32.7%*

(88)19.9%*

(24)4.3%

(424)34.6%*

(104)6 .0%*

(179)8.1%

(712)4.9%*

(76)11.5%*

(153)2.1%*

(257)

Maui 43.7%(217)

63.8%*(19)

9.1%(341)

11.6%*(80)

18.7%*(184)

4.6%(652)

6.4%*(31)

13.6%*(90)

0(214)

Kauai 0*( 11 )

* * 0(184)

8.9%*(119)

0*

(32)4.6%

(231)0

( 11)0*

(107)7 .0%*

(152)

Statewi de 55.4%(867)

7.6%*(226)

8.4%(3038)

36.4%(1074)

19.0%(1962)

8.3%(6918)

10.9%*(491)

8.5%(1432)

1.4%(2r 04)

* Unweighted N 30 ** No informationSOURCE: Ikeda & Jackson, 1980, p. 11.

- 79

-

- 80 -

FIGURE 25EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF POPULATION AGE 14 AND OVER

State PopulationNative Hawaiian Population

FIGURE 26

St a t e P o p u l a t i o n

N a t i v e H a w a i i a n P o p u l a t i o n

SOURCE: He Hawai'i Makou - We Are Hawaiians, Alu Like 1979, p. 13.

Employed

Employed, Temporarily Off

Unemployed

Not in Labor Force

Active Military

Retired

10 20 30 40 50 60Percent

EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF YOUTH AGE 19-25

Employed

Employed, Temporarily Off

Unemployed

Not in Labor Force

Active M ilitary

10 20 30 40 50 60Percent

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TABLE 12RANK ORDERING OF THE NUMBER AND PERCENT

OF UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE CLAIMANTS BY ETHNIC GROUP, STATE OF HAWAII 1981

ETHNIC GROUP_______________ NUMBER____________ PERCENT

1. White 2,161 24%

2. Filipino 1,610 18%

3. Japanese 1,562 18%

4. Other 1,416 16%

5. Hawaiian 897 10%

6. Unknown 721 8%

7. Chinese 386 4%

8. Black 92 1%

9. Spanish 54 .6%

10. Indian 2 .02%

SOURCE: Based on a 20 percent sample of claimants.Information maintained as part of the Con­tinuous Wage and Benefit History program. Department of Labor and Industrial Rela­tions, State of Hawaii, July 1982.

- 82 -

Major Need Category: Specia l Educational Needs

General Need Area: Socio-Economic Status

Condition 3: Job S ta tu s

Condition Summary

IN GENERAL, HAWAIIANS ARE MARKEDLY UNDERREPRESENTED IN MANAGERIAL/PROFESSIONAL JOB CATEGORIES CONCEDED TO BE OF HIGH STATUS IN THE COMMUNITY, WHILE THEY ARE OVERREPRESENTED IN STRUCTURAL AND MISCELLANEOUS OCCUPATIONS THAT TEND TO BE OF RELATIVELY LOW STATUS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs, whether m otiva t iona l or in fo rm at io n a l, that encourage capable youth to pursue the education needed fo r entry in to h ig h - s t a t u s , w e l l -p a y in g f i e ld s of employment.

Testimony

Fo llow ing World War I I and throughout the 1950 's there was ge n era lly a deemphasis in Hawaii on id e n t i f i c a t io n of the specia l problems faced by in d iv id u a l e thn ic groups. At the same time t r u s t s w ith spec ia l o b l i g a t io n s to sp e c i f i c ta r g e t groups needed to focus s e le c t iv e ly on problems among th e i r b e n e f ic ia r ie s . Queen L i l iu o k a la n i T ru st (QLT), fo r example, requested outs ide eva luat ion and comment from Joseph Reid, then executive d ire c to r of the C h i ld Welfare League of America. One of h is recommendations was th a t QLT conduct a study on "Why many c h i ld re n of Hawaiian descent grow up w ithout m otivat ion to a t ta in su b s ta n t ia l achievement in the f i e ld s of education, bu s ine ss , and the p ro fe s s io n s " (Honolulu S t a r - B u l le t in Ju ly 15, 1959). Comments from Myron Thompson,then caseworker ancl student superv isor , were th a t the su gge st ion s from the ou ts ide expert:

. . . su b s ta n t ia te the fe e l in g s that we've (QLT) had fo r a long time th a t Hawaiian and part-Haw aiians are low on the p ro fe ss io n a l sca le .

U sua lly we've found that they d o n 't q u a l i f y e d u c a t io n a l ly fo r such jobs.

The problem i s to f in d out why they la ck th i s push to get the necessary education. (Honolulu S t a r - B u i le t in ,Ju ly 1 5, 1959)

TABLE 13

GAINFULLY EMPLOYED MALES CLASSIFIED AS PROFESSIONAL, 1896-1977*

^e.g., 132 represents 1.4 percent of all Hawaiian males in 1896.

*Data for 1977 derived from Hawaii Health Surveillance Program Survey. All other data from U.S. census reports and Census of the Republic of Hawaii, 1896.

SOURCE: Lind, 1980, pp. 86-87.

1896 1910 1930 1950 1977Number Percent1 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number PercentEmployed of Total Employed of Total Employed of Total Employed of Total Employed of Total

Hawai ian 132 1.4% 126 1 .6% 242 4.1% 93 3.6%1,916 6.9%

Part Hawai ian 54 4.0% 71 3.1% 293 6.7% 649 6.3%Portuguese 30 .7% 180 2 .6%

444 3.1% 4,232 16.9% 11,223 2 1 .2%Other Caucasian 164 4.9% 1,563 17.2%

Chinese 300 1 .8% 65 .5% 259 3.0% 876 10.7% 1,344 19.8%

Japanese 88 .5% 2 2 1 .5% 1.204 3.4% 2,506 5.5% 11,983 18.1%

Filipino — — — — 268 .6% 296 1 .2% 1,344 6.3%

Korean — — — — 58 2.7% 121 8.6% 187 7.8%

Puerto Rican — — — — 20 1.1% 15 .9% 59 4.1%

All Others 13 2 .2% 23 .4% 32 4.2% 138 3.7% 1,788 10.5%

TOTAL 781 1.5% 950 1.1% 4,119 3.4% 8,829 7.3% 30,851 15.3%

- 84 -

The a i r i n g o f the is su e of career outcomes and academic achievement among Hawaiians culminated in a study of the socioeconomic s ta tu s of Hawaiians as o f the e a r ly 1960s ( L i l iu o k a la n i T ru st A dv iso ry Board,1962). Th is report marked the f i r s t time in well over two decades thatis su e s o f t h i s type with respect to Hawaiians were given se r iou s co n s id e ra t io n in the pub lic forum (e . g . , Honolulu S ta r B u l l e t i n , October 10, 1962; Honolulu A d ve rt ise r , Ju ly 7, 1962). Some o f the f in d in g s o f t h i s landmark report were th a t the 17 percent o f the popu lat ion who were Hawaiian or part-Haw aiian accounted fo r 35-40 percent o f f i n a n c ia l l yd e s t itu te f a m i l ie s , 42 percent of ju v e n i le a r r e s t s , 51 percent of i l l e g i t im a t e b i r t h s , and 20 percent of a l l d iv o rc e s . A d d i t io n a l ly ,Hawaiians had the h ighe st dropout rates o f any e thn ic group, and theywere seemingly underrepresented among se n io r s graduating from high school s ince they only accounted fo r 5 percent o f t h i s group. Needless to say,i t was a l s o found th a t very few Hawaiians attended or completed c o l le geeducations.

In recent ye ars concerns about the representation of Hawaiians in the ranks o f h ig h - s ta tu s occupations have continued to be a major concern o f Hawaiians. For example, grants to Alu Like Inc. fo r job t r a in in gbe n e f its to Hawaiians under the federal Comprehensive Employment T ra in in g Act have been intended to help both unemployed as well as underemployed in d iv id u a l s f in d permanent jo b s ( c f . Kakesako, 1977). And special programs adm in istered through the U n iv e r s i ty of Hawaii have re su lted in in c re a s in g numbers o f Hawaiians completing t h e i r medical t r a in in g , as Dean of the Medical School a t the U n iv e r s i ty , Ben Young t e s t i f i e d :

I t i s w ith pride th a t in 1975, when we graduated our f i r s t c l a s s , we e xac t ly doubled the number ofp r a c t ic in g p h ys ic ian s in the S ta te o f Hawaii - - f iv ep h y s ic ia n s of Hawaiian e thn ic background doub ling to10 p r a c t ic in g in the S ta te o f Hawaii. ( B i l l 916, p.132)

Social Indicator Data

The data shown in Table 13, taken from Lind (1980, pp. 86-87), in d ica te th a t s l i g h t advantages th a t Hawaiians once enjoyed in the p ro fe s s io n s have eroded cons iderab ly in the face o f s trong showings among i s la n d people o f other e thn ic groups, in c lu d in g the Chinese, Japanese, Caucasians, Koreans, and F i l ip in o s .

More re ce n t ly , data from the S ta te Department o f H ea lth (1981), shown in Table 14, sugge sts the dominance o f Caucasian and Chinese males in h ig h - s ta t u s f i e ld s o f employment. The ir p o s i t io n can be contrasted with the r e la t i v e stand ing o f groups such as the F i l i p i n o s and part-H aw aiians who tend to be concentrated in the lo w -s ta tu s job se c to rs .

At the opposite end o f the job s ta tu s spectrum in form ation about the number of g a in f u l l y employed males c l a s s i f i e d as la b o re rs among the var ious e thn ic groups in Hawaii shows the r e la t i v e ly rap id r i s e o f alm ost

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TABLE 14PERCENT OF EMPLOYED CIVILIANS 16 YEARS OLD AND OVER

IN HIGH- AND LOW-STATUS OCCUPATIONS,BY SEX AND ETHNIC STOCK: 1980

1/ Professional and technical workers, farmers and farm managers, and managers, officials, and proprietors, as a percent of all civilians 16 years old and over reporting occupation.

2/ Farm laborers and foremen and nonfarm laborers as a percent of all civilians 16 years old and over reporting occupation.

SOURCE: Kawaguchi, Nishi, and Schmidt, 1981.

Percent in Percent inHigh-Status Low-Status

Occupations 1/ Occupations 2/MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE

ALL GROUPS 31.5% 25.7% 10.0% 2.0%Caucasian 44.5% 34.2% 6.8% 1.0%Japanese 31.6% 26.8% 5.1% 1.4%Chinese 51.6% 36.3% 3.6% 0Fi 1 i pi no 8.5% 9.9% 25.4% 7.4%

Hawai ian ------

Korean ---

Negro ---

Puerto Rican ---

Samoan ---

Other unmixed or unknown ---

Part Hawaiian 24.5% 18.3% 12.8% 1.9%

Other mixed 23.0% 24.3% 7.4% 0.2%

- 86 -

a l l o f the lo ca l groups. As shown in Table 15, Hawaiians have tended tor i s e above the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of laborer much le s s ra p id ly than any ofthe o ther groups. The data a ls o i l l u s t r a t e the " l a s t to a r r iv e "h ypothes is : th a t i s , i t i s c le a r th a t a r e la t i v e ly re c e n t ly -a r r iv e dgroup such as the F i l i p in o s appears to have been hampered somewhat inattempts to b r in g th e i r members out o f the labore r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n due to the crowding e f fe c t a t the top among immigrant groups who have been long e s ta b l ish e d in the Is la n d s ( e . g . , the Chinese and Japanese). Hawaiians, meanwhile, a lthough present in the Is la n d s the lo n ge s t , may in somerespects be the " l a s t to a r r iv e " in terms o f the va lues system andc u ltu ra l p rac t ic e s o f Western s o c ie ty ( c f . , L ind, 1980).

The general occupational s ta tu s o f Hawaiians as evidenced byemployment has been d e ta i le d in Alu L ik e ' s p u b l ic a t io n He Hawai'i Makou (We are Hawaiians) (1979). S p e c i f i c comments under the heading ōī"Occupation of Persons Employed in the L ast F ive Years" were as fo l lo w s :

Comparison w ith the S ta te population shows th a t Native Hawaiians have h igher percentages of people ins t ru c tu ra l and m isce llaneous occupations and lowerpercentage in p ro fe s s io n a l, te ch n ica l, and admimin- i s t r a t i v e p o s i t io n s . A s im i l a r pattern i s shown in youth popu lat ion , (p. 14)

Graphs showing Hawaiian employment and s ta te to ta l emplyment ins p e c i f ic f i e ld s are a v a i la b le .

Government employment in Hawaii has l a t e ly been of some concern duela r g e ly to the predominance of those of Japanese ancestry in S ta te p o s i t io n s . For example, Rap son (1980) presented data from 1964 - 1967 as well as from 1978 showing the d i s t r ib u t io n o f government job s among the major e thn ic groups o f the I s la n d s . Data he provided i s d isp layed in Table 16. In general, i t can be seen th a t Hawaiians, who make up an estim ated 17.9 percent o f the s ta te popu lat ion , fa re qu ite well a t the Sta te and County le v e l s , in fa c t being overrepresented among those in se rv ice w ith the County. At the Federal le v e l , meanwhile, the a v a i la b le f i g u r e s fo r 1964 - 1967 show an underrepresentation.

A s im i l a r study of employment patterns in the co rre c t ion s f i e ld showed unbalanced employment across e thn ic groups, Hawaiians apparently being underrepresented ( Inkyo , 1974).

TABLE 15

GAINFULLY EMPLOYED MALES CLASSIFIED AS LABORERS, .1896-1977*

^e.g., 2,758 represents 30.0 percent of all Hawaiian males in 1896.

*Data for 1977 derived from Hawaii Health Surveillance Program Survey, Population Characteristics of Hawaii- 1977 (January 1979.) All other data derived from reports of reports of U.S. Census Bureau and Superintendent of Census, Republic of Hawaii, 1896.

SOURCE: Lind, 1980, pp. 84-85.

1896 1910 1930 1950 1977Number Percent1 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number PercentBnployed of Total Bnployed of Total Bnployed of Total Employed of Total Bnployed of Total

Hawai ian 2,758 30.0% 4,040 50.5% 2,325 39.5% 892 34.6%1,980 1 0.6%

Part Hawaiian 348 25.5% 569 24.9% 959 2 2 .1% 2,062 2 0 .0%Portuguese 3,036 73.6% 2,044 30.1%

6,898 43.8% 2,235 5.1% 2,917 3.6%Other Caucasian 312 9.3% 396 4.4%

Chinese 10,923 65.8% 6,680 48.6% 2,088 24.4% 431 5.3% 40 .3%Japanese 14,394 87.5% 33,871 76.8% 12,754 35.9% 7,482 16.3% 3,433 5.2%

Fi 1 i pi no — — — — 41,075 90.1% 13,387 52.5% 4,400 19.9%

Korean — — — — 1,142 53.4% 160 11.4% 221 9.2%

Puerto Rican — — — — 1,455 78.2% 851 34.4% 408 28.3%

All Others 256 43.2% 5,355 89.7% 173 81.2% 787 2 1 .2% 1,583 9.4%

TOTAL 32,027 61.9% 57,413 65.0% 64,411 53.6% 27,277 22.5% 16,124 8.0%

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-

TABLE 16

GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT

* Combined with Part-Hawaiian ** Combined with Caucasian

SOURCE: Rapson, 1980, p. 84.

19781964 - 1967 Percent of

State Service

(N=ll,047)

Percent of County Service (N=7,198)

Percent of Total Population

Percent of Federal Service

Percent of State Service

Percent of County Service

Japanese 28.8% 29.3% 45.7% 30.9% 47.2% 31.7%Caucasian 25.5% 22.1% 10.0% 5.6% 15.4% 10.3%Part-Hawai ian 18.0% 11.1% 17.5% 32.3% 15.7% 32.1%

Cosmopoli tan 8.4% 4.9% 5.0% 5.2%

F i i ip ino 6.7% 9.8% 4.3% 3.9% 8.2% 4.8%

Chi nese 6.3% 13.8% 11.4% 10.2% 8.4% 7.7%Portuguese 2.5% 3.3% 2.5 % 4.6% ** **

Other (Mainly Korean & Black) 1.6% 2.9 % 1.8% 1.7%

Hawai ian .9% 1.1% 1.1% 1.7% * *

Puerto Rican .6% 1.0% .7% 2.1%

Others 5.1% 13.4%

- 89 -

Major Need Category:

General Need Area:

Condition 4:

Spec ia l Educational Needs

Socio-Economic Sta tus

So c ia l Welfare

Condition Summary

HAWAIIANS ARE DISPROPORTIONATELY REPRESENTED ON STATE SOCIAL WELFARE ROLLS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs th a t address the educational needs of youth who may be " a t - r i s k " with respect to a range of negative so c ia l welfare outcomes and co r re la te s .

Testimony

Level of income and so c ia l w e lfare s ta tu s n a tu ra l ly go hand-in-hand and the fo l low in g b r ie f excerpt from an Alu Like p u b l ic a t io n descr ibes the s i t u a t io n among Hawaiians in genera l:

In 1 975, 62.6 percent of the Native Hawaiian peoplehad no reportab le income. Of those with income, nearlyo n e -th ird (31.2 percent) received le s s than $4,000 a year. Of the approximately 19,000 c l i e n t s o f th e State Department of So c ia l Se rv ice s and Housing (DSSH) in 1975,4,700 (25 percent) were a d u lt Native Hawaiians. Of the39,000 c h i ld re n re ce iv in g Aid to Fam il ie s w ith Dependent Ch ild ren ( ' "D C ) a s s i s t a n c e , 12,000 (31 percent) wereNative Hawaiian. O vera l l, approximately 30 percent ofthe S t a t e ' s w elfare re c ip ie n t s are of Hawaiian ancestry ,almost double th e ir percentage of the to ta l sta tepopulation o f 16.7 percent.

Se lected Hawaiian communities seem to be more vu lnerab le to thefa c to r s th a t produce w elfare circumstances. For example, Waianae on theLeeward coast of Oahu i s an area that i s frequently s in g le d out as aHawaiian community with special needs. Welfare f ig u re s for t h i s areao ffe red by Stewart (1980) were as fo l low s: "About 34 percent o f theWaianae school population i s on welfare, compared to 15 percent of thes t a t e ' s to ta l school p op u la t io n . " This i s o f concern to educators because of the negative c o r re la t io n w ith educational achievement. As Thompson andHannahs (1979) t e s t i f ie d , ". . . there i s su b sta n t ia l evidence to showth a t s o c i a l l y undesirab le and c o s t ly in d ic a to r s such as w elfare

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e l i g i b i l i t y ra tes and cr im ina l rates are n e g a t ive ly co rre la te d witheducational achievement among nat ive Hawaiians" (p. 16). They a ls oo ffe re d the inform ation contained in Table 17 w ith respect to "welfaree l i g i b l e " ra tes among Hawaiians and the re la t io n s h ip with educationalachievement.

TABLE 17

Native Hawaiian "Welfare E l i g i b l e " Rates by Educational Achievement (1976)

Percent "Wei fare

H igh e st Grade Completed_________________________________ El i g i b l e "

Less than 12 26.3%

12 14.6%

More than 12 8.8%

A recent account o f w elfare fraud in the S ta te o f Hawaii sugge sts the pressures th a t some Hawaiian fa m i l ie s face in connection w ith poverty l i v i n g . This b r ie f case study o f a s in g le Hawaiian woman in her mid 30s, the mother o f four schoo l-age c h i ld re n , described how she f a i l e d to report ou ts ide income, and eventua lly was prosecuted and sentenced to a two-year j a i l term as a r e s u l t o f f i r s t -d e g r e e th e f t of $16,983 (Ong,1983). During a probation period th a t preceded j a i l and in to the two year in ca rc e ra t io n period t h i s fam ily had the fo l lo w in g experiences, ones th a t presumably d isrup ted the c h i ld r e n s ' educations as they had to d ire c t th e i r energy towards su rv iv a l and p re ss in g fam ily problems:

. . . She and the ch i ld ren moved in w ith R a c h e l 's mother, then moved out. For several months in 1980, the fam ilyl i v e d on Nanakuli beach, 'moving from one end toano ther. ' They s le p t in s h i f t s on the beach and ate a t ar e l a t i v e ' s house in Nanakuli . . . In September [1982],Rachel learned th a t her son had hanged h im se lf a t home.Two weeks la t e r , Rachel was re leased from pr ison . . .

The s t r e s s o f the combined fa c to rs invo lved in t h i s s i t u a t io n was obvious in the case o f the c h i ld who committed su ic id e ; the otherch i ld re n presummably have th e i r own burdens to bear as they s t r u g g le tocomplete educations th a t were severe ly d isrup ted by an extreme fam ilyemergency a ssoc ia te d w ith l i v i n g in poverty.

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Social Ind icator Data

Research conducted during the past year revealed th a t welfare in form ation i s ra re ly , i f ever, broken down by e thn ic group. For example, the Department o f So c ia l Se rv ices and Housing was unable to provide w elfare data by e t h n ic i t y ; however, Kanahele (1982b) o ffered the in form ation included in Table 18. In general, i t can be seen that Hawaiians were represented in the w elfare re c ip ie n t s group a t about the same leve l as th e i r representation in the general popu lat ion , i . e . , they did not appear to be s u b s t a n t i a l l y over- or underrepresented. The same seems to be true w ith respect to food stamp use. In other areas, though, Hawaiians were markedly overrepresented among those re c e iv in g pub lic a s s i s t a n c e payments and underrepresented among Medicaid re c ip ie n ts , S ince Kanahele presented only p a r t ia l in form ation, i t i s unc lear why numbers he supp lied do not to ta l across ethnic groups.

TABLE 18WELFARE PARTICIPATION BY

HAWAII'S MAJOR ETHNIC GROUPS, 19821

SPECIFIC WELFARE CATEGORIES

^Information was only available for selected groups; some categories elimin­ated in the original source, therefore, rows do not total 100%.

SOURCE: Kanahele, 1982 b, p. 36.

WELFARERECIP IENTS

# %

PUBLICASSISTANCE

# %

POOD STAMPS

# %MEDICAID# %

Caucasian 14,379 23.1% 6,401 37.7% 5,705 41.3% 2,019 21.9%

Hawai ian 11,159 17.7% 6,758 39.8% 2,765 20.0% 1,386 15.1%

Japanese 5,869 9.4% 1,109 6.5% 1,665 12.1% 2,680 29.1%

F i 1i pi no 8,455 13.5% 2,420 14.3% 3,119 22.6% 2,442 26.5%

Chinese 1,622 2.6% 291 1.7% 565 4.1% 674 7.3%

Major Need Category : Spec ia l Educational Needs

General Need Area: Socio-Economic Sta tus

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Cond it ion 5: Educational Achievement and Socio-Economic S ta tu s

Cond it ion Summary

TESTIMONIAL AS WELL AS TEST SCORE DATA OF MANY TYPES INDICATE THAT THE EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT OF HAWAIIANS AS A GROUP I S QUITE LIMITED. SES-RELATED CONCERNS INCLUDE SEVERE UNDERREPRESENTATION WITHIN INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER LEARNING AND DATA WHICH SHOW THAT MANY HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATES LACK ESSENTIAL BASIC COMPETENCIES.

P o te n t ia l Educational In te rve n t ion s

• Educational programming designed to enhance p ost-h igh school achievement o f indigenous m inority youth.

Testimony

Testim onia l comments about the ove ra l l academic achievement ofHawaiian youth tended to center around standard ized t e s t scores. For in stance , the fo l lo w in g two statements suggest the general understanding of t e s t score f in d in g s among p ro fe ss iona l educators:

Hawaiian students f a l l behind non-Hawaiians in the development of b a s ic math and reading s k i l l s as they progress through the DOE school system. (Henning,1978c)

. . . Currently Hawaiian youngsters by grade 6 area lready f a l l i n g behind in read ing s k i l l s and reported ly score two stan ine s below the average fo r the S ta te . Th is act w i l l provide fo r specia l remediation, comprehension, academic, and vocational in s t ru c t io n and specia l education programs. (Winona Rifoin, B i l l 916, p. 212).

Sample newspaper reports on t h i s is su e prepared fo r general audiences inc lude Ong (1980) and Verploegen (1980).

P a r a l le l in g the concern about standardized te s t score performance of Hawaiians i s a growing r e a l iz a t io n th a t many high school graduates have

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very weak ba s ic s k i l l s ( c f . , Ong, 1980). For example, Randy K a la h ik i t e s t i f i e d as fo l low s:

Although Hawaiians comprise a su b sta n t ia l per­centage o f the schoo l-age ch i ld ren , p roport iona te ly few receive high school diplomas or continue th e ir education a f te r high schoo l. Of those who receive high school diplomas, many s t i l l la ck the necessary reading and w r i t in g s k i l l s to continue t h e i r education or compete in the job market. ( B i l l 916, p. 224).

The ro le o f grades i s a l s o a key con s id e ra t io n f o r graduating sen io rs who are suddenly faced w ith the dec is ion to e ith e r terminate th e ir educations or to pursue h igher education. Donna Kapu described the rude awakening th a t some youngsters experience:

I , fo r one, a year now— not quite a year--worked a t Molokai High School, what i s c a l le d the Easter program, an Emergency School A id Act. I worked with 20ch i ld re n who have remedial problems, but on top ofthese remedial problems, they have many other problems th a t I th ink most o f the Molokai ch i ld ren have. I could say maybe 75 to 80 percent, and some o f theproblems are th a t many of the students there a t thehigh schoo l, upon graduating , t h e i r GPA--the gradepo int a v e ra g e - - i s very, very low so they are not q u a l i f ie d fo r s c h o la r sh ip s , and many o f them have tograduate and not r e a l ly be able to pursue th e ireducation because of t h i s .

I know I have worked w ith some sen io r s who wantto go in to education some more. They have t h i s de s ire , but because th e i r grade po int average i s very low, they are not ab le to. They j u s t fe e l, w e l l , " I j u s t got to go out and work and get some money. I c a n 't go to school because I'm not th a t sm art." ( B i l l 916, p.144).

C e r ta in ly one im p lic a t io n o f the l im ite d educational achievement among Hawaiians i s th a t few are l i k e l y to be q u a l i f ie d to continue on toh igher education. Even among those who do show academic promise, however,paying fo r c o l le g e expenses i s frequently a problem. This r e a l i t y wasc le a r ly e s ta b l ish e d by a range of in d iv id u a l s who pointed up the great need fo r f in a n c ia l a s s is t a n c e to co llege-bound Hawaiians. In many cases the testimony re la ted personal experiences in te rm inating an educational career due to lack o f funds. A sample of some o f the testimony reviewed i s as fo l low s:

Speaking as a Native Hawaiian, I d id n ' t have the opportunity to seek a h igher leve l o f education. My l im ite d educational background came from the Kamehameha sch oo ls , having graduated in 1962. Becauseof the la ck o f f in a n c ia l a id , I was not able to continue on to c o l le g e and there fore , stayed here and e n ro lle d a t the Kauai Community Co llege . I s t r iv e d to

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learn and obta in a job. Many o f my experiences were from the actual jo b -re la te d duties. (L ib e rta Albao, B i l l 916, p. 211).

We do have experience with attempting to meet t h i s need by f in a n c ia l a id and we discovered th a t where f i nancial a id and spec ia l c u r r ic u la r combinations have been implemented by the u n iv e r s i t y , Hawaiians do e n r o l l , and they do succeed and graduate.

The fe l lo w sh ip s th a t are proposed in the measure would remove the burden not only fo r income but o f the actual o u t-o f -pocke t co s t by p rov id ing th a t necessary f in a n c ia l support to students, and a ls o re l ie v e the burden o f the parents. (Durwood Long, B i l l 916, p. 189).

Other testimony in t h i s area included: B i l l 916, Donna Kapu,p. 145; Evelyn 01 ores, p. 21 5; Lovey Apana, p. 205.

The socio-economic c y c l i ng a ssoc ia te d w ith 1im ited educationalachievement, range of employment, and f in a n c ia l resources was mostfrequently noted a t three po in ts : graduation from high s c h o o l,u n iv e r s i t y attendance, and employment. For example, a Wery and P i ia n a iareport (1973) submitted as testimony in 1978 noted that:

even more di stu rb i ng i s the under­achievement o f many Hawaiian ch i ld ren in the pub licschool s. As s ta ted in a speech by Mr. Myron Thompson, of the Department o f Soc ia l Se rv ices and Housing, onMay 26, 1973, they number about 30 percent o f theschool popu lation but only 5 percent o f the graduates.And a g a in , Hawaiian teachers, counse lo rs, 1 ib ra r ia n s and p r in c ip a l s are conspicuous by th e ir absence. This f a i lu r e to part icpa te to the optimum in the twin resources of pub lic education i s one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t symptoms of the unhealthy so c ia l cond it ionof many Hawaiians in th e ir homeland.

And they a ls o addressed the major question of in te r e s t to them, "Whereare the Hawai ia n s ? " :

. . . Th is question h it s one repeatedly as hemoves about the several campuses o f the U n iv e rs i ty of H aw aii, p a r t i c u la r ly Manoa and H i lo . Hawaiians make up about 17 percent o f the s t a t e ' s population but they comprise only 10 percent of the student enrollment in the U n iv e rs i ty system, from a low o f 4.4 a t Manoa and8.4 a t H i lo to a g r a t i f y in g high of 21.5 a t Hawaii Community Co llege , up from 14.4 j u s t three ye ars ago.To our knowledge no one has ta l 1 ied the number of Hawaiians on the fa c u lty and s t a f f and in the ad m in is tra t ion but i t i s c le a r th a t t h i s percentage i s even sm alle r than th a t o f the students. ( B i l l 857, p.188)

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Further inform ation about the number o f Hawaiians in attendance atthe U n iv e r s i ty of Hawaii came from Durwood Long, then Vice Pres ident ofAcademic A f f a i r s a t the Manoa Campus:

Senator Inouye. Dr. Long, I thank you very much.In order to fu r th e r c l a r i f y what you have t e s t i f i e d to , these s t a t i s t i c s might be of in te r e s t to the people here.

As you know, Dr. Long spoke of the small number o f Hawaiians who are p resent ly on the campus a t theU n iv e r s i ty of Hawaii and the a f f i l i a t e s . In the f a l l of 1976, accord ing to s t a t i s t i c s made a v a i la b le to us by the U n iv e r s i ty o f Hawaii, there were approximately32,700 re g u la r students on the campus. Of th a t number, only 308 were Hawaiians, or a to ta l of 1.4 percent,1,079 were part-H aw aiians, a to ta l of 3.1 percent.

In other words, i f you put Hawaiians and part-Haw aiians together, they co n s t i tu te 4.5 percent of the to ta l school population o f the U n iv e r s i ty of Hawaii. In 1977, with approximately 30,000 re gu la r students on the campuses o f the U n iv e rs i ty of Hawaii,1.6 percent or 329 out o f 30,000 were Hawaiians, and3.4 percent or 1,129 were part-Haw aiians. In other words, 5 percent o f the to ta l school population were Hawaiian or part-Haw aiian.

Most recen tly , in the f a l l 1978, out of approximately 21,000 re g u la r students, 375 or 1.8 percent were Hawaiians, and 1,234 or 5.8 percent, were part-H aw aiians, fo r a to ta l o f 7.6 percent Hawaiians or part-Haw aiians.

So, as you have ind icated , these are dismal and rather sad s t a t i s t i c s to be presenting a t t h i s time.I t i s your contention th a t th i s measure might a s s i s t to improve upon these s t a t i s t i c s ?

Dr. Long. There i s no question that i t would,Senator. . . ( B i l l 916, p. 191)

Other comments from Or. Long noted the need fo r f in a n c ia l a id and specia l programming ( B i l l 916, p. 90).

Ad d it iona l testimony about spec ia l programming fo r Hawaiian co l le ge students included a personal report from Byron Cl eel and:

Most of the programs that I have seen fo r the general population have been e f f e c t iv e - - a s you mentioned e a r l ie r , the COP project a t the U n ive rs ity o f Hawaii.

I j u s t happened to be on campus l a s t summer and I was rooming in the dormitory with these students and i t was a very mixed group--Hawaiians and a l l , but these are students. As I got to know most o f them, they would not have been in co l le ge , probably, a t a l l i f i t were not fo r a specia l program which encouraged them and provided funds.

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So, I feel there i s not something th a t i s aimed p a r t i c u la r l y a t the Hawaiian group. I th ink i f there were something, i t would be e f fe c t iv e as t h i s b i l l . I th ink t h i s i s a good program. (Byron C lee land, B i l l 916, p. 199)

F in a l l y , a comment from Lovey Apana seems to in d ica te how a t t i tu d e s and d e s ire s o f Hawaiians with respect to h igher education may be changing:

At one time when pineappl e and sugar were the 1 a rge s t in d u s t r ie s in Haw aii, everyone could get a job. Why? Because you needed the minimum s k i l l , and d itch d ig g in g d id n ' t requ ire too much education and s k i l l . The lo c a l expression was 'No need b ra in s , j u s t braw ns. '

But today ' s so c ie ty has changed. In d u s t r ie s have become more so p h is t ic a te d and are moving toward an e le c t ro n ic s so c ie ty , and w ith t h i s in mind, education, increased a d u lt e d uca t ion , p ro fe ss io n a l e d u ca t ion , and on-the -job t r a in in g w i l l be the only answer. ( B i l l 916, p. 205)

Social Indicator Data

In form ation about re la t iv e representation o f Hawaiians in the U.H. system comes from two sources other than the Werry and P i i a n a ia (1973) report. Rapson (1980) o ffered the f in d in g s shown in Table 19 w ith respect to the r e la t iv e represen tat ion o f var ious e thn ic groups a t the U.H. Manoa Campus. Although the f ig u re s fo r part-Haw aiians are c le a r ly low due to the procedural p e c u l i a r i t i e s noted, i t i s a l s o ev ident t h a t Hawaiians were s u b s t a n t ia l l y underrepresented. Overrepresented groups, meanwhile, inc luded the Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and "O thers" , w h ile Caucasian, B lack , F i l i p i n o , Samoan, and Mixed ca te go r ie s were a ls o underrepresented.

A second source o f in form ation about r e la t i v e represen ta t ion in the U n iv e r s i ty of Hawaii system was found in Kanahele (1982). A U n iv e rs i ty o f Hawaii study from 1982 was used to prepare the f ig u re s d isp layed in Table 20. A review o f these data show th a t Hawai ians were overrepresented in the community c o l le g e s (124 percent o f expected) and markedly underrepresented a t the baccalaureate g ran t in g campuses (10 percent o f expected). Con tra st in g these f ig u re s with others in the Table, i t can be seen that O r ie n ta ls are the primary users of the U n iv e r s i ty o f Hawaii system, w hile F i l i p in o s and Caucasians tend to be underrepresented a long w ith Hawaiians.

F in a l l y , a g ro ss estim ate of the c o r re la t io n between le ve l o f educational attainment and fam ily income i s ev ident in the data presented in Table 21. The median years o f school completed fo r persons 25 years o ld and over and the median fam ily incomes fo r a range o f d i f f e r e n t ethn ic groups in Hawaii shows ge n e ra l ly that groups w ith h igher le v e l s of education al so tend to have h igher median fam ily incomes. As was the

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII AT MANOA ENROLLMENT, 1979

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TABLE 19

U.H. Enrollment (Manoa) Percent

1977 State Population (for all islands)

Percent

Caucasian(except Portuguese) 21(6% 27.5%

Caucasi an-Portuguese 0.7%

Japanese 34.4% 25.9%

Chinese 10.9% 4.8%

Korean 1.7% 1.2%

Negro 0.5% 0.9%

Filipino 3.5% 10.7%

Samoan 0.7%

Hawaiian or part-Hawaiian* 1.9% 17.0%

Mixed 6.0% 9.8%

Other 4.2 % 0.5%

No Response 14.6%

*U.H. statistics do not list a special category for part-Hawaiian. In 1979, 1.9 percent of U.H.M. students were listed as Hawaiian, 6.0 percent as Mixed and 2.6 percent as "Mixed Asian/Pacific Islander."By any counting, Hawaiians are not well-represented at U.H.M. It should be noted that 14.6 percent of U.H. students were listed as "No Response." Additionally for the U.H. system statewide, the per­cent for Hawaiians increases to 4.3 percent (6.1 percent in the community colleges) and for Mixed to 8.4 percent (10.5 percent in the community colleges). Filipinos are 8 percent of the student body statewide and almost 13 percent of the community college population, the latter figure being above their proportion of the state population.

SOURCE: Rapson, 1980, p. 116.

TABLE 20

ESTIMATES OF STUDENTS IN COLLEGE/UNIVERSITIES

U.H. System

Actual

Expected*

Percent o f Expected

Conmunity Colleges

Actual

Expected

Percent of Expected

Baccalaureate Colleges

Actual

Expected

Percent of Expected

U.H.— Manoa only

Actual

Expected

Percent of Expected

HAWAIIAN

2,480

2,864

87%

1,787

1,442

124%

693

6,734

1 0 %

580

1,308

44%

CAUCASIAN

9,860

13,563

73%

4,708

6,828

69%

5,152

6,734

77%

4,608

6,196

74%

CHINESE

3,700

2,416

153%

1,350

1,216

111%

2,350

1,200

196%

2,257

1,104

204%

JAPANESE

13,640

10,526

130%

6,186

5,229

118%

7,454

5,226

143%

6,867

4,809

143%

FILIPINO

3,623

3,934

92%

2,736

1,981

138%

887

1,953

45%

794

1,797

44%

Hawaiians are c l e a r l y underrepresented in the U n iv e r s i t y system, e sp e c i a l l y on the bacca laureate g ran t ing (4-year) campuses.

*"Expected" refers to the numbers that would be expected if the student population had the same ethnic mix as the 16 years and older resident population.SOURCE: Kanahele, 1982 b, p. 16.

TABLE 21

MEDIAN YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED FOR PERSONS 25 YEARS OLD AND OVER AND MEDIAN INCOME OF FAMILIES AND UNRELATED INDIVIDUALS, BY ETHNIC STOCK: 1980

1/ Persons 25 years old and over. Excludes vocational. 2/ By ethnic stock and military status of family head.

Median Years of School 1/

Median Income of Families 2/

Median Income of Unrelated Individuals

AllFamilies

CivilianOnly

AllIndividuals

CivilianOnly

ALL GROUPS 12.7 18,599 19,569 9,617 9,791

Caucasian 13.6 18,528 20,823 10,164 10,795

Japanese 1 2 . 6 23,183 23,209 10,037 10,037

Chinese 13.0 23,930 23,859 9,261 9,261

F i l i pi no 1 2 . 1 15,328 16,361 7,825 7,825

Hawai ian 1 2 . 1 11,997 11,997

Korean 12.7

Negro 12.9

Puerto Rican 10.7

Samoan 1 2 . 0

Other unmixed or unknown

Part Hawaiian 12.5 16,267 16,445 9,283 9,283

Other mixed 12.7 14,185 14,439 9,852 9,852

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case with some of the data from the 1930s presented above, the d if fe rence between Hawaiians and part-Haw aiians was quite marked. In t h i s case i t can be seen th a t Hawaiians have the lowest median fam ily income o f any group 1is te d , while part-Haw aiians top both F i l i p i n o and "Other Mixed" ca te go r ie s .

Social Science Analysis

So c ia l s c i e n t i s t s working in Hawaii have o ffered some work re levantto the trends and patterns d iscu ssed above. Alu L ike , I n c . , fo r example,has r e l ie d on help from demographers and other so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s from the o u tse t o f t h e i r work in order to determine as accurate ly as p o s s ib le the spec ia l needs o f Hawai ians in the S ta te o f Hawaii. A sampl e o f the typeof a n a ly s i s they are able to o f fe r i s the f o l 1owi ng overview ofeducational achievement among Hawaiians:

In H a w a i i 's pu b lic schoo ls , Native Hawaiians tend to perform below the average le v e l : in competencyte s t s Hawaiian students demonstrate a norm in the second s tan ine , versus the State norm in the fourth stan ine and the national norm in the f i f t h stan ine.The average completed 1evel of education was 11.7years among Native Hawaiian survey respondents. From 1976 to 1981, the percentage o f Hawaiians whocompleted high school increased but the percentagewith some c o l le ge experience decreased. An estimated3.5% of Hawaiian ad u lts have earned baccalaureate degrees versus th e S ta te to ta l of 9.9%. While the survey respondents in d ica ted co lle ge as the f i r s t choice in educational goa ls fo r both s e l f and c h i ld re n , in a c t u a l i t y they both chose or completedapprenticesh ip, high s c h o o l, or bu s ine ss school t r a in in g . The major reasons fo r not ach iev ingpreferred educational 1eve ls were "1 ack o f f in a n c ia lre so u rc e s , . . . fam ily o b i ig a t io n s , and ge t t in gm arr ie d ." (Alu L ike , I n c . , 1982; p. 16)

The f ig u re s quoted here fo r completion of baccalaureate degrees are of in te r e s t in 1ig h t o f Main land trends. Although s p e c i f i c Main land or normative c o l le ge compl e t ion rates were not obtained, a n a ly s i s o ffe re d by L ind (1980) suggests th a t c o l le ge completion rates o f e thn ic groups 1iv in g in Hawaii may be lower than th e ir counterparts 1iv in g on the Mainland:

As an in te r e s t in g s i d e l ig h t , one might note that the s iz e a b le m inor ity o f a l l enumerated Hawaiians (28 percent in 1970) re s id in g on the mainland showed a d i s t i n c t l y h igher proportion o f young a d u lt s who had completed four or more years o f co l le ge than was shown by t h e i r kinsmen who had remained in the I s l a n d s . A s im i l a r d i s p a r i t y in the extent of co l le ge attendance

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p reva i led between the four Orienta l communities in Hawaii and th e i r counterparts on the mainland, accord ing to the 1970 census, (p. 97)

Perhaps there are fa c to r s l o c a l l y that m it ig a te a g a in s t completion of c o l le g e degrees, o r the pressures in t h i s d ire c t io n may s im ply be greater in many or most Mainland soc ia l contexts. In any event, i t i s indeed of in te r e s t to d isco ve r a s iz e a b le population o f Hawaiians whose generaleducational achievement and so c ia l p o s i t io n s may be d i s t i n c t l y d i f fe re n tfrom those o f Hawaiians in the S ta te o f Hawaii.

The question o f the re la t io n sh ip between socio-economic s ta tu s and educational achievement has long had a strong hold on educationalresearchers. With reports such as that o f Coleman et a l . (1 966) thegenera lly -accep ted view seems to have become th a t there i s a marked re la t io n sh ip between academic achievement and socio-economic s ta tu s . One of the im p l ic a t io n s of such a view i s th a t schoo ls may be very l im ite d in what they can hope to accomplish i f in f a c t the major determinant ofeducational achievement i s beyond th e i r realm of in f luence , as wouldge n e ra l ly be the case w ith socio-economic s ta tu s .

In Hawaii a report out o f the Department o f Education in 1965 le n t support to the notion th a t achievement in H a w a i i 's schoo ls i s re la ted to socio-economic s ta tu s . The conc lus ion o f t h i s report provides in s ig h t in to a po in t o f view which would tend to emphasize SES fa c to rs over exp lanat ions in understand ing— and p lann ing in te rven t ion s fo r — in s tances of marked academic underachievement in Hawaii. The authors ' thoughts were a s fo l low s:

I t might be sa id th a t the best le sson we can draw from t h i s study i s th a t we should r e f r a in from boast in g about or being overly discouraged by the performance o f students in p a r t ic u la r schoo ls. The p o s s i b i l i t y i s very strong that apparent d if fe rence s in student achievement are more c lo s e ly re la te d to fam ily background than to the educational program. We should not c la im c r e d i t fo r th a t which we have not achieved, nor should we feel a sense of g u i l t fo r circumstances beyond our c o n t ro l . The real cha llenge i s to r a ise the achievement of students above that which we would p re d ic t on the b a s is of socio-economic s ta tu s . Th is means d e v is in g educational programs to f i t the student o f our var ied neighborhoods. We can no longer look a t s ta te norms and feel proud of those schoo ls which exceed the 50th p e rcen t i le , and g u i l t y about those which f a l l below. We must look at in d iv id u a l schoo ls , make judgments about what we should expect on the b a s is o f socio-economic con d it ion s and then devise educational programs to a llow the students to r i s e above those expectations.(Savard & A rak i, 1965; pp. 8-9)

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In d i r e c t co n tra s t to t h i s e a r l i e r report Wegner (1977) found th a t cu ltu ra l fa c to r s seemed to be much more important determinants of academic achievement than SES fa c to r s . A major excerpt from h is a n a ly s i s i s as fo l lo w s :

The strong a s so c ia t io n of e th n ic i ty w ith educational outcomes independently o f socio-economic background lends support to the view th a t cu ltu ra l d if fe re n ce s are most fundamental in e x p la in in g 1eve ls of achievement among youth in Hawaii. Furthermore, the v a r ia b le s o f parental and peer expectations seem re le van t to a s se s s in g the perceived cu ltu ra l pressures fo r achievement. In most cases, these v a r ia b le s were found to mediate the e f fe c t s of e th n ic i t y on educational outcomes.

The Chinese, Japanese and Korean cu ltu re s appear to s t ro n g ly support educational achievement. The grade po int averages, and the educational expectations of these students, th e ir parents and th e ir peers were h igher than fo r the other e thn ic groups. Furthermore, these d if fe re n ce s p e rs is te d a f te r c o n t r o l l in g fo r socio-economic background. The high leve l of expectations among Asian immigrants was e sp e c ia l ly su gge st ive of cu ltu ra l p ressures to achieve given the modest socio-economic s ta tu s o f these f a m i l ie s and the l i k e l y s i tu a t io n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced in adapting to a new so c ia l environment.

In co n tra st , Hawaiian students appeared not to experience c u ltu ra l p ressures to achieve in s c h o o l. The educational performance and leve l of expectations of Hawaiian students were cons iderab ly lower than a l l other groups, and c o n t r o l l in g fo r socio-economic s ta tu s reduced only s i i g h t ly the d if fe ren ce s between Hawaiians and Local O rienta l s. Hawaiian students a lso reported that parental and peer expectations were lower than fo r a l l other groups. In fa c t , when these v a r ia b le s were contro l led, the discrepancy between Hawaiians and Local O r ie n ta ls in eudcational outcomes was considerab ly reduced. Thi s r e s u l t su ggests th a t the lower educational attainments o f Hawaiians in f a c t were assoc ia ted w ith lower pressures fo r achievement, (pp. 22-23)

In ad d it ion to h is observations about cu ltu ra l fa c to rs and th e i r ro le in determining academic achievement, Wegner examined the impact o f school context. He d id f in d some important d if fe rence s between schoo ls which are o f specia l in te r e s t because the rural school he stud ied included a high percentage of Hawaiian youth. S p e c i f i c a l l y , he reported that:

The rural school appeared to employ an e a s ie r standard of academic eva luat ion and provided l i t t l e encouragement to attend col 1ege compared with the other school s. Desp ite the r e la t iv e ly high grades of these students, performance on standard ized te s t s in t h i s school i s f a r below sta te norms. Neverth less, t h i s author (Wegner e t a l ; 1976) found th a t students

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in the Rural school had the fewest com plaints about courses, teachers and the q u a l i t y o f th e i r education. I t seems p o s s ib le th a t the p o l i c ie s and p rac t ic e s of t h i s school may fo s te r low performance expectations in order to m ainta in high morale among the students. I f t h i s i s so, the Rural school can be seen to function to "cool out" students o f lower socio-economic s ta tu s , and p a r t i c u la r ly Hawaiian and F i l i p in o students. (Wegner, 1977; p. 25)

These observat ions are o f p a r t ic u la r in te re s t in l i g h t o f the Department o f Education study mentioned above (Savard & A rak i, 1965) in which the opin ion was voiced that there might be l i t t l e educators can hope to accomplish with students from low socio-economic backgrounds.

In c lo s in g , a recent m eta-evaluation of nearly 200 s tu d ie s of SES and achievement by White (1982) does lend support to the Wegner f in d in g s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , White found only a weak c o r re la t io n between achievement and SES a t the in d iv id u a l leve l o f a n a ly s i s when f a i r l y g ro ss and typ ica l in d ice s of SES (e .g . , income, education, and/or occupation of household head) were used. However, other more s p e c i f i c v a r ia b le s th a t may sometimes be m istaken ly used as SES v a r ia b le s ( e . g . , home atmosphere, a s p ir a t io n s o f parents fo r t h e i r ch i ld ren ) do c o rre la te r e l i a b l y with academic achievement. Such are the cu ltu ra l v a r ia b le s Wegner d iscussed.

Major Need Category

General Need Area

Condition 1

Condition Summary

Specia l Educational Needs

Physica l Health

M u lt ip le Health Problems

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A RANGE OF HEALTH CONCERNS ARE INDICATED BY RELATIVELY LOW LIFE EXPECTANCY, OVERREPRESENTATION AMONG VICTIMS OF SPECIFIC DISEASES ( e . g . , DIABETES), HIGH INDIDENCE OF CANCER AND HYPERTENSION, ETC.

Potential Educational Interventions

• School health education prog rams.

• C o n d it io n - sp e c i f ic preventive hea lth education fo r school-aqe youth.

• School-based support se rv ice s to fa m i l ie s in which health problems in te r fe re with educational a c t i v i t i e s of youth.

Testimony

I f the c la im s of some hea lth p ro fe s s io n a ls th a t l i f e - s t r e s s events are h ig h ly co rre la te d with incidence o f d iseases o f many types are true, then the general hea lth record o f Hawaiians i s c e r ta in ly an in d ic a t io n of high l i f e s t r e s s : t h e i r health i s c le a r ly the poorest o f any e thn ic group in the s ta te .

The 1itany of hea lth problems of Native Hawaiians has been co n c ise ly summarized by Winona Rubin (1980), Executive D ire c to r o f A lu L ike , I n c . , the n o n -p ro f i t agency that has maintained extensive f i l e s o f so c ia l in d ic a to r data re la te d to Hawaiians:

Native Hawaiians do not fare as well as other ethn ic groups in the s ta te by many health in d ic a to r s .Native Hawaiians have h igher than average physica l health problems fo r chron ic cond it ion s such as cancer, d iabetes, gout, coronary heart d ise ase s , dental health , and c h i ld and fam ily n u t r i t io n . S e l f - r e p o r t s of hea lth con d it ion s, such as days in bed, h o sp ita l v i s i t s and time l o s t from work are comparable with a l l other groups; however, Native Hawaiians in a l l age groups have h ighe r death rates than most o ther groups.

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The Native Haw aiian 's l i f e expectancy a t b ir th i s shorte r than the s ta te average by s ix to seven years.

The q u a l i ty o f health fo r o lder Native Hawaiians i s a lso d ism al. Approximately 25 percent of e ld e r ly Native Hawaiians age 65 years or more have e ith e r not re g is te re d fo r Medicare or are not e n ro l le d in a health care program. Many e ld e r ly Native Hawaiians continue to make use of t r a d i t io n a l s p i r i t u a l and fo lk remedies. P ro fe ss iona l help might be sought a f te r t r a d i t io n a l remedies have been exhausted, and then only i f the health care p ro v id e r 's r e la t io n s h ip i s on a one to one b a s is .

The poor hea lth and income of e ld e r ly Native Hawaiians leave them e s p e c ia l ly vu lnerab le to high hea lth care co sts and inadequate hea lth se rv ice s . (Hawaii Adv iso ry Committee to U. S. Comission on C iv i l Ri g h t s , 1980)

In a s im i l a r more recent summary Thompson and Hannahs (1979) added three in fancy in d ic a to r s : congen ita l m alform ations, prem aturity, andin fa n t b i r t h com p lica t ion s. Other than these th e i r order o f presentation and the po in ts considered echo R u b in 's :

Compared with other adu lts statew ide, the Hawaii an -ancestry population a ls o does not fare as well on in d ic a to r s o f health. Data on s p e c i f i c chronic co n d it ion s such as cancer, d iabetes, gout, h igh-b lood pressure, congen ita l m alform ations, prematurity, in fa n t b i r th com plication s show th a t ra tes fo r these co n d it ion s among those w ith Hawaiian ancestry are higher than th a t fo r the S ta te population. Furthermore, death ra te s a t a l l ages are h igher fo r the Hawaiians. The East-West Population In s t i t u t e projects th a t the l i f e expectancy a t b i r t h i s shorter by alm ost a decade fo r those with Hawaiian ancestry than th a t fo r a l l ethnic groups in the S ta te , (p. 6)

On the is su e o f cancer a recent account o f the Cancer Center of H a w a ii 's Tenth Ann iversary provided the fo l lo w in g summary statements regard ing t h e i r ep idem io logica l work of the past decade:

— Lung cancer ra te s fo r Hawaiians and part-Haw aiians are among the h ighest in the world and exceed those of a l l other ethnic groups in Hawaii.

— Although women in general have le s s chance o f developing lung cancer than men, Hawaiian women ac tu a l ly have h igher rates o f lung cancer than doJapanese, Chinese or F i l i p in o men.

--B o th Hawaiians and Japanese have very highra tes of stomach cancer.

— Breast cancer i s most common among bothHawaiians and Caucasians. I t occurs much le s s among Japanese and Chinese and even le s s among F i l i p in owomen. (Honolulu S t a r - B u l le t in May 24, 1982)

RATE PER 1000 OF THE TOP TWO ETHNIC GROUPS FOR VARIOUS HEALTH INDICES, 1974-19761TABLE 22

MAJOR HEALTH INDICES1. HIGHEST CASE RATE

Ethnic Group Rate Per 10002. SECOND HIGHEST CASE RATE

Ethnic Group Rate Per 1000

One or more Chronic cond it ions

One or more bed days

One or more Hospita l n ights

Back impairment

Visua l impairment

Arthr i t ic s/Rhem at ism

Diabetes

Tuberculos is

Heart Disease

Hypertension

Cerebrovascular Disease

Other

Hawaiian

Caucasian

Hawaiian

Caucasian

Caucasian

Hawaiian

F i l i pino

Other

Hawaiian

Chinese

679.5

82.7

82.1

43.0

13.2

39.4

33.7

7.2

2 1 . 1

71.8

5.2

Hawaiian

Caucasian

Hawaiian

Caucasian

Hawaiian

Hawaiian

Other

Hawaiian

Hawaiian

Caucasian

Other

374.9

81.0

73.0

38.8

12.5

27.7

27.0

2.0

19.7

49.0

3.4

Ethnic groups included five major local groups: Caucasian, Chinese, Filipino, Hawaiian/Part-Hawaiian,and Japanese, as well as a catch-all "Others" group.

SOURCE: Burch, 1978, pp. 1-6.

106

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Social Indicator Data

The Hawaii S ta te Department o f Health o c c a s io n a l ly uses data gathered in i t s Health Su rve i l la n ce Program as a means of s tudy ing the health, demographic, and socioeconomic c h a r a c te r i s t ic s o f the populat ion of the State. Burch (1978), a study of e th n ic i t y and health in Hawaii fo r 1975, i s an example of the type of work th a t has p e r io d ic a l ly been completed. In b r ie f , ra tes per 1,000 population fo r eleven key health in d ice s were computed fo r each of the f iv e major ethnic groups in Hawaii (Caucasian, Chinese, F i l i p i n o , Hawaiian/Part-Hawaiian, and Japanese) and fo r a s ix th "O thers" group. The data presented in Table 22 shows the h ighe st and second h ighe st ethn ic groups in terms of incidence fo r each of the 11 hea lth in d ice s . Hawaiians c le a r ly appear more re g u la r ly than any other group, a po in t Burch noted in h is conclud ing statement:

The Hawaiian/part-Hawaiian ethnic group had the h ighe st or next h ighe st rate fo r a l l health in d ice s s tu d ie s except fo r tu b e rc u lo s is and cerebrovascu lar d isease , and the Caucasians had the h ighe st or nexth ig h e st rate fo r a l l hea lth ind ice s except d iabetes,tu b e rc u lo s i s , hypertension and cerebrovascu lar disease . In c o n t ra d is t in c t io n , the Chinese had thelowest or next to the lowest rate in seven o f theeleven hea lth in d ice s and the h ighe st only in ce rebrovascu la r d isease . The Japanese had next to the h ighe st ra tes in d iabetes, tu b e rc u lo s is andhypertension, and the t h i r d h ighest in in d iv id u a l s w ith one or more chronic co n d it ion s , but in a l l e lse they were lowest or next to the lowest. F i l i p in o s had the h ighe st rate of tu b e rc u lo s is and the lowest rate o f a r t h r i t i s and rheumatism. In a l l o ther ca te go r ie s , th e i r ra te s were intermediate. . . .The comparativehealth , from best to poorest, o f the ethn ic groups stud ied based on the summations o f the rankings were:Chinese, Japanese, F i l i p in o , Caucasian, and Haw aiian/part-Haw aiian. (Burch 1978, p. 2)

Of the rates shown in Table 22 one of the most marked c o n tra st s between the h ighest and second h ighest ra te s of occurrence was fo r hypertension. Hawaiians s u b s t a n t i a l l y outpaced second place Caucasians. Th is , along w ith the f ig u re s fo r heart d isease , may be of p a r t ic u la r i n te r e s t in l i g h t of recent reports on the dec line in the U. S. in m o rta l i t y due to heart d isease . S p e c i f i c a l l y , Levy and Moskowitz (1982) recen tly reported f in d in g s which show a 30 percent decline in m o r ta l i ty due to heart d isease during the past 30 years. Moreover, they noted that over 60 percent o f t h i s dec line occurred between 1970 and 1980.

However, in the m idst of th i s downward trend i t can be noted that Hawaii d ram at ica l ly changed i t s r e la t i v e standing between 1968 and 1978. That i s , from a rank of 50th in the U. S. with the lowest m o r ta l i ty rate due to coronary heart d isease ( f o r to ta l population aged 35-75) Hawaii moved to 18th, well in to the middle of the pack w ith respect to th is undesireab le in d ic a to r . This degree o f change in r e la t i v e stand ing

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appears to be the la r g e s t o f any s ta te in the country fo r the time period considered.

Perhaps even more s t r i k in g than the incidence rates fo r major hea lth in d ic a to r s are the estimated l i f e expectancies a t b ir th o f major ethnic groups in Hawaii. Schw itters (1981) o f fe re d the data presented in Table 23, which in turn were drawn from Gardner (1980). I t can be seen th a t Hawaiians have g radua lly been c lo s in g the gap between themselves and the four o ther major ethnic groups; however, a s ize ab le gap remains with Hawaiians having the lowest l i f e expectancy of any of the major groups in the S ta te . The only exception was in 1920 when F i l i p i n o s f e l l below Hawaiians. Th is alignment had changed by 1930, though, and s ince then Hawaiians have c o n s is te n t ly shown the lowest l i f e expectancy.

F in a l l y , a very recent study of m o rta l ity ra te s among Hawaiians and part-Haw aiians showed remarkable d if fe re n ce s in death rates between the two groups (Look, 1982). In genera l, i t was found th a t part-Haw aiians were b y -an d - la rge very comparable with s ta te t o t a l s o v e r a l l , while rates fo r Hawaiians were s u b s t a n t ia l l y h igher in almost a l l cases. F igu re 27 shows the extent of these d if fe re n ce s across 20th century census years fo r a l l causes o f death combined. I t can be seen th a t Hawaiians have been dy ing a t s u b s t a n t ia l ly h igher ra tes per 100,000 population than part-Haw aiians or than re s iden ts o f the sta te as a whole.

In recent ye a rs death rate d isc repanc ie s have been most notable for d iseases which have become the le ad in g causes of death as other causes ( e . g . , pneumonia) have declined in s i g n i f ic a n c e due to medical and health care advances. These con t inu ing threats to l i f e inc lude: a r t e r io ­s c le r o t i c heart d isease , hypertensive heart d isease , cancer, and diabetes m e l l i t u s — as well as death due to acc idents. F igure 28 shows deathrates f o r the three groups considered in the study with respect to one ofthese co n d it io n s , a r te r io s c l e ro t ic heart d isease . Since the graphd isp layed i s exemplary o f others in the report, i t appears th a t healthmay be a much more s i g n i f i c a n t problem fo r fu l l -H a w a i ia n s than for part-H aw aiians. Indeed, the d if fe re n ce s between the two subgroups are so marked th a t i t seems probable th a t merging Hawaiians and p a r t - Hawaiians in an a lyses o f hea lth con d it ion s may r e s u l t in an over ly negative p ic ture fo r the la t t e r .

ESTIMATED LIFE EXPECTANCY AT BIRTH BY ETHNICITY, 1910 - 1970

TABLE 23

CAUCASIAN CHINESE F IL IP IN OHAWAIIAN

PART-HAWAIIAN JAPANESE OTHER1 TOTAL RANGE2

1910 52.90 56.36 N/A 30.28 49.09 10.59 43.61 26.08

1920 57.02 54.75 32.95 35.03 51.22 28.95 46.91 24.07

1930 62.39 59.60 49.88 42.92 59.89 35.40 54.82 19.47

1940 64.91 65.05 62.92 52.35 67.46 53.99 62.84 15.11

1950 69.64 69.82 69.74 62.64 72.57 67.63 69.63 9.93

1960 72.78 73.83 71.64 64.94 75.55 62.72 72.32 10.61

1970 73.19 76.10 71.79 67.46 77.30 76.88 73.97 9.84

Mal e 70.68 74.78 70.21 65.05 75.71 75.25 72.03 10.66

Female 76.04 77.60 75.54 69.91 78.93 78.39 76.37 9.02

1 The 1910 tables for all ethnicities and the "Other" tables for all years should be viewed skeptically.2 Highest minus lowest expectancy; excludes "Other."

SOURCE: Gardner, 1980, no. 9, pp. 221-226. Cited in Schwitters, 1981.

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FIGURE 27

CAUSE OF DEATH: ALL CAUSES BY STANDARDIZED RATESPER 100,000 POP. 95% CL

SOURCE: LOOK, 1982, p. 8.

- 109B -

FIGURE 28CAUSE OF DEATH: ARTERIOSCLEROTIC HEART DISEASE BY STANDARDIZED

RATES PER 100,000 POP.

SOURCE: LOOK, 1982, p. 14.

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Major Need Category:

General Need Area:

Special Educational Needs

Physical Health

Cond it ion 2: M a te rn a l-C h ild Health In d ic a to r s

Condition Summary

HEALTH STATISTICS SHOW DISPROPORTIONATELY HIGH RATES OF LESS THAN OPTIMAL PRENATAL CARE, ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS, TEENAGE PREGNANCY AND BIRTHS, CONGENITAL ANOMALIES, AND INFANT DEATHS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Specia l programing and support se rv ic e s fo r expectant teens and very young mothers.

• Family l i f e education or education fo r parenting programs.

• Preventive health education in the area of ch i ld b e a r in g and c h i ld re a r in g .

Testimony

While a l l m a te rn a l-c h i ld hea lth in d ic a to r s are centra l to p lann ingeducational se rv ic e s f o r fa m i l ie s with very young ch i ld ren ( e . g . , b ir th - 3 y e a r s ) , teenage pregnancy and b i r t h s t a t i s t i c s , in the wake o f recent nationa l a t te n t io n regard ing t h i s "epidem ic," tend to grab most head lines.

In Hawaii the is su e of teenage pregnancy tends to be somewhats e n s i t iv e due to cu ltu ra l d if fe rence s between var ious e thn ic groups inth e ir acceptance of out-of-w ed lock b ir th s to young, school-age couples.For example, Klum (1982) recen tly reported on the work of MartaL e v it t -M e r in , an a n th ro p o lo g is t and coord inator o f the Teen PregnancyPro ject in Honolulu, as fo l low s:

Teenage pregnancy in Hawaii i s a so c ia l problem w ith cu ltu ra l overtones.

I t s occurrence in h igher ra te s among some ethnic groups i s the sub ject o f a report prepared recently fo r the O f f ic e o f Hawaiian A f f a i r s by a fe d e ra l ly funded program t r y in g to reduce unwanted pregnancies.

L e v it t -M e r in s a id teenage pregnancy i s 'moreunacceptable ' among the fa m i l ie s and peers of Caucasian and Orienta l g i r l s than among the other

- Ill -

groups. She s a id there i s more pressure on Caucasian and O rienta l g i r l s not to carry th e ir pregnancies to term, which e xp la in s why they are much more l i k e l y to have abort ions than g i r l s in the P a c i f i c is la n d ethnic groups.

Hawaiian, Samoan and F i l i p in o fa m i l ie s do not encourage t h e i r teenagers to get pregnant, L e v it t -M e r in sa id , but they tend to be more understanding i f pregnancy occurs.

'Once the g i r l i s pregnant, they w i l l accept the baby in to t h e i r homes,' she sa id .

But the recent r i s e in the abort ion rate fo r teenagers o f Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian ex trac t ion in d ic a te s th a t more g i r l s in the group are f in d in g abort ion an acceptable way o f d e a lin g with unwanted pregnancy, she sa id . (Klum, 1982)

Regard le ss of changing a t t i tu d e s which may or may not be occuring among young Hawaiian women, the problem o f teenage pregnancy and b i r th i s one th a t tends to be viewed very d i f fe r e n t ly as a function of one 's point of view. The medical p ro fe ss io n , fo r example, i s e x p l i c i t in i t s view th a t pregnancy and b ir th a t a young age i s undesirab le . For in stance , key medical personnel from K a p io la n i/C h i ld r e n 's Medical Center in Honolulu recently o ffered the fo l low in g comments on the is su e o f teenage pregnancy in memoranda sent to the March o f Dimes in support o f a Teen In te rvent ion Program (March o f Dimes, 1982):

Teen age pregnancy i s a major problem in our s ta te . Although they are on ly 15-20% of a l l d e l iv e r ie s , they c o n st itu te a much h igher percentage o f pregnancy com p lica t ion s, prematurity and other defects. They c o n s t i tu te one o f the h ighest r i s k groups o f pa t ie n ts in o b s te t r ic s . . . (Ralph W. Hale,M. D . ; Ch ie f Department o f Ob-Gyn, KCMC)

K ap io lan i Hosp ita l i s the on ly c i v i l i a n t e r t ia r ycare f a c i l i t y in the s ta te . As a r e s u l t , we see manyof the com p licat ion s o f pregnancy. One o f the major co n tr ib u to rs to these com plications i s teenage pregnancy. These pat ien ts have the h ighe st percentage of com plication s fo r any age group in our h o sp it a l . These p a t ien ts are a l s o the most d i f f i c u l t fo r the phys ic ian to trea t. They frequently ignore the p h y s ic ia n s ' advice and thus incur unnecessarycom p licat ion s which re su l t in premature or damagedin fa n t s . . . (George Shimomura, M. D . ; Ch ief o f S t a f f , KCMC)

Any reduction in teenage pregnancies serves to reducethe p o s s i b i l i t y of high r i s k pregnancies which canincrease the prenatal and h osp ita l costs from$1,300.00 ( fo r a normal pregnancy), to as much as

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$25,000. . . . (James B. M acM illan , I I I , M. D . ,Medical D irec tor , KCMC Adult Outpatient C l i n i c )

Th is unequivocal stance c o n tra s t s w ith perspectives on the part o f teenagers themselves, who apparently are much more in te n t ion a l aboutg e t t in g pregnant than one might expect. Th is po in t was brought out inK lum 's (1982) summary of a report on teenage pregnancy in Hawaii:

But most teenage pregnancies are in te n t ion a l - - or a t le a s t not wholly acc identa l - - accord ing toL e v it t -M e r in . She sa id teen pregnancies tend to be a symptom of much deeper problems in the fam ily .

Some teenagers d o n 't use contraceptives to add an element of ' r i s k - t a k in g ' to th e ir sexual r e la t io n s , she sa id . Some g i r l s t r y to get pregnant to create a s tronger bond between themselves and th e ir boyfr iends.S t i l l others have ch i ld re n because they are lo ok in gfo r someone to love and th ink a baby would f i l l that need.

Many g i r l s who get pregnant, L e v it t -M e r in sa id , do so in an e f f o r t to get t h e i r parents to ' l i s t e n ' to them - - to get some a tten t ion from th e i r fa m i l ie s .

'The sad th in g i s , the parents do l i s t e n , ' she sa id . 'They l i s t e n a fte rw ard . '

L e v it t -M e r in s a id g e t t in g parents to l i s t e n to t h e i r ch i ld ren would do much to help curb teenage pregnancies, perhaps as much as contraceptive in form ation and sex education programs.

A s im i l a r d iscovery was made by The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e ' s Kupulani p ro ject when a videotaped roundtable d isc u s s io n in v o lv in g s ix teenage, Hawaiian mothers revealed th a t they tended to view pregnancy and motherhood while in high school as a p o s i t iv e , de s ireab le event— something that other young women might be hoping f o r — rather than as a m istake or a problem. (Kupulan i, 1979).

Whether pregnancy and b i r t h a t a young age i s a meaningful and important dimension of Hawaiian cu ltu re , and hence might be considered worthy of p reserva t ion and spec ia l support, remains an open question fo r Hawaiians themselves to decide. In the meantime educators are faced with the r e a l i t y th a t many young women who get pregnant do not f i n i s h th e ir high school educat ions; p lu s , there i s in c re a s in g in d ic a t io n th a t women who s t a r t f a m i l ie s e a r ly may be more l i k e l y to have ch i ld re n who experience problems in t h e i r e a r ly schoo ling y e a r s ( e . g . , Kellam, Adams, Brown, & Ensminger, in p re s s ; Kellam, Ensminger, & Turner, 1977). These r e a l i t i e s both have impl i c a t io n s fo r educators: on the one hand youngmothers may be in need of sp e c ia l ize d education th a t enables them to complete th e i r sch oo lin g i f they so de s ire ; w h ile th e ir in fa n t s might be considered to be in specia l need o f e a r ly ch ildhood education in the years p r io r to entry in to the formal educational system (e . g . , b i r t h - 5 y e a r s ) .

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Social Indicator Data

Eva luat ion of maternal and c h i ld hea lth happens to be one of theareas in which numerous so c ia l in d ic a to r s have gained widespread usage. For example, the fo l lo w in g newspaper summary shows the type of information th a t can be presented to the p u b l ic fo r t h e i r con s id e ra t ion . C le a r ly , the in ten t of such an a n a ly s i s i s to determine the extent o f a "problem." In t h i s in stance i t would appear th a t Hawaiians present a s i g n i f i c a n tso c ia l problem by v ir tue of th e i r comparatively high rates of teenage pregnancy. This may or may not be the case. In the meantime t h i ssummary of so c ia l in d ic a to r in form ation serves as in troduc t ion to the types o f an a ly se s p o ss ib le u s ing v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s in form ation.

According to data c o l le c te d by the department [of H ealth], the Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian ethnic group has the h ighest teenage pregnancy rate - - followedc lo s e ly by the Samoan and F i l ip in o groups. The le v e ls are double the rate fo r Caucasians and t r i p l e the rates fo r Japanese and Chinese.

The ra tes fo r the 15 - to - l 7 age group, in pregnancies per 1,000, are: H aw aiians/part-Haw aiians,78.2; Samoans, 74.2; F i l ip in o s , 71.2; Caucasians,37.0; Japanese, 24.6; and Chinese, 23.7.

Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian g i r l s represent 18.9 percent o f the ove ra l l population in the 15 - t o - l 7 age group. But they produce 34.1 percent of the pregnancies and 44.3 percent o f the b ir th s in th a t age category. (Klum, 1982)

The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate recently made extensive use of v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s data in ca r ry in g out a needs assessment with respect to Hawaiian ch i ld ren from b i r th to age three (O f f ice of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, 1980, Report No. 80-81:26). In b r ie f , t h i s study reported th a t the most convenient in d ice s to use in d e f in in g educational need fo r very young ch i ld re n were three areas o f maternal and c h i ld health: teenage pregnancy, prenatal care, and b i r t h outcomes; a long within form ation about c . i l d abuse and neg lect. S ince the ana lyses in t h i s report are of the same type included in t h i s study we are re p r in t in g the se c t io n s o f our e a r l i e r report which deal w ith the three maternal and c h i ld hea lth in d ic a to r s , an a n a ly s i s o f r i s k f a c to r in t e r r e la t io n s h ip s at the community le v e l , the summary and conc lus ion s from the report, and a f in a l summary of needs, go a ls , and "m ost-in -need" groups.

RISK FACTORS

I. The Teenage Pregnancy Factor

The f i r s t r i s k area concerns e a r ly pregnancy. There i s an extensivel i t e r a t u r e on the reasons fo r teenage pregnancy and the e f fe c t s o f thephenomenon on both the mother and the baby. (For a recent review, seeBo lton , Frank G . , The Pregnant Adolescent: Problems of PrematureParenthood. Beverly H i l l s : Sage, 1980) The nation as a whole has been

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experiencing an increase in younger pregnancies, p a r t ly because of theincrease in numbers o f ado lescents, but p a r t ly due to a complex se t of so c io -p sy c h o lo g ic a l fa c to r s which are only dimly understood byresearchers (Chilman, 1979).

The c o r re la t io n a l r i s k fa c to r s are c le a r ; there i s a highera s so c ia t io n of young pregnancy with the fo llow ing k inds of negativeoutcomes fo r the baby:

• Higher ra te s of in fa n t m o r ta l i ty ;

• Higher ra tes of b i r th de fects ;

• Higher ra te s of mental re ta rd a t ion and reduced in te l l i g e n c e ;

• Higher rates of prematurity and low b ir th w e igh ts (Bo lton , 1980).

For the young parent, too, the r i s k s to optimal development are c le a r :

• Reduced chances o f f i n i s h i n g school (Ewer and G ibbs, 1976);

• More dependency on so c ia l w e lfa re and pub lic a s s i s t a n c e ;

• H igher rates of e a r ly marriage and separat ion and d ivorce;

• Lower earn ings from employment (Chilman, 1979).

I t i s important to note th a t negative outcomes are in t im a te ly connected to what may be the causal determinants of the phenomenon. Ear ly pregnancies have been found to occur more frequently in women who are already experiencing negative outcomes in th e ir own l i v e s : f a m i l ia ls t r e s s , educational problems, low income, poor n u t r i t io n a l h ab its . In other words, i t i s a c y c l i c a l k ind of th in g with no one se t o f simple causes.

Two recent s tu d ie s o f adolescent f e r t i l i t y in Hawaii found much the same patterns here and in d ica ted th a t the r i s k fa c to rs were p a r t i c u la r ly severe fo r Hawaiians. One, a study of unintended pregnancy in the Windward D i s t r i c t (Yates, 1980) included the fo l lo w in g f in d in g s :

• 29.9% of the high school students have had sexual in te rcou rse ; 66.7% have not.

• 9.2% of the imtermediate school students have had sexual in te rcou rse ; 89.2% have not.

• 31% o f the sexua lly a c t iv e students have had sexual in tercourseby age 14.

• 3% of the sexua lly ac t ive population sa id they wanted a baby at t h i s time, but 65% never use b ir th co n tro l.

• 77% of the reported pregnancies in the Windward D i s t r i c t may be s a id to be unintended.

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Surveying s t a t i s t i c s from 1968-1972, another study ( S t r in g fe l lo w , Wooton, Hustace, Burch, Reyes, and Colby, 1978) found th a t the h ighe st rate o f pregnancies among adolescents aged 11-19 was among the Hawaiian group (34.0%). The trend was even more pronounced among the very young, 11-14: 58 b i r t h s , or 46.0%. The study a ls o reported th a t Hawaiians hadthe h ighest number o f premature b ir th s and the second h ighest rate of in fa n t deaths.

Table 24 shows that fo r each o f the years 1974-1 978 the percentage of young (11-19 year o ld ) mothers g iv in g b ir th was h ighe r fo r Hawaiians than i s th e ir percentage in the general population. In one represen tat ive year, 1976, the percentage o f Hawaiian young women ages 10-19 in the general popu lation was 25.8%. While a la r g e r number than the ove ra l l 17.7%, i t i s s t i l l below the percentage o f mothers g iv in g b ir th a t an e ar ly age.

Table 24

NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF HAWAIIAN MOTHERS IN

1 1 - 1 9 YEAR OLD AGE RANGE, 1974 - 1978

YEARTOTAL i

LIVE BIRTHSLIVE BIRTHS TO MOTHERS U-19 PERCENT

TOTAL t LIVE BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN MOTHERS

LIVE BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN

MOTHERS U-19 PERCENT

HAWAIIANPERCENTAGE OF LIVE BIRTHS

TO MOTHERS 1HS

1978 16,717 2,090 12.5 3,630 810 22.3 38.8

1977 16,874 2,159 12.8 3,667 770 21.0 35.7

1978 16,292 2,205 13.5 3,465 803 23.2 36.4

1975 15,689 2,228 14.2 3,302 793 24.0 35.6

1974 15,472 2,276 14.7 3,262 772 23.7 33.9

This trend i s even more marked f o r the very young group, 11-14 years o ld . Table 25 shows th a t most o f these b ir th s have been to Hawaiian women during the 1974-1978 period.

TABLE 25

NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF HAWAIIAN MOTHERS IN 1 1 - 1 4 AGE GROUP, 1974 - 1978

YEARTOTAL # LIVE BIRTHS TO

MOTHERS 11-14 YEARS OLD# LIVE BIRTHS TO

HAWAIIAN MOTHERS, 11-14

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE OF LIVE BIRTHS TO MOTHERS, 11-14

1978 20 14 70.0

1977 20 11 55.0

1976 16 8 50.0

1975 34 22 64.7

1974 26 10 38.5

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Table 26 demonstrates how high the percentage of i l l e g i t im a t e b ir th * has been to young Hawaiian mothers in the 1974-1978 period. Approximately h a l f o f a l l the i l l e g i t im a t e b ir th s to women 11-19 years o ld were to Hawaiian mothers.

Table 26

NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN WOMEN IN 11-19 AGE GROUP, 1974-1 978

YEARTOTAL // ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS TO WOMEN,11-19

// ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN WOMEN,

11-19

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE OF ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS

TO WOMEN, 11-19

1978 996 516 51.8

1977 981 469 47.8

1976 869 444 51.1

1975 848 441 52.0

1974

_ ........ J

772 397 51.4

Some have argued th a t le g it im acy in and o f i t s e l f should not be considered a r i s k fa c to r in the Hawaiian community s ince b i r th out of wedlock i s more c u l t u r a l l y acceptable (Cohn, 1980; Gallimore and Howard, 1968). When combined w ith teenage pregnancy, however, i l l e g i t im a c y at the le a s t im p lie s a s t ra in e d ' ohana.

In conc lu s ion , in terms of both age of mother and the le g it im a cy fa c to r , in d ic a t io n s are th a t some Hawaiian young women are a t r i s k , and th a t t h i s has been a s tab le trend over time. I t shows no s ig n s o f changing. There were an average of 439 i l l e g i t im a t e b ir th s to Hawaiian teenage women during the f ive -ye a r period 1974-1978. An average of 13 b ir th s each year were to Hawaiian g i r l s 11-14 years o ld. The other r i s k fa c to r s which might be expected to go along w ith th i s trend w i l l be considered separa te ly in the fo l low in g se c t ion s .

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I I . The Prenatal Care Factor

Another general area o f r i s k i s in prenatal care. During pregnancy the mother must provide the e n t ire environment in which the developing baby w i l l grow. What the pregnant woman eats, d r in k s , and smokes, as well as how she cares fo r h e r se l f p h y s ic a l ly and m enta lly , p lay an important ro le in prenatal development. Many o f the r i s k s o f t h i s period are o f an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , in te r a c t iv e s o r t (Kopp and Parmelee, 1979). That i s , complex fa c to r s in v o lv in g the v u ln e r a b i l i t y o f the stage of fe ta l development, maternal genetic fa c to r s , and the type o f d is ru p t iv e events make i t d i f f i c u l t to determine i f there are un iversa l dangers. Certa in women are apparently more su sce p t ib le to toxemia, fo r example, and must r e s t r i c t th e ir d iet. What t h i s im p lie s i s th a t regu lar, thorough medical a t ten t ion beginn ing e a r ly in pregnancy i s the best bet fo r reducing in d iv id u a l r i s k . E a r ly , re gu la r medical care has become the theme f o r the March o f Dimes in i t s nat iona l campaign, and there i s evidence th a t in te rven tion programs do e ffectu ate p o s i t iv e outcomes as determined by sta te o f health o f mother and baby a t b ir th (Wexler, 1979).

As shown in Table 27, a d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly la rge percentage ofHawaiian women report re c e iv in g no prenatal care a t a l l . From 27.1% to 35.3% of mothers not re ce iv in g prenatal care have been Hawaiian mothers.

Table 27

NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF HAWAIIAN MOTHERS RECEIVING NO PRENATAL CARE, 1974-1978

YEARTOTAL #

LIVE BIRTHS

# MOTHERS RECEIVING NO PRENATAL CARE PERCENT

TOTAL # BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN MOTHERS

I HAWAIIAN MOTHERS

RECEIVING NO PRENATAL CARE PERCENT

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE OF MOTHERS RECEIVING NO PRENATAL CARE

1978 16.717 201 1.2 3,630 71 2.0 35.3

1977 16,874 244 1.4 3,667 71 1.9 29.9

1976 16.292 162 1.0 3,465 45 1.3 27.8

1975* 15.689 820 4.0 3,302 182 5.5 29.4

1974* 15,472 543 3.5 3,262 147 4.5 27.1

•Data for 1974 and 1975 lumped "no prenatal care" with "no answer recorded."

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In a d d it io n , a sm a lle r than proportionate percentage o f Hawaiian women g iv in g b i r th in these years began re c e iv in g prenatal care in the f i r s t three months o f pregnancy, when medical a tten t ion i s o f key importance (Table 28). These p r o f i le s in d ica te that there i s much room fo r improvement: th a t many Hawaiian mothers are not re c e iv in g adequateand e a s i l y a c c e s s ib le care.

Table 28

NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF HAWAIIAN MOTHERS RECEIVING PRENATAL CARE LATE, e .g . , AFTER FIRST 3 MONTHS, 1974-1978

YEARTOTAL #

LIVE BIRTHS

# MOTHERS RECEIVING

PRENATAL CARE AFTER 1ST 3 MOS PERCENT

# LIVE BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN

MOTHERS

t HAWAIIAN MOTHERS

RECEIVING PRENATAL CARE

AFTER 1ST 3 MOS PERCENT

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE OF MOTHERS

RECEIVING PRENATAL CARE AFTER 1ST 3 MOS

1978 16,717 4,741 28.4 3,630 1,317 36.3 27.8

1977 16,874 5,024 29.8 3,667 1,352 36.9 26.9

1976 16,292 4,824 29.6 3,465 1,285 37.1 26.6

1975 15,689 5,035 32.1 3,302 1,355 41.0 26.9

1974 15,472 4,757 30.7 3,262 1,323 40.6 27.8

The l a s t stage during which prenatal care i s a v a i la b le i s lab o r and d e l ive ry . While i t has become in c re a s in g ly popular in recent years to plan fo r b ir th a t home, by f a r the m ajority of b i r th s are in h o s p i t a l s , where prompt medical a t te n t io n i s a t hand fo r emergencies. Table 29 shows that Hawaiian babies are not d isp rop o r t ion a te ly being born away from tra in ed care ( in c lu d in g ph y s ic ian s and midwives). The low percentages of Hawaiian babies born with no attendant i s apparently due to the over­whelming m ajor ity of such babies coming from the Caucasian group. I t i sin te r e s t in g to note, however, th a t in the ye ars o f the study the percen­tages o f unattended Hawaiian b ir th s has increased while th a t o f theCaucasian group has not.

NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF HAWAIIAN BABIES BEING BORN WITHOUT MEDICAL OR OTHER ATTENDANT, 1974-1978

YEAR

TOTAL # BIRTHS WITH

NO ATTENDANT

# HAWAIIAN BIRTHS WITH NO ATTENDANT PERCENT

# CAUCASIAN BIRTHS WITH NO ATTENDANT PERCENT

1978 153 18 11.8 108 70.6

1977 147 24 16.3 103 70.1

1976 126 11 8.7 96 76.2

1975 86 6 7.0 64 74.4

1974 77 3 3.9 66 85.7

I I I . The B i r th In d ic a to r s Factors

The events o f b i r th i t s e l f g ive the "o u t s id e " world the f i r s t chance to a sse ss the health and s ta tu s o f the new baby. Certa in o f these events are considered r i s k in d ic a to r s , p re d ic t iv e o f la t e r developmental problems. Certa in others are negative outcomes in themselves. In fa n t death and congen ita l malformation are obvious examples o f the l a t t e r category. Low b ir thw e igh t, or prematurity, i s an example o f a co n d it ion assoc ia te d w ith la t e r problems as well as be ing the source of immediate d i s t r e s s and need fo r medical a t ten t ion (Schwartz and Schwartz, 1977). In f a c t , prem aturity, or low b irthw e igh t, has become the center ofcontroversy in an area of the f i e ld o f b io e th ic s : medical sc ience nowhas the technology a v a i la b le to save the l i v e s o f in fan ts who might at one time have perished. Having saved the l i f e , however, the medical p ro fe ss io n has l i t t l e or no technology a v a i la b le to a s s i s t the mother and the fam ily cope with the s t r a in s and problems which often accompanyprematurity. Premature in fa n t s thus may la t e r become the v ic t im s of fa m i l ia l s t re s s and even abuse and n eg lec t (Schwartz and Schwartz, 1977).

The Department of Helath de fines prem aturity as b irthw eigh t o f l e s s than 2,500 grams. Table 10 shows th a t the rate fo r low b ir thw e igh t among Hawaiian babies i s h igher than fo r the popu lat ion as a whole, and thatt h i s has been true fo r a l l but one year o f the study. In a d d it io n , Table

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Table 29

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10 shows th a t t h i s trend i s even more s i g n i f i c a n t fo r i l l e g i t im a t e b i r t h s , a fa c to r a ls o a sso c ia te d w ith e a r ly pregnancy as we have seen ir: the preceding sec t ion .

Table 30

PREMATURITY (LOW BIRTHWEIGHT) BY "RACE" OF BABY 1974-1978

YEARTOTAL #

LIVE BIBTB5

NUMBERPREMATURE*BIRTHS PERCENT

TOTAL > HAWAIIAN BIRTHS

f HAWAIIANS PREMATURE BIRTHS PERCENT

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE OP PREMATURE

BIRTHS

HUMBERILLEGITIMATEPREMATURE

BIRTHS

PERCENT (ALL LIVE BIRTHS)

1 HAWAIIAN ILLEGITIMATE PREMATURE BIRTHS

PERCENT(ALL

HAWAIIANLIVE BIRTHS

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE a ILLEGITIMATE PREMATURE BIRTHS

1978 16,717 1,244 7.4 5,054 400 7.9 32.2 269 1.6 137 2.7 50.9

1977 16,874 1,266 7.5 5,060 368 7.7 30.6 248 1.5 130 2.6 52.4

1976 16,292 1,178 7.2 4,750 339 7.1 28.8 197 1.2 91 1.9 46.2

1975 15,689 1,223 7.8 4,518 362 8.0 29.6 191 1.2 93 2.1 48.7

1974 15,472 1,205 7.3 4,405 397

.

9.0 32.9 208 1.3 j 105

1

2.4 50.5

•test than 2,500 SF**-

The types o f malform ations which are recorded in Department of Health f ig u re s inc lude c l e f t pa la te and h are l ip , sp ina b i f id a : meningocele,hydrocephalus, Down syndrome, and other malform ations o f s p e c i f i c body p arts . Table 11 trace s the h is to ry o f malform ations 1974-1978 by "race " of the mother. Aga in , the rate i s s l i g h t l y e levated fo r Hawaiian mothers fo r a l l but one year o f the study.

Table 31

CONGENITAL MALFORMATIONS BY "RACE" OF MOTHER, 1974-1978

YEARSTOTAL #

LIVE BIRTHS

BIRTHS WITH ONE OR MORE CONGENITAL

MALFORMATIONS PERCENT

BIRTHS TO HAWAIIAN MOTHERS

BIRTHS WITH ONE OR MORE CONGENITAL

MALFORMATIONS TO HAWAIIAN

MOTHERS PERCENT

HAWAIIAN MOTH El PERCENTAGE

OF BIRTHS WITH ONE OR MORE CONGENITAL

MALFORMATIONS

1978 16,717 155 .9 3,630 40 1.1 25.8

1977 16,874 142 .8 3,667 34 .9 23.9

1976 16,292 153 .9 3,465 30 .9 19.6

1975 15,689 161 1.0 3,302 45 1,4 28.0

1974 15,472 221 1.4 3,262 56 1.7 25.3

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Table 32 shows th a t the rates o f in fa n t m o rta l ity have been elevated during c e r ta in years.

Table 32

INFANT MORTALITY 1974-1978

YEARTOTAL # BIRTHS

t INFANT DEATHS PERCENT

.

f HAWAIIAN BIRTHS

* HAWAIIAN INFANT DEATHS PERCENT

HAWAIIAN PERCENTAGE OF ALL

INFANT DEATHS

1978 16,717 186 1.1 5,054 70 1.4 37.6

1977 16,874 196 1.2 5,060 62 1.2 31.6

1976 16,292 172 1.1 4,750 55 1.2 32.0

1975 15,689 201 1.3 4,518 56 1.2 27.9

1974 15,472 236 1.5 4,405 77 1.7 32.6

While not always a d isp rop ort ion a te percentage, the number of in fa n t deaths o f Hawaiian babies i s the h ighest o f any group, and has been fo r the f iv e years of the study. Th is i s apparently because the Caucasian and Japanese groups have d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly low rates o f in fa n t m o rta l i t y , wh ile F i l i p in o , Puerto R ican, and Samoan have d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly higher rates.

In summary, there i s cause fo r concern among the in d ic a to r s o f r i sk at b ir th . While not c o n s is te n t ly d isp ro p o r t ion a te ly h igh, the chances fo r premature b ir th , the chances fo r congen ita l malformation, and the chances for in fa n t death are a l l h igher for Hawaiians than they should be. As with other " r i s k " areas, i t i s not p o ss ib le to se t an abso lu te standard or acceptable l im i t s , but these data do provide a base lin e .

RISK FACTOR INTERRELATIONSHIP AT THE COMMUNITY LEVEL

Thus fa r a se r ie s of " r i s k in d ic a to r s " have been examined in terms of whether the data in d ica te a d isp roport ion a te represen ta t ion among the Hawaiian popu lat ion . This approach g iv e s a " p r o f i l e " and base lin e for e va luat ion of program outcomes, s im i l a r to the kind o f p r o f i l e s produced by the a n a ly s t o f standardized achievement te s t scores fo r schoo l-age ch i ld re n . These data pa in t a gloomy p ic tu re , however, and they by themselves do not define who needs what kind of program where. One important question that these data cannot address i s how the d i f fe re n t

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r i s k fa c to rs in t e r r e la t e , or, even more im portan t ly , what causes them? While the causal question w i l l remain unanswered fo r some time, un t il research methods are equal to the task, there are ways to ask about i n t e r r e la t io n s h ip s o f v a r ia b le s .

In a recent Department of Health report (Cohn, 1980), a comparison i s made between three communities on O'ahu with respect to d i f f e r e n t ia l f e r t i l i t y . The relevance of th i s study to the present report i s th a t one of the communities, W ai'anae, i s demographically h eav i ly Hawaiian populated, and i s w idely regarded as a "Hawaiian p la ce . " On the other hand, the other two communities stud ied, Pearl C ity and K a i lu a a ls o have a Hawaiian popu lat ion . The study looks a t how a se r ie s of v a r ia b le s i n te rre la te . I t i s emphasized th a t t h i s kind of comparison cannot e s t a b l i s h causal r e la t io n s h ip s , only suggest v a r ia b le s th a t covary.

Table 33

LISTING OF VALUES FOR VARIABLES, COMMUNITY STUDY (Cohn, 1980)

Hawa i fi Pe ar l C i t yWai'anae

C o a s t K a i 1ua

Crude B i r t h R a t e * 18.3 19.5 2 5 . 7 14.8

A b o r t i o n s per 1000 b i r t h s + 260.3 211.6 133.4 304.3

I l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h s (%)* 1 0 . g 6.7 19.3 9.2

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n w i th 8 t h g rad e e d u c a t i o n o r l e s s ( 16+)

1 1 9 7.5 18.9 4 . 7

P e r c e n t h o u s e h o l d s w i t h 7 o r more 6. 0 3.7 16.6 3.5

P e r c e n t employed p r o f e s s i o n a l 30. 8 29.2 20.4 40.8

P e r c e n t employed l a b o r e r 10.2 12.4 21.9 9.5

P e r c e n t employed f a r m er 1.8 .5 9.7 .4

P o p u l a t i o n 16+ unemployed 7.5 7.6 11.9 7.2

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n C a u c a s i a n 27.9 20.6 11.4 49.9

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n C h in e s e 5.6 2.3 .5 2.2

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n F i l i p i n o 10.2 8.7 11.8 1.7

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n H aw a i i a n ( p a r t / H a w ' n ) 15.3 10.4 47.5 22. 0

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n m i x e d / o t h e r 9 . 6 11.9 12.6 6.4

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n s e p a r a t e d / d i vorced 3.7 1.6 6. 0 3.4

P e r c e n t p o p u l a t i o n m a r r i e d 62.4 65.7 58.4 65.0

P e r c e n t h o u s eh o l ds b el ow p o v e r t y l e v e l 10.0 2.2 19.9 7.2

M e di an income ( t h o u s a n d s $) 14.1 18.7 12.6 19.8

Sources.- A l l d a ta from 0E0 1975 Census Update Su rve y dahu u n l e s s noted o t h e r w i s e . _ * T h r e e - y e a r a ve rag e f rom H e a l t h C o o p e r a t i v e S t a t i s t i c s Sys tem

+ 1974 S t a t e o f Hawai i V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s

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The th ru s t o f the study was to id e n t i f y fa c to rs which re la te to the f in d in g th a t Wai'anae has the h ighe st crude b i r t h rate (25.7 b i r t h s per1,000 population) o f the three communities; next i s Pearl C i ty (19.5 per 1,000), and K a i lu a i s lowest (14.8 per 1,000).

Table 33 l i s t s a l l the v a r ia b le s examined in the study and t h e i r r e la t iv e va lues. These were compared in the study to the crude b i r t h rate. Thus, i t was concluded th a t there i s a negative r e la t io n s h ip between f e r t i l i t y and leve l o f educational attainment, income, le ve l o f p ro fe ss io n a l employment, rate o f ab o rt io n s , and percentage o f the population Japanese and Caucasian. There was a p o s i t iv e r e la t io n s h ip between f e r t i l i t y and household s iz e , rate o f i l l e g i t im a t e b i r t h s , unemployment, and percentage of the population F i l i p in o and Hawaiian. The e t h n ic i t y f in d in g s are not as c le a r -c u t as they may sound. They are based on lumping together the above groups. When the three communities are examined only in terms of the Hawaiian popu lat ion , the fo l lo w in g n o n - l in e a r pattern emerges:

F igure 29

FERTILITY AND PERCENT POPULATION HAWAIIAN/PART-HAWAIIAN, 1975

CRUDE BIRTH RATE (NUMBER OF BIRTHS PER 1000 POPULATION)

PERC

ENT

POPU

LATI

ON

HAWA

IIAN

/PAR

T-HA

WAII

AN

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I t may be seen th a t K a i lu a , w ith the lowest crude b ir th rate , dot not have the lowest percent Hawaiian popu lat ion ; i t has a percent (22.0%) s i i g h t l y above the S ta te average percentage (17.7%).

One exp lanation o ffe re d i s that the Hawaiians l i v i n g in K a i lu a are a part o f a community cu ltu re which i s d i f fe r e n t from the o th e r two areas. They may be more su cce ssfu l in the terms of the contemporary so c ie ty , thus have lower f e r t i l i t y le v e ls .

The h igher f e r t i l i t y rate in Wai'anae i s in te rpre ted by the author of the study to r e f l e c t the s o c io -c u ltu ra l context o f the Wai'anae coast. I t i s suggested th a t the value of ch i ld ren in the Hawaiian cu ltu re makes la r g e fa m i l ie s , h igh f e r t i l i t y , and the attendant v a r ia b le s e xp la in ab le .

. . the be n e f its o f not having ch i ld ren may r e a l ly be co sts in t h i s cu ltu ra l co n te x t ." (p. 19).

In the context o f needs assessment, however, the data lend themselves to a d i f fe r e n t in te r p re ta t io n . There i s c le a r ly a complex se t o f fa c to r s operat ing which make Wai'anae a community of need. Unfortunate ly , there i s r e a l l y noth ing new in t h i s a n a ly s i s . There have been coun t le ss so c ia l a c t io n , hea lth s e rv ic e , and educational programs in Wai'anae s in ce the rough in d ic a to r s of need became known. Perhaps, i f anyth ing, t h i s new study simply po in ts out how l i t t l e has r e a l ly changed over t h i s amount of time.

On the p o s i t iv e s id e , however, the new approach a lso po in ts out that a community l i k e K a i lu a , ge n era lly considered a m id d le -c la s s , su ccessfu l re s id e n t ia l area, i s , in terms of percentages, perhaps more rep resen tat ive o f the to ta l Hawaiian population.

Perhaps what t h i s means i s tha t communities, l ik e in d iv id u a l s , have h a b it patterns acquired over many years which are quite r e s i s t a n t to change. Perhaps what i s needed i s a change o f image: Wai'anae i s not acommunity in need because i t i s a Hawaiian p lace. I t i s simply a place where a la rge and id e n t i f i a b le number of Hawaiian fa m il ie s are sub jec t to very severe s o c ia l system p re ssu re s - -a lon g with other fa m i l ie s who l i v e there. Some handle t h i s s t r e s s very w ell--som e do not. What i s needed may be a system atic program of community s t r e s s reduction. K a i lu a , on the other hand, may be looked a t as a more modal case: a g a in , somefa m il ie s making i t , some not, but an ove ra l l community pattern o f f o s te r in g upward m o b i l i t y and e f fe c t iv e p a r t ic ip a t io n in contemporary soc ie ty .

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

I t was noted at the ou tse t that, while t h i s report i s an attempt to in te rg ra te data re le v a n t to the needs o f in fa n t s , 0-3 years o ld , there i s l i t t l e information about actual development in t h i s age range a v a i la b le . There are no "stand ard ized t e s t sco res" which might in d ica te r e la t i v e progress. There are, however, some id e n t i f ie d " r i s k f a c to r s " which dore la te to the p r o b a b i l i t y o f successfu l development. F ive general areas

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o f r i s k were examined: the e a r ly pregnancy fa c to r , the prenatal care fa c to r , the b i r t h in d ic a to r s fa c to r , c h i ld abuse and neg lec t fac to r , and the community/family c o n s te l la t io n fac to r .

H ig h l ig h t s of F in d in g s :

1. There are about 5,000 Hawaiian babies born each year (average 4,750, 1974-1978). These are about o n e -th ird o f a l l babies born in the S ta te , the h ighest percentage of any group.

2. The ove ra l l percentage o f Hawaiians in the S ta te population i s not in c re a s in g , however, due to the o f f - s e t t i n g e f fe c t s of in -m ig ra t io n .

3. Most Hawaiian babies (about 70%) are born on 0 'ahu , where they c o n s t i tu te about 25% o f a l l b i r th s . Fewer Hawaiian babies are born on the Neighbor I s la n d s , but they are a la r g e r percentage of the population there.

4. Over tw o -th ird s (average 68.3%, 1974-1 978) of the Hawaiianbabies born have one parent who i s not Hawaiian.

5. More young (11-19 year o ld ) Hawaiian women give b i r t h than any other group.

6. More of these b ir th s are " i l l e g i t im a t e " than would be expected by popu lat ion percentages. There were an average o f 439 such b ir t h s each year 1974-1978.

7. More Hawaiian mothers receive no prenatal care or la t e prenatal care than would be expected.

8. More Hawaiian babies (average 377, 1974-1 978) are born w ith a low b ir th w e igh t ( le s s than 2,500 grams) than would be expected. The degree of d isp rop o r t ion i s greater fo r " i l l e g i t im a t e " b i r t h s (average 111, 1974-1978).

9. F ind ings are le s s c le a r fo r congen ita l malform ations and in fa n t death. While rates were not found to be d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly high over the f ive years o f study data, the average was s l i g h t l y elevated.

10. Confirmed cases of c h i ld abuse and neg lec t are d isp rop o r t ion a te ly high fo r Hawaiian ch i ld re n . They were the l a r g e s t number o f cases o f abuse fo r a l l but one year o f study data. There were an average of 148 confirmed cases o f abuse of Hawaiian ch i ld ren each year, 1975-1 979.

11. There i s evidence th a t while ce r ta in communities have lo n g - s ta n d in g soc ia l s t r e s s patterns a s soc ia te d w ith r i s k fa c to r s fo r in fancy (W ai'anae), others with not i n s i g n i f i c a n t numbers o f Hawaiian re s iden ts (K a i lu a ) are experiencing soc ia l successes.

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Need Areas

In order to convert the la r g e - s c a le data contained in t h i s reportin to some estim ates o f need which would be useful fo r p re lim inaryeducational p lann ing, a rough de r iva t ion was c a r r ie d out based on theconcept o f a "m ost- in -need" group in each of four Need Areas (Table 34). These Need Areas l in e up w ith the four " r i s k fa c to r s " d iscussed in thebody of the report.

Table 34

NEED AREAS, GOALS, AND "MOST IN NEED" GROIPS

NEED AREA GOALSPRIMARY TARGET AUDIENCE

"MOST IN NEED"ESTIMATED NUMBERS, IAWAIIAN, BY YEAR

I . Pre-Parenti ng

I . Reduce unin­tended ado­lescent preg­nancies.

Sexua l ly ac t ive high school and intermediate school students who do not want a ch i ld but are not us ing b i r th c o n t r o l .

2,000 - 2,500

I I . Prenatal I I . Decrease r i s k assoc ia ted with inade­quate pre­natal care.

Unmarried, a lready preg­nant high school and intermediate school s tu d e n ts .

200

I I I . Per inata l I I I . Reduce fam i ly s t re s s a s ­soc iated with r i s k fa c to r s at b i r th .

In fan t s i d e n t i f i e d at b i r t h as "h igh r i s k " due to prematurity (by ge sta t ion period and b irthweight) or other fac to r s and th e i r parents, e sp e c i a l l y high school and intermediate school students.

100 - 150

IV. Infancy IV.A. Prevent abuse and neglect.

B. Optimize i n fan t de- veloprnent of adapt ive s k i l l s / behavi or.

Low-income, low SES multi -problem f a m i l i e s .

4,000 - 5,000

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D e r iv a t io n s of the estim ates o f "most in need" fo r Table 34 weremade as fo l low s:

I . The general ta rge t audience i s high school and intermediate school students. Department o f Education f ig u re s fo r 1977, projected over several ye a rs , in d ica te t o t a l s o f approximately 80,000 students in high and interm ediate. Hawaiian students comprise approximately16.000 to 17,000 o f th i s to ta l . Data from a recent study of Windward d i s t r i c t students (Yates, 1980) in d ic a te s th a t approximately 30% of h igh school students and 10% of intermediate school students are cu rren t ly se xu a lly ac t ive . Th is would mean about 17,000 - 18,000 to ta l students and about 3,000 - 4,000 Hawaiian students. The same study in d ic a te s th a t only 3% a c tu a l ly want to have a baby, but 65% use no form of b i r th co n tro l . Th is provides us a very rough estimate o f about 10,000 - 11,000 to ta l students and about 2,000 - 2,500 Hawaiian students (boys and g i r l s ) per year who are a t r i s k o f having an unintended pregnancy.

I I . The most general ta r g e t audience here i s a lready pregnant women. There are cu r re n t ly about 16,000 b ir th s a year, 3,500 - 4,000 of these to Hawaiian mothers. We know that 2,000 - 2,500 b i r t h s a year are to mothers aged 11-19, and th a t 800-900 o f these are to Hawaiian mothers (Table 24). There are about 500 i l l e g i t im a t e b ir th s to mothers 11-19 (Table 26), and recent f ig u re s from the Department of Health in d ica te that about 41% o f these are to mothers 17 years o ld or below. Th is g ive s us the very rough estim ate of 200 i l l e g i t im a t e b ir th s to high and intermediate school students per year.

I I I . These f ig u re s come d i r e c t ly from Table 33, which i s based on Department o f Health data showing an average of 111 i l l e g i t im a t e , low b irthw eight Hawaiian babies born during the f iv e years o f study data, out o f an average of 223 to ta l i l l e g i t im a t e low b irthw e igh t babies.

IV. There were an average of 4,750 Hawaiian babies born during the f iv e ye ars o f study data. Th is g ive s an estim ate o f roughly 14,000 -15.000 bab ies cu r re n t ly 0-3 years old. The Alu Like Needs Assessment Survey (1976) in d ic a te s th a t 34.1% of Hawaiian f a m i l ie s of under 5-year o ld ch i ld ren are "w e lfa re e l i g i b l e " by federal (AFDC) gu id e l in e s . Th is g iv e s the very rough estimate o f 4,000 -5.000 f a m i l ie s of 0-3 year o lds who are l i k e l y to have s o c ia l , economic, or re la ted needs which would a f f e c t th e i r baby.

1982 UPDATE

While the above ana lyses, completed in 1980, focus on d e f in in g the extent o f s p e c i f ic problems among Hawaiians, i t i s a l s o o f in te r e s t to consider such con d it ion s in l i g h t o f s ta te and nat iona l trends.

Table 35 presents the number and percent o f b i r th s to women under age 18 as determined fo r a national sample o f 31 s ta te s and the S ta te of Hawaii. In general, i t can be seen th a t Hawaiians lead a l l o thers on t h i s in d ic a to r w ith in a s ta te whose ove ra l l s tand ing i s well below that

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TABLE 35

NUMBER AND PERCENT OF BIRTHS TO MOTHERS UNDER AGE 18:NATIONAL TOTALS 1979,

AND STATE OF HAWAII BY ETHNIC GROUP AVERAGES, 1975-1979

TOTAL NUMBER OF BIRTHS

NUMBER OF BIRTHS TO MOTHERS

UNDER 18PERCENT OF

TOTAL

NATIONAL TOTAL1 2,099,503 125,254 6.0%

Whites 1,631,206 73,917 4.5%

Non-Whites 464,035 51,214 11.0%

Not Reported 4,262 123 2.9%

STATE OF HAWAII2 16,536.2 644.2 3.9%

Hawai ian 3,532.2 277.4 7.9%

Samoan 434.8 18.8 4.3%

F i l i pino 2,866.4 117.0 4.1%

Caucasian 5,266.8 131.4 2.3%

Japanese 2,386.2 43.4 1.8%

Korean 301.8 4.0 1.3%

Chi nese 611.4 6.2 1.0%

^Totals from 1979 for 31 of 50 States, c.f., March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation, 1981.

2Gannaway et al, 1981, 1975-1979 averages, c.f., Table 6, p. 9.

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TABLE 36

NUMBER AND PERCENT OF LOW BIRTH WEIGHT BABIES: NATIONAL TOTALS, 1979

AND STATE OF HAWAII BY ETHNIC GROUP AVERAGES, 1975-1979

TOTAL NUMBER OF BIRTHS

NUMBER WEIGHING LESS THAN 2500 GRAMS

PERCENT OF TOTAL

NATIONAL TOTAL1 2,099,503 148,078 7.1%

Whites 1,631,206 96,440 5.9%Non-Whites 464,035 51,389 11.1%Not Reported 4,262 249 5.8%

STATE OF HAWAII2 16,536.2 1,239 7.5%

F i l i p i n o 2,866.4 278 9.7%Hawaiian 3,532.2 285 8.1%Japanese 2,386.2 189 7.9%Korean 301.8 20 6.6%Chinese 611.4 37 6.1%Caucasian 5,266.8 316 6.0%Samoan 434.8 77 3.9%

"Totals from 1979 for 31 of 50 States, c.f., March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation, 1981.

Gannaway et al, 1981, estimates presented here are based on an assumption that 50 percent of multiple births produce babies weighing less than 2500 grams c.f., Table 6, p. 9.

2

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TABLE 57NUMBER OF BIRTHS AND PERCENT BORN WEIGHING LESS THAN 2500 GRAMS:

USA, STATE OF HAWAII, AND HILO MIC CATCHMENT AREA

GROUPTOTAL NUMBER OF BIRTHS

PERCENT WEIGHING 2500 GRAMS

A. BENCHMARK FIGURES

USA, 19791 2,099,503 7.1%

USA Whites, 1979 1,631,206 5.9%

USA Non-Whites, 1979 464,035 1 1.1%

State o f Hawaii, 1975-19792 16,536.2 7.5%

Hawaiians Statew ide, 1975-1979 3,532.2 8 .1%

B. HIGH-RISK HAWAIIANS IN HILO

MIC CATCHMENT AREA, 1968-19753

1. Mothers 20 years

MIC CARE 145 11.9%

No MIC CARE 235 16.9%

2. Mothers 12 years Education

MIC CARE 160 11.9%

No MIC CARE 287 1 2 .2%

3. Unwed Mothers

MIC CARE 115 10.5%

No MIC CARE 171 14.0%

^Totals from 1979 for 31 States, c.f., March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation, 1981.

2Gannaway et al., 1981.

Schmidt, Onzuka, and Drorbaugh, 1979, Table 7, p. 10.3

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of the national average shown. In fa c t , on t h i s p a r t ic u la r in d ic a to r Hawaiians f a l l about midway between the national f ig u re s fo r Whites and Non-Whites.

Table 36 o f fe r s the same type of ta bu la t ion fo r number and percent of babies o f low b ir th weight. In t h i s area i t can be seen th a t the s ta te as a whole f a l l s s l i g h t l y above the national average presented, with a l l groups in c lu d in g Hawaiians f a l l i n g below the average fo r Non-Whites n a t io n a l ly . An examination of the w ith in s ta te d if fe ren ce s across ethnic group should take in to co n s id e ra t ion the ro le o f physica l s ta tu re : e . g . ,Japanese and F i l i p in o s as contrasted w ith Samoans and Caucasians.

Both o f the above an a ly se s po int up the f a c t th a t Hawaiians, who often end up as the " in -n e e d " group w ith in the S ta te o f Hawaii, may a c tu a l ly be fu n c t ion in g a t a very respectab le leve l with regard to var iou s r i s k in d ic a to r s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , they may often be a t about the same leve l as nat iona l Caucasian samples, and well below— th a t i s "be tte r th an "— major m ino r ity groups such as B la c k s and H isp an ic s . Th is general trend i s one th a t was repeatedly encountered throughout the needs assessment study (e . g . , with respect to High School Graduation ra te s , see Socio-Economic S ta tu s , Condition 5), lead in g to the sp e c i f ic a t io n of " s t i f f com petition" as a c u l t u r a l ly - r e la t e d need cond it ion (see C u l t u r a l ly Related Academic Needs, B a r r ie r s in the Dominant Cu ltu re , Cond it ion 3).

S o c ia l Science A n a ly s is

Lest the conc lu s ion be reached that " a l l i s OK" a study conducted by Schmidt, Onzuka, and Drorbaugh (1979) ind ica ted th a t sp e c i f ic h ig h - r i s k groups of Hawaiian mothers do e x h ib i t le v e ls o f need that are well above sta te averages as well as above averages fo r the Hawaiian group. Table37, fo r example, prov ides an a n a ly s i s o f number and percent of low b i r t h weight babies among H i lo area Hawaiians in three s p e c i f ic " h i g h - r i s k "groups. Although Maternal and In fa n t Care C l i n i c (MIC) c l ie n t s in these groups d id e x h ib i t more favorab le b ir th weight outcomes as a group than non-MIC care Hawaiians, i t can be seen that a l l groups had le v e ls o f low b ir th weight b i r t h s th a t approximated or exceeded those o f Non-Whites nationa l ly .

A f in a l maternal and c h i ld health in d ic a to r comes fo r anin v e s t ig a t io n o f sh o rt pregnancy in te r v a ls . Burch (1977) conducted astudy of examining the incidence and consequences o f r e la t i v e ly c lo se spacing o f ch i ld re n among H aw a ii 's ethnic groups. In genera l, heconfirmed th a t sh o rt in te r v a l s between b i r t h s o f successive ch i ld re n ( i . e . , le s s than 27 weeks between the b ir th o f one c h i ld and theconception of the next) does tend to increase the chances of neonatalm o r ta l i t y during the f i r s t month o f l i f e fo r the c h i l d born a f te r a sho rt pregnancy in te r v a l . For H a w a i i 's e thn ic groups F i l i p in o s and Hawaiians showed the g re a te s t incidence of b i r th s a f te r sh o r t pregnancy in te r v a l s (12.9 percent o f s in g le b i r t h s to mothers w ith a t l e a s t one p r io r b i r t h ) . These were fo llowed by "Others" (11.8%), Caucasians (6.5%), and Japanese (4.6%). Within the Hawaiian group, meanwhile, the occurrence of sho rt

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pregnancy in te r v a l s was n e g a t ive ly co rre la ted with age. For example those under 25 years o f age had a rate of 18.7 percent. Th is dropped to9.0 percent fo r those aged 25-29, 6.1 percent fo r those 30-34, and 3.7 percent fo r those 35 and o lder. The h ighest m o r ta l i ty ra te s fo r those who de live red a f te r a sh o rt pregnancy in te rva l was among the Japanese (35.7/1000 b i r t h s ) , w ith "Others" (22.1/1000), F i l i p i n o s (17.5/1000), Hawaiians (13.5/1000), and Caucasians (8.5/1000) fo l lo w in g in descending order.

Major Need Category:

General Need Area:

Condition 3:

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Specia l Educational Needs

Physica l Health

N u tr it ion

F

rr

rr

Condition Summary

TESTIMONY SUGGESTS A NEED FOR IMPROVED KNOWLEDGE OF NUTRITION AND FOR DIETARY CHANGES.

Potential Educational Interventions

• N u t r i t io n education programs.

• Home-school e d u c a t io n a l / ! i f e s t y le in te rven t ion s.

Testimony

From the dominant cu ltu re p respective Marion L. Hanlon, M. D. has t e s t i f i e d about the need fo r health education among Hawaiian youth ( B i l l 916, p. 138, See Condition 5: Health Education in the S ch o o ls ) . A keyarea in need o f in te rven tion in her view stems from a p re v a i l in g incidence of "improper n u t r i t io n " among Hawaiian schoo l-age youth. Although she was only one vo ice, and she d id admit th a t her remarksapp lied p r im a r i ly to her i s la n d of experience, Maui, a w ith in cu ltu repoint view, th a t o f Kekuni B l a i s d e l l , M. D., la r g e ly a f f irm s Hanlon 's conclus ion . The fo l lo w in g excerpt from Dr. B l a i s d e l l ' s column fo r Ka Wai Ola 0 OHA su gge s ts how he views inadequate or le s s - th an -op t im a l n u t r i t io n as pa rt o f a general hea lth problem among Hawaiians:

Why are we po 'e Haw ai'i comparatively le s s healthythan our fe llow non-Hawaiians in our nat ive land?

The reasons f a l l in to three main c a te go r ie s : (1) thegenes we have in h e r ite d from our kupuna; (2) our in d iv id u a l l i f e s t y l e s w ith respect to what we choose to eat, our consumption of c ig a r e t t e s , a lcohol and drugs, our personal hygiene and our mental coping w ith s t r e s s ; and (3) ourenvironment, such as crowding, pub lic s a n i t a t io n , autom obiling, no ise, exposure to harmful chem icals, and ca ta s tro p h ie s th a t may be beyond our in d iv id u a l c o n tro l , but may be aminable to group act ion . . . .

While our ancestra l genes may render us more su sc e p t ib le to some i l l n e s s e s , c e r ta in ly we cannot, and should not, blame them fo r our se l f -a b u se s . Like our fe l lo w i s la n d re s id e n ts , too many of us consume "junk

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food s," puhi paka, inu lo a , misuse drugs, hold d i s t r e s s in g te n s io n s , la ck phys ica l Fulness and adequate s leep, and we th o u g h t le s s ly d is ru p t our d e l ic a te i s la n d ecosystems.

These unwholesome behavioral t r a i t s were not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f our noble kupuna. They are not t r a d i t i o n a l l y Hawaiian, indeed, they are un-Hawaiian and even ant i-H aw aiian .

In Hawai'i of o ld , care o f the body, the mind and the s p i r i t were necessary to preserve each i n d i v id u a l ' s mana. Th is a ls o e n ta i le d harmonious re la t io n s h ip s w ith others and respect fo r on e 's ancestors and fo r nature --the land , the sea, the water, the a i r wind— fo r were they not a l l m an ife s ta t io n s o f the gods? How t r a g i c a l l y f a r we have s trayed from these precious c u ltu ra l va lues o f our kupuna which promoted t h e i r w e llne ss. (Ka Wai Ola 0 OHA, Summer 1982, p. 8)

Social Science Analysis

N u tr i t io n a l ana lyses of the d ie ts o f Hawaiian youth have been c r i t i c i z e d by some loca l n u t r i t io n experts a s so c ia te d w ith the S ta te o f Hawaii Department o f Health. One such study was th a t of K. Howard (1968). Conducted in Nanakuli as part of the ethnographic research under the ausp ices o f Bishop Museum, i t o ffered the fo l lo w in g conclus ion :

The goal o f t h i s study has been to eva luate the adequacy of d ie t among school ch i ld ren in Nanakuli. The r e s u l t s lend support to those who have su b je c t iv e lydescribed the d ie t o f the ch i ld ren in the area asinadequate. Indeed, the current study presents evidence th a t the proportion of ch i ld ren in the study sample who may be se r io u s ly undernourished i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y h igher than c h i ld re n from the same socioeconomic stratum on themainland.

Although the income leve l o f most of the Nanakuli f a m i l ie s i s r e la t i v e ly low, t h i s alone would not seem toaccount ft the inadequacies re f le c te d in the c h i ld r e n 'sd ie t . A w e ll-ba lanced d ie t i s probably w ith in the reach of most fa m i l ie s , provided they s e le c t th e i r foods j u d ic io u s ly . However, observat ions over the p a s t two years in the community suggest th a t much le s s thought i s g iven to a balanced d ie t than to quantity and ease o f p reparat ion , and th a t the high proportion of meals missed in d ic a te s that i r r e g u la r e a t in g hab its con tr ibu te to the problem. A lso , lo c a l food ta s te s p r a c t ic a l l y exclude a reasonable consumption of fre sh f r u i t s and vegetables.

A good deal o f evidence has been accumulating whichsu gge sts th a t prolonged marginal d e f ic ie n c ie s , such asthose which appear to character ize the d ie t o f Nanakuli school c h i ld re n , con tr ibu te to the perpetuation o f poverty both by in c re a s in g s u s c e p t ib i l i t y to i l l n e s s and by d i r e c t l y a f fe c t in g performance c a p a b i l i t ie s . I t would

appear, there fore , th a t any remedial program in s t i t u t e d in Nanakuli, or s im i l a r areas, which does not provide fo r an improved d ie t , w i l l be severe ly handicapped in i t s attempt to break the poverty cy c le .

Th is study represents one p o s i t io n regard ing the n u t r i t io n a l s ta tu s o f Hawaiian school age youth. An adequate represen tat ion o f the opposing point of view w i l l requ ire fu rther l i t e r a t u r e review work.

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General Need Area: Physica l Health

Condition 4: Health Care System

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

HEALTH CARE I S OFTEN INADEQUATE DUE TO LIMITED AVAILABILITY OF SERVICE, CULTURAL INCOMPATIBILITY OF SERVICES, LIMITED FAMILY INCOME, LACK OF BASIC KNOWLEDGE, ETC.

Potential Educational Interventions

• In -schoo l support se rv ice s designed to supplement ou t-o f-schoo l health care.

• In teragency c o l la b o ra t io n v i s - a - v i s problems re la ted to health care se rv ice s .

Testimony

In developing act ion p lans to address s p e c i f i c problems fac in g Hawaiians today, act ive Hawaiians convened the Puwalu Conference in1 978. In order to inform the community about the id e n t i f ie d p r i o r i t y areas, the proceedings o f the Puwalu conference were published. The fo l lo w in g problem and proposal statements th a t were issu ed suggest that Hawaiians tend to view many o f t h e i r health problems as unique and th a t c u ltu ra l dimensions may be very s i g n i f i c a n t fa c to r s a f f e c t in g health se rv ice d e l iv e ry .

Problem: The Hawaiian Community faces a wide va r ie tyo f unique health problems: a c c e s s ib i l i t y of e x i s t in gse rv ic e s , manner in which se rv ice s are provided, lack o f in form ation on the part o f Native Hawaiians and on the part of agencies and departments.

Proposal: That a system o f "Hawaiian HealthAdvocates" be e s ta b l ish e d which would serve three ba s ic fun ct ion s:

1. Act as intermediary between the Native Hawaiian Community and health se rv ice p rov iders;2. Promote preventative health care;3. Act as advocates fo r Native Hawaiian health concerns before hea lth serv ice p rov id ers, government agencies and other groups.

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Social Indicator Data

In general, the hea lth care system a v a i la b le to Hawaiians has long been hardpressed to deal w ith the d isease s and con d it ion s Hawaiians have faced. Widely recognized evidence of th i s i s the rap id and steady dec line in the population of pure Hawaiians s ince the a r r iv a l o f CaptainCook in 1778. L ivesay (1932), fo r example, l a i d out the fo l lo w in g numbersin h is in tro d u c t io n to h is educational study:

I t i s estimated th a t the populat ion of the i s la n d s was 300,000 a t the time o f Captain Cook 'sa r r iv a l (1778). In 1823 the number o f na t ives was estim ated by the m is s io n a r ie s to be 142,000. Thecensus o f 1832 gave 130,000, and by 1853 the to ta l haddropped to 70,000. In 1866, the nat ive population wasgiven as 57,000 and by the census o f 1872 i t had dropped to le s s than 50,000. A s t i l l fu r th e r decrease, to 41,000, was recorded by the census of 1890.Beg inn ing in 1900, United S ta tes census f ig u re s have been a v a i la b le , and, as shown in Table IV , these areas fo l low s: 1900, 29,799; 1910, 26,141; 1920, 23,723;1 930, 22,636. The pure Hawaiian group i s thus only 6.1 percent o f the present T e r r i t o r ia l popu lation, (p . 20)

Among some o f the e ar ly fa c to r s c i te d were the hardsh ip s o f engaging in the in te n s iv e trade in sandalwood during the e a r ly 19th century and the s u s c e p t i b i l i t y o f Hawaiians to white men's d isease s fo r which Hawaiians had no immunity ( c . f . , L ivesay , 1932, p. 1 9 ) . Another po in t th a t has been ra ise d i s th a t the Hawaiian medical a r t s had la r g e ly been abandoned due to a lack o f d isease :

In very anc ient times many people observed the ru le s o f the a r t o f h e a l in g ( 'o ihan a kahuna la p a 'a u ) , but in la t e r times most o f them abandoned medicalp ra c t ic e s because there was not much s ic k n e s s w ith in the race. Fore igners (m a l ih in i ) had not y e t come from other lan d s ; there were no fa ta l d ise a se s ( lu k u ) , no epidemics (ahu lau ), no contag ious d isease s (m a'i l e l e ) , no d isease s th a t ea t away the body ( m a ' i ' a ' a i ) , no venereal d iseases (m a 'i pal a a me ke kaokao).Therefore, the kahuna p a 'a o 'a o and the kahuna 'ana 'ana were always v ic to r io u s . H o 'o p i 'o p i 'o sorcery was a l a t e r p rac t ic e , more than a century la t e r . In the time o f Kamehameha I the p ra c t ic e s o f the Lonopuha kahunaswere rev ived. Ku a 'u a 'u was a kahuna o f the order o fLonopuha, and he taught t h i s a r t o f h ea lin g to the c h ie f s . That was the beg inn ing o f the spread o f t h i s medical a r t , one which was famous in the time of Kamehameha I . ( Kamakau, 1964, p. 109)

Whether t r a d i t io n a l medical a r t s would have helped stem the rap id depopulation remains an open quest ion ; however, a t the same time i t i s

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c le a r t h a t Hawaiians on ly g r a d u a l ly a s s im i la te d Western medical and hea lth p ra c t ic e s . For in stance, Adams (1937) gave the fo l lo w in g opin ions regard in g Hawaiian death rates over the years up through the 1930 's :

Some of the fa c ts r e la t in g to physica l t r a i t s are known. For example, the death rates o f the Hawaiians are e x ce p t io n a l ly h igh, age considered, and those of part-H aw aiians are lower, but above those o f whites or Chinese. Probably th e i r intermediate p o s i t io n in respect to death rates i s in part a matter o f b io lo g ic a l hered ity . The i s o la t io n o f the Is la n d s had protected the Hawaiians from several in fe c t io u s d isease s to which they are now exposed. They have not been subjected to the long s e le c t iv e act ion o f such d isease s and presumably they are not so well immunized as the peoples who have come. ..the bad co n d it io n s under which they l i v e are important.They no longer have the d ie t e t ic h ab its o f the olden time and they use the foods made a v a i la b le by modern commerce unwisely. The o ld Hawaiian theory as to the causes of d isease su rv iv e s , more or l e s s , even to the present day and, because o f i t , the Hawaiians and, to some extent, the part-H aw a iians, tend to expose themselves n e e d le ss ly to d ise a se s th a t are h ig h ly fa ta l to them. For example, the f a m i l ie s o f lepers often try to conceal the presence o f the d isease and to keep the a f f l i c t e d one a t home. The p h y s ic ia n s and nurses who serve in connection w ith pub lic h ea lth agencies f in d i t hard to persuade tubercu lar p a t ie n ts to go to the h osp ita l in the e a r ly s tage s o f the d isease while there i s a good prospect fo r recovery. Hawaiian mothers g ive t h e i r babies very i n f e r i o r care and in some cases they seem to be a f r a id to co-operate w ith the pu b lic health agenc ie s. Ev idently the high death ra te s of Hawaiians and the intermediate ra te s o f the part-Haw aiians are in la r g e measure the consequence of bad l i v i n g con d it ion s and incompetency in the care of in fa n t s and the s ic k . (pp. 247-248)

In sp ite o f the ethnocentr ic overtones in t h i s passage, the generalhealth s t a t i s t i c s or Hawaiians over the years do lend some support to the hypothesis th a t hea lth care may be an area in which a s s im i la t io n has been d i f f i c u l t . A r e l a t i v e l y recent study o f Hawaiians and health care p ra c t ic e s was conducted by Heighton (1968) as p a r t o f the Community Research P ro ject in Nanakuli.

In b r ie f , Heighton based h is conc lu s ion s on the r e s u l t s o f a surveyo f 539 Hawaiians in the summer o f 1967 and an in te n s iv e schedule o fin terv iew s w ith 76 Hawaiians during 1968. Among the outcomes from h is work he noted a general re luctance to use Western medical and dental se rv ic e s , a trend more common among men than women. For example, he found th a t about th re e -fo u rth s o f those invo lved in h is s tu d ie s d id not seem to have preventive hea lth concepts, the m ajority p re fe r r in g to w a it u n t i l medical or dental co n d it ion s become se r iou s before they sought medical a s s i s t a n c e . He fu rther noted th a t about 86 percent of the in d iv id u a l s did have medical insurance, but th a t average fam ily expenditures on health

were markedly below mainland averages, re gard le ss o f the leve l o f fam ily income. H is examination of s t r e s s symptoms showed about the same leve l of s t re s s as a New York sample; however, low-income f a m i l ie s l i v i n g in crowded, run-down housing and women aged 26-36 were id e n t i f ie d as two key h ig h - s t r e s s groups. Reasons suggested fo r the general re luctance to use Western medical se rv ice s included: (1) the concept of d isease common inthe area, (2) preference among community members to handle d isease w ith in a c i r c l e o f fam ily and f r ie n d s , and (3 ) tendency among community members to avo id "co n fro n ta t io n " (see ing a doctor or a d e n t i s t being an undesireab le "co n fro n ta t io n " s i t u a t io n ) . Further e lab o ra t ion on t h i s l a s t hypothesis was offered in h is conc lu s ion :

A major fa c to r which r e s u l t s in Hawaiian peoplenot ta k in g advantage o f modern Western medicine i s the d e s ire to avoid con fron ta t ion . The informants expressed very c le a r ly t h e i r views on what they want from p h y s ic ian s , d e n t i s t s , and nurses. I t i s d i f f i c u l t fo r medical personnel who must deal w ith a g re a t many pa t ie n ts to be personal and warm in th e i r approach to each one, but these people need the r e la t io n sh ip between p h y s ic ia n and p a t ie n t to be a personal one. Medical people need to be aware o f the c u ltu ra l heritage of th e ir Hawaiian p a t ie n t s , whichd i f f e r s in s i g n i f i c a n t ways from th a t o f mainland, m id d le -c la s s people. Medical s p e c i a l i s t s need to become s e n s i t iv e and w i l l i n g to operate in ab i - c u l t u r a l s i tu a t io n . They must be w i l l i n g to l i s t e n to a parent say th a t h is in fa n t has 1opu hu li (turned stomach) and then t re a t i t as he sees f i t m ed ica l lyand t r y to exp la in to the parent how he (the p h y s ic ian ) sees the problem. I f a p a t ie n t (or a parent) fe e ls th a t the phys ic ian does not know what he i s t a lk in g about, the r e la t io n s h ip w i l l be broken and the p a t ie n t w i l l not return. A phys ic ian i s expected to determine the troub le by h im se lf. The p a t ie n tf e e ls he should answer in the a f f irm a t iv e anyquestions put to him. As fa r as the p a t ie n t i sconcerned, he i s i l l and the burden l i e s upon the p h y s ic ian to do the h e a lin g . I t i s important not tob e l i t t l e a p a t ie n t ' s b e l ie f in o ld medical p rac t ic e s .Rather, i f p o s s ib le , i t i s well to p ra ise what i s good about the t r a d i t io n a l ways, while attempting to show how modern health p ra c t ic e s are an improvement. Never must the re la t io n sh ip between p a t ie n t and phys ic ian lead to d ispute and co n fron ta t ion , or the p a t ie n t may d is re g a rd the p h y s ic ia n 's advice and f a i l to return.A l l t h i s b u i ld in g o f r e la t io n s h ip s and in d iv id u a l a t te n t io n , of course, takes much time and e f f o r t and po in ts up the need fo r a f u l l - f le d g e d medical center and more p ro fe s s io n a ls in the area. Such t a c t i c s would probably bear f r u i t in the form of g r e a t ly improved health fo r the people o f Nanakuli.(Heighton, 1968, p. 127)

Regarding educational in te rven t ion s p e c i f i c a l l y , Heighton o ffe re d the

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fo l low in g su gge st io n s:

Knowledge of hea lth i s dependent upon educationwhich i s c u l t u r a l l y re le van t and f i t s the environment,, Th is education should focus on the ch i ld ren because the a d u lt s seem f a i r l y se t in t h e i r ways.

I t should cover the care of eyes, ears, nose, teethand s k in problems. Ch ildren need to be helped to examinewhat they have learned about the community fo lk -m ed ic ine p ra c t ic e s and d i s t in g u i s h the be n e f ic ia l ones from the neutral and the harmful ones; t h i s would be g re a t ly f a c i l i t a t e d i f teachers learned about Hawaiian cu ltu ra l p ra c t ic e s and b e l ie f s re la ted to hea lth and i l l n e s s . Encouraging ch i ld re n to fo l low through on what they learn in school should be stre ssed . (Heighton, 1968, pp.126-127)

On the is su e of t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian therapeutic p ra c t ic e s Heighton (1971) o ffered a more d e ta i le d a n a ly s i s o f t e s t data gathered in Nanakuli. In h is e a r l ie r report he had noted that th ree -fou rth s of the f a m il ie s reported th a t they knew a fam ily member who had knowledge of t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian medicinal p ra c t ic e s , and o n e -th ird claimed they knew a person ou ts ide t h e i r fam ily who sp e c i l iz e d in t r a d i t io n a l medical p rac t ic e . In examining the knowledge of Hawaiians regard ing Western and Hawaiian health in te rven tion p ra c t ic e s he found th a t those whose knowledge was l im ite d to Western p rac t ic e s did not often make use of the supernatural a s part o f health/medical treatment. Those who had knowledge of Hawaiian p ra c t ic e s , meanwhile, even i f they a lso were w e ll-ve rse d in Western p ra c t ic e s , tended to make use of the supernatural more than the W estern-oriented in d iv id u a ls . The h ighest use o f the su pern a tu ra l, though, was in the group who had l i t t l e knowledge of e i th e r Western or Hawaiian hea lth p ra c t ic e s .

F in a l l y , an example of work o ffered from the hea lth p r a c t i t i o n e r ' s viewpoint i s a report from Kumabe (1971). The po int o f t h i s a r t i c l e was to note the d i f f i c u l t i e s invo lved in ga in in g the cooperation of low-income Hawaiians in the use of fam ily p lanning se rv ice s and in m ain ta in ing a program of contraceptive use.

General Need Area: Physica l Health

Condition 5: Health Education in the Schoo ls

Major Need Category; Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

TESTIMONY SUGGESTS THAT EXISTING HEALTH EDUCATION EFFORTS CAN BE IMPROVED.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Health education that e f f e c t iv e ly addresses student needs

• C u l t u r a l ly re le van t health education

Testimony

In s p it e o f the frequency w ith which those who have commented on needs among Hawaiian people po in t to health as a key area re q u ir in g spec ia l programs, l i t t l e mention was found of a need fo r educational programs in the schoo ls . One exception to t h i s trend was the testimony of Marion L. Hanlon, M.D., past p res ident o f the Hawaii Medical A sso c ia t io n and a s p e c i a l i s t in adolescent health . She t e s t i f i e d as fo l low s:

. . . we feel th a t chronic health problems s t i l l are qu ite preva lent among the Native Hawaiian young people and adverse ly a f f e c t the educational process.These are var ied and, a t le a s t , on Maui, inc lude improper n u t r i t io n . We feel that not only must we continue to id e n t i f y the health de fects and even i n t e n s i f y t h i s id e n t i f i c a t io n process, but there a lso needs to be an educational process to teach the Native Hawaiian young people how to properly use medical care a v a i la b le , and a ls o the b a s ic health needs.

Th is has been a f a i l u r e in the educational system so fa r . I be lieve t r a d i t io n a l health educational programs have f a i le d . I f t h i s a c t i s to be f u l l y s u c c e s s fu l , a new p ra c t ic a b le and acceptable health education program must be developed that w i l l be a t t r a c t iv e to the Native Hawaiians as well as a l l the young people o f our S ta te . ( B i l l 916, p. 138)

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Social Science Analysis

One o f The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e ' s commitments in the area of e a r ly ch ildhood education has been the Kupulani P ro ject. In i t i a t e d in 1977 a f t e r several years of carefu l study and co n s id e ra t io n , th is comprehensive preschool in te rve n t ion program was o r i g i n a l l y designed to provide f a m i l ie s w ith ed u ca t io n a l/ fam ily support se rv ic e s from the prenatal period through school entry a t age f i v e ( c . f . , Rauch & Hammond, 1977). In p rov id in g c h i ld b i r t h preparation fo r l im ite d number of rural Hawaiian fa m i l ie s , the p ro ject developed a Prenatal Knowledge Sca le designed to t e s t the knowledge leve l of women who p a r t ic ip a te d in the program. As a means o f ge t t in g some in d ic a t io n o f how the performance of p ro ject p a r t ic ip a n t s might compare w ith a wider c r o s s - s e c t io n of the Hawaiian popu lat ion , t h i s t e s t was a lso adm in istered to Kamehameha Schools students who had completed a u n it on b i r t h and pregnancy in an "E x p lo r in g Ch ildhood" course.

The re s u l t s of the above research were reported by The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e ' s O f f ice o f Program Evaluation and P lann ing (1981, No. 81-82:10). While the mean number co rre c t fo r the kupulani p a r t ic ip a n t s (45.3) was s l i g h t l y h igher than th a t o f The Kamehameha Schools students ( 42 .8 ), the d iffe rence was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . A fu rther a n a ly s i s o f t e s t performance accord ing to mastery l e v e l s e s ta b l i sh e d by K u p u la n i 's hea lth p ro fe s s io n a ls i s shown in Table 38. I t can be seen th a t only three out of 77 in d iv id u a l s who were tested (3.9 percent) scored a t the desired mastery leve l suggested by the Kupulani health p r o fe s s io n a ls , while about 60 percent scored a t a s a t i s f a c t o r y le v e l . C le a r ly , there was a considerab le gap between what the health p ro fe s s io n a ls saw as ideal and the performance o f a group of rura l Hawaiian women e n ro lle d in a sp e c ia l iz e d c h i ld b i r t h preparation program and a group of com petit ive ly se lected Hawaiian high school age youth who have had minimal exposure to top ic s re la ted to pregnancy and c h i ld b i r t h . Perhaps these r e s u l t s in d ica te th a t optimal health education of a type intended to prepare fa m i l ie s fo r c h i ld b i r t h i s d i f f i c u l t to accomplish both in a rural s e t t in g w ith " h i g h - r i s k " f a m i l ie s as well as in a h igh school s e t t in g in which the curriculum present ly prov ides but a b r ie f overview.

DISTRIBUTION OF KAMEHAMEHA SCHOOL STUDENTS AND KUPULANI MOTHERS ACROSS THREE PERFORMANCE CRITERION LEVELS ESTABLISHED FOR

KUPULANI'S PRENATAL KNOWLEDGE SCALE

TABLE 38

KUPULANI PROJECT'S CRITERION LEVELS

KAMEHAMEHA SCHOOLS STUDENTS N = 61

Number Percent

KUPULANI MOTHERS N = 16

Number Percent

1. Desired Mastery

(90% or more correc t ) 1 2% 2 12%

2. S a t i s f a c t o r yMastery

(75% - 90% correct ) 35 57% 10 63%

3. Unsati s fa c to ry Mastery

( 7 5 % co rrec t ) 25 41% 4 25%

General Need A rea : Mental Health

Cond it ion 1: Family S t re s s

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Cond it ion Summary

TESTIMONY, SOCIAL INDICATOR DATA, AND SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH SUGGEST A BREAKUP OF MANY TRADITIONAL FAMILY PRACTICES AS WELL AS THE EXISTENCE OF CONDITIONS THAT TEND TO BE STRESSFUL IN TODAY'S WORLD. A PRIME INDICATOR OF FAMILY STRESS I S A DISPROPORTIONATELY HIGH INCIDENCE OF CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT.

P o te n t ia l Educational In te rven t ion s

• Support se rv ice s (e .g . counse lin g ) fo r students from fa m i l ie s in troub le .

• Preventive fam ily l i f e education, designed to prepare to day 's students fo r future ro le s as parents and homemakers.

• Spec ia l home-school programs fo r f a m i l ie s in troub le .

• Interagency c o l la b o ra t io n in address ing the needs o f "m u lt io le problem" fa m i l ie s .

Testimony

While Americans in general have shown in c re a s in g alarm a t breakdowns in fam ily fu n c t ion in g and togetherness, Hawaiians, too, have beenconcerned w ith changes in th e ir t r a d i t i o n a l fam ily systems. For example, the Alu Like o rgan iza t ion , a community based n o n -p ro f i t advocate fo r Hawaiian so c ia l and economic s e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y , has noted the overwhelming impact o f the breakdown of the ‘Ohana, ' the extended fam ily system, onHawaiians ( e . g . , in E Alu Like Mai Kakou E Na 'o iw i 0 H a w a i ' i ). Others,meanwhile, have focused ōn tfie negative impact oT di srupted fam ilyfu n c t io n in g on educational outcomes. The L i l iu o k a la n i T ru s t (LT ), fo r in stance , has been p a r t i c u la r ly concerned w ith fam ily l i f e and i t s im p l ic a t io n s fo r adjustment in to d a y 's world, as the fo l lo w in g comments from LT rep re sen ta t ive s in d ica te :

Every day my s t a f f face the f r u s t r a t io n s of a s s i s t i n g ch ild ren and fa m i l ie s to cope with the com p lex it ie s o f modern day soc ie ty w ithout the ba s ic s th a t only a re levant

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rr

education can provide. One th a t provides not only the necessary academics, but a lso i n s t i l l s a sense of pride and d ig n i t y in one 's c u ltu ra l heritage.

Because we are a c h i ld welfare agency, we see the impact o f m u lt ip le lo s se s faced by the Hawaiian people, the so c ia l breakdown of the ch i ld ren and fa m i l ie s . I cannot s t r e s s enough th a t t h i s breakdown i s co rre la te d w ith the educational needs of our ch i ld ren and adu lts which can only be met adequately through specia l a s s i s t a n c e .

Our agency has had to develop special programs to meet t h i s need of our ch i ld re n . Often the s t a f f feel disheartened because they know that w ith our l im ite d funds, we can a s s i s t on ly the t i p o f the iceberg (Mai ia Craver, B i l l 916, pg. 107).

Q uest ion : How many years do you th ink i t w i l l be beforeyour department can report the s t a t i s t i c s on Hawaiians are pretty much averaged out, or a t l e a s t no worse than other races?Answer: I r e a l ly d on 't know. By counse ling we hope toa s s i s t f a m i l ie s to become more independent and to make them feel good about themselves. T h a t 's what theL i l iu o k a la n i T ru s t i s doing r igh t now. They 're u s in g some o f the o ld cu ltu ra l p ra c t ic e s to so lve fam ily problems by working w ith in the to ta l fam ily , or by b r in g in g in a respected o u ts id e r i f h o s t i l i t i e s are too strong.

I t ' s through the group process of u s ing the fam ily s tre n gth , and fam ily know-how to zero in on i t s own problems. Th is c o n tra st s w ith having counselors s i t down with the parents, then the k id s and then the school people, and so forth.

The fam ily method i s a very o ld method and i t works. L i l iu o k a la n i T rust te s t s show th a t f a m i l ie s th a t use i t so lve problems a l o t fa s te r . Now they are go ing to t ry to use the same method with non-Hawaiian fa m i l ie s and have a comparison. I f t h i s pans out as we hope, then I can say th a t w ith in f iv e years we can see some p o ss ib le drop in w elfare loads ge n e ra l ly , and in the Hawaiian load ( In te rv iew w ith Myron Thompson, Honolulu S ta r B u l le t in August 24, 1972).

Among educators, meanwhile, a range of concerns re la ted to fam ily l i f esuch as fam ily dynamics, c h i ld abuse, and l i f e s t y l e changes have beenra ised :

. . . there was a day I remember when I , rather thanteaching remedial s k i l l s , went in to j u s t a rap se ss io n .Many of them need t h i s because they are not able to ta lki t out w ith t h e i r parents, and not being ab le to have cou n se lin g se rv ice s a v a i la b le to them. I fe e l, because I 'm a mother of s i x c h i ld re n , and a homemaker, th a t I can communicate w ith them (Donna Kapu, B i l l 916, pg. 144).

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There i s a l o t o f unreported c h i ld abuse (Henning, 1978a).

Today, we f ind Hawaiians a t a crossroads in s t r u g g l in g to e x i s t as a people. They have l i v e d through var ious s tages of Rule, th a t of the R u lin g C h ie f ' s , Europeans and now the United S ta te s o f America.

The in f luence of the Western cu ltu re , laws, impacted the Hawaiian l i f e s t y l e and p rac t ice s o f the fam ily . In tu rn , t h i s caused the degeneration of fam ily . . . .(Kamahana, NHSC Testimony, 1982).

Social Indicator Data

The 0 - 3 needs assessment conducted by the O f f ic e o f Program Eva luation and P lann ing (1980, Report No. 80-81: 26) included ana n a ly s i s of the extent o f c h i ld abuse and neg lect among Hawaiians as a key in d ic a to r o f fam ily s t re s s .

Table 39 o f fe r s a ta b u la t io n of abuse and neg lect s t a t i s t i c s from 1975 through 1979 fo r seven d i f fe r e n t ethn ic groups in the State of Hawaii. In general, i t can be seen that Hawaiians accounted fo r nearly o n e -th ird o f confirmed abuse and neg lec t cases during the years1 975-1 977. More recen t ly , however, t h i s percentage has dropped c lo se r t o one-fourth as the incidence of confirmed abuse and neg lect cases among r a c ia l m ixtures other than part-Haw aiian has climbed d ra m at ica l ly . (N .b . , a u t h o r i t ie s i n s i s t th a t there were no d e f in i t io n changes; however, s o l i c i t a t i o n of e th n ic i ty in form ation does depend upon the in te rv iew s of soc ia l workers sent to confirm reported cases of abuse and n e g le c t . )

F igure 30 shows g r a p h ic a l ly how Hawaiians compare to other ethnic groups in the s ta te in terms of the abso lu te numbers o f confirmed c h i ld abuse and neg lec t cases. The marked increase in cases fo r persons of "mixed" e thn ic background ( a l l m ixtures exclud ing part-H aw aiian ) i s a phenomenon th a t i s s t i l l not understood in terms of the underly ingfac to rs a s so c ia te d with the steep climb shown. Moreover, i t i s not knowni f the dec line fo r Hawaiians represents a downward trend or a dip in a ge n era lly r i s i n g se r ie s .

Social Science Analysis

Several recent reports regard ing c h i ld abuse and neg lect in the S ta te o f Hawaii have examined rates o f occurrence w ith in d i f fe r e n t ethnic groups. For example, Dubanoski and Snyder (1980) contrasted abuse andneg lect among Japanese in Hawaii w ith th a t among Samoans, andsubsequently, Dubanoski ( in p ress) considered c i v i l i a n Caucasians and Hawaiians. Table 40 summarizes the general f in d in g s o f these two reports in terms of the actual occurrence of abuse and neg lect over a s p e c i f ic time span as contrasted with the incidence th a t would be expected on the b a s is of percentage representation in the general population.

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TABLE 39CONFIRMED CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT BY ETHNICITY OF VICTIM, 1975-1979

ETHNICITY OF VICTIMS

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979ABUSE Z NEGLEC1 Z ABUSE Z NEGLECT Z ABUSE Z NEGLECT I ABUSE Z NEGLEC1 Z ABU SI Z NEGLECT Z

Hawaiian 70 26.7 47 29.2 142 36.3 68 28. C 171 31.0 95 32.8 199 27.0 84 22.6 160 22.4 69 17.4

Caucasian 66 25.2 60 37.3 78 19.9 80 32. S 137 24.9 94 32.4 168 22.8 104 28.0 150 21.0 131 33.1

Mixed 44 16.8 19 11.8 38 9.7 13 5.: 58 10.5 28 9.7 162 22.0 84 22.6 193 27.8 103 26.0

Samoan 25 9.5 3 1.9 16 4.1 9 3.7 37 6.7 7 2.4 54 7.3 12 3.2 54 7.6 5 1.3

Filipino 14 5.3 15 9.3 33 8.4 17 7. ( 49 8.9 15 5.2 43 5.8 18 4 8 45 6.3 28 7.1

Japanese 2 .8 4 2.5 11 2.8 9 3.7 13 2.4 12 4.1 15 2.0 6 1.6 25 3.5 6 1.5

Other 41 15.6 13 8.1 73 18.7 47 19.: 86 15.6 39 13.4 97 13.1 64 17.2 81 11.4 54 13.6

TOTAL 262 100.0 161 100.0 391 100.0 243 100. c 551 100.0 290 100.0 738 100.0 372 100.0 713 100.0 396 100.0

FIGURE 30

TOTAL NUMBER OF CONFIRMED ABUSE AND NEGLECT CASES, 1975-1979

CONF

IRM

ED

CASE

S CO

NFIR

MED

C

ASE

SOF

CH

ILD

NEGL

ECT

OF

CHIL

D A

BUSE

TABLE 40

INCIDENCE OF CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT IN FOUR ETHNIC GROUPS IN HAWAII

CIVILIANCAUCASIANS

HAWAIIAN/ PART HAWAIIANS JAPANESE SAMOAN

Percent o f State Population 18.9% 19.4% 27% .8%

Total Number o f Confirmed Cases in the State 1 ,498a 1 ,498a 942b 942b

Expected on B a s is o f Per­cent of to ta l Population 283 291 254 8

Actual Number of Cases 243 330 39 61

Percent o f Expected 8 6 .0% 113.0% 15% 763.0%

Total Number of Confirmed Cases in the State 762a 76 2a 533c 533c

Expected on B a s is o f Per­cent o f to ta l Population 144 148 144 4

Actual Number of Cases 243 161 30 19

Percent o f Expected 169.0% 109.0% 2 1% 475.0%

£^Dubanoski, in press for period January 1978 - March 1980. cDubanoski and Snyder, 1980 for period 1976 - 1977. Extrapolated; exact figure not provided in the article.

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- 150 -

The data in Table 40 reveal th a t c h i ld abuse and neg lect, a t l e a s t as Western so c ie ty de fines i t , occurs a t an extremely high rate among Samoans l i v i n g in Hawaii. The percent o f expected f ig u re s shown may be in f la t e d somewhat due to the fa c t that the Samoan populat ion i s d i f f i c u l t to estim ate in terms of i t s s iz e ; neverthe less, i t i s c le a r th a t c h i ld management which i s reportab le and confirmable as c h i ld abuse and neg lect occurs a t a much h igher rate per cap ita among Samoans than among other major e thn ic groups in the sta te .

Hawaiians, meanwhile, show a somewhat h igher leve l o f abuse and neg lect than m ight be expected on the b a s is o f t h e i r rep re sen ta t ion in the general popu lat ion. However, as in the case of some of the physica l health areas reviewed under th a t general need heading, i t can be seen th a t p a r t of the reason Hawaiians may surface as one of the primary " in -need" groups in the area o f c h i ld abuse and neg lect could be due to co n tra st e f fe c t s w ith other groups in the s ta te . In t h i s case, fo r example, the incidence of abuse and neg lec t i s apparently extremely l im ite d among Japanese as contrasted w ith other groups.

Dubanoski ( i n p ress) a lso conducted an a n a ly s i s of the records kept by so c ia l workers from confirm ation in terv iew s w ith fa m il ie s who had been reported to C h i ld P ro te c t ive Se rv ice s as abusers or n eg lec te rs . In most cases so c ia l workers recorded what seemed to them to be the key fa c to rs assoc ia te d with the in d iv id u a l in stances o f abuse or neg lec t. For example, Table 41 provides a ta b u la t io n of s i x general types o f fam ily s t re s s th a t so c ia l workers found to e x i s t in fa m il ie s in which abuse or neg lect occurred. Thus, with Hawaiians " fam ily d isco rd " was considered a fa c to r in 40 percent o f the 330 abuse cases th a t were confirmed, while " i n s u f f i c i e n t income" was considered a fa c to r in 37 percent of the 161 neg lect cases.

Further a n a ly s i s o f so c ia l worker confirm ation in terv iew records i s offered in Table 42. In t h i s case i t can be seen t h a t " l o s s o f c o n t ro l " and " l a c k of to le ran ce " were personal fa c to r s in almost h a lf o f the in stances o f confirmed abuse among Hawaiians. With neg lect, meanwhile, a h is to ry o f abuse was found in 13 percent of the cases. In both the ana lyses o f s t r e s s fa c to r s as well as those o f personal fa c to r s i t i s obvious th a t more than one fa c to r was included fo r many fa m i l ie s . In sho rt, i t i s c l e a r th a t Hawaiian fa m i l ie s who become invo lved in cases o f abuse or n eg lec t that eventua lly get confirmed by the S ta te o f Hawaii are b y -an d - la rge "m ultiproblem " fa m i l ie s .

F in a l l y , the is su e of abuse as viewed from a c u ltu ra l standpo in t hasreceived some comment recently . For example, Korbin (1981) addressedmany of the is su e s w ith respect to cu ltu ra l fa c to r s a s so c ia te d w ith abuse and neg lect. As part of t h i s e f f o r t R itc h ie and R itc h ie (1981) analyzed abuse among contemporary Po lynes ians. Their ba s ic po int was that Polynesians do in fa c t tend to account fo r a d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly high percentage of in stances of c h i ld abuse and neg lect in the communities in which they l i v e . In p a r t i c u la r they provided evidence from the M aoris in New Zealand and the Hawaiians in the S ta te of Hawaii. From th e irv iewpoint, g iven a strong an th ropo log ica l background, they considered modern day abuse and neg lect to be due to a general breakdown int r a d i t io n a l c h i ld r e a r in g patterns, a trend a t t r ib u ta b le la r g e ly to W estern ization and urban ization.

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TABLE 41STRESS FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH CONFIRMED CASES OF ABUSE AND NEGLECT

AMONG CAUCASIANS AND HAWAIIANS, 1978-1980

Some cases have more than one stress factor; percents do not total 100%.

SOURCE: Dubanoski, in press, p. 22.

CAUCASIANS HAWAIIANSABUSE NEGLECT ABUSE NEGLECT

NUMBER OF CONFIRMED CASES 243

Number Percent243

Number Percent330

Number Percent161

Number PercentBroken Family 73 30% 98 40% 82 25% 52 32%

Family D iscord 72 30% 45 19% 132 40% 31% 19%

New Baby/ Continuous Care 44 18% 68 30% 87 26% 54 34%

Recent Re locat ion / Soc ia l I s o la t io n 41 17% 89 37% 39 12% 28 17%

In s u f f i c ie n tIncome 33 14% 44 18% 66 20% 59 37%

InadequateHousing 10 4% 34 14% 25 8% 19 12%

U n c la s s i f ie d 104 43% 70 29% 98 30% 38 24%

TOTAL* 377 448 529 281

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TABL1: 42

PERSONAL FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH CONFIRMED CASES OF ABUSE AND NEGLECT AMONG CAUCASIANS AND HAWAIIANS, 1978-1980

*Some cases have more than one personal factor; percents do not total 100%.

SOURCE: Dubanoski, in press, p. 22.

CAUCASIANS ABUSE NEGLECT

HAWAIIANS ABUSE NEGLECT

NUMBER OF CONFIRMED CASES 243

Number Percent243

Number Percent330

Number Percent161

Number PercentAbuse H is to ry 27 11% 12 5% 75 23% 21 13%Spouse Abuse 30 12% 7 O of O /0 65 20% 15 9%Normal D i s c ip l in e 30 12% 11 5% 62 19% 7 4%

Loss o f Control 87 36% 9 4% 158 48% 13 8%

Lack of Tolerance 96 40% 15 6% 163 49% 18 11%

Mental Health Problem 52 21% 51 21% 54 16% 17 11%

A1cohol/Drug Dependence 50 21% 48 20% 51 15% 17 11%

Mental Retardation 8 3% 1 < 1% 7 2% 6 4%

Physica l Handicap 0 0 13 5% 0 0 11 7%

P o lice /C ou rt Record 8 3% 11 5% 21 6% 13 8%

TOTAL* 388 178 656 138

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S p e c i f i c a l l y , they ventured the opinion th a t parts o f t r a d i t io n a lPo lynesian so c ia l systems s t i l l e x i s t today (e . g . , s i b l i n g care tak ing ,a l lo w in g young ch i ld ren su b sta n t ia l independence, e t c . ) ; however, these remnants tend to su rv ive , in many cases ( e . g . , in urban s e t t in g s ) , under con d it ion s in which key elements o f the t r a d i t io n a l overa ll c h i ld rear in gsystem are m iss in g . The re su lt s o f a p a r t ia l p reservation of t r a d i t io n a lso c ia l forms and fam ily systems, they cla im, are fam ily s t re s s , depression , and other maladaptive outcomes such as c h i ld abuse.

One example used to i l l u s t r a t e th e i r point i s th a t o f a c h i ld who i sl e f t to care fo r a younger s i b l i n g . In a t r a d i t io n a l s e t t in g adu lt a s s is ta n c e i s ge n era lly c lose a t hand, and in most cases i s very l i k e l y to be a member of the extended fam ily . Thus, should there be an emergency, the s i b l i n g has adequate resources on which to lean. In an urban s e t t in g , however, not only i s the general environment, in c lu d in g the housing, more dangerous fo r a young ca reg ive r and h is or her charge, but ad u lt a s s is t a n c e from extended fam ily members may be m ile s away and u n ava i lab le in an emergency. The fo l low in g b r ie f comment summarizes the R i t c h ie s ' (1981) proposed educational so lu t io n w ith respect to c h i ld abuse:

To us i t seems th a t a strong hope l i e s in recon stru ct ion . We be lieve th a t the Polynesian heritage re s t s upon Polynesian c h i ld rearing. We be lieve th a t a consc ious and d e lib e ra te conservation o f th a t pattern would prevent c h i ld abuse. We know of in t a c t New Zealand Maori communities, o ld enclaves around which wider communities have grown. Within these communities c h i ld abuse i s as unthinkable as i t ever was. The f i r s t step in recon stru c t in g a v ia b le urban equ iva len t i s fo r Po lynesians to recogn ize the s a l i e n t features o f t h e i r c h i ld - r e a r in g system so th a t they know what to protect.Time and again , when we have to ld Polynesian groups our a n a ly s i s of the major fea tures of th e ir c h i ld - r e a r in g s t y le , they have sa id ye s, th a t i s how t h e i r ch ildhood was; they recognize the pattern, they remember how nice i twas. But in a l l the d is c u s s io n of cu ltu ra l p reservat ionwe have never heard the centra l ro le of c h i ld rearing acknowledged. Instead, the emphasis i s on p reserva t ion of language, community ceremonial f a c i l i t i e s , t r a d i t i o n s , orato ry , and song and dance. A l l these are im portant, but none of them w i l l prevent d iso rga n iz a t io n from reaching down in to the heart o f fam ily r e la t io n s h ip s (pp. 200' - 201 ).

General Need Area: Mental Health

Condition 2: "Fear of Learn ing"/Depress ion

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

YEARS OF SUBORDINATE STATUS IN THEIR OWN HOMELAND HAS APPARENTLY AFFECTED THE PERSONAL ADJUSTMENT OF MANY HAWAIIANS. FOR EXAMPLE, OBSERVERS NOTE "FEAR OF LEARNING" AS WELL AS OTHER INDICATORS OF GENERALIZED DEPRESSION AND WITHDRAWAL.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Support se rv ice s fo r students who experience personal adjustment problems.

Testimony

The concept o f " fe a r o f le a rn in g " was used in d is c u s s io n s of the problems of Native Hawaiians in 1978 when Hawaiians f i r s t sought special educational be n e f its through a Native Hawaiian Education Act. For example, a newspaper account o f Senator Inouye 's testimony h ig h l igh te d t h i s concept:

. . . He [Inouye] s a id federal a s s is ta n c e i s urgently needed to combat ' fe a r o f le a r n in g ' among Hawaiian young peopl e.'They are a l l too often reconc iled to f a i l u r e — a f a i lu r e th a t they have grown to expect, which they be lieve i s i n e v i t a b le , ' Inouye sa id .'Hawaiian leaders have come to re a l iz e that i f th e ir people are to ever gain se lf -d e te rm in a t ion , t h i s fear o f education must f i r s t be overcome1 (Honolulu A d ve rt ise r , May 17, 1978).

Concerns about " fe a r o f le a rn in g " were a lso expressed by several in d iv id u a l s who t e s t i f i e d in hearings f o r Senate B i l l 916. For example, the fo l lo w in g came from Hawaiians as well as non-Hawaiians:

I feel th a t i t [ B i l l 916] i s the most important and c r i t i c a l , and e x c i t in g because i t has the po ten t ia l of addre ss ing the ba s ic cause of a l l o f the negative

- 155 -s t a t i s t i c s that have been quoted in t h i s meeting and in other reports throughout the years.

I t has the po ten tia l o f address ing the b a s ic cause which i s a tremendous fear on the part of too many of us to le a rn . To learn i s to be punished. To learn i s to get hurt, and, therefore, we back o f f . Th is b i l l g iv e s us the potentia l fo r address ing th a t is su e (Myron Thompson, B i l l 916, pg. 86).

The current s i tu a t io n described in Senate b i l l 916--a fear o f le a rn in g among Native Hawaiians— c o n tra st s s t r i k i n g l y w ith th e i r accomplishments when they f i r s t came in contact with formal schoo ling . Their high l i t e r a c y rates then were the envy of other nat ions. This i s an in d ic a t io n th a t le a rn in g i t s e l f i s h ig h ly valued among Hawaiians and th a t what they fear now i s a kind of sch oo l in g that has become more and more i s o la te d from Native Hawaiian communities and le s s and le s s in te r l in k e d w ith Native Hawaiians' broader so c ia l go a ls (Carol Eblen, B i l l 916, pg. 131).

I would l i k e to quote from Senator Inouye 's le t t e r . Ju s t a very, very important statement th a t I thought would be good t h i s morning. He says: " I f Native Hawaiians as agroup are ever to improve t h e i r se lf-esteem and economic o p p o r tu n it ie s , t h i s fear of f a i lu r e must f i r s t be overcome with the help o f programs such as th e se . " And I s t ro n g ly and wholeheartedly agree w ith that statement (Donna Kapu,B i l l 916, pg. 143).

A s l i g h t l y le n g th ie r account was o ffe rred by Byron Cl eel and, aHawaiian language in s t r u c to r from Kauai. He concluded th a t dropping out and a la c k o f in te r e s t in le a rn in g seems to extend even to sub jects that one would expect to be o f high i n t r i n s i c in te r e s t to Native Hawaiians:

Of approximately 55 Hawaiians or pa rt Hawaiians whoe n ro l le d in my Hawaiian language c la s se s at the community c o l le g e during the past 4 ye a rs , 32 e ith e r dropped out w ithout f in i s h in g the c la s s or were otherwise unable tos a t i s f a c t o r i l y complete the course.

Of course, many were d i s i l l u s io n e d when theyd iscovered that being part Hawaiian w asn 't n e c e ssa r i ly much of an advantage when i t came to le a rn in g to speak a language with which they were more u n fam il ia r then theyre a l iz e d . But a dropout rate o f alm ost 60 percent i ss t i l l too high to be ignored.

A lso , these f ig u re s do not include 30 members o f the Kaumualii Hawaiian C iv ic Club who took the course as a group pro ject in 1 976. Although everyone in th a t c la s swas e ith e r Hawaiian or part Hawaiian and had demonstrated an in te r e s t in Hawaiian cu ltu re by jo in in g theo rgan iz a t ion , only h a l f o f the members stayed in the c la s s long enough to even receive c re d it .

In my high school Hawaiian language c la s s ,approximately h a l f of the students are part-Haw aiian.

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Once aga in , there i s a wide va r ie ty of a b i l i t i e s . But there are a lso too many examples of a t t i tu d e s which Senator Inouye descr ibes as complacency, fear o f le a rn in g , and r e c o n c i l ia t io n to f a i lu r e .

I t ' s understandable when students w ith below average a b i l i t y g ive up when t r y in g to keep pace with more able s tudents, but i t i s d ishearten in g to see i n t e l l i g e n t , capable students make only minimal attempts to put in the time and e f f o r t necessary to learn a language which they are t r u ly in te re sted in le a rn in g . I t i s a l s o d ishe arte n in g to see these same students having no p lans fo r what they w i l l be doing a f te r they graduate from high school (Byron Clee land, B i l l 916, pp. 196-1 97).

A connection between an apparent " fe a r o f le a rn in g " and genera lized fe e l in g s of i n f e r i o r i t y , sadness and depression has been hypothesized to underlie the negative s o c ia l , economic, and educational s t a t i s t i c s of Native Hawaiians. For example, Myron Thompson, Trustee of The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s ta te , recen tly o ffered the fo l low in g a n a ly s i s in in terv iew s w ith reporters:

Based on h is experience as a so c ia l worker, tru stee Thompson sa id he be lie ves th a t deeply in gra ine d fe e l in g s of c u l tu ra l i n f e r i o r i t y are p a r t ly re spon s ib le fo r Hawaiian ch i ld ren averag ing below sta te and national norms academ ically.

'S in ce (Capt. James) Cook landed, there have been a l o t o f putdowns fo r Hawaiians, and you s t i l l see the dregs o f i t today. Where does i t get s ta r te d ? At b ir th . In the fa m ily ' (Honolulu S ta r B u l le t in , May 19,1982).

'We Hawaiians are an en igm a,1 says Myron B. Thompson,... 'We are fa sc ina ted by our h is to ry , though much of i t i s nightm arish . We are a compassionate people, f ie r c e ly proud o f our cu ltu ra l h er itage , and we are outraged to see our f r a g i l e physica l s e t t in g — our t ro p ic a l waters, mountains, a i r , f lo r a , and f a u n a -b e in g p o llu te d and trampled to death by c i v i l i a n in -m igran ts , whose numbers have t r ip le d in the past decade.' As a r e s u l t , too many Hawaiians 'have a low s e l f - im a g e , ' Thompson adds. 'Too many function in a constant sta te o f depression. This s ta te o f mental i l l - h e a l t h re su lt s in soc ia l f a i lu r e , delinquency, unemployment, and unrea lized p o t e n t ia l ' (Shaplen, 1982).

Social Science Analysis

In the so c ia l science l i t e r a t u r e the ideas regard ing depression expressed by Hawaiian leaders have been d iscussed in some d e ta i l by

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p sy c h o lo g is t s and p s y c h ia t r i s t s concerned with a phenomenon some ca l l "masked d e p re ss ion ." For example, Hollon (1970) offered the fo l lo w in g conclus ion in h is d isc u s s io n of poor school performance:

Depression in ch i ld ren has received l i t t l e a t te n t io n but i t i s more common than i s genera lly assumed although i t i s often masked by other forms of behavior d isturbance. A number o f ch i ld ren i n i t i a l l y re fe rred fo r p sych o lo g ica l te s t in g because of poor school performance were found upon eva luat ion to be s u f fe r in g underly ing depression which was the true source of th e ir school f a i lu r e (pg. 263).

He a ls o o ffe red the fo l low in g perspectives on symptomology andin tervention :

. . . fea tures which can be best described as depressive are d e f in i t e ly evident in fe e l in g s o f inadequacy, fe e l in g s of w orth le ssn ess, con v ic t ion of re je c t io n by o thers, and g u i l t , a long with h e lp le ssn ess and hopelessness which undermines a l l e f fe c t iv e e f fo r t .

Robert Gould (1965) reports that depression among ado lescents and ch i ld ren i s seen much more often than i s ge n era lly assumed and he considers i t to be much more preva lent than i s evidenced from the l i t e r a t u r e . Typical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f depression described by Gould include l o s s o f in te r e s t in one 's environment and lo s s o f d r ive , fe e l in g s of sadness and emptiness a long with fe e l in g s of lo n e l in e s s , but these may be d isgu ise d under surface behavior or as temper tantrums, boredom, re s t le s sn e s s , re b e l l io u sn e s s , hypochondria, preoccupation and running away (pg. 258).

He continued:

Yet i t i s obvious that where depressive features are themajor source o f the s tu d e n t 's underachievement, v iewing h is problem as merely one of indolence or daydreaming to be d e a lt with by educational techniques, tu to r in g , orexort ion s to greater e f f o r t s w i l l not only be in e f fe c t iv e in improving school performance but w i l l often g ive way to c r i t i c a l , d isapprov ing and demanding a t t i tu d e s on the part of a d u lt s th a t w i l l increase the underly ing depression.For t h i s reason i t i s e s p e c ia l ly important th a t teachersand parents be able to recognize s ig n s o f depression aswell as the fa c t that these can often be camouflaged by other forms o f behavior d isturbance (pg. 259).

The above testimony and so c ia l science a n a ly s i s introduces the notion of s t re s s and depression. Chapter IV o f t h i s report w i l l d is c u s s t h i s in more d e t a i l .

Major Need Category

General Need Area

Condition 3

Specia l Educational Needs

Mental Health

Problems in C h i ld re a r in g

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Condition Summary

CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT, RUNAWAY, AND TESTIMONIAL DATA SUGGEST A DISPROPORTIONATELY HIGH INCIDENCE OF PROBLEMS IN CHILDREARING.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Support se rv ice s or a l te rn a t iv e education fo r youth whose behavior i s considered inappropriate.

• Specia l p a re n t - t ra in in g programs for f a m i l ie s in c o n f l i c t .

• Comprehensive e a r ly ch ildhood education programs during in fancy and/or preschool years.

Testimony

Testimony presented fo r the other cond it ion s under the general needheading "Mental Health" a l l po in t to an area o f mental health se rv ice s th a t i s more preventative than rem ed ia t iona l. That i s , other than theextreme problems found in c e r ta in "multiproblem f a m i l i e s , " the problems of youth whose so c ia l behavior i s c le a r ly " d e v ia n t , " and the problems of youth who are unable to a d ju s t s o c ia l l y / b e h a v io r a l ly to the requirements of a school s e t t in g , there are the problems th a t "average" fa m il ie sencounter during the course o f c h i ld re a r in g . These are not the types o f problems that evoke e x p l i c i t testimony; however, they can be in fe rred from the body of materia l th a t o u t l in e s the "severe" problems w ith in the general purview of mental health. In short, where there i s evidence of " f i r e " - - i . e . , evidence o f su b s ta n t ia l mental health n e e d s - - i t can be assumed that there i s a l s o a need fo r preventative work w ith fa m i l ie sth a t may be on the verge of a major problem or in the e a r ly s tages o f development with respect to l a t e r problems. Thus, a l l testimony re la ted to o the r mental health needs a ls o ap p l ie s to t h i s cond it ion .

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Social Indicator Data

Refer to Condition 1: Family S tre ss fo r data regard ing c h i ld abuseand neg lect.

Social Science Analysis

Mathews and l ion (1980) recently conducted a review of the c l ie n t e leo f Hale K ipa, a home fo r runaways in Honolulu. In presenting t h e i ran a lyses they ou t l ined some of the unique con d it ion s and r e s t r a in t s a sso c ia te d with t h i s p a r t ic u la r so c ia l problem in the Hawaiian context. For example, they described the geographic l im i t a t io n s stemming from the fa c t t h a t Hawaii i s an i s la n d s ta te , the unique c u ltu ra l fa c to r s a t work in many Is la n d f a m i l ie s , the d iv e r s i t y o f fam ily c o n s te l la t io n s to befound in Hawaii, and so fo rth . Their overa ll con c lu s ion , based on the s t a t i s t i c a l ana lyses conducted, was as fo llow s.

The re s u l t s c le a r ly ind ica ted th a t race i s a fa c to r in running patterns. While Caucasian runaways are le s s l i k e l y to become chron ic runaways than other ra c ia l groups in Hawaii, the opposite i s true of Hawaiian or part-Hawaiian runaways. A p o ss ib le exp lanat ion o f t h i s might be that ch i ld ren from Hawaiian fa m i l ie s w ait u n t i l the s i tu a t io n from which they are running becomesunbearable and perhaps beyond redemption, or, a l t e r ­n a t iv e ly , i t might in d ica te th a t the cu ltu ra l a t t i tu d e s w ith in the fam ily a f f e c t the s ta tu s o f and the behavior toward the potentia l chronic runaway. I t could a ls o mean th a t the vast network of extended fam ily and fr iends o f fe r s an a t t r a c t iv e refuge fo r the runaway making m u lt ip le runs e a s ie r , (p. 408)

While Mathews and l io n found evidence that Hawaiians who use Hale Kipa tend to be chronic runaways, the data they reported showed Hawaiians accounting fo r only 17 percent o f a l l runaways served by the f a c i l i t y . Given t h a t Hawaiian schoo l-age youth aged 6 - 1 8 account fo r about 24 percent of the population w ith in t h i s age range (c f . 0E0 Census Update Survey, 1975), t h i s appears to be an underrepresentation with respect to th e ir presence in the general schoo l-age population.

In co n s id e r in g t h i s apparent underrepresentation o f Hawaiians as c l ie n t s o f the temporary sh e lte r , i t does seem--based on general cu ltu ra l c o n s id e r a t io n s - - t h a t Hawaiians who runaway from home would most l i k e l y re ly on fam ily resources rather than on an agency such as Hale Kipa. In fact, having any Hawaiians show up a t such a f a c i l i t y may be testimony to the breakdown in the Hawaiian 1ohana (extended fam ily ) system that has been mentioned elsewhere. In any event, one would be in c l in e d to hypothesize th a t th a t the runaway problem among Hawaiians would not be accu ra te ly gauged by Hale Kipa contact records. In fa c t , Honolulu Po lice Department records fo r ju v e n i le a r re s t s fo r 1981 ( r e f e r to A l ie n a t io n ,

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Cond it ion 1: Crime and Juven ile Delinquency) show th a t Hawaiiansaccounted fo r 44 percent o f the a rre s ts for runaways, the numbers of youth invo lved being a t le a s t twice as high as the numbers a rrested for t h i s o ffense among members of other ethnic groups in the sta te .

This in form ation about runaways from Hawaiian fa m i l ie s serves much the same function as a l l other mental health data. That i s , i t serves as an in d ic a to r th a t fam ily problems/problems in c h i ld re a r in g do e x i s t in Hawaiian f a m i l ie s , and that there may well be a need fo r fam ily l i f e education and other preventative educational in te rven t io n aimed at f a m i l ie s . There has been a trend in the soc ia l sc iences during the past few ye ars towards development o f such programs, and comments from loca l researchers suggest th a t they see a need fo r them. For example, Dubanoski ( in p ress) recen tly o ffered the fo l low in g su gge st ion s in h is a n a ly s i s o f c h i ld abuse and neg lect in Hawaiian f a m i l ie s :

Treatment and prevention programs fo r Hawaiian - Americans should inc lude ce r ta in components important for the sp e c i f i c patterns and determinants o f c h i ld abuse found in th i s cu ltu re . S k i l l s must be developed to handle fam ily l i f e problems th a t may have led to fam ily d isc o rd and spouse abuse [spouse abuse was found to c o -e x i s t in 20 percent o f the homes where c h i ld abuse was confirmed]. Support se rv ice s would a lso be important in which tra in ed personnel can o f fe r help and se rv ic e s to develop e f fe c t iv e parent s k i l l s (commonly not found in in d iv id u a l s who were abused as ch i ld ren or in people who frequently use physica l punishment) and to reduce the burden o f continuous c h i ld care which was a problem w ith in the Hawaiian-American group. F in a l ly , programs such as re la x a t io n t r a in in g may be usefu l s ince l o s s o f contro l and la ck o f to lerance contr ibuted s i g n i f i c a n t l y to c h i ld maltreatment in t h i s cu lture .

In d ic a to r s o f the need fo r programs o f the general s o r t described here a ls o came from the O ff ice o f Program Eva luation and P la n n in g 's educational needs assessment on the is la n d of Molokai (1979, Report No.78-79: 36). S p e c i f i c a l l y , one b a r r ie r to educational achievement th a twas id e n t i f ie d was: "The generation gap (age gap) in te r fe re s w ithp a re n t /c h i ld communiction about school l i f e " (p. 44). The recommended in te rve n t io n in t h i s case was: " Increase structured o pp ortu n it ie s forp are n ts /ch i ld re n to communicate about schoo l" (p. 44). In t h i s same general ve in , Gallim ore, Boggs, and Jordan (1974) reported that Hawaiian parents may not apply much pressure in regards to school work, even though they do value education h ig h ly - -a n d they seem in te re sted in f in d in g out how they can approach problems of absenteeism and i t s r e la t io n s h ip to f a i l i n g to f i n i s h high schoo l:

. . . w h ile 91 percent of the adolescents had regu la rchore r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , 67 percent had been or were employed, only h a lf mentioned they experienced parental pressure for good school performance. O bv ious ly , thela c k of p r e s s u r e - - i f our data are accurate --does notr e f l e c t a lack o f in te r e s t or app rec ia t ion fo r the

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be ne fits of education. Indeed, many parents we met inPumehana, who knew o f our research in the sch oo ls , asked s p e c i f i c a l l y fo r advice on how to encourage attendance and insure graduation, (p. 180)

F in a l l y , the surveys conducted in connection w ith the recent e va lu a t ion of The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e ' s Extension Education D iv i s i o n revealed that a key area of in te re s t among potentia l consumers fo r new program development was "Fam ily L i fe Education for Teens." This seems to suggest a general perception among Hawaiians th a t le a rn in g about fam ily l i f e and c h i ld re a r in g in school i s an important educational need area. Community leaders surveyed, on the other hand, were le s s e n t h u s ia s t ic about the potentia l in te r e s t in and need fo r such programs. However, a l l th ings considered, fam ily l i f e education d irec ted a t schoo l- age ado le scents was id e n t i f ie d as a new program type with "High Market P o te n t ia l " (O f f ice of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, 1981, Report No. 80-81: 52).

Major Need Category

General Need Area

Cond it ion 4

Special Educational Needs

Mental Health

Problematic Soc ia l Behavior

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Condition Summary

A DISPROPORTIONATELY HIGH USE OF MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES INDICATES AN APPARENTLY HIGH INCIDENCE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL AND MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Support se rv ice s fo r youth w ith mental hea lth problems.

• Preventive mental health programs designed to reduce the futureincidence of such problems.

• Specia l home-school programs fo r fa m il ie s in which mental healthproblems in te r fe re with educational a c t i v i t i e s .

• In teragency c o l la b o ra t io n in address ing spec ia l fam ily needs.

Testimony

While the general trend among Hawaiians in the area of use of hea lth se rv ice s tends to be towards u n d e ru t i l iz a t io n , testimony from Dr. Denis Mee-Lee, Ch ie f o f the Mental Health D iv i s io n , State of Hawaii Department of Health, in d ic a te s th a t t h i s i s apparently not the case with respect to mental hea lth se rv ice s :

We have been concerned that a good number, in f a c t , a la r g e r proportion o f Hawaiian people andch i ld re n have been seeking mental health se rv ic e s on a per cap ita b a s is than other e thn ic groups. I th ink t h i s aga in speaks, a long w ith other data that has been presented, th a t there are a good number o f so c ia l emotional need problem areas that have not been attended to in the educational system or other aspects of our soc ie ty . ( B i l l 916, p. 135)

Other than t hi s testimony there was 1i t t l e commentary d irecteds p e c i f i c a l l y a t the area of mental health. Of course, many of theproblems th a t might o r d in a r i ly be d iscussed here such as ju v e n i ledelinquency, substance abuse, truancy, school achievement problems,

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school adjustment problems, etc. are covered in other parts o f t h i s report.

The is su e of sexual preferences did come out in a needs assessment Henning (1978c) conducted on M o loka i. S p e c i f i c a l ly , she noted th a t , "There are about nine male and s ix female homosexual students a t the high school a l l o f whom are Hawaiian. Their behavior has caused some problems fo r them and among the student body." With Molokai High School having an enrollm ent of 721, 15 homosexuals whose sexual preferences have created so c ia l problems amounts to about 2 percent o f the student body. C e r ta in ly t h i s seems to be an unusually high percentage, apparently in d ic a t iv e of a presummably lo c a l iz e d problem.

Soc ia l In d ic a to r Data

A p re lim inary review of the knowledge base regard ing Native Hawaiians and t h e i r use o f mental health se rv ic e s sugge sts th a t t h i s has not been a p a r t i c u la r ly popular to p ic fo r in v e s t ig a t io n . In general, the inform ation found tended to be somewhat dated, and with l i t t l e emphasis among the Hawaiian o rga n iz a t io n s on a n a ly s i s of mental hea lth so c ia l in d ic a to r data. The A lu L ike Needs Assessment (1976), fo r example, d id not inc lude mental hea lth s t a t i s t i c s , and th e i r ongoing work in needs assessmemt has not included anyth ing on mental health s e rv ic e s per se.

Among some of the o lder sources re v ie w e d - -e .g . , Wedge & Abe, 1949; Schmitt, 1956; Kimmich, 1960; En r igh t & Jaeck le , 1963; Katz, Gudeman, and Sanborn, 1966; Gudeman 1967a, 1 967b--there c e r ta in ly d id not appear t o be an overrepresentat ion o f Hawaiians in the S ta te H o sp ita l . However, Kimmich (1960) did note that, "The Japanese have the lowest admission rate to the h o s p it a l , while the Caucasian, F i l i p i n o , Hawaiian and Other Races c a te go r ie s have admission rates cons iderab ly above the A l l Races f i gure. "

The most recent study reviewed came from Mebane, Kamahele, and Carpenter (1976). They d id a three month a n a ly s i s o f adm iss ions to the H ilo Counse ling Center in the F a l l o f 1974. Table 43 prov ides se lected data from t h e i r report, a long with the admission rates to the State H osp ita l from Gudeman 1967a. I t can be seen that Caucasians were overrepresented as c l i e n t s a t the H i lo center, while Japanese were underrepresented. Hawaiians, meanwhile, were served in p roportion to th e i r represen ta t ion in the popu lation of the area.

O vera ll, t h i s appears to be an area in which further in v e s t ig a t io n i s needed.

ADMISSIONS AT HAWAII STATE HOSPITAL AND HILO COUNSELING CENTERBY ETHNIC GROUP

TABLE 43

^Gudeman, 1967.

SOURCE: Mebane, Kamahele & Carpenter; 1976; Figure 1, p. 46,

HAWAII STATE HOSPITAL1HILO COUNSELING CENTER SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER 1974

ETHNIC GROUP % OF TOTAL ADMISSIONS% OF BIG ISLAND

POPULATION% OF TOTAL ADMISSIONS

Whites 39%

Portuguese32% 20%

10%

Part Hawaiian 12% 21%

Hawai ian 3%22%

.5%

Japanese 30% 38% 15%

Chinese 4% 1%

Fi l ip i no 13% 10% 5.9%

Others 6% 7.6%

General Need Area: Mental Health

Condition 5: School Behavior Problems

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

TESTIMONY AND SOCIAL INDICATOR DATA SUGGEST A DISPROPORTIONATELY HIGH INCIDENCE OF SCHOOL ADJUSTMENT PROBLEMS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Support se rv ice s and/or a l te rn a t iv e education fo r students whose behavior i s considered unacceptable.

• School mental hea lth programs, in c lu d in g school-home programs, designed to prevent and/or t re a t var ious behavior problems.

Testimony

The mental hea lth needs most d i re c t ly re la ted to education are those of ch i ld re n whose in -schoo l behavior has proved ex ce p t io n a l ly problematic. In general, i t appears that Hawaiian youngsters areoverrepresented in the group o f schoo l-age youth whose behavior requ ire sa formal re fe r ra l fo r se rv ice s or some other formal re cogn it io n of aproblem s i t u a t io n . Testim onial statements regard ing t h i s se t of circumstances inc lude the fo l low in g :

Teachers who p a r t ic ip a te d in a study that fo llowed 1,000 ch ild ren found th a t Hawaiian ch i ld ren ranked high in inc idences o f achievement and behavioral problems. Included in the l a t t e r are problems such as i n a b i l i t y to s i t s t i l l in c l a s s , uncontro lled emotions, markedi n a b i l i t y to concentrate, extreme i r r i t a b i l i t y , unusual fear and anx ie ty , and other behaviors r e f le c t iv e of a la ck of se lf -co n f id e n ce (Carol Eblen, B i l l 916, pg. 131).

. . . the th i r d area i s j u s t re-echoing what has been sa id in previous testimony in regard to the mental health needs of our young people. The c u ltu ra l c la she s have re su lted in a c t in g out behavior, unacceptable behavior, th a t has in many in stances destroyed the educational o pp ortu n it ie s of Native Hawaiian young people (Marion Hanlon, B i l l 916, pg. 138).

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Extracted data from the DOE 1976 Ethnic and Language Survey, show that Hawaiian and Part-Hawaiian m iddle-grade students need se rv ic e s . These students have high rates o f suspension, expu ls ion s , court r e f e r r a l s , and d iscontinuous specia l education s e rv ic e s (Myron Thompson, B i l l 857, p. 187). . . .

Accord ing to the 1976-77 s t a t i s t i c s provided by the Law Enforcement A s s is ta n ce Adm in istra t ion o f f i c e , 30 percent of those suspended from school in the Hawaii i s la n d school d i s t r i c t are Hawaiian and Part-Hawaiian. That means on th i s i s la n d (George Kahumoku, B i l l 857, p. 30).

The reasons Hawaiian ch i ld ren were admitted to our preschool a lso r e f le c t the pressures and s t re sse s to which Hawaiians have been subjected fo r several generat ions. Over a th ird o f the Hawaiian ch i ld ren were e n ro l le d fo r so c ia l adjustment reasons. Some 18 percent o f the Hawaiian ch i ld ren were en ro lled because of emotional disturbance (Joan Bristow , B i l l 857, p. 113).

A d d it iona l comments in t h i s regard pointed up the opin ion that behavior problems in school may be a t t r ib u ta b le in la rg e part to d i s c ip l in e problems in the schoo ls.

D i s c ip l in e i s not c o n s is te n t ; there i s no in d ic a t io n to students th a t anyone cares (Henning, 1978a).

F a i r and s tab le d i s c ip l in e i s needed (Henning, 1978b).

Because t h i s area i s one in which the search process d id not produce a g reat deal of in form ation, t h i s need cond it ion may need further in v e s t ig a t io n in the future.

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General Need Area: A lie n a t io n

Condition 1: Crime and Juven ile Delinquency

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

SOCIAL INDICATOR AND TESTIMONIAL DATA SUGGEST THAT CRIME AND JUVENILE DELINQUENCY I S A MAJOR SOCIAL PROBLEM WITH RESPECT TO HAWAIIANS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Preventive, schoo l-based " p re -de liquen t" programs.

• Support se rv ice s and/or a l te rn a t iv e education fo r youth invo lvedin cr im ina l a c t iv i t y .

• Interagency c o l la b o ra t io n with respect to crime prevention and c o n t r o l .

Testimony

Crime and ju v e n i le delinquency are often c ite d as outcomes of an inadequate or in e f fe c t iv e school system; frequently a long with other in d ic a to r s of genera lized " a l ie n a t io n " among Hawaiians. Stewart (1980), fo r example, described var ious a l ie n a t io n in d ice s for a s i n g l e "h igh r i s k " Hawaiian community, Waianae, as fo l low s:

One se t o f a l t e rn a t iv e s to the f a i l i n g school system i s , of course, crime, w elfare and s u i c id e - - in d i c a t o r s in which the Waianae area leads the s ta te . According to the students themselves, some 80 percent o f them use drugs, mainly lo c a l "p a k a lo lo " (m arijuana). Nearly one of every f iv e Waianae youth i s arrested a t l e a s t once, the h ighest rate in the sta te .And the pregnancy rate fo r Waianae g i r l s i s nearly 50 percent higher than fo r the i s la n d as a whole.S im i l a r l y , in fa n t m o rta l i ty ra te s are a ls o about 50 percent h igher. (Hawaii Tribune Herald, May 1, 1980)

Speaking more s p e c i f i c a l l y to crime, Kanahele (1982) noted th a t the bottom -line i s in d ispu tab le : Hawaiians are ex te ns ive ly invo lved in arange of c r im ina l a c t i v i t i e s . H is b r ie f summary of the s i t u a t io n was as fo l low s:

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The evidence i s com pelling: Hawaiians are morethan h a l f of the population of the State youth co rre c t io n f a c i l i t y , almost h a l f o f the re s id e n ts in ad u lt co rrec t ion a l f a c i l i t i e s , and a high percentage of those on paro le. They a lso lead a l l other ethnic groups in se r iou s crimes committed and a r re s t s in proportion to th e i r percentage o f the population, (p. 22 )

R e s p o n s ib i l i t y fo r preventing crime and fo r tu rn ing around current crime trends among Hawaiian youth has been ass igned to var ious segments of the community over the years. According to some Hawaiians blame and/or e f fe c t iv e in te rven tion with respect to crime and ju v e n i le delinquency among Hawaiian youth l i e s w ith the schoo ls. George Kahumoku, for example, i s one who be lieves the schoo ls must take r e s p o n s ib i l i t y fo r ju v e n i le delinquency:

Educators are ge nera lly the f i r s t to defend th a t pub lic schoo ls are l im ite d by the funct ion s mandated to them. They reason that schoo ls cannot assume a l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s in the best in te r e s t o f a l l ch i ld re n .Native Hawaiians are faced with t h i s question: I f thedepartment o f education cannot assume the r e s p o n s ib i l i t y of the native Hawaiian ju v e n i le de liquents, who does--the co u rts?

The Honorable David L. Basel on, 1970, responds best to t h i s is su e :

The b a t t le a g a in s t crime c a n 't p o s s ib ly be won in court, even, in the most enlightened court . . . the name of the game i s prevention and t h a t ' s a job fo r the in s t i t u t io n s in the community that can help ch i ld ren w ithout s t i g ­m at iz ing them, w ithout la b e l in g them d e l in ­quents and sad d l in g them w ith a court record fo r the r e s t of t h e i r l i v e s . . . When a com­munity has a problem with i t s ch i ld re n , the obvious place to turn to i s the school

( B i l l 857, p. 31)

Even i f the schoo ls were to introduce crime prevention e f f o r t s , there remain powerful in f lue nces from circumstances outs ide of the schoo ls , which educators might hope to in f luence only in d i r e c t ly through a process of broadly-based soc ia l change. Poverty, fo r example, appears to be a key fa c to r from the perspective o f some educators in perpetuating crim ina l a c t iv i t y . This po in t was made by several teachers interviewed by Henning (1978) when she conducted her educational needs assessment on the Leeward area of Oahu. Their pointed observations were as fo l lo w s:

• Marijuana i s an important cash crop.

• Many youth are invo lved w ith the synd icate . I t ' s one of the few options to not enough le g it im a te job s, t r y in g to l i v e on w elfare , etc.

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A c t i v i t i e s such as the above can often in te r fe re with educational programs in unantic ipa ted ways. For example, the Kamehameha Schoo ls / Bishop E sta te Kupulani p ro ject, a home v i s i t e a r ly education program, recently conducted a consumer s a t i s f a c t io n survey (O f f ic e of Program Eva luation and P lann ing, 1982; Report No. 82-83: 11). One of the reasons c ite d by those who chose to p a r t ic ip a te in the p ro ject as an exp lanation of the re luctance o f some fa m il ie s to become involved was th a t fa m il ie s engaged in " a g r i c u l t u r a l " a c t i v i t i e s w ith marijuana were a f r a id of having o u ts id e rs come to t h e i r homes. U n fo rtu n ate ly , i t i s often these f a m i l ie s , who supplement w elfare payments w ith income from the production and s a le o f i l l i c i t drugs, th a t may be most in need o f educational in te rven t io n p r io r to school entry.

So c ia l In d ic a to r Data

Crime and ju v e n i le delinquency i s an area that lends i t s e l f toa n a ly s i s through examination o f so c ia l in d ic a to r trends. While several works from the 1970s were obtained and reviewed (e . g . , Inkyo, 1974; Quinta l, 1977), the bulk o f the data presented here was drawn from the three most recent reports cu rren t ly a v a i la b le : Alu Like (1977), HawaiiCriminal J u s t ic e In form ation Data Center (1982), and Youth Development and Research Center (1982).

The bottom -line in d ic a to r in the area of crime and delinquency is in ca rc e ra t io n . In t h i s area Hawaiians are s u b s t a n t ia l l y overrepresented in comparison to other ethnic groups as the data presented in Table 44 suggest. I t can be seen th a t the degree of overrepresentat ion var ie ssomewhat across age le v e l s , w ith the peak a t 66 percent of the 40 - 44 year o ld fe lons sentenced fo r a year or more. The overa ll 46.6 percent f ig u re o ffered here as of January 1 , 1977 i s s l i g h t l y higher than a 39 percent f ig u re quoted by Kanahele (1982), fo r the period ending December 31, 1981. Neverthe less, the po int remains the same: while Hawaiiansco n s t i tu te nearly o n e - f i f t h o f the general popu lation; they account for 40 to 50 percent of incarcerated ad u lts .

A s im i la r a n a ly s i s w ith respect to ju v e n i le s ass igned to co rrec t ion a l f a c i l i t i e s shows th a t the above pattern i s even more pronounced among schoo l-aged youth. Table 45 o f fe r s f ig u re s from 1972-1 973 drawn from Inkyo (1974). Although State population f ig u re s were s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f fe re n t from more recent ta b u la t io n s (due to e thn ic d e f in i t io n s used f o r the 1970 census), and might tend to pa in t a gloomier p ic tu re than a c tu a l ly e x i s t s in te rns of overrepresentat ion, i t i s neverthe less c le a r th a t Hawaiians tend to end up in youth co rrec t ion a l f a c i l i t i e s morefrequently than do members o f other ethnic groups. This trend may even have in t e n s i f ie d over the years: Kanahele (1982) reported th a t Hawaiiansrepresented about 60 percent of the youth co rre c t ion a l popu lat ions as of December 31, 1981. Th is presence contrasted w ith 10 percent fo r O rienta l youth and 7 percent for Caucasians.

In ca rce ra t io n alone i s not an in d ic a to r of school f a i lu r e ; however, a d u lts who do end up se rv in g p r ison sentences t y p i c a l l y have very l im ite d educational backgrounds. For example, Alu Like (1977) reported the

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TABLE 44CURRENT AGE OF ADULTS INCARCERATED IN

CORRECTIONAL FACILITIES* JANUARY 1, 1977

* Felons sentenced for a year or more.

SOURCE: Data generated for Alu Like from a file dated January 1, 1977by State of Hawaii Intake Service Center, Office of Correctional Information and Statistics.

CURRENT AGE HAWAIIAN/PART HAWAIIAN Number I of Total

TOTAL ALL GROUPS

Under 20 24 48.0% 50

20 - 24 48 44.0% 10925 - 29 38 43.2% 88

30 - 34 31 53.4% 58

35 - 39 10 50.0% 20

40 - 44 10 66.7% 15

Over 44 2 14.3% 14

TOTAL 163 46.6% 350

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TABLE 45

ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF JUVENILE RESIDENTS IN CORRECTIONAL FACILITIES /AND PERCENTAGE OF ETHNIC

GROUPS IN STATE OF HAWAII

State of Hawaii, Department of Social Services and Housing, Corrections Division, "Characteristics of Juvenile Residents in Hawaii's Correctional Facilities, Fiscal Year 1972-1973".

21970 census data.

Not listed in 1970 census data.

SOURCE: Inkyo, 1974.

ETHNIC BACKGROUND TOTAL1 I CONFINEDI STATE2

POPULATION

TOTAL 322

Caucasian 26 8.1% 38.8%

Japanese 27 8.4% 28.3%

Part Hawaiian 169 52.5% 9.3%

Hawai ian 1 .3% —

F i l i p i no 17 5.3% 12.2%

Chinese 4 1.2% 6.8%

Portuguese 15 4.7% —

Korean 2 .6% 1.1%

Puerto Rican 25 7.8% —

Negro 6 1.9% 1.0%

Others 30 9.3% 2.4%

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fo l low in g f in d in g s about the fe lons they stud ied:

Almost h a l f (46.6 percent) o f the adu lts incarcerated in p r iso n s are Native Hawaiians. The Hawaiians share the fo l lo w in g c h a r a c te r i s t ic s w ith the other p r isoners in that most are under age 35, have not completed high school (69.3 percent of the Hawaiians did not graduate), have alcohol and drug abuse problems, are s k i l l e d or u n s k i l le d la b o re r s , and were unemployed or employed on a seasonal or part-t im e b a s is before being committed.

More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t was noted that:

. . . 203 o f the 350 to ta l number o f o ffendersincarcerated d id not graduate from high schoo l; 113,or 55.7 per cent of those that did not f i n i s h high school are Hawaiian. Of these 113 Hawaiians, on ly 39 completed some high school (grades 10 and 11). (AluL ike, 1977)

In sho rt , the p r ison populat ion c o n s is t s l a r g e ly o f high schooldropouts (about 60 percent), the m ajority of whom are Hawaiian. TheseHawaiians c o n s t i tu te about o n e -th ird of the pr ison population (32percent), w h ile the Hawaiians with le s s than a 10th grade education account fo r 11 percent of the p r ison inmates.

The employment h i s t o r ie s and s k i l l s o f imprisoned Hawaiian fe lonstend to be very l im ited . For example, of the 83 Hawaiian inmates who reported t h e i r p re - in ca rc e ra t io n employment, 62 (75 percent) reportedbeing "Unemployed" or "S e a so n a l/P a r t - t im e . " In terms of occupationalc la s s , meanwhile, 52 out 81 (64%) reported t h e i r occupational leve l as"U n s k i l le d . " Both of these f in d in g s , combined w ith the fe lony c o n v ic t io n s , blend together to create a p ic ture of " la c k o fs e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y " ( c . f . , A lu L ike, 1977). A s im i l a r pattern of l i f eoutcomes was reported fo r Hawaiian paro lees, a group numbering 150 a t the time the study was conducted. For in stance, o n e -th ird of t h i s group reported being unemployed, and one -th ird reported seasonal or part-t im e empl oyment.

A rre s t p a t te rn s . A po int that has frequently been emphasized with respect to a r re s t patterns i s tha t Hawaiians co n s t itu te a much sm alle r percentage of a r r e s t s than they do of convicted c r im in a ls . The im p l ic a t io n often voiced in response to t h i s f a c t i s th a t Hawaiians are e ith e r unable to defend themselves properly (by spending la rg e sums on good a t to rn e ys ) , or they may be v ic t im s of a system th a t e f f e c t iv e ly works a g a in s t them.

Table 46 shows the breakdown of both the to ta l population as well as of a l l in d iv id u a l s , in c lu d in g a d u lts and ju v e n i le s , a rrested during 1981. The o ve ra l l population f ig u re s used here d i f f e r somewhat from 1980 census data ( in which Hawaiians = 11.9 percent o f the to ta l populat ion) as well as from Hawaii Health S u rv e i l la n c e Data ( in which Hawaiians = 18.9

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TABLE 46

POPULATION AND ARRESTS AS A PERCENTAGE OF ETHNIC STOCK STATE OF HAWAII, 1981, ADULTS AND JUVENILES

Percentages may not to ta l 100 due to rounding,

1Population figures from State of Hawaii, Department of Planning & Economic Development. By self-identification or race of mother. Data are not comparable to Health Surveillance Program tabulations used in previous years' reports.

SOURCE: Hawaii Criminal Justice Information Data Center, 1982.

POPULATION1 ARRESTS

Number Percent Number Percent

Caucasian 318,770 33.0% 13,110 35.3%

Negro 17,364 1.8% 1,506 4.1%

Indian (American) 2,655 .3% 10

Chi nese 56,285 5.8% 691 1.9%

Japanese 239,748 24.9% 2,871 7.7%

Fil i pi no 133,940 13.9% 3,966 10.7%

Samoan 14,073 1.5% 1,507 4.1%

Korean 17,962 1.9% 512 1.4%

Hawai ian/Part Hawaiian 115,500 12.0% 8,551 23.0%

Other 48,394 5.0% 4,408 11.9%

TOTAL 964,691 100.0% 37,132 100.0%

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percent o f the to ta l popu la t ion ). However, re ga rd le ss o f the percentage of to ta l popu lat ion used in e va lu a t in g the degree of overrepresentat ion o f Hawaiians among a r r e s t s in 1981, i t i s c le a r th a t 23 percent o f the a rre s t s i s about one -ha lf the f ig u re quoted fo r percentage representation o f Hawaiians in co rre c t ion a l f a c i l i t i e s (46.6 percent o f incarcerated ad u lts were Hawaiians as o f January 1 , 1 977). There i s a l s o no question th a t Hawaiians are one o f the groups in Hawaii th a t i s overrepresented among those arrested.

As might be expected from the number o f Hawaiians ass igned to youth co rrec t ion a l f a c i l i t i e s as considered above, a rre st rates among ju v e n i le s are markedly h igher fo r Hawaiians than fo r youth of other ethnic backgrounds. Table 47 o f fe r s a recent ta bu la t ion o f ju v e n i le a r re s t trends from 1973-1980 ( c . f . , Youth Development and Research Center,1982). The in form ation reported in t h i s tab le provides a good example of some of the problems invo lved in de f in in g the Hawaiian group. In th i s case the d e s ign a t ion "Hawaiian" was used during 1973-1979 to in d ica te "pure" Hawaiians, while part-Haw aiians were included in the "A l l Others" group. However, 1980 saw a change in the d e f in i t io n o f Hawaiian as fa r as a r r e s t s t a t i s t i c s are concerned such th a t part-Haw aiians and Hawaiians were considered together under a general "Hawaiian" category. Th is d e f in i t io n change e xp la in s the dramatic change in a r re s t s o f Hawaiian ju v e n i le s in 1980 as contrasted with e a r l ie r ye a rs . As can be seen, grouping of the two ca te go r ie s o f Hawaiians re su lt s in a to ta l number o f a r re s t s th a t c o n s t i tu te s about 40 percent o f a l l ju v e n i le a r r e s t s during 1980.

Types of Crimes. The Hawaii Crim inal J u s t ic e In form ation Data Center m ain ta ins d e ta i le d records o f a r re s t s by ethnic group w ith in the State o f Hawaii. Table 48 inc ludes ta b u la t io n s by t h i s agency fo r 1981. For t h i s report the to ta l number of a r re s t s per crime and the percentage represen tat ion o f Hawaiians fo r each category were a ls o computed and added to the in form ation from the HCJIDC. In general, given that Hawaiian a d u lt s represent about 12.9 percent o f the to ta l a d u lt population age 18 and over (0E0 Census Update Survey, 1975), i t can be seen th a t Hawaiians were overrepresented, in vary ing degrees, fo r a l l crimes except manslaughter, fraud, sex o ffen se s, gambling, o ffenses a g a in st fam ily and c h i ld re n , and drunk d r iv in g . The crimes in which they are most overrepresented, meanwhile, included embezzlement, arson, motor veh ic le t h e f t , and bu rg la ry . O v e ra l l , Hawaiians accounted fo r about 18 percent of a l l ad u lt a r re s t s in the S ta te o f Hawaii during 1981.

A s im i l a r d e ta i le d a n a ly s i s o f ju v e n i le s i s presented in Table 49. In co n tra st to the a d u lt s , Hawaiian ju v e n i le s accounted fo r about 37 percent o f a l l a r re s t s of ju v e n i le s in the State o f Hawaii during 1981. This leve l o f representation can be evaluated a g a in s t the f a c t that Hawaiians aged 6 through 18 account fo r about 24.1 percent o f the to ta l State of Hawaii population in t h i s age range (0E0 Census Update Survey, 1975). Further a n a ly s i s u s ing t h i s benchmark f igu re re v e a ls th a t Hawaiian ju v e n i le s were overrepresented in a r re s t ra te s fo r every category o f crime except murder. In fa c t , Hawaiians accounted for 50 percent or more of the a r re s t s fo r manslaughter, motor veh ic le th e ft , forgery and c o u n te r fe it in g , and o ffenses a g a in s t fam ily and ch i ld re n .

JUVENILE ARRESTS BY ETHNICITY, 1973 - 1980

TABLE 47

SOURCE: Youth Development and Research Center, 1982; p. 12.

1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980tt % tt % tt % tt % tt % tt % tt % tt %

Hawaiian 231 3 247 3 255 3 285 3 248 3 228 3 775 10 3189 40

Caucasian 1446 20 1439 17 1416 17 1494 17 1465 18 1341 18 1126 15 1220 15

F i l ip in o 558 8 722 9 736 9 714 8 601 7 524 7 629 8 724 9

Samoan 269 4 308 4 358 4 473 5 319 4 398 5 429 6 581 7

Japanese 560 8 548 7 512 6 543 6 549 7 440 6 392 5 370 5

Korean 17 -- 19 -- 41 1 64 1 75 1 91 1 79 1 112 1

B1 ack 64 1 61 1 81 1 61 1 72 1 85 1 74 1 96 1

Chinese 84 1 59 1 89 1 114 1 95 1 99 1 77 1 68 1

All Other 3988 55 4838 59 4996 59 4989 57 4749 58 4665 59 3914 52 1645 21

TotalArrests 7217 8241 8484 8737 8173 7871 7495 8005

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-

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TABLE 48RACE OF ADULTS ARRESTED BY OFFENSE

STATE OF HAWAII, 1981

HAWAIIAN I Of

OFFENSE WHITE BLACK INDIAN CHINESE JAPANESE FILIPINO KOREAN SAMOAN OTHER tt Total TOTAL

Murder 16 2 0 0 2 7 0 8 5 11 22% 51

Manslaughter 6 1 1 0 4 0 0 2 1 1 6% 16

Rape 50 17 0 0 4 7 2 10 23 31 22% 144

Robbery 163 42 0 8 38 19 2 54 62 126 25' 514

Aggravated Assault 81 23 1 2 22 41 6 10 29 57 2 IT 272

Burglary 289 29 0 15 51 68 1 28 79 210 21%. 770

Larceny-Theft 1,549 147 0 162 332 447 67 164 349 736 197 3,953

Motor Vehicle Theft 115 16 0 9 22 35 3 14 64 135 337 413

Other Assault 455 47 1 30 53 122 12 83 143 302 24% 1,248

Arson 5 2 0 0 0 4 1 0 8 10 33% 30

Forgery & Counterfei ti ng 31 1 0 1 5 7 0 0 5 12 19% 62

Fraud 287 32 0 5 23 20 3 5 48 54 11% 477

Embezzlement 4 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 1 6 40% 15

Stolen Property 32 4 0 0 4 4 1 2 4 12 19% 63

Vandali sm 189 12 0 6 31 26 5 20 38 111 25% 438

Weapons 175 31 0 11 29 86 3 9 44 82 17% 470

Prosti tution 143 41 0 2 6 19 3 9 38 50 16% 311

Sex Offenses 59 6 0 0 8 13 1 8 9 14 12% 118

Drug Abuse 1,262 161 0 41 209 243 10 40 202 459 17% 2,627

Gambli ng 70 4 r> 44 144 368 18 9 61 65 8% 783

Offenses Against Family & Children 12 4 0 0 0 3 0 0 3 1 4% 23

Driving Under the Influence 1,231 49 0 71 628 199 93 58 220 319 11% 2,868

Liquor Laws 432 41 2 10 56 71 4 22 112 123 14% 873

DisorderlyConduct 429 48 2 18 46 77 25 58 108 232 22% 1,043

Vagrancy 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0% 0

All Other Offenses (Except Traffic) 3,995 624 2 196 650 919 130 349 863 1,650 18% 9,378

Suspicion 94 3 0 0 11 21 0 0 7 51 27% 187

TOTAL 11,174 1,387 9 631 2,381 2,827 390 962 2,526 4,860 18% 27,147

SOURCE: Hawaii Criminal Justice Information Data Center, 1982.

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TABLE 49

RACE OF JUVENILES ARRESTED BY OFFENSE STATE OF HAWAII, 1981

HAWAIIAN

SOURCES: Hawaii Criminal Justice Information Data Center, 1982.

OFFENSE WHITE BLACK INDIAN CHINESE JAPANESE FILIPINO KOREAN SAMOAN OTHER% o f Total TOTAL

Murder 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 3 0 1 20 S

Mansiaughter 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 50 2Rape 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 2 40 5Robbery 13 2 0 0 4 11 0 40 29 63 39", 162Aggravated Assaul t 1 0 0 0 0 3 1 2 7 8 36 22

Burgl ary 194 7 0 0 26 78 7 69 193 421 42 q96

Larceny-Theft 536 43 0 39 214 492 46 192 567 1,008 32, 3,137

Motor Vehicle Theft 48 3 0 0 14 30 3 18 59 196 53" 3 71

Other Assault 76 6 0 1 20 51 14 41 111 229 42' 549

Arson 6 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 9 45" 70

Forgery & Counterfeiting 4 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 6 501 1?

Fraud 6 2 0 1 1 1 1 0 6 15 45": 3?

Embezzlement 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 07' 1

StolenProperty 4 0 0 0 0 7 0 1 4 9 36'. ?5

Vandal ism 45 2 0 1 13 27 0 17 46 88 37". 239

Weapons 2 1 0 0 5 9 1 3 13 21 387 55

Prosti tution 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 9 9 39! .'3

Sex Offenses 3 1 0 1 0 3 0 2 10 8 29' 76Drug Abuse 180 3 0 2 39 55 2 6 113 201 33 601

Gambli ng 2 0 0 1 3 7 0 5 3 17 45"- 38

Offenses Against Family 8. Children 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 6 55 11

Driving Under the Influence 9 0 0 0 6 3 0 0 5 9 287 32

Liquor Laws 52 2 0 1 20 13 2 1 37 44 26 172

Di sorderly Conduct 11 0 0 0 2 4 0 8 13 27 42 63

Vagrancy 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0' 9

All Other Offenses (Except Traffic) 418 30 1 7 67 209 31 86 349 681 36" 1 ,87^

Suspicion 0 0 0 0 0 2 O 0 2 0 0 4

Curfew & Loitering Law Violations 93 2 0 1 35 72 5 11 74 136 32" 429

Runaways 229 14 0 4 21 61 7 33 225 476 447 1,070

TOTAL 1,936 119 1 60 490 1,139 122 545 1,882 3,691 37"- 9,985

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Rates were a ls o high for b u rg la ry , a s s a u l t , arson, fraud, gambi . d iso rd e r ly conduct, and runaways.

F in a l l y , Table 50 shows the f iv e most frequent reasons fo r a r re s t s of Hawaiian a d u lt s and ju v e n i le s during 1981. I t can be seen th a t 1arceny leads both l i s t s by a su b stan t ia l margin, while drug abuse and a s s a u lt are both among the f iv e most frequent reasons fo r a r r e s t s of both ad u lt and juvenile Hawaiians. Bu rg la ry , which ranks th i rd fo r ju v e n i le s , i s number mix for ad u lts . Offenses which are c le a r ly age -re la ted , meanwhile, i n d tide drink d r iv in g fo r adu lts and running away fo r juveniles. The s ix th ranking o ffense fo r ju v e n i le s i s motor veh ic le t're I L

‘ - R e fe r ra ls. R e fe r ra ls to the fam ily couri..~ Vi' uw" violations, . • -oiri instances >n which ju v e n i le s as .

u rupi;;-v is io n , and from , in which ju v e n i le s need s e r v i,,c -Table 51 shows the break down of fam ily court r e fe r ra ls fo r 1976-1 977 as reported by A1 u Like (1977). I t can be seen th a t Hawaiians accounted for about % percent of a l l r e fe r r a l s to the fam ily courts, most r e fe r r a l s bA’nr o connection with law v io la t io n s . Hawaiians in t h i s age range a :count for afoul: 28 percent o f the to ta l s ta te popu lat ion , so the degree of overrepresentation i s f a i r l y su b s t a n t ia l .

Other In d ic a to r s . One in d ic a t io n of longterm committment to crim inal d tv TrT 't’he “sense of one being considered a "career c r im in a l " i s the repeat offense. Hawaiians are quite s tro n g ly represented in t h i s category as the fo l low ing excerpt from Alu Like (1977) su gge sts :

Repeated offenders are those ad u lts cu rren t ly in c a r ­cerated or on paro le who were prev iou s ly committed to j a i l o r to p r ison . A l l are fe lo n s sentenced fo r one year or longer. On January 1, 1977 there were 350 ad u ltsincarcerated and 344 a d u lt s on paro le fo r a to ta l o f 694 o ffenders. Of the 694 t o t a l , 257, or 37.0 per cent, had previously been committed to j a i l or p r ison . There were 313 Native Hawaiians incarcerated and on paro le, of which 41.° per * (129) were repeated offenders. The data indicates , at a s l i g h t l y higher percentage of Hawaiians are repeated o ffenders, 41.2 per cent versus 37.0 per cent of the to ta l population.

To this it might bo added that the 129 repeated offenders who were Hawaiian accounted for 50.2 percent of the to ta l number of repeated offenders in prison and on paro le . In sho rt, when one t a lk s about so called career criminals chances appear to be about 50:50 in the State of Hawaii that such a person would be Hawaiian.

data r e g a r d i n g ad u lts and ju v e n i le s on parole and a d u lt s on probation r ’ l d e ni.•;r.h tiie same p ic tu re in terms of Hawaiian overrepresentat ion as fiu figures on in carce ra t ion . The fo l low in g excerpts from Alu Like

i l ■•'//) summarize the s i tu a t io n :

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TABLE 50THE FIVE MOST FREQUENT REASONS FOR ARRESTS OF HAWAIIAN ADULTS AND JUVENILES, 1981

1Hawaiian adults 18 years and older constitute 12.9 percent of total state population, OEO Census Update Survey 1975.

"Hawaiian juveniles age 6 - 1 8 represent 24.1 percent of total state popu­lation, OEO Census Update Survey 1975.

SOURCE: Based on data from Hawaii Criminal Justice Information Data Center,1982.

NUMBER OF HAWAIIAN ARRESTS

PERCENT OF HAWAIIAN ARRESTS

PERCENT OF ALL ARRESTS

ADULTS1

1. Larceny 736 15% 19%

2. Drug Abuse 459 9% 17%

3. Drunk D r iv in g 319 7% 11%

4. A ssa u lt 302 6% 24%

5. D iso rd e r ly Conduct 232 5% 22%

TOTAL 2,048 42%

JUVENILES2

1. Larceny 1,008 27% 32%

2. Runaways 476 13% 44%

3. B u rg la ry 421 11% 42%

4. A ssa u lt 229 6% 42%

5. Drug Abuse 201 5% 33%

TOTAL 2,335 62%

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TABLE 51

JUVENILES REFERRED TO FAMILY COURT STATE TOTALS, BY TYPE AND SEX JULY 1, 1976 to JUNE 30, 1977

*Made by Police Department, State Agencies, schools, Health and Welfare Agencies.

NOTE: Hawaiians comprise 27.4 percent of the male juveniles and 28.7%of the female juveniles in the State.

SOURCE: Data generated for Alu Like from a file dated June 30, 1977 by the Statistics Division, The Judiciary, State of Hawaii.

TYPE OF REFERRAL* HAWAIIAN/PART HAWAIIAN TOTAL ALL GROUPS

Number I of Total

Total Referrals 1642 38.2% 4294

Male 1135 38.1% 2978

Female 507 38.5% 1316

Law Violations 1120 39.2% 2859

Male 883 38.9% 2269

Female 237 40.2% 590

Needing Supervision 355 36.8% 964

Male 151 35.6% 424

Female 204 37.8% 540

Needing Services 67 40.9% 164

Male 26 35.1% 74

Female 41 45.6% 90

Other Referrals 95 30.9% 307

Male 72 34.1% 211

Female 23 24.0% 96

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• On January 1, 1977 there were a to ta l of 344 a d u ltson paro le, 150, or 43.6 per cent o f which were Native Hawaiians. E igh t- th re e o f the Hawaiians were between the ages o f 20 and 29, and 114 were under age 35. Two were under age 20.

§ Of the 54 to ta l paro lees under age 18 on paro le fromthe Hawaii Youth Correct iona l F a c i l i t y as of September 15, 1977, 25, or 46.3 percent were Hawaiian. TwentyHawaiians were paroled on the i s la n d o f Oahu, 2 are paroled on each of the Counties o f Maui and Hawaii, and one in Kauai County.

• S l i g h t l y more than 1/3 (34.9%) of ad u lts onprobation in January 1977 were Hawaiians, while on ly 13.5 percent of adu lts in the S ta te population are Hawaiians.

Social Science Analysis

The strong representation of Hawaiians among those arrested for var ious crimes and those who are eventua lly incarcerated may have some undesirab le e f fe c t s fo r Hawaiians as a group because of the general a t t i tu d e s o f the c i t iz e n r y regard ing crime. S p e c i f i c a l l y , a statewide survey of re s iden ts in connection w ith the development o f the Hawaii State Plan (Department o f P lanning and Economic Development, 1978) revealed th a t the major concern o f c i t iz e n s in the S ta te i s crime. This ranked above the strong concerns fo r in f l a t io n , high taxes, and high housing co s ts . From the point o f view of the schoo ls and from th a t of Hawaiians as a whole the strong sa l ie n ce o f Hawaiian youth among ju v e n i le s who are arre sted in the S ta te may be of p a r t ic u la r concern in l i g h t of the high v i s i b i l i t y o f crime is su e s l o c a l l y .

Looking more s p e c i f i c a l l y a t the connection between school achievement and cr im ina l involvement, the Youth Development and Research Center a t the U n iv e rs i ty of Hawaii (1982) recently compiled in form ation regard ing the a r r e s t ra tes and Stanford Achievement Test standard ized achievement te s t r e su l t s fo r Oahu's intermediate and high schoo ls . Since t h e i r in te r e s t was in making a connection between poor school achievement and apparent involvement in cr im ina l a c t i v i t y as ind ica ted by a r re s t s t a t i s t i c s , they reported a r r e s t ra tes in rank order a long with the percentage of the student body a t each school who scored "below average" ( i . e . , w ith in the f i r s t three stan ine s) on the national ly-normed SAT. A rre s t data were drawn from the 1980 S t a t i s t i c a l Report of the Honolulu P o lice Department, while t e s t score inform ation from F a l l , 1981 appeared in the Honolulu S ta r B u l le t in (January 21 , 1982).

Table 52 and Table 53 show the re su lt s of the study fo r Oahu's high schoo ls and intermediate schoo ls re sp e c t iv e ly . The general conc lu s ion of the authors was that "the re la t io n sh ip of a r re s t rates and academic achievement (SAT t e s t scores) show a p o s i t iv e c o r re la t io n fo r both intermediate and high sch oo ls " (p. 48). However, they did note several exceptions to the trend in th a t two high schoo ls and one intermediate

COMPARISON OF SAT TEST RESULTS FOR 10TH GRADERS ON BELOW AVERAGE SCORES WITH ARREST RATE OF PUBLIC HIGH SCHOOLS

TABLE 52

S A T S C O R E S

RANKORDER

NUMBER OF ARRESTS

ARRESTRATE*

PERCENTHAWAIIANSIUDENTS

READING# Below

Ranking** Average

ENGLISH# Below

Ranking Average

MATHft Below

Ranking Average

1 . 306 18 41.6% 3 49 1 53 1 49

2 . 306 12 16.6% 2 60 2 51 2 45

3. 192 12 13.5% 13 27 11 24 7 26

4. 199 11 34.3% 10 32 8 29 8 25

5. 135 11 61.8% 1 61 3 50 3 43

6 . 249 10 12.4% 7 35 9 29 11 20

7. 213 10 1 0.1% 8 34 10 27 14 18

8 . 183 9 11.3% 15 26 15 22 10 23

9. 233 9 17.4% 14 27 14 23 12 20

1 0 . 174 9 11.3% 12 29 12 24 13 19

11. 157 9 8 .6% 21 14 20 13 17 12

1 2. 228 9 14.7% 19 18 19 16 19 11

13. 171 8 18.1% 9 34 6 32 9 24

14. 128 8 13.8% 6 39 4 38 6 26

15. 133 8 6 .2% 16 22 18 18 18 12

16. 115 7 11.3% 20 16 21 11 20 11

17. 108 7 19.5% 11 32 13 24 15 16

18. 101 6 33.9% 5 42 5 33 5 29

19. 113 6 13.4% 17 21 16 18 21 10

20 . 120 6 5.6% 18 19 17 17 16 14

21. 42 4 23.5% 4 47 7 31 4 35

* Rate represents number of arrests per 100 pupils enrolled.**Ranking among all public high schools in City and County of Honolulu in terms of the percent of the students low scoring in stanines 1, 2, or 3; e.g., Rank of 1 = Highest percentage of students scoring below average.

SOURCE: Youth Development and Research Center, 1982, p. 37.

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-

COMPARISON OF SAT TEST RESULTS FOR 8TH GRADERS ON BELOW AVERAGE SCORES

WITH ARRESTS BY PUBLIC INTERMEDIATE SCHOOLS___________ S A T S C O R E S

PERCENT READING MATH

TABLE 53

RANKORDER

NUMBER OF ARRESTS

ARRESTRATE*

HAWAIIANSTUDENTS R a n k in g * *

# Be low A ve rag e R a n k in g

# B e low A v e ra g e

1. 235 17 16.0% 2 47 6 35

2. 221 17 9.4% 10 30 12 18

3. 158 14 14.4% 1 57 4 39

4. 120 13 41.0% 5 42 3 40

5. 68 13 19.0% 6 38 8 28

6. 134 12 11.9% 7 36 2 42

7. 81 11 18.0% 15 22 20 13

8. 88 10 18.3% 16 21 14 16

9. 45 10 25.2% 3 46 5 36

10. 122 9 28.9% 9 31 9 25

11. 70 8 13.6% 12 25 15 17

12. 80 7 20.8% 8 34 7 31

13. 70 6 11.5% 19 .17 19 14

14. 65 6 20.4% 13 23 10 19

15. 57 6 5.5% 20 17 16 16

16. 52 5 16.8% 11 25 11 18

17. 42 5 7.6% 17 20 17 16

18. 38 4 9.1% 14 23 13 17

19. 35 4 8.6% 21 8 21 13

20. 24 3 7.1% 18 20 18 15

21. 19 2 55.0% 4 43 1 45

* Rate represents number of arrests per 100 pupils enrolled.**Ranking among all public intermediate schools in City and County of Honolulu.

SOURCE: Youth Development and Research Center, 1982; p. 39.

182

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school had com paratively low achievement on the SAT while a ls o having low a r re s t ra te s . Regarding t h i s , the authors o ffered the fo l lo w in g e x p la n a t io n s :

A l l three schoo ls w ith low a r re s t rates but high percentages o f students sco r in g below average on the SAT are rura l schoo ls w ith r e la t iv e ly small enrollm ents.C le a r ly there i s some in te ra c t io n between the se t t in g o f the campus and the l ik e l ih o o d that th e ir students w i l l be arrested. Unlike the urban schoo ls, t h i s pattern seems unaffected by the academic performace of the student body. In the urban se t t in g , however, there i s a d e f in i t e re la t io n sh ip between the s c h o o l 's a r re s t rate and the poor performance o f i t s students on the Stan ford Achievement Test. (p. 49)

General Need Area: A lie n a t io n

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition 2: Community L e a d e r sh ip /P o l i t ic a l Power

Condition Summary

HAWAIIANS HAVE GENERALLY BEEN ABSENT FROM POSITIONS OF POWER AMD POLITICAL LEADERSHIP. THIS TRADITION REACHES BACK TO THE MONARCHY PERIOD, AND CONTINUES TO THIS DAY. FOR EXAMPLE, EVEN MANY "HAWAIIAN" LEADERS AND OUTSTANDING C IT IZENS HAVE LARGELY NON-HAWAIIAN BACKGROUNDS BOTH IN TERMS OF BLOOD QUANTUM AND CHILDHOOD SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Sp e c ia l iz e d leadersh ip development programs and/or supportse rv ic e s fo r promising students.

• Programs designed to ra i s e the p o l i t i c a l consciences of m inoritycu ltu re youth.

• E thn ic s tu d ie s programs designed to en ligh te n m inor ity as wellas m ajo r ity group members.

0 Programs capable of a cc e le ra t in g a s s im i la t io n in to the dominantcu ltu re .

t Programs to inform youth about a l te rn a t iv e s to a s s im i la t io n in tothe dominant cu lture .

Testimony

P o l i t i c a l p a r t ic ip a t io n and representation in the leadersh ip of sp e c i f ic communities i s a function o f many fa c to r s . For example, general socioeconomic s ta tu s may be a key determinant s ince such p a r t ic ip a t io n i s not e s se n t ia l to day-to-day s u r v iv a l ; thus, those with adequate income are more l i k e l y to be able to spend time and energy in the p o l i t i c a l arena. Another fa c to r may simply be the p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t io n s o f the community. In the case of Hawaiians, fo r in stance, i t appears th a t there has never been widespread p o l i t i c a l p a r t ic ip a t io n on the part o f the masses la r g e ly because of a long t r a d i t io n of o l ig a r c h ic a l p o l i t i c a l o rgan iz a t ion . An h is t o r i c a l a n a ly s i s o f t h i s trend was o ffered recently in testimony given by Don Johnson, a h i s t o r ia n , to the Native Hawaiian (1982). He described the preference o f H aw a ii 's a l i ' i ( r u l in g c l a s s ) fo r haole a d v iso r s and the general lack of a popular p o l i t i c a l base for

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Hawaiian lead e rsh ip . (For more on t h i s see S a h l in s , 1981.)

Others, meanwhile, point up the fa c t that many of the Hawaiians who have a t ta in e d lead ersh ip p o s i t io n s in the community have m u lt i -e th n ic backgrounds in which the Hawaiian element may be very l im ite d . Arthur Kinney, fo r example, in h is testimony noted the fo l low ing :

I am sure that Senator Inouye, who has championed our a b o r ig in a l Hawaiian lands claim fo r some ye ars now, i s aware of the fa c t that o f the 150,000 more or le s s Hawaiians l i v i n g today, a very small m ino r ity have achieved prominence in any category of in f luence. I be lieve th a t you can count them with the f in g e r s o f one hand. Almost a l l of our Hawaiians in prominence today are between one-eighth and th re e -e igh th s Hawaiian.( B i l l 916, p. 216)

The 1982 e le c t io n s serve as evidence that trends may be revers ing. S p e c i f i c a l l y , OHA noted in th e i r quar te r ly newspaper th a t , "F o r the f i r s t time in many many years the number of State Senators and Representatives of Hawaiian ancestry r e f le c t s the p rop o s it ion o f Hawaiians in the general p o p u la t io n . " (Ka Wai Ola 0 OHA, 1983). The exact f ig u re in t h i s case i s 21 percent as contrasted w ith a representation in the general population of about 18.9 percent. Th is, o f course, i s an important accomplishment, but a t the same time one can c le a r ly see m u lt ic u ltu ra l/m u lt ie th n ic in f luences not on ly in the faces o f those p ictured, but in surnames aswell (e . g . , two out of 16, 12.5 percent, were c le a r ly Hawaiian while there s t were from the var ious ethnic groups in the s ta te ) .

Regard le ss o f the exp lanat ions fo r the in d iv id u a l successes o f some Hawaiians, the most recent trend in the p o l i t i c a l arena appears to betowards greater involvement. For example, H a w a ii 's re t ire d Ch ie f J u s t ic e W illiam S. Richardson recently remarked on t h i s trend in an address to the Indigenous Peoples In te rn a t ion a l Conference. H is po in t of view wasas fo l low s:

As I s ta ted e a r l ie r , c u ltu ra l id e n t it y i s the b a s is fo r p o l i t i c a l id e n t i t y and un ity . The conventional"wisdom" has held that Hawaiians so t o t a l l y d i s t r u s t the p o l i t i c a l process th a t they have f a i le d to becomeinvo lved. I t was true and Hawaiians had good cause to d i s t r u s t the system. I t was t o t a l l y fo re ign to t h e i r cu ltu re and when Hawaiians did p a r t ic ip a te they foundt h e i r vo ices counted fo r l i t t l e . The period from 1894 to 1898 presents a good example. Hawaiians sent p e t i t io n s and le t t e r s , organized by the thousands to p ro te st annexation to the United S ta te s . Yet neither the lo ca l government in Hawaii nor the United Sta tes Congress seemed to care that the native population opposed annexation. Given such a h is to ry Hawaiians o bv iou s ly have had l i t t l e f a i t h in p o l i t i c a l processes.

Yet, one th in g the estab lishm ent o f OHA has proven i s th a t Hawaiians w i l l and do p a r t ic ip a te in the p o l i t i c a l process when they are d i r e c t ly a ffec te d

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and they feel th a t t h e i r p a r t ic ip a t io n w i l l count. For in stance, in the l a s t OHA e le c t io n , over 42,000 Hawaiians voted fo r the trustee p o s it io n s . OHA has acted as a u n ify in g p o l i t i c a l fo rce fo r Hawaiians - - and what i s most important i s th a t a t every stage o f OHA's deve l­opment Hawaiians have made the important de c is io n s about is su e s th a t a f f e c t Hawaiians. Hawaiians spearheaded the cre a t ion of OHA, Hawaiians fought fo r l e g i s l a t i o n imple­menting OHA, Hawaiians have l a i d the foundation in OHA's f i r s t two years of ex istence. (R ichardson, 1983, p. 5)

Seemingly, the developments of recent years have brought to f r u i t io n some of the hopes o f 1960s a c t i v i s t s who f e l t that Hawaiians needed to le a rn p o l i t i c a l s k i l l s in order to a t ta in t h e i r go a ls . An example o f the point o f view of some a c t i v i s t s o f that time i s the fo l lo w in g 1971 comment from Pae G a lde ira , then pres ident o f The Hawaiians, the p r in c ip a l n o n -m il it a n t group seeking the re s to ra t io n of lands and r ig h t s to Hawaiians:

I see a l o t o f hope fo r Hawaiian people in the future, simply because they know w hat 's happening and they w on 't run away from th e i r problems. We have to go p o l i t i c a l - - t h a t ' s the only way th in g s can happen. (Honolulu, A d vert ise r, December 20, 1971 )

Perhaps the 1982 e le c t io n s mark the tu rn ing po int th a t Hawaiians have been hoping fo r in terms o f developing strong representation in the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of the s ta te . C e r ta in ly the e le c t io n outcomes re a l iz e d some o f the hopes expressed by OHA during the summer, 1982 (KaWai O la 0 OHA, V982). “

F in a l l y , in c lo s in g th i s examination of testimony, one cannot ignore Hawaiian m i l i ta n c y . There has been a trend s ince the 1960s fo r someHawaiians to band together in reaction to general economic and soc ia l trends in the I s la n d s , and in v i s i b l e support o f t r a d i t io n a l va lues, l i f e s t y l e s , and p ra c t ic e s . Some of these m i l i t a n t s s t ro n g ly favor sece ss ion from the union, or a t the very le a s t de s ign a t ion of pa rts o f Hawaii as a d i s t i n c t nation fo r Native Hawaiians. They po in t to the fa c t th a t Hawaiians were the group most opposed to statehood, and they often c i t e t h i s as a major event in the long downfall and sub jugat ion of Hawaiian people. Primary ta rge ts o f c r i t i c i s m fo r m i l i t a n t s inc lude the m i l i t a r y presence in Hawaii; the t o u r i s t industry w ith i t s incumbent growth, development, and s o c ia l / c u l t u r a l pressures and change; and lo ca l power s t ru c tu re s , p a r t i c u la r ly in s t i t u t io n s such as The Bishop Estate and Hawaiian Homes Commission, th a t are l e g a l l y charged with promoting thew elfare of Hawaiians, but which some feel have not f u l f i l l e d th e ir r e s p o n s ib i l i t i e s .

Reports on the a c t i v i t i e s and preferences o f Hawaiian m i l i t i a n t s have re g u la r ly appeared in the lo ca l press and have been covered by rad io and te le v i s io n news sources. Since these tend to cover only pa rt o f p ic tu re , s ince they focus on but one is su e a t a time, i t i s the in v e s t i g a t iv e p ieces by Main land-based j o u r n a l i s t s that seem to br ing together the

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broader p ic tu re of unrest. Two reports in t h i s genre th a t focused heav i ly on m i l i ta n c y and "problems in parad ise " appeared in New Yorker magazine: Gray (1972), and Shaplen (1982). Both provided a fa i r lycomprehensive overview of th e ir perception of Hawaiian ac t iv ism , in c lu d in g extensive interv iew m ater ia l.

In summary, i t appears th a t re gard le ss of th e ir p o l i t i c a l views, Hawaiians and Hawaii re s id e n ts genera lly see a need fo r young Hawaiians to develop a p o l i t i c a l awareness and a w i l l in g n e s s to p a r t ic ip a te in the p o l i t i c a l process. Of course, d if fe rence s in va lues produce a very broad continuum of opin ion in most matters under cons id e ra t ion today-»and the p o l i t i c a l arena i s no exception. Thus, while some advocate t r a in in g aimed a t in c re a s in g p a r t ic ip a t io n in the e le c to ra l process, others would prefer to r e c r u i t and t r a in fe l low a c t i v i s t s .

Social Indicator Data

Employment p a t te rn s . P o s i t io n s of leadersh ip and power in the community can be deduced from an examination of the in d u s t r ie s in which Hawaiians are employed. F igures 31 and 32 co n tra s t the patterns o f employment of Hawaiians who had worked during the years o f 1970-1975 w ith those of the s ta te population as a whole. I t can be seen th a t fo r ad u lts as well as fo r youth aged 19-25 there tended to be p a r t i c u la r ly s trong representation in Construction and Transportation/Communications c a te go r ie s and r e la t iv e ly weak representation in Government and Reta il ca tego r ie s .

A d d it ion a l in form ation about the pattern of employment among Hawaiians was o ffered above in the d isc u s s io n o f job s ta tu s as a feature of general socioeconomic s ta tu s . In general, i t was shown th a t Hawaiians are underrepresented in the p ro fe ss io n s and high s ta tu s occupations as well as in c le r i c a l and sa le s occupations; while they tend to be overrepresented in s t ru c tu ra l and se rv ice occupations.

Social Science Analysis

The so c ia l science work bearing on the r e la t iv e stand ing of Hawaiians in terms of community leadersh ip and p o l i t i c a l power i s apparently quite l im ited . Taken as a whole i t forms a d ispara te body of work.

An example o f a study examining the presence o f Hawaiians w ith in a s p e c i f i c pub lic agency normally a ssoc ia ted with power i s th a t of D id r ic k Castberg, a H i lo Co llege p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t and s t a t i s t i c i a n . Castberg stud ied the ethn ic background of personnel employed in the c i r c u i t court in H i lo ( c . f . , C la rk , 1977). In b r ie f , he found th a t about 65 percent o f the employees were of Japanese background, vh i le Hawaiians, making up about 25 percent o f the population o f the area, accounted fo r on ly s ix percent of the employees. He a ls o noted that about 48 percent o f e lected and appointed county o f f i c i a l s were o f Japanese background, w h ile on ly 12

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percent were Hawaiian. And s im i l a r l y with ju ry commissions over an e ig h t year period, he found domination by Caucasians (37 percent), Japanese (28 percent), and F i l i p i n o s (25 percent) as opposed to the approxim ately 6 percent represen tation by Hawaiians. Th is p a r t ic u la r study was a ire d in a court case in which defense attroneys were t r y in g to e s t a b l i s h th a t Hawaiians and part-Haw aiians are a d isadvantaged c la s s in the s ta te .

In moving from p o l i t i c s to the business world, and a d i f fe r e n t type of leadersh ip and power, the key work in th i s area seems to be a report compiled by Homer (1975). In surveying a group o f Hawaiians who had achieved management p o s i t io n s in the business community, Homer id e n t i f ie d a number o f phenomena which he de ta i le d in concise summary of h is work. Th is summary i s reproduced here because i t pa in ts a f a i r l y thorough p icture o f a s e le c t group o f o s te n s ib ly successfu l Hawaiians who have managed to overcome whatever b a r r ie r s might have ex isted to take th e ir place of leadersh ip in the dominant cu ltu re . Homer's summary i s as fo l low s.

The re su l t s of t h i s study can be summarized as f o l 1ows:

1. Most o f the respondents are 1/4 - 3/8 Hawaiian.There were no fu l l Hawaiian respondents and very few 1/16 - 1/8 respondents. Data supports the fa c t that there are no f u l l Hawaiians in management. Anthropo log ica l s tud ie s support the idea that few would respond in the 1/16 - 1/8 category.

2. The respondents are d is t r ib u te d between the ages of twenty and s ix t y ye ars . The mean age of the group i s fo r ty ye ars , with most of the respondents between theages o f t h i r t y and f i f t y years.

3. The group i s r e la t i v e ly h igh ly educated. Themedian and mean years o f education f o r the respondents i s s ix teen years. More respondents have post-graduate education - - up to 20 years to ta l - - than those who d id not f i n i s h high school.

4. The group i s b iased toward high le v e l s of income. The mean income i s $22,000 per year; the median income i s $20,000. Seventy percent of the respondents have incomes over $20,000 per year. T h ir ty percent have incomes under $20,000 per year. Forty percent o f therespondents have incomes over $30,000 per year. These r e s u l t s re in fo rce what would be expected from age and education in form ation fo r the group.

5. The responses are f a i r l y evenly d iv ided as fa ras company h ir in g p rac t ice s are concerned. Most companies h ire on the b a s is of a b i l i t y , not e th n ic i ty .

6. Most Hawaiians in management p re fer to cons ider other Hawaiians fo r job s. Those who do not tend to be very negative and o c c a s io n a l ly h o s t i le toward the idea.

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7. Most Hawaiians in management feel they have become successfu l in sp ite o f t h e i r being Hawaiian. The m ajo r ity feel hard work, lo y a l t y , and sometimes luck are the prime in g re d ie n ts fo r success. Several respondents were qu ite negative towards dea lin g w ith other Hawaiians.

An in co n s is te n cy i s apparent: while most Hawaiiansprefer to cons ider other Hawaiians fo r job s, they feel success has l i t t l e to do with e thn ic background. P o s s ib le so lu t io n s : a) they are not aware of th e ir ownsuccess a t t i tu d e s ; b) they id e n t i f y s t ro n g ly with problems of ethnic Hawaiians - - they want to help as many Hawaiians as p o ss ib le on board in order to g ive them a chance; c) they re a l ly do not p refer to consider Hawaiians fo r job s.

8. There i s no s i g n i f i c a n t c o r re la t io n between the v a r ia b le s age and education.

9. The respondents show a high c o r re la t io n between higher le v e ls o f education and h igher le v e ls o f income fo r 'over $30,000 per y e a r 1 income group. The c o r r e la ­t ion between education and income i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t fo r a l l groups under $30,000 per year except th a t a l l respondents have had a t l e a s t two years o f c o l le ge i f they are making over $20,000 per year.

10. The combination of the age and income responses provide r e su lt s which conform to the expected pattern based on national f ig u re s .

11. By combining the v a r ia b le s education and f r a c t io n o f Hawaiian blood we see th a t the lower the f r a c t io n of Hawaiian blood, the h igher the leve l ofeducation i s fo r the group. I t i s expected th a t these r e su lt s are c u l t u r a l l y determined and are a ls o a ffected by job expectations.

12. The combination of the v a r ia b le s f r a c t io n of Hawaiian blood and income show th a t the lower the f r a c t io n of Hawaiian blood, the h igher the leve l ofincome. These r e s u l t s co rre la te with those found bycombining income w ith education.

13. The responses show th a t the lower the f r a c t io n o f Hawaiian blood, the lower w i l l be the age o f the respondent. From th i s the im p lic a t io n a rr ive d a t here i s th a t the younger Hawaiians are f in d in g i t e a s ie r to get in to management p o s i t io n s .

Some of the inform ation found in th i s study tends to re in fo rce the f in d in g o f other, though dated, s tu d ie s . Taken as a whole the re su lt s obtained here provide new i n s ig h t in to an important aspect of Hawaiian l i f e . Those w ish ing to draw conc lu s ion s about Hawaiians in management from t h i s study may do so benefited by s t a t i s t i c a l data which can be found in no other p lace, (pp. 32-34)

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General Need Area:

Condition 3:

Major Need Category: Specia l Educational Needs

A l ie n a t io n

Substance Abuse

Condition Summary

SOCIAL INDICATOR, SURVEY, AND TESTIMONIAL DATA SHOW HAWAIIANS OVERREPRESENTED AMONG DRUG AND ALCOHOL ABUSERS AT ALL AGE LEVELS.

Potential Educational Interventions

Support se rv ice s and/or a l te rn a t iv e educational programs aimed a t substance abusers.

Preventive substance abuse education programs fo r elementary and secondary le v e ls .

Home-school programs designed to address problems of substance abuse.

Spec ia l se rv ice s to f a m i l ie s in which substance abuse in te r fe re s with educational a c t i v i t i e s .

In teragency c o l la b o ra t io n w ith respect to substance abuse prevention and treatment.

Testimony

Awareness o f substance abuse on the part o f H a w a i i 's school age youth appears to be f a i r l y common knowledge both among school personnel as well as among community members and youth themselves. The fo l lo w in g testimonyfrom Johnnie C. Torres, Sr. su ggests the strong re a c t io n s th a t somecommunity members have w ith respect to current drug problems:

Look at w hat 's happening to us today in oura loha, s o - c a l le d Aloha S ta te , where our k id s , the onesth a t are not in j a i l are over in Kaneohe on drugsbecause the system th a t we have today, they cannot learn . You go to the pub lic schoo ls here in the State of Hawaii, j u s t take a drive by and y o u ' l l f ind asmany k id s ou ts ide o f the classroom as you f ind in s id eof the classroom.

I q uest ion these p r in c ip a l s . In f a c t , I 'm on

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record in the S ta te , I went on record and I s a id to t h i s one p r in c ip a l , I asked him how come the k id s are supposed to be in c la s s are out o f the c lassroom s, and some of them w ith rags in th e ir hands? I went as fa r as t e l l i n g him "You are the capta in of t h i s sh ip here, t h i s i s your sc h o o l" , I s a id , " I f you cannot run your schoo l, you got no darn business around here. And i f you d o n 't know how to re s ig n , l e t me know and I ' l l help you ", because of what I see that our k id s are unemployed. They cannot apply for a job. ( B i l l 916,p. 175)

Further evidence of the leve l o f community concern regard ing problems o f drug abuse i s the fa c t th a t a survey conducted by the American Lung A sso c ia t io n of Hawaii led to a fron t page s to ry in the HonoluluA d v e r t ise r (C la rk , 1982) under the head line "26% o f B i g I s l e S e n io r s SayThey Smoke Pot H e a v i ly . " While t h i s c e r ta in ly su ggests the ex istence ofa s i g n i f i c a n t drug abuse s i t u a t io n , the survey a c t u a l ly found th a t 33 percent o f B ig I s la n d sen io rs smoke m arijuana— of these students about 26% reported smoking "h e a v i ly " (1 or more c i g a r e t t e s per day, c . f . , American Lung A s so c ia t io n of Hawaii, 1982).

F in a l ly , substance abuse i s c le a r ly not l im ite d to drugs, s incealcohol abuse i s a lso a problem. For example, Henning (1978b) in here needs assessment work a t Rooseve lt High School in Honolulu noted one o f the concerns of educators w ith respect to student behavior as: "D r in k in gin and around school i s a b ig problem."

So c ia l Sc ience A n a ly s i s

The key source of in form ation about substance use and abuse in theState o f Hawaii i s a statewide survey reported on by Cernak (1979). This report con ta in s the most recent and most complete inform ation cu r re n t ly a v a i la b le , and provides a breakdown by e thn ic group.

Table 54 prov ides two f ig u re s regard ing use of substances commonlysub ject to abuse fo r each o f the key ethnic groups in the S ta te o fHawaii. In general, i t can be seen that Caucasians and Hawaiians tend tolead a l l o the r groups in percent o f use fo r the m ajo r ity o f substances l i s t e d . I f one were to try to id e n t i f y the p a r t ic u la r substances thatare used more commonly among Hawaiians than among o ther groups, these would appear to be marijuana, in h a la n ts , PCP, and heroin.

In a d d it io n to re p o rt in g on substance use among H aw a i i 's people, Cernak a ls o provided d e ta i le d estim ates of the number of abusers bye thn ic group to three general ca tego r ie s: a lcohol abusers, drug abusers,drug and a lcohol abusers. Cernak 's f in d in g s are summarized in Table 55. I t can be seen th a t Caucasians and Hawaiians are overrepresented among abusers in a l l three c a te go r ie s , while Portugese a ls o show someoverrepresentat ion in drug and a lcohol abuse. The extent o f the problem in turns o f abso lute numbers w ith in each e thn ic groups i s c le a r ly

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TABLE 54

LIFETIME PREVALENCE OF USE AND USE IN THE PAST MONTH OF 19 CCMDNLY-ABUSED SUBSTANCES BY ETHNIC CROUPS,

STATE OF’ HAWAII, 1979

FILIPINO CHINESE CAUCASIAN JAPANESE HAWAIIAN PORTUGUESE OTHERSN=370 N=97 N=865 N=638 N=590 N=92 N=446Coffee 85.2* 95.4 95.9 95.9 90.6 95.4 93.1

(78.2)(76.4)** (80.2) (85.0) (84.5) (77.7) (86.3)Cigarette 47.5 46.1 70.6 53.4 66.6 61.0 58.7(27.4) (14.1) (39.6) (24.2) (40.7) (32.4) (36.9)A1cohol 52.8 72.5 91.4 77.6 80.8 86.5 76.4(36.1) (40.5) (77.7) (44.6) (52.8) (52.6) (51.3)Marijuana 17.6 12.6 43.2 20.8 40.2 23.3 33.9( 7.9) ( 3.3) (21.0) ( 6.7) (20.9) (15.9) (15.0)OTC 28.7 27.9 41.2 23.2 38.3 26.5 34.4( 7.4) ( 3.9) ( 6.6) ( 3.6) ( 7.0) ( 8.6) ( 9.4)Sedative 6.6 8.7 24.3 5.5 12.4 14.2 13.2

( 2-2) ( 3.2) ( 4.9) ( 1.6) ( 1.7) ( 4.7) ( 3.1)Stimulant 4.7 4.6 22.7 4.9 11.7 9.5 16.2

( -0 ( 2.5) ( 3.5) ( -4) ( 1-6) ( 7.7) ( 1.5)Tranquili zers 18.5 16.9 38.2 18.8 20.3 39.3 22.0( 3.9) ( 3.4) (11.2) ( 3.9) ( 4.1) (14.6) ( 4.3)Inhalant 6.1 .9 10. Q 1.3 13.4 7.1 10.9

( 2.9) ( 0 ) ( 1.2) ( .1) ( 1.7) ( 3.1) ( 1.7)Opiate 19.7 25.4 45.2 26.3 29.9 40.8 33.3( 7.1) ( 3.7) ( 7.2) ( 4.1) ( 4.7) ( 4.3) ( 5.2)Hal 1ucinogen 2.9 .5 19.9 3.7 11.8 10.9 12.7( -6) ( -U ( 2.1) ( .4) ( 1.5) ( 2.3) ( 2.4)PCP 1.4 .4 7.7 1.5 9.4 1.9 7.4

( 0 ) ( 0 ) ( .1) ( .4) ( 1.0) ( 1.0) ( -3)Cocaine 3.9 .5 22.7 3.7 15.1 10.1 15.1( .5) ( -3) ( 9.5) ( 1.3) ( 4.9) ( 4.5) ( 5.3)Heroi n 1.4 .2 4.6 .7 4.9 3.7 3.0

( 0 ) ( 0 ) ( .3) ( 0 ) ( 1.2) ( - ) ( .1)Stimulant + 3.1 .5 13.5 1.8 2.9 5.4 7.2

( .4) ( .1) ( 2.5) ( .03) ( .7) ( 4.1) ( 1.0)Sedative + 2.6 .5 12.9 1.8 5.9 6.5 7.6

( .4) ( .3) ( 2.5) ( .4) ( 1.2) ( 2.2) ( .9)OTC + 1.7 .9 6.5 1.5 3.0 3.7 3.0

( -4) ( .7) ( 1-2) ( .3) ( -4) ( 3.7) ( 1.1)Tranquilizers + 3.5 .2 12.5 1.3 4.3 14.7 5.7

( 0 ) ( 0 ) ( 0 ) ( .03) ( 1.2) ( 4.0) ( .4)Opiates + 1.5 .3 5.0 .7 2.3 3.3 5.9

( -3) ( 0 ) ( 1.6) ( -2) ( .5) ( 2.3) ( .4)

^Lifetime prevalence. **Use in the past month. +Non-medical UseSOURCE: Cernak, 1979.

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TABLE 55ESTIMATED SUBSTANCE ABUSE POPULATION FOR

THREE GENERAL CATEGORIES OF ABUSE BY ETHNIC GROUP, STATE OF HAWAII, 1979

GROUP

PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL POPULATION

12 YEARS AND OLDER

EST IM ATE NUMBER

OF ABUSERS

PERCENTAGE OF ABUSING

POPULATION*

GROUPPOPULATION

EST IMATE

ABUSERS AS PERCENTAGE OF

GROUP POPULATION

F i 1i p ino 10.2% 4,734 8.8% 72,145 6.6%

C h in e se 4.9% 1,084 2.2% 34,672 3.2%

C a u c a s ia n 27.8% 21,845 40.6% 196,327 11.1%

ALCOHOL Ja panese 23.2% 6,157 11.4% 164,244 3.7%

ABUSERS H aw a i ian 15.8% 10,445 19.4% 111,396 9.4%

P o rtu g u e se 2.2% 904 1.7% 15,256 5.9%

O th e r 15.6% 8,628 16.0% 110,505 7.8%

TOTAL 53,803 707,139

F i l i p i n o 10.2% 2,076 5.5% 72,145 2.9%

C h in e se 4.9% 900 2.4% 34,672 2.6%

DRUG C a u c a s ia n 27.8% 18,564 49.1% 196,327 9.5%

ABUSERS Japanese 23.2% 2,150 5.7% 164,244 1.3%

(NOT Hawai ian 15.8% 8,429 22.3% 111,396 7.5%

ALCOHOL) P o r tu g u e se 2.2% 922 2.4% 15,256 6.0%

O th e r 15.6% 4,537 12.0% 110,506 4.1%

TOTAL 37,782 707,139

F i 1 i p in o 10.2% 42 .3% 72,145 .1%

C h in e se 4.9% 37 .3% 34,672 .1%

DRUG C a u c a s ia n 27.8% 5,955 49.0% 196,327 3.0%

AND Japanese 23.2% 762 6.3% 164,244 .5%

ALCOHOL Hawai ian 15.8% 2,777 22.8% 111,396 2.5%

ABUSERS P o r tu g u e se 2.2% 583 4.8% 15,256 3.8%

O th e r 15.6% 2,007 16.5% 110,506 2.0%

TOTAL 12,163 707,139

SOURCE: Cernak, 1979.

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in d ica ted by the e stim ates fo r the number o f abusers per ethnic group.

B r ie f summary overviews of the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f each of the three substance abuse ca tego r ie s id e n t i f ie d by Cernak are as fo l low s:

Alcohol Abusers

E igh ty percent o f the alcohol abusers are 26 years and o lder and male (81.3%). Approximately fo rty percent are Caucasian (40.6%) and twenty percent (19.4%) are Hawaiian. R e la t ive to t h e i r population s iz e s , the aforementioned demographic groups a lso represent the groups most a t r i s k fo r a lcohol abuse.

. . . the m ajo r ity of a lcohol abusers are married (55%), and employed (61.2%). Approximately 51% have an income of l e s s than $20,000 a year, 53.1% have more than a high school education, 42% are C a th o l ic , 26% are P rotestan t, 12% are re t ire d persons, 29.9% res ide in East Honolulu, and 23.3% res ide in Central Oahu.

Drug Abusers (Not A lcohol Abusers)

Approximately 37,782 persons (5.3% of H a w a i i 's general popu lation age 12 and over) are drug abusers.. . Nearly f i f t y - f i v e percent (54.8%) of the drugabusers are 25 ye ars or younger. Approximately 56% are male, 50% (49.1%) are Caucasian and 22% areHawaiian (22.3%).

R e la t ive to th e ir population s iz e , 18-25 year o ld s , Caucasians, and Hawaiians are the groups most a t r i s k f o r a drug abuse problem. . .the m ajo r ity o f drug abusers are s in g le (61%) have an income le s s than $15,000 per year (56.1%) and are employed (55%). Approximately 61.0% have more than a high school education, 14% are students, 43.4% are C a th o l ic , 16.8% are P ro te stan t , 32.2% re s ide in E a s t Honolulu, and 21.9% re s ide in Central Oahu.

Alcohol and Drug Abusers

Approximately 12,163 persons (1.7% of H a w a i i 's general popu lat ion ) abuse both a lcohol and drugs.

Nearly f i f t y percent (47.7%) of the abusers of both a lcohol and drugs are under 26 years o f age. Approximately 75% are male, 49% are Caucasian, and 22.8% are Hawaiian. R e la t iv e to t h e i r population s iz e ,18-25 year o ld s , males, Caucasians, Hawaiians and Portuguese are most a t r i s k fo r an alcohol and drug abuse problem.

While Hawaiians c le a r ly receive prominent mention in the above in s tan c e s , Caucasians are markedly h igher in a l l three cases.

r

LIFETIME PREVALENCE OF SUBSTANCE USE AND USE IN THE PAST MONTH, U.S. MAINLAND AND HAWAII 12-17 YEAR OLDS

TABLE 56

MAINLAND HAWAII MAINLAND HAWAII

SUBSTANCE

C i g a r e t t e s

%

54%

N

12,600,000

JL35.2%

JL35,426

%

12%

N

2 ,8 00 ,00 0

%

15.3%

JL15,442

A lco h o l 70% 16,400,000 52.1% 52,482 37% 8,7 0 0 ,0 0 0 27.4% 27,603

M a r i j u a n a 31% 7,300,000 31.8% 32,048 17% 4,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 17.9% 18,058

In h a l a n t s 10% 2,300 ,00 0 10.9% 10,973 2% 500,000 2.9% 2,973

H a l l u c in o g e n s 7% 1,600,000 4.2% 4,274 2% 500,000 1.8% 1,769

PCP 4% 900,000 3.6% 3,585 + + .8% 779

C oca ine 5% 1,200,000 5.1% 5,173 1% 200,000 2.5% 2,523

H e ro in .5% 100,000 .4% 359 — — + +

S t i m u l a n t s * 3% 700,000 1.7% 1,718 1% 200,000 .7% 726

S e d a t i v e s * 3% 700,000 3.8% 3,806 1% 200,000 .5% 562

T r a n q u i l i z e r s * 4% 900,000 3.4% 3,446 .6% 100,000 .7% 766

*Non-medical Use — Amounts Less Than .5% Not Reported +Not ReportedSOURCE: Cernak, 1979.

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Cernak (1979) a ls o reported on use among secondaryschool age students 12 - 17 ye ars o f age. Table 56 shows bothl i f e t im e prevalence of substance use as well as use in the past month fo r 12-17 year o ld s in the Hawaii statewide survey com­pared with use rates in a Mainland sample. I t can be seen th a tHawaii youth statew ide ( a l l e thn ic groups) were s l i g h t l y higherthan the Mainland sample in terms o f l i f e t im e prevalence o f use fo r marijuana, in h a la n ts , cocaine, and non-medical use of se d a t ive s . The ir use in the past month, meanwhile, was a lso s l i g h t l y h igher fo r c ig a r e t t e s , marijuana, in h a la n ts , cocaine, and non-medical use o f t r a n q u i l iz e r s .

General Need Area: A lie n a t io n

Condition 4: School Attendance

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

HAWAIIANS ARE DISPROPORTIONATELY REPRESENTED AMONG SCHOOL DROPOUTS, AMONG THOSE WITH EXCESSIVE NUMBERS OF ABSENCES FROM SCHOOL, ANL IN TRUANCY STATISTICS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs or supplementary features o f the educational systemdesigned to enhance school attendance.

• Home-school programs aimed a t promoting and m ain ta in ing schoolattendance.

• Support se rv ice s and/or a lte rn a t iv e education fo r p o ten t ia l dropouts.

• Continu ing education se rv ice s designed to address educationalneeds o f schoo l-age dropouts.

Testimony

Time on task i s ge n era l ly recognized as a key in gre d ien t of educational success. In l i g h t of t h i s , excess ive absenteeism and dropping out a l l - t o g e t h e r are indeed se r iou s educational problems. N a t io n a l ly , tendencies in t h i s d ire c t io n appear to head the l i s t o f concerns expressed by high school ad m in is tra to rs : absenteeism, c la s sc u t t in g , and the use of drugs were sa id to be a t l e a s t moderate problems in th e i r schoo ls by over 30 percent of high school a d m in is tra to rs interviewed in a recent study (NCES, 1982). These three areas o f concern le d the l i s t of d i s c ip l in e problems in the schoo ls.

Hawaiians, too, have expressed concern about absenteeism and the rate of h igh school drop outs. Alu L ike, In c . , fo r example, prepared the fo l low in g te st im on ia l summary of some o f t h e i r work with respect to absenteeism.

Student absenteeism i s seen as a s i g n i f i c a n t va r ia b le in the q u a l i ty o f the Native Haw aiian 's educational experience. In the 1960's and ear ly 1970's

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the Queen L i l iu o k a la n i C h i ld re n 's Center found th a t te s t scores and absenteeism ind ica ted th a t a l ie n a t io n and lack o f success in schoo ls were preva lent among many Native Hawaiian students. An Alu L ike, Inc. (1979) study a ls o found student absenteeism to be a s i g n i f i c a n t problem. At pub lic schoo ls w ith 40 percent or more Native Hawaiians, the absenteeism rate was an average o f 43 days, almost a quarter o f the school year.

Other in d iv id u a l s who have expressed concerns in these areas have offered te st im on ia l op in ions such as the fo l low in g :

Our Native Hawaiian ch i ld re n , even in high schoo l, have a high absentee record when compared with th a t o f th e i r peers o f other e thn ic backgrounds. I t i s not because they are incapable o f educational achievement. . . Rather, i t i s , as I see i t , th e irf a i lu r e to have developed e a r l ie r in t h e i r l i v e s the d i s c ip l in e and so c ia l va lues necessary to guide them through the education process. (Juan ita Mundon, B i l l 916, p. 207)

The question a r i s e s , "Why should nat ive Hawaiians and Part-Haw aiians be in te re sted in a l te rn a t iv e sc h o o ls ? " Well, f i r s t o f a l l , because our k id s are there. According to the 1976-1977 e thn ic breakdown of student w ithdrawals on Hawaii I s la n d , 24.7 percent of the to ta l student population who are dropping out o f school are Hawaiians and Part-Haw aiians. R e la t ive to other e thn ic groups a t H i lo High School alone, 25.9 percent o f the Hawaiian and Part-Haw aiians are withdrawing from school. What i s even more alarm ing i s that a t the intermediate le v e l, 33.3 percent of the students who are dropping out a t H i lo Intermediate are Hawaiians and Part-Haw aiians. The s t a t i s t i c s on the potentia l drop-out rate fo r Hawaiians are even more dism al, e sp e c ia l ly a t the intermediate leve l where a t H ilo Intermediate the potentia l dropout rate rose as high as 40 percent fo r nat ive Hawaiians and Part-Haw aiians fo r 1976-77 school year. (George Kahumoku, B i l l 857, p. 30)

So c ia l In d ic a to r Data

Regard less of exp lanat ions o ffered fo r absenteeism, truancy, and dropping out among Hawaiian youth, so c ia l in d ic a to r s suggest th a t a l l o f these may be s i g n i f i c a n t areas o f concern w ith respect to Hawaiians in the pub lic schoo ls.

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Absenteeism. R e la t iv e ly recent developments in computer-managedattendance record keeping fo r se lected schoo ls in the S ta te o f Hawaiipub lic school system has made d e ta i led inform ation about attendance, broken down by ethnic group, a v a i la b le for the f i r s t time.

Table 57 provides an a n a ly s i s o f "excess ive absences" at se lectedpu b lic Intermediate and High Schools fo r the 1980-1981 school year. These 30 schoo ls , the only schoo ls cu rren t ly u s ing computer-managedattendance record keeping, represent about 13 percent of the 225 to ta lnumber o f pub lic schoo ls in the sta te . The d e f in i t io n of excess iveabsence used in com piling these s t a t i s t i c s centered on the number of days any given c la s s was missed during the school year. S p e c i f i c a l l y , i f astudent had 20 or more unexcused absences from at le a s t one c la s s during a semester, th a t student was labe led as one having an "excess iveabsences" record. Included in t h i s category, then, were students who mayhave ro u t in e ly skipped one p a r t i c u la r c la s s as well as students who re g u la r ly skipped a l l or several of th e ir c la s s e s during the course ofthe year.

In examining the data in Table 57 i t can be seen th a t the percentage of students who found themselves c l a s s i f i e d as having an excess ive absence record ranged from a low of 9.3 percent a t a Honolulu D i s t r i c tIn term ediate School to a remarkable 60.5 percent a t a Leeward High School. Moreover, the f ig u re fo r a l l t h i r t y schoo ls stood at 33.1 percent, in d ic a t in g th a t about one -th ird o f the nearly 44,000 students who attended these p a r t ic u la r secondary schoo ls might be c l a s s i f i e d ashaving attendance problems.

Looking a t the performance of Hawaiian students w ith in the overa ll context o f educational s e t t in g s in which su b sta n t ia l absenteeism occurs, i t can be seen that they genera lly led a l l others in t h i s respect. Forexample, a t a l l 30 schoo ls considered, Hawaiians were overrepresented among the students having a record of excessive absences. That i s , the percentage o f students having attendance problems who were Hawaiian was higher than would be pred icted on the b a s is o f the percentage ofHawaiians attend ing the schoo l. This s i t u a t io n was such th a t , on anove ra l l b a s i s , Hawaiians co n st itu te d 19.9 percent o f the studentsen ro l le d in these 30 sch oo ls ; however, they accounted for 27.9 percent o f the students having records o f excessive absence.

A d d i t io n a l ly , i t can be seen th a t su b sta n t ia l percentages o f the Hawaiians at any given school had s u f f i c ie n t absences to be c l a s s i f i e d as having excess ive absence. The range in t h i s respect was from 13.8percent a t a Central D i s t r i c t High School to a su b sta n t ia l 79.7 percent(N=185) a t a Honolulu D i s t r i c t High School. O v e ra l l , meanwhile, nearly h a l f o f the students e n ro l le d in these schoo ls , a to ta l number o f 4,036 Hawaiian youngste rs , were c l a s s i f i e d as having excess ive absences.

The data o ffered in Table 58 provides ad d it ion a l a n a ly s i s of the excess ive absence phenomenon by grade le v e l . I t can be seen th a t absences tend to become more frequent occurences as students progress through the secondary schoo ls . With Hawaiians, fo r in stance , the problem grows from one in v o lv in g 21.9 percent of the Hawaiian students in these 30 schoo ls in seventh grade, to the point where 59.0 percent o f Hawaiian sen io r s f ind themselves c l a s s i f i e d as having records of excessiveabsences. I t can a ls o be noticed th a t Hawaiians seem to s t a r t s k ip p in g

TABLE 57EXCESSIVE ABSENCES AT SELECTED

PUBLIC INTERMEDIATE AND HIGH SCHOOLS, 1980-19811

- 200 -

SCHOOLSBY

DISTRICT

STUDENTS WITH EXCESSIVE ABSENCES

a of Total)

SCHOOL'S HAWAIIAN

REPRESENTATION (7 of Total)

PERCENT OF STUDENTS WITH EXCESSIVE ABSENCES WHO ARE HAWAIIAN

PERCENT OF HAWAIIANS WHO HAVE EXCESSIVE ABSENCES

NUMBER OF HAWAIIANS

WITH EXCESSIVE ABSENCES

HONOLULU DISTRICT

1. 48.21 10.9% 17.9% 79.7% 1852 . 47.3% 14.9% 19.2% 60.8% 1323. 43.6% 16.4% 22.9% 60.8% 2614. 43.2% 19.8% 32.9% 71.6% 1845. 43.2% 11 . 2% 16.8% 64.9% 966 . 36.2% 13.1% 19.4% 54.1% 1197. * 2 1 . 6 % 21.4% 34.3% 34.6% 368 . * 14.9% 17.6% 48.6% 41.0% 349. * 9.3% 7.9% 16.9% 2 0 . 0 % 13

CENTRAL DISTRICT

1. 27.2% 9.1% 1 2 .6 % 37.7% 522 . 27.2 % 7.3% 12.7% 37.7% 303. 24.1% 1 1 . 2% 15.5% 33.5% 624. 17.8%. 2 1 . 2 ' 28.4% 23.9% 565. 13.8% 6 . 2 % 8.3% 13.8% 29

LEEWARD DISTRICT

1. 60.5% 43.5% 48.2% 60.5% 5032 . 53.8% 59.0% 60.4% 55.2% 3853. 51.9% 2 1 .2% 23.7% 58.1% 2474. 33.2% 13.7% 21.7% 52.4% 1645. 30.5% 9.8% 13.8% 42.6% 896. * 29.4% 41.9% 49.3% 34.6% 1327. * 14.8% 11.4% 16.0% 20.9% 24

WINDWARD DISTRICT

1. 51.9% 36.6% 42.2% 59.8% 3492 . 34.4% 17.0% 27.4% 55.3% 208

3. 28.5% 15.6% 18.1% 23.0% 72

4. * 27.7% 35.2% 49.0% 38.6% 167

5. 15.9% 33.2% 39.7% 19.0% 94

6. * 15.3% 20.5% 27.6% 2 0 .6 % 48

Neighbor Islands

1. 33.5% 25.5% 35.6% 46.8% 160

2 . * 17.7% 32.2% 38.8% 21.4% 40

3. 1 1 . 0 % 27.4% 39.6% 15.9% 65

TOTAL 33.1% 19.9% 27.9% 46.4% 4,036

^These 30 schools are on a computer-managed attendance system; excessive absence is defined as 20 or more unexcused absences from a class or from school during one semester.

*Denotes Intermediate Schools.SOURCE: State of Hawaii Department of Education, 1981-1982.

EXCESSIVE ABSENCE BY GRADE LEVEL AT SELECTED PUBLIC INTERMEDIATE AND HIGH SCHOOLS, 1980-19811

TABLE 58

J"These 30 schools are on a computer-managed attendance system; excessive absence is defined as 20 or more unexcused absences from a class or from school during one semester.

SOURCE: State of Hawaii, Department of Education, 1981-1982.

GRADE

STUDENTS WITH EXCESSIVE

ABSENCES (°o of Total)

SCHOOLS' HAWAIIAN

REPRESENTATION (% of Total)

I OF STUDENTS WITH EXCESSIVE ABSENCES WHO ARE HAWAIIAN

% OF HAWAIIANS WHO HAVE EXCESSIVE ABSENCES

7 14.9% 26.8% 39.3% 21.9%

8 22.2% 26.1% 40.2% 34.1%

9 29 . 1% 2 2 .1 % 33.3% 44.7%

1 0 34.3% 18.8% 28.6% 52.3%

1 1 35.7% 17.0% 24.6% 51.8%

12 44.1% 17.0% 2 2.8 % 59.0%

I

ro0 «—»

1

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school a t a younger age, but th a t others apparently j o in them by the endo f high schoo l. Th is trend can be noticed in that Hawaiians in theseventh and e igh th grades accounted fo r about 40 percent o f the studentshaving excessive absence records; however, by sen io r year they onlyaccounted fo r 22.8 percent o f t h i s group.

A report issued by Alu Like (1979) looked a t school attendance from a s l i g h t l y d i f fe r e n t perspective. Examining r e s u l t s from the 1978-1979 school year, Alu Like researchers did not have the b e n e f it ofcomputerized attendance records; hence, they were forced to do ap a in s ta k in g review of f i l e s a t each schoo l. Rather than look a t the attendance o f Hawaiians in a l l 225 pub lic sch oo ls , they chose toconcentrate on 32 schoo ls a t which the percentage of Hawaiians in the student body equalled or exceeded 40 percent. A l l to ld they examined the records of 8,764 Hawaiian youngste rs , or about one-fou rth o f the Hawaiians estimated to be e n ro lle d in pub lic schoo ls.

A summary of the Alu Like f in d in g s i s o ffe re d in Table 59. Broken down by school d i s t r i c t i t can be seen th a t , g iven the schoo ls se lectedfo r the study, Hawaiians accounted fo r j u s t over h a l f o f the re gu la r aswell as the specia l education students in these schoo ls withcom paratively high percentages of Hawaiian enrollment. Attendance fo r specia l education students was genera lly poorer than fo r re g u la r students: 44 percent o f the Hawaiian spec ia l education students hadrecords o f excess ive absence as contrasted with 35 percent o f the re g u la r Hawaiians students.

Viewing these f in d in g s in l i g h t o f the 46.4 percent o f Hawaiian students found to have records o f excessive absence a t the 30 schoo lsw ith computer-managed attendance recordkeeping, i t should be noted th a t most o f the schoo ls w ith computer-managed systems are high sch o o ls , and those th a t are not are intermediate schoo ls . S ince attendance i s ge n era l ly b e tte r for students in lower grade le v e l s , i t i s not s u r p r i s in g to f ind th a t the Alu Like study reported a lower percentage of Hawaiian students with records o f excess ive a b se n c e -o n ly 8 o f the 32 schoo ls s tud ied were secondary leve l schoo ls . Even so, the school w ith the best attendance record, an elementary school, had 12.8 percent o f i t s Hawaiian students w ith records of excess ive absence. In fa c t , most o f the elementary schoo ls f e l l in to the 15 to 25 percent range, in d ic a t in g th a t attendance problems among Hawaiians do s t a r t in the e a r ly grades.

Dropout R a te s . Id e n t i f y in g the number o f students who drop out of the pub lic schoo ls in Hawaii has always been complicated by the f a c t that there i s a ge n era lly recognized discrepency between the number who complete the Department o f E d u ca t io n 's withdrawal forms when they chooseto drop and those who merely "d isa pp e ar ." Furthermore, accurate ly e st im a t in g the problem of school dropouts i s complicated by the presence o f students in the system who have extreme records o f absence from schoo l. For example, would a student who m isses more than h a l f of the school days in a year be considered a p a r t i c ip a t in g student, or a dropout? Under e x i s t in g d e f in i t io n s such students are considered to be e n ro l le d as p a r t ic ip a t in g s tud en ts, but obv iou s ly such students would not be expected to make acceptable educational p rogress. And in fa c t , these types o f students tend to be the ones who are re ta ined in grade leve l ( c . f . , Ong, 1980).

INCIDENCE OF EXCESSIVE ABSENCES BY SCHOOL DISTRICT FOR REGULAR AND SPECIAL EDUCATION HAWAIIAN STUDENTS AT PUBLIC SCHOOLS

WITH 40% OR MORE HAWAIIAN STUDENTS, 1978-1979.

TABLE 59

SOURCE: Alu Like, A Report on Absenteeism in Public Schools which have 40% or More Native Hawaiian Students,July 1979.

SCHOOLNUMBER OF SCHOOLS TOTAL HAWAIIAN

HAWAIIAN STUDENTS WITH

EXCESSIVE ABSENCESTOTALSPECIALEDUCATION

HAWAIIANSPECIALEDUCATION

HAWAIIAN STUDENTS WITH

EXCESSIVE ABSENCESDISTRICT EVALUATED STUDENTS STUDENTS # % STUDENTS STUDENTS I

Honolulu 1 543 175 39 22.3 25 12 4 33.3

Windward 7 2,240 1,459 292 2 0 . 0 319 190 81 42.6

Leeward 8 7,922 3,969 1,822 45.9 572 299 138 46.2

Maui 5 920 511 135 26.4 96 36 11 30.6

Molokai 4 1,409 904 315 34.8 61 50 26 52.0

Hawai i 7 3,824 1,746 467 26.7 283 161 69 42.9

TOTAL 32 16,858 8,764 3,070 35.0 1,356 748 329 44.0

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In l i g h t o f the above problems with respect to dropout rates as an educational in d ica to r , two s tu d ie s of the rate o f w ithdrawals of Hawaiian students found them to be w ith in expected l im i t s . The f i r s t o f these was an in -depth study of the o ve ra l l performance o f Hawaiians in the pub lic schoo ls conducted by K e l le t Minn of the Department o f Education for The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Esta te Extension Education D iv i s io n (Minn, 1977). M inn 's conc lu s ion with respect to dropout ra te s was as fo l low s.

The data d i s c lo se s th a t Hawaiian and Part-Hawaiianstudents were not dropping out o f schoo l. Forexample, one (.2%) of the 422 dropouts in the sta te was a Hawaiian student. Although 54 (12.8%) o f the 422 dropouts in the s ta te were Part-H aw aiian , i t should be noted th a t Part-Hawaiian students made up 16.6% of the to ta l student population in the pub lic schoo ls . The proportion o f Hawaiian and Part-Hawaiian students who dropped out was p roportiona l to the sta te as a whole, i . e . , .2% (55 students) o f the Hawaiian and Part-Haw aiian students dropped out as compared to .2% (422 students) who dropped out statew ide, (p. 1)

In a d d it io n , i t was noted th a t the incidence of dropouts d id not vary remarkably across D i s t r i c t s ; p lu s , dropping out was a phenomenon th a toccurred p r im a r i ly a t the high school le v e l.

The second study was conducted by Alu Like in 1979 as part o f t h e i r a n a ly s i s o f absence ra te s a t se lected pub lic schoo ls w ith 40 percent or more Hawaiian students. The absence data were presented above, while in form ation about w ithdrawals from school i s o ffe re d in Table 60. Thistab le inc lud es in fo rm ation from the Ju ly , 1979 report a long w ith the percentage of Hawaiian students in each school d i s t r i c t fo r the 1980-1981 school ye ar, data th a t was added to the o r ig in a l tab le . I t can be seen th a t fo r the way in which w ithdrawals from school were defined fo r t h i s in d ic a to r , the incidence o f w ithdrawals among Hawaiians was ge n e ra l ly no more common than would be expected on the b a s i s o f the number of Hawaiians in each d i s t r i c t . In sho rt, the f in d in g s confirmed the con c lu s ion s from Minn (1977): i t tends to appear th a t dropping out ofschool i s not a major problem fo r Hawaiians.

The most recent in form ation a v a i la b le fo r co ns id e ra t ion in the present needs assessment study was supp lied by th e State o f Hawaii Department o f Education fo r the 1980-1981 school year. S p e c i f i c a l l y , data from the Student In form ation Serv ices branch regard ing student movement w ith respect to the pu b lic school system seems to provide the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a more r e a l i s t i c estimate of the number o f Hawaiian students who leave the pu b lic schoo ls and who do not, apparently continue in other educational s e t t in g s . Table 61 shows the number o f Hawaiians fo r four d i f fe re n t c a te go r ie s o f withdrawal from the pub lic schoo ls fo r the 1980-1981 school y e a r th a t might be considered to be "d ro p -o u ts . " As exp la ined by Department o f Education o f f i c i a l s the four groups can be defined roughly as fo l low s:

1. Dropouts: students who have l e f t school fo r reasonsother than those o ffered on the Department's w ith ­drawal form (Form 4140); these are students who were

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TABLE 60ETHNIC BREAKDOWN OF SCHOOL WITHDRAWALS FOR EACH DISTRICT

IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM, 1977-1978

SCHOOLDISTRICTS

PERCENTHAWAIIANSTUDENTS

TOTALWITHDRAWALS

HAWAIIAN/ PART HAWAIIAN

ALL OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS

NUMBER PERCENT NUMBER PERCENT

Honolulu 14.8% 136 17 12.5% 119 87.5%

Central 9.1% 145 12 8.3% 133 91.7%

Leeward 23.4% 68 18 26.5% 50 73.5%

Windward 28.0% 21 2 9.5% 19 90.5%

Hawa i i 30.4% 76 22 29.0% 54 71.0%

Kauai 23.1% 28 7 25.0% 21 75.0%

Maui 31.3% 45 10 22.2% 35 77.8%

State Total 20.4% 519 88 17.0% 431 83.0%

^Hawaiian representation shown here is for 1980-1981 school year.

SOURCE: Alu Like (1979), p. 8. Data provided by the Student InformationServices of the State Department of Education, May 1979. Also: Charles Clark, Bill 916, pp. 180-181.

NUMBER OF HAWAIIAN STUDENT WITHDRAWALS FROM PUBLIC SCHOOLS BY DISTRICT, 1980-1981TABLE 61

ID.O.E. form 4140 withdrawals.

SOURCE: State of Hawaii Department of Education, 1982,

206

DISTRICT

NUMBER OF HAWAIIAN STUDENTS

PERCENTHAWAIIANSTUDENTS DROPOUTS NO SHOWS

DROPOUTFDR

CAUSEOTHER

WITHDRAWALS TOTALDROPOUTRATE

Honolulu 5,880 14.8% 22 37 12 120 191 3.3%

Central 3,062 9.1% 18 10 1 21 50 1.6%

Leeward 7,143 23.4% 12 41 8 134 265 3.7%

Windward 5,769 28.0% 15 12 1 75 103 1.8%

Hawa i i 5,662 30.4% 4 29 6 59 98 1.7%

Maui 4,144 31.3% 5 26 10 46 87 2.1%

Kauai 1,763 23.1% 1 6 3 19 29 1.6%

TOTAL 33,423 20.4% 77 161 41 474 852 2.6%

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c le a r ly e n ro l le d and attend ing school a t some point but who d iscontinued.

2. No shows: Students who, on the b a s is o f the pre­v iou s y e a r ' s records were expected to en ro ll in schoo l, but who never showed up on any Department records a t any school.

3. Dropout fo r Cause: Students whose reason fo rwithdrawal was covered on the department's withdrawal form; reasons inc lude i l l n e s s , d i s ­a b i l i t y , employment, tr a n s fe r to a lte rn a t iv e education s e t t in g , and fam ily court act ion .

4. Other W ithdraw a ls : Withdrawals not covered in theabove ca te go r ie s ( e . g . , enrollment in the armed se rv ic e s , m arriage, e t c . ) , but reasons other than t r a n s fe r in g to a p r iva te school or moving o u t -o f - s t a te .

C le a r ly , dropout s ta tu s i s f a r from being a b lack-and-w hite is su e . Neverthe less, i t can be seen th a t dropping out as defined here var ied s u b s t a n t ia l l y in i t s rate o f occurence across school d i s t r i c t s . For example, the h ighe st rate noted was fo r the Leeward D i s t r i c t , an area th a t inc ludes several major Hawaiian communities th a t tend to be leaders with respect to many so c ia l and educational problems. At the same time, though, other d i s t r i c t s w ith g re a te r percentages o f Hawaiian students had markedly lower dropout ra te s. In summary, the f ig u re s presented hereprobably define the upper l i m i t o f the dropout problem. That i s , i t i su n l ik e ly th a t there are more dropouts than those id e n t i f ie d in Table 61.Accepting t h i s approach, then, i t might be suggested that le s s than three percent o f the Hawaiian students in the pu b lic schoo ls completely withdraw from school. Th is means a to ta l number o f dropouts o f le s s than 1,000 students. While t h i s number may seem very manageable in an abso lu te sense, one must not fo rge t students whose absence patterns areso extreme th a t they too could, fo r a l l p ra c t ic a l purposes, be treated as having "dropped o u t. "

S o c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

While ana lyses of attendance data leave l i t t l e question that absence from school may be a major educational problem among Hawaiian youth, i t may a ls o be true that o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s are not n e c e ssa r i ly completely accurate r e f le c t io n s o f r e a l i t y . Formulation o f such an hypothesis i s based on f in d in g s from ethnographic s tu d ie s. S p e c i f i c a l l y , Ga llim ore, Boggs, and Jordan (1974) reported th a t going to school was the h ig h l i g h t of the l i v e s o f the Hawaiian adolescents they ta lked to — not n e c e ssa r i ly fo r the educational opp o r tu n it ie s i t afforded, but fo r the o pp ortu n it ie s fo r peer in te ra c t io n . As G a llim ore e t a l . described i t , the s i t u a t io n was as fo l low s:

Devoting only one chapter to a d isc u s s io n of peer and school experience would l i k e l y impress our youthfu l informants as underemphasizing the most in te r e s t in g aspects o f t h e i r l i v e s . From what they to ld us and what we observed, i t i s c le a r th a t fo r the overwhelming ma­j o r i t y , peer contac ts ( in or out o f school) are preferred to a l l th e ir other aspects o f experience, as they con­ce ive i t .

Although school i s regarded as important preparation fo r employment, the day-to -day m otivat ion fo r attendance i s c le a r ly the opportun ity to in te ra c t w ith peers. Aside from academic m atters, which may be grim and unrewarding a t times, school i s a " f re e " opportun ity fo r peer contact. No one needs perm ission to go to schoo l; they are "supposed to g o . " C la s s -ch an g in g times and lunch periods and even some c la s s se s s io n s are times fo r t a lk in g w ith f r ie n d s . One g i r l who sa id she hated sch oo l- work a ls o made c le a r she preferred attend ing c la s s e s to s ta y in g home. She in s i s t e d that there was noth ing she would ra the r do than attend schoo l, because a l l her fr ie n d s were there, and there was no one her age at home and noth ing to do except housework. Even those who are o f f i c i a l l y l i s t e d as truan t, "d ropou ts ," or "pushouts" are o ften a c tu a l ly on the school grounds, or nearby, w aiting fo r times when they can mingle fre e ly with t h e i r f r ie n d s ; they are c a l le d the "drop in s " by school o f f i c i a l s (MacDonald and Ga ll im ore, 1971) and are a source of cons iderab le annoyance to some teachers and a d m in is tra to rs , (pp. 165-166)

In sho rt, even students who have records in d ic a t in g excess ive absence may a c t u a l ly be present a t schoo l, a lthough not attend ing c la s se s r e g u la r ly . Th is might suggest th a t fa m i l ie s and educators may be su rp r ise d to d iscove r th a t about h a l f o f the Hawaiian students in pub lic schoo ls have records th a t are c l a s s i f i e d as "excess ive absence." Thati s , the perception of absence from school may not be as pervasive as the " r e a l i t y " as measured under Department of Educaton d e f in i t io n s ofexcess ive absence.

A s l i g h t l y d i f fe re n t perspective on school absence can be drawn from a v a i la b le records on students e n ro l le d in a l t e r n a t iv e education programs. In t h i s case The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Esta te has worked inconjunct ion with the S ta te o f Hawaii Department o f Education in develop ing, s t a f f i n g , and operating two a l t e rn a t iv e high school programs, the va s t m ajo r ity of whose students have been o f Hawaiian background. Now, one expectation o f a l t e rn a t iv e education might be th a t attendancewould improve in l i g h t o f the sp e c ia l iz e d environment, the outreach counse lin g e f f o r t s o f in - c u l tu r e s p e c i a l i s t s , and the v a s t ly d i f fe re n t curricu lum . On the other hand, i t could a ls o be th a t students who f in d themselves in a l te rn a t iv e education programs are the type who are so fa r beyond the ty p ica l expectations o f school personnel, th a t even pe r iod ic attendance would be considered a major improvement.

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TABLE 62

ABSENCE RATES AND PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS WITH EXCESSIVE ABSENCES1

AT TWO ALTERNATIVE HIGH SCHOOL PROGRAMS, 1977-1982

^"Excessive absence = 20 or more unexcused absences during the school year.2Attendance for this evaluation examined the three previous school years as well as the 1978-79 school year.

NA - Not Available

SOURCE: The Kamehameha Schools/Bernice P. Bishop Estate, Office of ProgramEvaluation and Planning, Reports: 78-79: 36; 79-80: 8; 80-81: II;80-81: 19; 81-82: 2; 82-83: 1.

ALTERNATIVE PROGRAM #1 ALTERNATIVE PROGRAM #2

SCHOOLYEAR

NUMBER OF STUDENTS

OVERALLABSENCERATE

PERCENTWITH

EXCESSIVEABSENCES

NUMBER OF STUDENTS

OVERALLABSENCERATE

PERCENTWITH

EXCESSIVEABSENCES

1981-82 13 NA NA 17 2 2.0% 70.6%

1980-81 18 27.1% 90.0% 24 23.3% 75.8%

1979-80 20 29.5 % 80.0% 29 NA 93.0%

1978-79 27 17.8% 63.0% 39 NA 79.4%2

1977-78 34 31.5% 94.1% (SEE 1978-19791)

Table 62 shows the enrollment, overa ll attendance ra te s , and percent of students w ith exce ss ive absence records (as defined by the S ta te Department o f Education) during the period 1977-1982. In genera l, i t can be seen that these a l t e rn a t iv e high school programs served a very l im ite d number of students who t y p ic a l l y missed o n e -o u t -o f -e v e ry - f iv e to one -ou t-o f-eve ry -th ree school days, with the va s t m ajority of students m iss in g more than 20 school days a year. In sho rt, assignment toa l t e rn a t iv e education d id not produce s t a r t l i n g changes in school attendance of the type th a t b r in g students w ith in "normal" l im i t s . This i s not to say that b r in g in g a student from an attendance rate of say 75percent to a rate o f 30 percent i s not s t a r t l i n g ; i t does in d ic a te ,though, that t im e-on-task co n s id e ra t io n s are very important to consider in a l t e rn a t iv e education s i t u a t io n s , because there does appear to be a s i g n i f i c a n t problem.

The enormity of the attendance problem w ith some students i s suggested by the fo l lo w in g excerpt from an assessment o f educational needs o f youth on Molokai (O f f ic e of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing,1979; Report #78-79:36).

The attendance (absence) rate of students has been and i s a c ru c ia l problem. For students cu r re n t ly en ro l led in the a l t e rn a t iv e school (N=39) an a n a ly s i s o f th e ir past four ye a rs o f a ttend ing school revea ls the fo l low in g :

• Over 50% o f the students were absent from school the equ iva len t o f one fu l l year or more out o f the four.

• Over 1/4 o f the students were absent from school the equ iva len t o f a t l e a s t 1/2 f u l l ye ars or more (6 semesters) out of the year.

• Three s tud en ts (7.3%) were absent from school theequ iva len t of two f u l l years or more out o f the four.

• During the present year in the a lte rn a t iv e program, 21 o f 39 students (53.8%) have been absent the equ iva len t of one day or more every week. (p. 11)

O bv ious ly , absence patterns of th i s magnitude severe ly undermine the formal educational process.

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Major Need Category:

General Need Area:

Condition 5:

Spec ia l Educational Needs

A l ie n a t io n

S p i r i t u a l Values and P ra c t ice s

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Condition Summary

FROM A VARIETY OF DENOMINATIONAL PERSPECTIVES TESTIMONIAL DATA SUGGESTS A NEED FOR SPIRITUAL REVIVAL AND RENEWAL. OF PARTICULAR SIGNIFICANCE TO HAWAIIANS I S A NEED FOR FREEDOM TO FOLLOW TRADITIONAL RELEGIOUS PRACTICES.

Potential Educational Interventions

• E thn ic s tu d ie s courses in which t r a d i t io n a l r e l i g io u s b e l ie f s and customs o f ind igenous people are stud ied.

Depending on the type of school ( i . e . , pub lic versus p r iv a te ) and any denominational a f f i l i a t i o n . . .

• R e l ig io u s s tu d ie s courses or other a c t i v i t i e s designed to enhance s p i r i t u a l values.

Testimony

While the s p i r i t u a l l y - r e l a t e d educational needs of Hawaiians e n ro lle d in var ious c h u r c h - a f f i l i a t e d p r iva te schoo ls are undoubtedly o f prime importance to those who operate these sch oo ls , a broader r e l i g i o u s / s p i r i t u a l is su e th a t may a f f e c t a l l Hawaiians has to do with freedom to p ra c t ic e the t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian re l i g io n .

A v a r ie ty o f in d iv id u a l s have t e s t i f i e d regard ing in fr igem ents on Hawaiians in the area o f r e l i g io u s p rac t ic e . One example i s tha t of Arthur Chun:

I t may not be be lie vab le by the people o f America th a t there i s r e l i g i o u s in fr ingem ent on Native In d ia n s , on Native A la skans, and Native Hawaiians, and th a t t h i s in fr ingem ent comes from a lack o f a d e f in it e p o l ic y , from a la c k o f access to sacred s i t e s , and in terference in r e l i g i o u s events. Now, we have seen t h i s occur in the l a s t year or two when the Hawaiians in t h e i r s p i r i t u a l express ions t r ie d to get to Kahoolawe, where sacred s i t e s are located. We have seen t h i s in the Ind ian e f f o r t s , th a t they have t r ie d

to get to t h e i r sacred s i t e s and cemetaries th a t are w ith in Federal j u r i s d i c t i o n , and they were unable to do so. And, we have seen t h i s in the Eskimos being nonconsulted when ru le s regard ing th e i r hunting of whales were e s ta b l ish e d . . .

In t h i s l i t t l e area, in t h i s l i t t l e v i l l a g e , we saw beg inn ings o f the breakdown o f the Hawaiian r e l i g i o u s system, which continues to t h i s day. Sad but because and p a r t ly from th a t breakdown o f the r e l i g i o n , began the sh a t te r in g o f th e i r id e n t i t y as proud in d iv id u a l s o f a very proud race. And so, when your re so lu t io n someday i s passed, the Hawaiian people again may be ab le to r i s e and exerc ise t h e i r choice, whether they wish to l i v e in the fa sh ion of th e ir fo re fa th ers or whether they wish to l i v e in the system of the Western World. ( B i l l 857, pp. 90-91)

A s im i l a r perspective was expressed by Gordon P i i a n a ia , Coord inatorof the Hawaiian S tu d ie s In s t i t u t e at The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishopE sta te , in h is 1978 testim ony regard ing Senate J o in t Reso lu t ion 102:

While C h r i s t i a n i t y has given many w ith in the Hawaiian community new and d ive rse r e l i g i o u s involvements, i t has a ls o been a major c o n tr ib u to r to the lo s s o f many t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian b e l ie f s . Alongw ith these lo s s e s a ls o went much o f the r ic h her itage th a t abounded throughout these be au t ifu l i s la n d s .Today many of the young Hawaiians, m yse lf included, have had to seek and learn about the r ic h Hawaiianh er itage th a t once was evident and p rac t iced here. Fortunate ly , there are e ld e rs who apply t r a d i t io n a l b e l ie f s , and the emotions which re la te to suchb e l ie f s , th a t have not been erad icated the past 200 years and are s t i l l l in ke d to the to ta l environment.These in d iv id u a l s have made t h e i r cho ice. L ikew ise , Iwant the same freedom of choice. R e l ig io u s b e l ie f s are an in te g ra l part of the Hawaiian cu ltu re ,t r a d i t io n , and h e r itage and are ab so lu te ly i r re p la c e a b le i f we are to perpetuate and preserve what we love. Yes, I support Senate J o in t Reso lu t ion 102, but I f e l t and thought th a t the f i r s t amendment of the United S ta te s c o n s t i tu t io n was guaranteed to a l l peoples. For m yse lf , I again on ly a sk fo r respect of my b e l ie f s . For my c h i ld re n , who are part-Haw aiian , I ask th a t they have the freedom ofchoice when they grow up to choose th e ir own r e l i g io n . (Senate J o in t Reso lu tion 102, pp. 74-75)

As both of these comments imply, i t appears th a t p reserv ing enough of t r a d i t io n a l r e l i g i o n to enable youth o f today to have freedom o f choice w ith respect to th e i r r e l i g i o u s p ra c t ic e s w i l l requ ire spec ia l educational programs in v o lv in g Hawaiian Kupuna or e ld e rs sha r in g what they know in these areas. A key element o f t h i s re v iva l e f f o r t may be

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preserva t ion o f m ateria l th a t was he re -to - fo re e x c lu s iv e ly o ra l. For example, R u b e l l i te Johnson (1982) recently t ra n s la te d the f i r s t two cantos o f the Kumulipo, the Hawaiian Hymn o f Creation. Her involvementin t h i s task led to a personal s p i r i t u a l reawakening which she would l i k eother Hawaiians to pursue:

' I looked f a r a f i e ld and read deeply in many,many d i f fe r e n t sacred l i t e r a t u r e s and found the u n iv e r s a l i t y in the Kumulipo . . .

' I f you apply t h i s (the knowledge contained in the Kumulipo) to the whole w o r ld 's problems, you c a n 't beat what the Hawaiians did. . .

' I found out th a t the worst th in g you can do i s hold a grudge and maintain resentment a g a in s t theperson you th ink i s a g a in s t you. I t ' s too easy to have a grudge, an excuse to blame o thers. Too easy. .

'For a long time, I held t h i s philosophy of be ingthe v ic t im . And as long as I d id hold th a t philosophyI was the v ic t im . F in a l l y , I saw th a t I d id n ' t have to be, th a t I on ly had to change my idea about m yself

[Then, in o f fe r in g recommendations to other Hawaiians, she concluded:] ' . . . un le ss you canfo rg iv e that , y o u ' l l always be there w ith th a t hurt.You have to unload the burden, the th in g s th a t depressyou, one a t a time, u n t i l the whole th in g i s c a s t o f f .

'Then your l i f e begins to f a l l in to good hands, your own, once you are in possess ion o f y o u r s e l f . . .

'Regain possess ion of y o u r s e l f , the confidence in y o u r s e l f , f i r s t . Then you 've got something to hang onto which has noth ing to do with land or money. I t ' s s p i r i t u a l s t r e n g th . ' (Honolulu A d v e r t ise r , February 2, 1982)

S o c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

A very l im ite d search w ith respect to t h i s to p ic produced the fo l lo w in g a n a ly s i s o f l o s s of r e l i g i o n as i t a f f e c t s to d ay 's Hawaiians:

R e l ig io n i s another key in which the t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian cu ltu re has been l o s t i f one cons iders the complex b e l ie f s and extensive customs which helped to maintain the s o c ia l f a b r ic . Not a l l o f the b e l ie f s , and c e r ta in ly not the emotions which re la te to such b e l ie f s are e x t in c t . People who t r a d i t i o n a l l y made th e i r l i v i n g from the sea and from farming the h i l l s i d e s o f the i s la n d s , to t h i s day re la te c lo se ly to the natural environment which they s k i l l f u l l y u t i l i z e d . While people o f other than Hawaiian back­grounds may have s im i l a r r e la t io n s h ip s and s im i la r s k i l l s in f i s h in g , food gathering around sh o re l in e s , or farm ing, Hawaiians, through t r a d i t i o n s which have

not ye t t o t a l l y disappeared, extend t h e i r t i e s w ith the natural environment to the supernatural in th e ir own specia l manner. The sea, the beach, the m ountains--the to ta l environment— are l in ke dim portantly to the l i v e s o f the people. There are many p laces o f spec ia l s i g n i f i c a n c e ; sacred spots in the h i l l s , b u r ia l grounds by the sea, v a l le y s and mountains and other landmarks. Meanings and symbolisms in nature are known and s t i l ltaught--though o ften incom p lete ly --by the o lder generation members to youngsters who are in te re s te d or who j u s t overhear the s t o r ie s o f th e i r e ld e rs . The man-nature dichotomy o f Western cu ltu re s j u s t does not e x i s t in the same manner fo r those who p a r t ic ip a te in the Hawaiian cu ltu re system. But the r e la t io n s to nature and to the supernatural which were a l l p a rt of one complex of b e l ie f s and p ra c t ic e s have beene x te n s ive ly the ta rg e t o f continuous quest ion ing andc r i t i c i s m of a m is s io n a r iz in g and a c u l t u r a l l y divergent m ajo r ity . Th is has driven much of thet r a d i t io n a l knowledge and values underground, i f not made them hazy and e x t in c t fo r a la rg e number of c h r i s t ia n iz e d Hawaiians. (Meretzki, 1974, p. 49)

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General Need Area: School System B a rr ie r s

Condition 1: Teacher T ra in in g

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Cond it ion Summary

OBSERVERS OF THE CURRENT TEACHING STAFF IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS BELIEVE TEACHERS MIGHT BE MORE EFFECTIVE IF THEY COULD RECEIVE BACKGROUND TRAINING IN HAWAIIAN CULTURAL VALUES AND PRACTICES AND/OR TRAINING IN THE USE OF "CULTURALLY APPROPRIATE" CURRICULA.

Potential Educational Interventions

• In - s e r v ic e or foundation teacher t r a in in g focused on teach ingcu ltu ra l values and p ra c t ic e s of indigenous peoples.

• In - s e r v ic e or foundation teacher t r a in in g designed to develops k i l l s in u s in g " c u l t u r a l l y appropriate " c u r r ic u la .

Testimony

Consumers and observers have suggested that D.O.E. teachers might be be tte r ab le to serve Hawaiian youth i f they become more knowledgeable about Hawaiian cu ltu re and p ra c t ic e s . For example:

. . . we need to le a rn the special cu ltu re s o f our land so in se rv ice t r a in in g to our teachers w i l l be a g re a t a s se t to a l l in vo lved . Th is program could be expanded to the parents o f the ch i ld ren as well so they in turn could be teachers f o r t h e i r own ch ild ren .I be l ie ve each parent should be the f i r s t and foremost teachers for t h e i r ch i ld re n . Therefore, I s t ro n g ly recommend e ar ly approval o f th i s b i l l (Evelyn O lores,B i l l 916, p. 215).

There i s a g reat need fo r teacher t r a in in g , e sp e c ia l ly in Hawaiian c u l tu ra l concepts. Teachers need to know why Hawaiian ch i ld re n react in ce r ta in ways (Henning, 1978c).

Teacher t r a in in g on Hawaiian cu ltu ra l concepts would

- 216 -help a l o t . The Metamorphosis s t a f f o ffe red to coord inate such t r a in in g (Henning, 1978b).

The pub lic school system of education in Hawaii has sim ply not done enough to develop the in d iv id u a l potentia l o f Hawaiian students. That i s why i t ' s important to s e n s i t iz e our educators to a better understanding o f the needs and problems o f Hawaiian students (Keoni Agard, B i l l 916, p. 92).

Social Science Analysis

S o c ia l s c i e n t i s t s invo lved in the Hawaiian Community Research P ro ject in Nanakuli during the 1960s attempted to improve the educational c lim ate in c lassroom s by f a m i l i a r iz in g the teaching s t a f f w ith Hawaiian cu ltu re and h is to ry . In general, t h i s in te rvention d id l i t t l e to change classroom in te r a c t io n between teachers and students; thus, t h i s general approach to the problem o f c u ltu ra l mismatch between teachers and students was seen to hold l i t t l e hope fo r improving school achievement o f Hawaiian youth (MacDonald and Gallim ore, 1971).

The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate KEEP program has worked i n te n s iv e ly fo r over a decade on developing teacher t r a in in g methods and content m ateria l fo r use in developing pub lic school teachers who can e f f e c t iv e ly work with Hawaiian youth.

The KEEP approach has been to heav ily emphasize t r a in in g o f c lassroom teachers in s p e c i f ic behav ior management and teach ing s t ra te g y (S lo a t , 1981). The trend has been away from cu ltu ra l knowledge t r a in in g and towards c u ltu ra l ly -c o m p a t ib le s k i l l t r a in in g . The need seems to be fo r e v e r - in c re a s in g complexity o f teacher s k i l l s :

Considerab le e f f o r t i s being devoted to c le a r spec­i f i c a t i o n of desired performance. T ra in in g programs are much more t i g h t ly -o r g a n iz e d , with w e l l -d e f in e d and measureable o b je c t iv e s . This w i l l a l lo w fo r better assessment o f t r a in in g increases in s k i l l or knowledge.S ince the successfu l execution o f the KEEP language a r t s program requ ire s a complex array o f teacher behav iors, there w i l l be a wide va r ie ty of t r a in in g research o ppor tu n it ie s . ( S lo a t , 1981, p. 41)

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Condition 2: Q u a lity o f Teaching S t a f f

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

General Need Area: School System Barrier

Condition Summary

A MAJOR COMPLAINT ABOUT THE CURRENT EDUCATIONAL WORK FORCE I S THE UNDERREPRESENTATION OF HAWAIIANS IN PROFESSIONAL TEACHING, ADMINISTRATIVE, AND PLANNING POSITIONS. OTHER CONCERNS INCLUDE THE GENERALLY DECLINING QUALITY OF THE TEACHING STAFF AS WELL AS ASSIGNMENT AND TRANSFER POLIC IES WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION THAT RESULT IN HIGH TURNOVER RATES AT CERTAIN SCHOOLS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs designed to encourage cu ltu ra l m inor ity members to seek careers in education.

• A f f irm a t iv e ac t ion p o l i c ie s to co rre c t ethnic imbalances in educational work forces.

§ Personnel assignment and recruitment p o l i c ie s that produce aq u a l i ty educational work force fo r a l l schoo ls - ru r a l , urban, and suburban.

Testimony

A major concern on the part of many Hawaiians i s the severeunderrepresentation o f Hawaiians w ith in the teach ing force of the sta te . For example, W ill iam Waters described the s i t u a t io n w ith respect to school a d m in is tra to rs :

One of the th ings th a t we have seen in our pub lic school system has been the decline o f the Hawaiian le ad ersh ip . Running through some of the s t a t i s t i c s I have: In 1925 we had 177 schoo ls throughout the Stateand these were headed by 50 Hawaiian p r in c ip a l s or 35 percent; in 1935, we had 184 schoo ls with 42 p r in ­c ip a l s , down to 22 percent; in 1 977, we have 235schoo ls and only 10 part-Hawaiian or Hawaiianp r in c ip a l s fo r 2.3 percent ( B i l l 857, p. 73).

And l a t e r commented on the s i t u a t io n with respect to teachers:

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I have looked through the s t a t i s t i c s s ince 1900 to about 1940. We had a la rg e num ber-- I 've gone through the d i r e c t o r y - - o f Hawaiian teachers. But, up to about 1940, j u s t before World War I I , the s h i f t s ta r te d to go the other way.

So, we did have the input, in the past of Hawaiian teachers [but] . . . We l o s t th a t input in to the system ( B i l l 916, p. 72).

Data from the 1979 school ye ar, meanwhile, reveal the fo l low in g :

In 1 979 the S ta te Department of Education had a s t a f f of nearly 9,475 teachers, counse lors, and p r in c ip a l s .Of th a t f ig u re only 660 (7 percent) were of Hawaiian ancestry (Winona Rubin, Alu L ike , Hawaii Advisory Committee to U. S. Commission on C iv i l R igh ts).

In a more persona lized account o f the s i t u a t io n , in which he ra ise d quest ions about ge n era l ly low job s ta tu s among Hawaiians, Senator Inouye reported on a v i s i t to one o f the High Schools in which Hawaiian youth predominate:

Two years ago, I v i s i t e d Nanakuli High Schoo l, located r i g h t in the middle o f Hawaiian Homes land. Over 90 percent o f the students were Hawaiian. Yet, th e ir teachers were Chinese, Japanese, Haole, and oneF i l ip in o . The only Hawaiians in evidence were thej a n i t o r s , the food se rv ice employees, the guards and maintenance crew. There was no Hawaiian h is to rycourse except one th a t the F i l i p in o teacher o ffered a f te r school on a vo luntary b a s is . Her te x t fo r thec la s s was James M ichener 's Hawaii.

I ask you to imagine how the Hawaiian c h i ld fe e ls when he sees the a d u lts o f h is race c le a n in g ya rd s , c o l le c t in g garbage, washing dishes--when he sees— th a t few are teachers, lawyers or doctors, even i f a l l the p u rsu it s are honorable and necessary ta sk s (Daniel Inouye, B i l l 916, p. 80).

T h is account r a i s e s a second key concern: few teachers a lreadyinvo lved in the s ta te educational system are q u a l i f ie d to teach Hawaiian youth in matters re la ted to th e ir cu ltu re and h is to ry ; moreover, in d iv id u a l s who may be q u a l i f ie d often cannot ga in entry in to the system. For in stance, the Puwalu conference of 1978, convened as a means of o b ta in in g the perspective o f Native Hawaiians regard in g problems they face in to d a y 's world, noted th a t "Many of our kupuna [e ld e r s ] are unable to teach in the schoo ls because they la c k formal education degrees". The so lu t io n proposed w ith respect to th i s s i t u a t io n was to seek a change in the teacher c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system so th a t i t would a l low the kupuna to teach in the pub lic school system with proper recogn it ion .

This s i t u a t io n may be re la te d to the ce n tra l iz e d nature of the

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H a w a i i 's ce n tra l iz e d system in many ways t r ie s toe s t a b l i s h uni form ru le s and re g u la t io n s . This often i s detrimental to the w elfare o f m in o r it ie s . There are few a u t h o r i t ie s on Hawaiian cu ltu re in the Hawaii pu b lic school system and i f the Department of Education i s g iven the f in a l r e s p o n s ib i l i t y fo r h ir in g of personnel, you can be sure th a t the c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements w i l l be th a t of a g e n e r a l i s t in elementary and secondary education. There i s a su rp lu s o f over 3,000 co llege -[educated ] teachersw a it in g to be h ired in our s ta te . Hardly any are of Hawaiian ancestry or versed in the Hawaiian cu ltu re(W il l iam Waters, B i l l 916, p. 68).

educational system in the State of Hawaii:

More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the s i t u a t io n with respect to teachers of Hawaiian language was described as fo l lo w s :

Senator INOUYE: Are there any teachers o f Hawaiianlanguage who are o f Hawaiian ancestry?Mr. CLEELAND: Yes, but there are a lso a l o t ofhao les. The problem a t t h i s time, as I see i t , i s th a t on t h i s i s la n d and a l l the other i s la n d s , we are t r y in g to get in te r e s t in the Hawaiian in to a l l o f the schoo ls . R ight now, we are ge t t in g enough people of part-Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian ancestry th a t are becoming q u a l i f ie d in the f ie ld , but they are unable to get in to the sch oo ls , because you cannot move d ir e c t ly in to a pu b lic school and take on a new l in e when the program i s not e s ta b l ish e d .. . . next year, I have two c la s s e s go ing. Since there are enough underclassmen, p o s s ib ly the fo l low in g year I can have a second year Hawaiian c la s s .

But, the problem i s g e tt in g in to the schoo ls . I f I had not been a lready in the school, I would not have been ab le to s t a r t t h i s program. (Byron Cl eel and,B i l l 916, pp. 199-200)

Th is problem of lack o f room fo r teachers who have new ideas was e laborated upon by h i s t o r ia n R ichard Rapson in h is book F a i r l y Lucky You Live Hawaii (1980):

The teachers have been in the system a long time, and l i t t l e new h i r in g appears to be in the o f fe r in g fo r the near fu ture . According to D.O.E. s t a t i s t i c s of October 31, 1979, o ne -th ird o f teachers werea lready a t the top o f the lo n g e v i t y - s a la r y schedule.(There are nine re g u la r steps in the s a la r y schedule, w ith three years o f se rv ice in step 9 requ ired before moving onto the lo n g e v ity steps. There are four lo n g e v ity steps each re q u ir in g three years of se rv ice .Thus a teacher has to accumulate an equ iva len t o f 21

years of teaching before reaching the top lo n ge v ity s te p . ) According to those same s t a t i s t i c s , more than two out o f every three teachers in the system (6,118 of 8,915) had reached one of the lo n g e v ity steps. These f ig u re s su gge st th a t , because more young teachers with new ideas might energize the schoo ls , the abso lute nature o f the tenure p r in c ip le and i t s abso lu te a p p l ic a t io n could bear ree va lu a t ion , both in the schools and the U n ive rs ity . Such eva luat ion should, however, be c a r r ie d out by educators, not p o l i t i c i a n s .

Social Indicator Data

The Department of Education fo r the S ta te o f Hawaii provided Alu Like with the data shown in Table 63. These data provide an in d ic a t io n o f the extent of underrepresentation of Hawaiians on the teach ing s t a f f s o f schoo ls in the s ta te th a t have 40% or more Native Hawaiian students.

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TABLE 63PERCENTAGE COMPARISON OF NATIVE HAWAIIAN TEACHERS

WITH NATIVE HAWAIIAN STUDENTS IN EACH PUBLIC SCHOOL WHICH HAS 40% OR MORE NATIVE HAWAIIAN STUDENTS, 1979

Name o f S c h o o l

TEACHERS STUDENTSTOTAL HAWAIIAN TOTAL HAWAIIAN

Number Percent Number PercentHONOLULU

* L i n c o l n 29 0 0.0% 543 175 32.2%

WINDWARD

H auu la 29 5 17.2% 396 290 73.2%Kaaawa 12 0 0.0% 129 69 53.5%Kaha luu 24 1 4.2% 398 177 44.5%Olomana 21 2 9.5% 65 49 75.4%Pope 26 7 26.9% 387 347 89.7%W a iah o le 14 3 21.4% 197 115 58.4%Waimanalo E l e m . - I n t e r . 46 6 13.0% 668 412 61.7%

LEEWARD

* M a i 1 i 52 4 7.7% 795 299 37.6%Makaha 46 5 10.9% 840 416 49.5%Nanai kapono 56 1 2.0% 931 446 47.9%N an a k u l i 17 1 5.9% 246 243 98.8%N a n a k u l i H i g h - I n t e r . 65 15 23.1% 1,154 757 65.6%

*W aianae 79 2 2.5% 1,370 528 38.5%W aianae H igh 86 26 30.2% 1,693 730 43.1%W aianae In t e r . 47 10 22.3% 893 550 61.6%

MAUI

H a iku 19 1 5.3% 342 154 45.0%Hana H ig h -E le m . 20 1 5.0% 298 230 77.2%Keanae 2 1 50.0% 30 28 93.3%

* P a i a 17 1 5.9% 181 72 39.8%*Puunene 19 2 10.5% 69 27 39.1%

MOLOKAI

Kaunakaka i 18 3 16.7% 344 208 54.5%K i 1ohana 8 0 0.0% 95 66 69.5%Kualapuu 15 3 20.0% 273 166 60.8%M o lo k a i H i g h - I n t e r . 37 2 5.4% 697 464 66.6%

N I IH A U 3 3 100.0% 59 59 100.0%

HAWAII

Honaunau 16 1 6.3% 266 114 42.9%Hookena 10 0 0.0% 122 89 73.0%K ea lakehe 51 4 7.8% 1,119 476 42.5%Keaukaha 13 0 0.0% 277 233 84.1%

*Konawaena H i g h - I n t e r . 63 5 7.9% 1,161 441 38.0%N aalehu 16 0 0.0% 266 121 45.5%Waimea E l e m . - I n t e r . 33 5 15.2% 613 272 44.4%

*At the beginning of the 1978-79 school year, these six schools had 40% or more Native Hawaiian students. However, when these data were extracted at the end of the school year (June), the percentages were found to be lower than 40%, probably due to transfers, withdrawals, etc.SOURCE: Teacher data provided by the Personnel Office of the State Department of

Education, 1979.Student data extracted from student records in each school, June, 1979.

General Need Area: School System B a rr ie r

Cond it ion 3: Supplementary and Support Se rv ice s

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

C ond it ion Sunmary

LIMITED SERVICES IN THE FOLLOWING AREAS HAVE BEEN CITED ASCONTRIBUTING FACTORS TO THE LIMITED EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT OFHAWAIIANS: SUPPLEMENTARY TRAINING IN BASIC SK ILLS, TUTORING ANDCOUNSELING SERVICES, CULTURALLY APPROPRIATE COUNSELING SERVICES,COOPERATIVE WORKING RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN SOCIAL SERVICE AGENCIES, TRANSPORTATION SERVICES, CAREER PLANNING AND INFORMATION SERVICES, ANDPRE-EMPLOYMENT AND EMPLOYMENT SERVICES.

P o te n t ia l Educational In te rve n t ion s

• Supplementary and support se rv ice s th a t e f f e c t iv e ly meet spec ia l student needs.

Testimony

F e d e r a l ly - le g i s la t e d educational programs do serve some Hawaiianyouth, y e t observers s t i l l c la im a need fo r even grea te r supplementary education and more numerous spec ia l se rv ice s . For example, i t has been noted th a t on ly about 3% o f the 35,000 Hawaiian pub lic school students b e n e f i t from ESEA T i t le I and emergency school a id funds. Because o f the l im ite d coverage in t h i s and other re la te d c ircum stances, there have been c a l l s fo r fu r th e r in c re a s in g se rv ic e s to Hawaiians. The fo l lo w in g are a sample of comments:

'There i s a c r i t i c a l need in the schoo ls fo r supplementary t r a in in g in the ba s ic s k i l l s ' (Henning,1978c).

'More tu to r in g and counse ling se rv ice s are needed' (Henning, 1978b).

'T ran sp orta t ion fo r a f te r school a c t i v i t i e s i s a problem' (Henning, 1978; M o loka i).

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There are a number o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren in our area, and sure ly spec ia l programs such as reading and speech w i l l r e a l ly be an a s se t to a l l the Native Hawaiian ch i ld re n in our area (Evelyn O lores, B i l l 916, p. 144).

I have found in my ac t iv e p a r t ic ip a t io n in our schoo ls sp e c ia l p ro jects such as Act IV , i s th a t our ch i ld ren need th a t extra a t te n t io n to t h e i r read ing and/or speech. Many tim es, i t i s even the education of parents to the d i f fe r e n t programs th a t g ive our ch i ld re n the extra boost to shove them ahead (Dona Kapu, B i l l 91 6, p. 144).

Likew ise, as you look to Federal program s--as you know the Federal programs are very c a te g o r ic a l - - th e y d on 't provide funds fo r a l l the Hawaiian ch i ld re n , those ch ild ren who f a l l w ith in the lower 25th pe rce n t i le do have some s o - c a l le d program benefits as provided by the program o f f i c e . In those programs we found th a t [when] the Hawaiian youngsters were given a l o t of in d iv id u a l iz e d type o f in s t ru c t io n , reasonable progress could be expected.

The kind of model that I 'm speaking about i s the d ia g n o s t ic p re sc r ip t iv e evaluated model, where a youngster i s a ssessed and a program developed fo r him, then evaluated a long the way and t h i s cyc le perpetuated. So, when we ta lk about programs, as I look to the Senate b i l l , I feel th a t t h i s b i l l i s a Godsent, and would r e a l ly make an impact on our Hawaiian population (Henry Hashimoto, B i l l 916, p. 199).

A more considered perspective has been o ffe red by the Puwalu conference which d i s t i l l e d the thoughts of many Hawaiians regard ing on the needs of the Hawaiian community. In the area of education they suggested development and funding o f three types o f programs: (1)r e a l i s t i c caree r-o r ie n ted programs; (2) use o f e x i s t in g counse ling se rv ic e s to implement new prob lem -so lv ing te c h n iq u e s - - fo r example, Ohana concepts; and (3 ) c re a t ion o f a l te rn a t iv e education o pp ortu n it ie s o f the m o d if ic a t io n of e x i s t in g programs to meet special needs.

The importance and u t i l i t y o f specia l c a re e r -re la te d programs in the s sch oo ls i s something th a t has been advocated by ad v iso ry co u n c i ls to the Governor ( e . g . , Commission on Manpower and Fu ll Employment and SETC Report to the Governor, 1981), as well as by in d iv id u a l s :

. . . i f we could teach the ch ild ren t h i s and we can motivate them and help them to feel the importance of education and r e a l ly get educated t h i s way, and i f we have people coming over to Molokai t e l l i n g them of the job o pp ortu n it ie s and w hat 's a v a i la b le , a l l these d i f fe r e n t th in g s to e x c ite them, I am sure, maybe 100

percent o f our students there w i l l feel t h i s , w i l l fee l the m otiva t ion , and they w i l l , maybe, d e s ire to seek out h igher education rather than be content with being j u s t a Hawaiian student, l i v i n g from day to day and, you know, r e a l l y not knowing what e x i s t s outs ide Molokai (Dona Kapu, B i l l 916, p. 145).

Social Indicator Data

Henning (1978a) in a p r o f i l e o f youth on the Leeward coast noted a problem in the area in terms o f schoo ls and agencies being unable to in te r a c t and b u ild a support system fo r youth w ith spec ia l needs. She contacted a va r ie ty o f specia l se rv ice agencies in the area and found few i f any r e f e r r a l s from the schoo ls . In fa c t , t h e i r question was: Whereare the r e f e r r a l s ?

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General Need Area:

Condition 4:

Major Need Category:

Specia l E d u c a t io n / In d iv id u a l iz e d Educational P lann ing

Special Educational Needs

School System Barrier

Condition Summary

YOUTH WITH SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL NEEDS OFTEN FAIL TO RECEIVE OPTIMALEDUCATIONAL PROGRAMING. IN PARTICULAR, OBSERVERS NOTE A NEED FORALTERNATIVE EDUCATION PROGRAMS, FOR CURRICULA THAT INDIVIDUALIZEINSTRUCTION, FOR SPECIAL READING PROGRAMS, AND FOR GIFTED AND TALENTEDPROGRAMS THAT INCLUDE MORE HAWAIIANS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Specia l educational programs that e f f e c t iv e ly meet a range of s p e c i f i c , in d iv id u a l educational needs.

• A lte rn a t iv e education programs for a l ien a ted youth,

t E f f e c t iv e reading programs.

• A f a i r , in c lu s iv e educational program fo r g i f t e d and ta lented youth.

Testimony

At le a s t some Hawaiian leaders have f e l t a need fo r spec ia l sch oo lin g fo r Hawaiian youth, and many Hawaiians seem to feel th a t a lt e rn a t iv e education programs w i l l e f f e c t iv e ly meet unique educational needs amongHawaiians. For example, in a 1972 in terv iew Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate t ru stee , Myron Thompson, described the need fo r spec ia l schoo ls:

Q uestion : Do you feel there i s a need fo r a specialschool fo r Hawaiians, l i k e the Kamehameha Schoo ls?

Thompson: I happen to th ink there i s because ourtrack record w ith Hawaiian youngsters in the pub lic schoo ls has not been good. I t a l s o seems to me th a t the Bishop E s ta te , which finances the Kamehameha Schoo ls , should in l i g h t o f Pauah i 's in te n t make a con tr ib u t io n toward improving the educational system in our pub lic schoo ls as well as a t Kam s in ce t h a t ' s

where most o f the 68,000 part-Hawaiian ch i ld ren are enro lled . Enrollment a t Kam i s only about 2,500.

Doing th a t would improve the q u a l i t y o f education acro ss the board fo r a l l k id s . However, there seems to be a need fo r special schoo ls fo r Hawaiian k id s (Honolulu S t a r - B u l le t in , 8-24-72).

While much o f what Mr. Thompson expressed a d e s ire fo r has become r e a l i t y as a r e s u l t o f Kamehameha's e f f o r t s in i t s Extension Education D iv i s io n and Kamehameha E a r ly Education Program (KEEP), more recent comments c le a r ly in d ica te th a t a l te rn a t iv e education i s a desired ad d it ion to e x i s t in g pub lic school opt ions. For example, A lthea Kaohi commented as fo l low s:

Perhaps, I am one of the fortunate N at ives that received sch oo lin g and became an educated person. My parents saw the value and s t ro n g ly f e l t th a t the pre re q u is ite to a d u lt l i f e was to be educated fo rm a lly . However, today, that type of education may not be what my people need.

As a Native Hawaiian who i s a pu b lic l i b r a r ia n and Hawaiiana (cu ltu re ) le c tu re r fo r the community c o l le g e , I b e l ie v e I know the needs and potentia l of my people. With more moneys a l t e rn a t iv e educational programs can be made a v a i la b le to the N a t ive s , an informal education th a t r e f le c t s and re la te s to values once enjoyed by th e i r ancestors. ( B i l l 916, p. 203).

Educators a ls o seem to s t ro n g ly fa v o r development of a l t e rn a t iv e education fo r Hawaiians. At l e a s t Henning 's needs assessments completed in 1978 fo r Alu Like Inc. included numerous comments from educators on the Leeward Coast, a t Rooseve lt High School, and on Molokai c a l l i n g fo r a l t e r n a t iv e education o p t ions. The fo l low in g are samples extracted from her reports.

DOE should be required to provide a lte rn a t iv eprograms. (Leeward D i s t r i c t )

K ids are being hurt - so a l te rn a t iv e programs are needed now. (Leeward D i s t r i c t )

In ad d it ion to those advocating a l t e rn a t iv e education programs for Hawaiian students who have been unable to cope with e x i s t in g pub lic school programming, many have expressed the opin ion that a lt e rn a t iv e options should be a v a i la b le to a l l students. The fo l lo w in g two comments from H enn ing 's (1978) work and testimony from George Kahumoku e laborate on th i s poi nt.

A l te rn a t iv e programs should be fo r good students, too.(Leeward D i s t r i c t )

More study u n its and a lte rn a t iv e c la s s e s are needed

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fo r a l l students, not j u s t fo r students having problems. (Mo loka i)

As a nat ive Hawaiian, I would l i k e to say that we know some of the fa c t s regard ing our people and know th a t there i s s t i l l much to be done and learned. In terms of a l t e rn a t iv e schoo ls , there are some o f us who feel th a t perhaps these a lte rn a t iv e ideas w i l l one day be incorporated in to the present department of education system to a point where i t i s n ' t an a l t e r n a t iv e anymore but part o f a system th a t can re la te to our nat ive Hawaiians and Part-Haw aiians.

We are not a sk in g the Federal Government fo r a handout but j u s t a chance toward se lf -d e te rm in a t ion and so c ia l and economic s e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y . For our "kapunas" (grandparents), "makuas" (parents, au n t ie s , u n c le s ) and the " k e ik i s " (ch i ld re n ) y e t to be born, we see a long journey ahead and that a l l roads in the present system begin w ith education. We are a l s o aware th a t though the Department of Education has begun some programs to meet the needs o f our people through a lte rn a t iv e sch oo ls , these programs are o ffe red on a l im ite d b a s is in terms o f meeting the needs o f our people. Education moneys are desperate ly needed so th a t nat ive Hawaiians can begin on t h e i r journey towards se lf -d e te rm in a t ion and so c ia l and economic s e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y . (George Kahumoku, B i l l 857, p. 31)

The p r e v a i l in g p o p u la r ity among some Hawaiians o f the a lte rn a t iv e education notion i s fu rther exem plif ied by a t l e a s t one person who would l i k e the a lte rn a t iv e opt ions extended upwards to the community co l le ge le v e l . Consider the fo l lo w in g suggest ion .

We need, here on t h i s i s la n d , a ga in , a community c o l le g e fo r the students th a t are graduating from schoo ls l i k e Hale 0 Hooponopono, to continue th e ir higher education. I t would focus, aga in , on th e i r r ig h t s as nat ive people, th e ir r i g h t s o f being in s tru c te d in not on ly cu ltu ra l aspects o f education, but a l s o , with the contemporary soc ie ty . The ir needs to meet the h igh e st academic standards so th a t our youngsters and the "kupunas" w i l l be able to commingle and br idge the gap o f education. (Arthur Chun, B i l l 857, p. 94)

A more general concern about specia l education programming in the pub lic schoo ls had to do with the p rov is ion of in d iv id u a l iz e d educational plan fo r students w ith spec ia l needs. For example, Dr. Denis Mee-Lee, D ire c to r o f th e State o f Hawaii Mental Health D iv i s io n , as d id an educator from the Leeward Coast ( c f . , Henning, 1978a)

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I th ink we be lie ve , from the perspective o f theSta te of Hawaii Mental Health D iv i s io n , that muchneeds to be done to more in d iv id u a l ly t a i l o r the educational experience fo r a l l ch i ld re n of the S ta te . We feel th a t t h i s has been p a r t i c u la r ly la c k in g with popu lat ions w ith such spec ia l needs as the Native Hawaiian group.

DOE assumes a student i s fu n c t ion in g a t h is gradele v e l . As he progresses in the system, he gets moreand more lo s t . (Denis Mee-Lee, B i l l 916, p. 135)

So c ia l In d ic a to r Data

In sp ite of apparent consumer in te re s t among Hawaiians in a l te rn a t iv e education o f fe r in g s , very few Hawaiians appear to be invo lved in such programs. Ikeda and Jackson (1980) made th i s p o in t in a recent needs assessment, and what l i t t l e data was a v a i la b le confirmed t h i s conc lu s ion . In fa c t , a t The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate i t has become c le a r th a t enrollm ents in the two a l t e rn a t iv e high school programs a ssoc ia te d with The Schoo ls have declined during that past f iv e years by as much as 50 percent (Refer to General Need Area A l ie n a t io n , Condition 4: SchoolAttendance, Table 62).

In the area of se rv ic e s to students w ith spec ia l le a rn in g needs, i t appears th a t l i t t l e has been known to date about the d i s t r ib u t io n by ethn ic group of students in p u b l ic school spec ia l education programs. Ikeda and Jackson (1980), fo r example, reported on se lected ca tego r ie s o f sp e c ia l education d ia g n o s is , presenting in form ation about the number of Hawaiians re c e iv in g specia l education; but they were unable to providein fo rm ation fo r other e thn ic groups. In co n tra s t to the sparseness of in fo rm ation about students a t the low end of the contiuum, they did provide an e thn ic breakdown o f students e n ro l le d in elementary leve l programs f o r g i f t e d and ta len ted students in the pu b lic schoo ls.

Table 64 presents an a n a ly s i s of student enrollment by ethnic group both fo r specia l education programs as well as f o r programs fo r the g i f t e d and ta lented. The inform ation about spec ia l education p a r t ic ip a t io n was obta ined from the S ta te o f Hawaii Department o f Education fo r the 1980-1981 school year, while the g i f t e d and ta lented program p a r t ic ip a t io n data i s th a t Hawaiians were s t ro n g ly overrepresented in the spec ia l education population and quite underrepresented in the programs fo r the g i f t e d and ta lented.S p e c i f i c a l l y , they accounted fo r about 20.4 percent o f the schoolpopu lation but 31.8 percent o f the special education group and only 6.8 percent of the g i f t e d and ta len ted students.

Perhaps the most d i r e c t co n tra st with the Hawaiians were the Japanese. The ir representation in the to ta l school population was about 18.7 percent, but t h e i r p a r t ic ip a t io n in specia l education stood a t 9.6 percent, while th e ir represen tat ion in programs fo r the g i f t e d and ta len ted was 34.0 percent. C le a r ly , a c o n tra s t o f t h i s magnitude

SPECIAL EDUCATION1 AND GIFTED AND TALENTED2 ENROLLMENT IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS BY ETHNIC GROUP

TABLE 64

SOURCES: 1Data obtained from State of Hawaii Department of Education, 1982.2Ikeda and Jackson, 1980; p. 85; 1979-1980 school year. NOTE: Gifted and talented programs arelimited to elementary students; the DOE does not offer such programs at the secondary level.

ETHNIC GROUP

PERCENT OF TOTAL

ENROLLMENT 1980-1981

NUMBER OF SPECIAL

EDUCATION STUDENTS

PERCENT OF SPECIAL EDUCATION ENROLLMENT

PERCENT OF ETHNIC GROUP IN SPECIAL EDUCATION

NUMBER OF GIFTED AND TALENTED STUDENTS

PERCENT OF GIFTED AND TALENTED ENROLLMENT

PERCENT OF ETHNIC GROUP IN

GIFTED AND TALENTED PROGRAMS

Caucasian 24.5% 3,104 25.2% 7.7% 1,103 32.2% 2 .8%

Hawaiian 20.4% 3,908 31.8% 11.7% 233 6.8% .7%

Japanese 18.7% 1,178 9.6% 3.8% 1,163 34.0% 3.8%

Filipino 18.7% 1,891 15.4% 6 .2% 405 11.8% 1.3%

Chinese 3.8% 276 2 .2% 4.4% 233 6 .8% 3.7%

Samoan 3.2% 592 4.8% 11.1% 30 .8% .6%

Hispanic 2 .0% 436 3.5% 13.2% 31 .9% .9%

Korean 1.8% 127 1.0% 4.2% 87 2.5% 2.9%

Black 1.4% 204 1.7% 9.0% 20 .5% .9%

Other 5.3% 585 4.8% 6.7 % 56 2 .0% .6%

TOTAL 100.0% 12,301 100.0% 7.5% 3,417 10 0.0% 2 .1%

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in d ic a te s some comparative educational needs on the part o f Hawaiians; however, te a s in g out the reasons underly ing such strong c o n tra st s i s indeed a complex ta sk . For example, re fe r ra l and eva luat ive p ra c t ic e s undoubtedly p lay some ro le , as a review of d i s t r ib u t io n by ethnic group fo r var iou s specia l education d ia g n o s is revea ls .

Table 65 presents a breakdown by ethnic group of students e n ro lle d in Department o f Education programs according to 16 d i f fe re n t d ia g n o s t ic l a b e l s . In general, i t can be seen that the S p e c i f i c Learning D i s a b i l i t y category accounts fo r the v a s t m ajor ity o f students e n ro l le d in specia l education programs. Of these Hawaiians account fo r more than o n e -th ird of the pu b lic school students ass igned t h i s l a b e l , f a r more than any other ethn ic group, and in marked d isp roport ion to th e i r representation in the school populat ion. They a ls o account fo r a d isp rop ort ion a te number o f the students in the M enta l ly Retarded: Educable category (3.0 percent),another d ia g n o s t ic grouping th a t m ight well serve as a " c a t c h - a l l " in cases where educational problems are evident but where e t io lo g y i s often very unclear.

Other ca te go r ie s in which Hawaiians were quite overrepresented inc luded deaf (33.1 percent), deaf and b l in d (30.0 percent), and preschool le a rn in g impaired (31.0 percent). Aga in , the l a t t e r category may tend to be a convenience c a t c h -a l l d ia g n o s is th a t serves as a p laceho lder fo r l a t t e r c a te go r iz a t io n e ith e r as S p e c i f ic Learn ing D i s a b i l i t y o r MR: Educable. I t should a ls o be noted th a t thed isp rop o r t ion a te presence of Hawaiians in th i s category as contrasted with other e thn ic groups in a matter worthy o f fu r th e r in v e s t ig a t io n . I t may be th a t Hawaiian presence in preschool programs r e su lt s in e a r l ie r d ia g n o s i s , or perhaps there are other exp lanat ion s th a t can on ly be sp e cu la t iv e a t t h i s po int.

Social Science Analysis

While Hawaiians are s u b s t a n t ia l l y overrepresented among the students fo rm a lly i d e n t i f ie d as in need o f specia l education se rv ic e s , they a ls o are a group who seem to have unique spec ia l educational needs stemming from t h e i r cu ltu ra l background. This general i s s u e — the mismatch between the natal cu ltu re of Hawaiians and the cu ltu re found in the schoo ls ( c f . , Jordan & Tharp, 1979— has been a primary to p ic o f co n s id e ra t io n among so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s working in Hawaii. These unique c u l t u r a l l y re la te d academic needs are d e ta i le d in Chapter IV ; however, the m ateria l under "Problems a t the In te r fa c e , " Condit ion 1 are p a r t i c u la r l y pert inen t. This sec t ion co n s id e rs teachers ' perceptions o f Hawaiian students, e s t a b l i s h in g the fa c t th a t they do indeed have major management problems with them stemming from t h e i r use o f m ajo r ity cu ltu re educational technology and methodology.

The fo l lo w in g summary overview of Hawaiians in the educational system i s o ffe red as an in tro d u c t ion to the idea th a t students can have specia l educational needs — i . e . , needs th a t requ ire some a l te rn a t iv e form of educat ion— which do not f a l l w ith in the ca te go r ie s normally used to c l a s s i f y students as "handicapped." Th is summary was presented by

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PERCENT DISTRIBUTION BY ETHNIC GROUP FOR 16 SPECIAL EDUCATION DIAGNOSES, STATE OF HAWAII PUBLIC SCHOOLS, 1980-1981

TABLE 65

P e r c e n t o f S p e c i a l E d u c a t i o n En ro l lment

60.1 14.8 6 . 9 5.2 2.9 2.9 1.4 1.2 1.1 1.1 1.1 .7 . 2 . 2 . 2 .1

C a u c a s i a n 24.5 25.2 13.7 30.5 18.5 34.7 24.8 39.6 25. 0 21 .2 20.1 22.1 20.0 15.5 27.6 14.8 25. 5 20.0

Hawai i an 20.4 31.8 36.4 23.4 30 . 0 2 2 . 6 17.8 24.8 24. 0 26 . 9 3 1. 0 24. 3 33.1 20.3 2 2 . 2 25.9 15.0 30. 0

Ja pa n es e 18.7 9.6 7.6 16.2 8 . 3 8.1 17.0 7.2 17.4 12.1 7.2 8.1 10.0 26.2 7.4 18.5 15.0 20.0

F i 1 i p i n o 18.7 15.4 14.4 13.8 24.3 13.6 20.9 13.4 9. 3 24.1 15. 8 19.1 18.5 25. 0 2 2 . 2 14.8 4 0 . 0 10.0

C h i n e s e 3.8 2 . 2 2.0 3.0 1.8 1.7 5. 0 1.7 4.1 .7 2. 9 5.1 3.1 3.6 0.0 3.7 0.0 0.0

Samoan 3.2 4. 8 5.2 2.8 8. 5 3. 8 5.8 1.1 5. 8 5.7 2.9 2.9 3.1 1.2 3.7 7.4 0.0 0.0

H i s p a n i c 2 .0 3.5 3. 9 2.3 3. 5 3. 3 3.3 3.6 4.1 3. 8 4. 3 5.1 3.8 1. 2 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.0

Korean 1.8 1.0 .8 1.7 .6 .6 1.1 2 . 2 2.3 .7 2.2 2 . 9 2.3 0.0 0.0 3. 7 0.0 0.0

B1 ack 1.4 1.7 1.6 1.4 1.5 3. 3 1.1 1.9 0.0 1.4 5. 0 0 .0 1.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 .0

O t he r 5.3 4. 8 4.6 5.0 2.8 6. 3 2.8 4. 5 7. 0 4 . 2 8.6 10.3 4.7 6.2 14.8 3.1 0.0 10.0

P e r c e n t o f School E n r o l l m e n t 7.5 4.5 1.1 .5 .4 . 2 .2 .1 .1 .1 .1 .1 .1

SOURCE: Data obtained from State of Hawaii Department of Education, 1982.

PERCENT

OF TO

TAL

SCHOOL

ENRO

LMEN

T

PERCENT

OF SP

ECIA

L ED

UCAT

ION

ENRO

LLME

NT

SPECIF

IC

LEAR

NING

DI

SABI

LITI

ES

(N=7

,396

)

SPEECH

IMPA

IRED

(N

=l,8

16)

MENTAL

LY

RETA

RDED

ED

UCAB

LE

(N=8

46)

MISSING

DIAG

NOST

IC

LABEL

(N=6

39)

MENTAL

LY

RETA

RDED

: TR

AINA

BLE

(N=3

59)

SEVERLY

EMOT

IONA

LLY

DIST

URBE

D (N

=359

)

ORTH

OPED

ICAL

LY

HAND

ICAP

PED

(N=1

72)

HARD

OF HE

ARIN

G (N

=141

)

PRES

CHOO

L LE

ARNI

NG

IMPAIRED

(N=1

39)

SEVERLY

MULT

IPLY

HA

NDIC

APPE

D (N

=136

)

DEAF

(N=1

30)

MENT

ALLY

RE

TARD

ED:

SEVERLY

(N=8

4)

PART

IALL

Y SI

GHTE

D (N

=27)

MENT

ALLY

RE

TARD

ED:

PROF

OUND

LY

(N=2

7)

BLIN

D(N

=20)

DEAF

AND

BLIN

D (N

=10)

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-

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personnel from the Kamehameha E a r ly Education Program (KEEP) at a nat iona l meeting.

Hawaiian ch i ld re n do not, in general, prosper in the pub lic schoo ls . By the end of t h i r d grade, a g rea t many Hawaiian ch i ld re n in the p u b l ic schoo ls are a lready well on the road toward school a l ie n a t io n ;mostly t h i s i s because they have not learned to read.In the most recent statewide te s t in g o f fourth grade students on the S tan fo rd Achievement T est, the modal score achieved by schoo ls with predominantly Hawaiian ch i ld re n was in the tenth p e rcen t i le . A f a i lu r e tolearn to read, o f course, guarantees in c re a s in g school f a i lu r e in the upper grades. Consequently, KEEP has se t as i t s main goal the a n a ly s i s and s o lu t io n o f the problem of teach ing Hawaiian ch ild ren to read.

Why does the problem occur? Why d o n 't Hawaiianc h i ld re n o r d in a r i l y learn to read? The d i f f i c u l t ycannot be a t t r ib u te d to a low general in t e l l i g e n c e in the population. A fte r one year in schoo l, the ch ild ren score w ith in the normal range o f I.Q . te s t s .Such data do not accord well w ith th e i r readingscores. Other exp lana t ion s are needed and KEEP wase s ta b l ish e d to f in d these exp lanat ions and try todesign s o lu t io n s . ( S lo a t , Tharp, Gallim ore & Au, 1978)

Aside from the strong in te r e s t in the c u l t u r a l l y re la ted academicneeds o f Hawaiians, so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s do not seem to have done much work regard ing some of the in form ation presented above. Two is su e s , however, seem to be in need o f c lo se r con s id e ra t ion . F i r s t , g iven th a t on ly 7.5 percent of the school popu lat ion i s en ro lled in spec ia l education, there might be some question as to whether or not i d e n t i f i c a t i o n procedures are adequate. For example, Tharp and G allim ore (1976) reported that "about 1 0 - 1 5% o f KEEP ch i ld ren have se r iou s in te l 1 e c t u a l /1earn ing d e f ic ie n c ie s th a t requ ire spec ia l e d u ca t ion ." S ince t h i s f i g u r e i s ge nera lly in l in e with nat iona l prevalence f ig u re s fo r students in need of specia l education (c f . Payne, Kauffman, Brown, and DeMott, 1974) i t r a i s e s quest ions as to why specia l education se rv ice s appear to be 1imi ted.

Secondly, d isp roport iona te presence in sp e c ia l education across ethn ic groups ra i s e s questions about e x i s t in g se rv ic e s . Hawaiians, fo r example, appear to be sha rp ly overrepresented, p a r t i c u la r l y in the area o f s p e c i f i c 1earni ng d i s a b i l i t i e s . One p o s s i b i l i t y may be th a t the d ia g n o s t ic process i s one th a t bows to a v a r ie ty of so c ia l p ressures, ste reotypes, values confl i c t s , mismatches in c u l tu ra l pa tte rns, etc. such th a t Hawai ian s f in d themselves " u n fa ir ly " pi aced in spec ia l education. Whatever the circumstances i t appears th a t a c lo se examination of the dynamics a s soc ia te d w ith spec ia l education piacement and se rv ice is in order.

F in a l l y , a coupl e o f s p e c i f i c s i tu a t io n s r e la t in g to spec ia l educational needs o f Hawaiians have been considered in reports from Alu Like and from The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E sta te . F i r s t , fo r Alu Like Henning (1979) reported th a t in 1974-1975 no ch i ld re n in the Leeward

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D i s t r i c t , where Hawaiians represent about one-fourth o f the student popu la t ion , were seen by the Spec ia l Se rv ices team, while 672 ch i ld ren in the Central D i s t r i c t and 1,201 in Honolulu D i s t r i c t were provided se rv ic e s . The extent to which t h i s i s an i s o la te d f in d in g i s a t present unknown.

Secondly, numerous reports from The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e 1s O ff ice o f Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing (1978 through 1982) conta in data which show th a t some Hawaiian students e n ro lle d in a l t e r n a t iv e programs have needs fo r in te n s ive sp e c ia l iz e d educational in te rve n t io n which simply cannot be met in the a l t e rn a t iv e se t t in g . Research in to t h i s s i t u a t io n revealed th a t some o f these students had been id e n t i f ie d a t some po in t in th e ir school career as handicapped, and had subsequently been " d e - c e r t i f ie d , " p r io r to t h e i r assignment to the a l t e r n a t iv e education le a rn in g center. Others, however, progressed through t h e i r en t ire school careers w ithout re c e iv in g the specia l se rv ic e s they obv iously needed.

General Need A rea: School System B a rr ie r s

Cond it ion 5 : School P o l i c ie s : Promotion/Retention and Grading

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

IN GENERAL, FEW STUDENTS ARE RETAINED IN GRADE, AT LEAST DURING THE ELEMENTARY YEARS, AND THOSE WHO ARE MAY FAIL TO SHOW MUCH EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS. MOREOVER, INFLATED GRADING I S SUCH THAT PARENTS AND OTHERS REMAIN UNAWARE OF HOW LIMITED STUDENT SKILLS CAN BE.

Potential Educatonal Interventions

• Grading and promotion p o l i c i e s th a t r e s u l t in accurate feedback to parents and e f fe c t iv e education fo r youth.

Testimony

Two im p l i c i t school p o l i c ie s that many people recognize as being p o t e n t ia l ly harmful fo r some students are " so c ia l prom otion"— p ass in g on students to the next grade whose s k i l l s are in f a c t inadequate fo r g rade - leve l work; and community-standard grad ing , i . e . , g iv in g high grades fo r minimal work to students in problem schoo ls simply because t h e i r performance, as l im ite d as i t might be, c o n t ra s t s favorab ly with the w oefu lly inadequate performance of th e ir peers. Testim onial comments regard ing these is su e s inc luded the fo l low ing :

The present system o f so c ia l promotion, which i s re g re s s iv e in nature and p rac t ice , has taken i t s t o l l on the Native Hawaiian c h i ld and h is or her i l l i t e r a t e parent today. Funds and special programs with teachers who can re la te to the N ative Hawaiian c h i ld or a d u lt can and w i l l be a force fo r good in co r re c t in g t h i s educational s i tu a t io n . The teach ing o f the Hawaiian language, Hawaiian cu ltu re , and i n s t i l l i n g of Hawaiian va lues i s e s se n t ia l to the w e ll -b e in g o f the Native Hawaiian. (Margaret Apo,B i l l 916, p. 44)

Student Retention - Although the number ofnon-promoted students in t h i s study was very sm a ll, making the re su lt s d i f f i c u l t to in te rp re t , there was no evidence th a t the re tention o f students produced,

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fo r these students a t le a s t , the de sired improvement in school achievement (Henning, 1978a).

'What we be lieve i s happening in Waianae, what has evolved over the ye a rs , i s the p rac t ic e of e v a l­ua t in g k id s compared to other k id s in W aianae '. .

'Parents were g e t t in g report cards w ith "S " fo r s a t i s f a c t o r y , but k id s were several ye a rs behind in th e i r reading l e v e l . ' ( B i l l y Hauge in Ong, 1980a)

The is su e o f so c ia l promotion i s one which the lo ca l media perceived as newsworthy. Ong (1980a), fo r example, reported the fo l low in g f in d in g s from an in v e s t ig a t io n o f s o c ia l promotion in the pu b lic schoo ls:

A review by The A d vert ise r o f DOE re tention f ig u re s o f the past 12 years revea ls :

o The percentage of students re ta ined (forced to repeat a grade) statewide in a l l grades has doubled from 1968 t o 1979. In 1968, 2,146 students (1.3percent o f the June enrollment) were kept back vs.4,443 students (2 .6 percent) in 1979.

o The trend fo r re tention i s J-shaped, with most elementary-aged ch i ld re n being reta ined in e ith e r f i r s t grade or k indergarten because they are immature and need an extra year to catch up. Fewer youngsters are held back as they approach f i f t h and s ix th grade, but re ten tion s jump dram at ica l ly as students enter intermediate and high school.

o The l a r g e s t group to be held back i s grade 9 or 10. L a st ye a r the number of students in these two grades alone made up j u s t under h a l f o f those retained.

One su rp r i s e th a t shows up in the DOE's s t a ­t i s t i c s i s the cons iderab le degree to which elementary schoo ls vary in t h e i r use o f f lu n k in g . (Honolulu A d v e rt ise r , February 22, 1980)

The a r t i c l e continued w ith an enumeration of the 31 elementary schoo ls a t which no students had flunked during the previous 3 ye ars . A n a ly s i s of the fa c to r s under ly ing these outcomes revealed that promotion p o l i c ie s a t the elementary leve l were by -an d - la rge the purview o f each p r in c ip a l s ince the Department had only very general gu id e l in e s . At the secondary le v e l , meanwhile, e x p l i c i t ru le s e x i s t which l i n k promotion to c re d it s earned. As suggested by the above f in d in g s , t h i s change in de c is ion ru le s regard ing promotion re s u l t s in a sudden, sharp increase in the number of re ten t ion s .

In a second report Ong (1980b) presented evidence that l in ke d re ten t ion rates at va r io u s pub lic schoo ls to absenteeism ra te s. For example, the rank order o f h igh schoo ls accord ing to f lunk rates showed the fo l lo w in g percents o f students being flunked: 19.3, 14.6, 14.0,12.4, and 10.6. Corresponding absentee rates a t these schoo ls in the same order of presentation were: 18.0, 25.2, 17.8, 20.0, and 10.1. Department

of Education personnel contacted and interviewed in connection with the a r t i c l e noted that these data ind icated support fo r th e i r observation th a t students who are c h r o n ic a l ly absent from school do tend to be re ta ined in grade le v e l.

F in a l l y , a report from Vobejda (1982) in d ic a te s th a t some parents l i v i n g on the Leeward Coast, a predominantly Hawaiian area o f Oahu, have found the is su e of so c ia l promotion and grade s i g n i f i c a n t enough that they approached the Department o f Educator about i n i t i a t i n g school reform. S p e c i f i c a l l y , a new grad ing system was i n i t i a t e d in F a l l 1982 a t two elementary schoo ls. The in te n t o f the system was to provide parents w ith e x p l i c i t in d ic a t io n s of what educators expect o f students and d e ta i le d , t im e ly reports o f p rogress towards these goa ls . Eva luation o f t h i s change in school procedures i s cu rren t ly in p rogress.

Social Indicator Data

The in form ation presented in F igure 33 shows the J-shaped funct ion a sso c ia te d with the d i s t r ib u t io n of re ten t ion s in grade across grade l e v e l s fo r 1978-1979. I t can be seen that re ten tion s in grade p r im ar i ly occurred a t the secondary le v e l , seventh grade and above. In t h i s case the 3,935 re ten t ion s fo r these grades accounted fo r 88.6 percent of a l l re te n t io n s in grade. The 267 re te n t io n s in grades K and one, meanwhile, accounted fo r about 6 percent o f the to ta l number of re ten tion s in grade, le a v in g 5.4 percent fo r grades two through s ix .

Social Science Analysis

Two s tu d ie s among those reviewed touched on the sub jects o f so c ia l promotion and grade i n f l a t i o n . The f i r s t was a needs assessment conducted on Molokai during 1978-1979 fo r the Molokai Hawaiian Academy of Knowledge, an a l t e rn a t iv e high school program (O f f ic e of Program E va lu a t io n and P lann ing, 1979). In b r ie f , in terv iew s w ith students, teachers, and parents as well as a review o f school records revealed a l i s t o f 30 s p e c i f i c " B a r r ie r s to Learn ing" in the educational context stud ied. One o f these was: "The p rac t ice o f s o c ia l promotion in e a r lyschool ye ars re su lt s in students w ith low leve l s k i l l s in the 3 R ' s . "

The fo l lo w in g passage g iv e s an in d ic a t io n o f the experiences o f many of the students e n ro l le d in the a lte rn a t iv e education program, and i t su gge sts a c t io n s fo r educators:

The school achievement h is to ry o f these students i s i n te r e s t in g . On the b a s i s o f elementary school report card s, e s s e n t ia l l y a l l were doing s a t i s f a c t o r y or bette r work in a l l in s t ru c t io n a l areas. However, teachers ' comments about the students ' development were often negat ive ; standardized achievement te s t scores were frequently depressed; and as pointed out

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SOURCE:

FIGURE 33HAWAII PUBLIC SCHOOL STUDENTS RETAINED IN GRADE

(JUNE 1979)

Honolulu Advertiser, February 21, 1980; p. A-l.

e a r l i e r , absence ra tes were often high. I t i s hypo­thes ized that the school reports to parents werefrequently m is lead ing to both parents and the ch i ld ren throughout th e ir e a r ly school years and may well have promoted a d is to r te d p ic tu re of le a rn in g . As i f to re in fo rce th i s p re d ic t io n , " r e a l i t y shock" seemed toh i t when students entered intermediate schoo l. Tenstudents became immediate school f a i lu r e s in grade 7, another e ig h t in grade 8, and seven o r more during grade 9. Thirteen students did not have attendance problems u n t i l they entered grade 7. I t m ight a ls o be noted that seven students f i r s t experienced academic f a i lu r e in grade 7 so c ia l s tud ie s.

I f the hypothesis th a t these students receivedm is lead ing in form ation about t h e i r educational progress in the elementary school i s true, and that they were then unable to cope with r e a l i t y a t the intermediate of h igh school le v e l, then t h i s b a r r ie r or le a rn in g b lock occurs (occurred) p r io r to high schoo l. The program development task . . . i s to address both the cause of the problem a t the elementary leve l and a ls o the trauma of f a i l u r e that occurs a t the upper school le v e l s . ( O ff ice of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, Report no. 78-79: p. 14)

The second study was an examination of ethnic and school d if fe re n ce s in academic achievement a t four major Oahu high s c h o o ls (Wegner, 1977). One of the exp lanat ions o ffe re d fo r the school d i f fe re n ce s in achievement which were found noted a " c o o l in g out" process t h a t d i f f e r e n t ly impacted on low-SES Hawaiians and F i l i p i n o s . Th is process was described in d e ta i l with a d i r e c t quotation under General Need Area: Socio-Economic S ta tu s ,C ond it ion 5.

F in a l l y , a b r ie f note on school re tention as a means of remediation came from P ort (1977). He examined the c o r re la te s o f student performance on the Hawaii S ta te Test o f E s se n t ia l Competencies (HSTEC), the recently developed competency examination th a t now must be passed by a l l high school graduates. Although h is sample was sm a ll, and there fore l im i t i n g , he noted t h a t "there was no evidence th a t the re te n t io n of students produced, fo r these students a t l e a s t , the desired improvement in school achievement." In sho rt, educational in te rven t ion with students who must be re ta ined in grade may well have to be more than sim ply repeating a given sequence o f in s t ru c t io n and study for a second time.

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Condition 6: Funding

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

General Need Area: School System Barriers

Condition Summary

THE LEVEL OF FUNDING FOR EDUCATION HAS BEEN SAID TO BE RELATIVELY LOW ON BOTH A PER CAPITA AND PERCENT OF STATE BUDGET BASIS. AREAS IN WHICH LIMITED FUNDING HAS BEEN IDENTIFIED AS A BARRIER INCLUDE: SPECIALPROGRAMS FOR SPECIAL GROUPS, PURCHASE OF INSTRUCTIONAL MATERIALS AND EQUIPMENT, LOWERING THE TEACHER-STUDENT RATIO, REVAMPING AND LOCALIZING THE TESTING PROGRAM, COMMUNICATING WITH PARENTS ABOUT TEST RESULTS, PROVISION OF ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION AND HAWAIIAN STUDIES, AND PROVISION OF SPECIALIZED COUNSELING SERVICES.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Funding fo r sp e c ia l programs and se rv ice s .

Testimony

Hawaiians very c le a r ly see a lack of funds on the part of tine S ta te o f Hawaii Department o f Education as a major b a r r ie r to i n s t a l l a t i o n of the spec ia l educational programs they would l i k e to introduce. For example, Pa ige Barber wrote the fo l low in g in a specia l report to NIE in 1 974.

About three years ago, the Congress o f the Hawaiian People, concerned about the standard ized system used in our pub lic schoo ls , approached the DOE, attempting to b r in g about some changes in the fo l lo w in g areas:

• Revamping the te s t in g system to inc lude ethnic and c u l tu ra l d i v e r s i t i e s

• Developing supplemental lo ca l t e s t in g measurements

• Developing a systematic way of te s t in g to enhance a teachers understanding o f where ch i ld re n were, or were not

Congressman AKAKA. You feel th a t t h i s b i l l , asproposed, would be of g reat advantage to the Hawaiian chi 1dren?

Ms. PADEKEN. I th ink so, very d e f in i t e ly , because we are t a lk in g about unique needs o f theNative Hawaiian c h i ld . Frequently, the Department of Education j u s t does not have the funding nor themanpower to begin developing specia l programs fo r a specia l group. Those are some of the r e a l i t i e s o f the s i tu a t io n .

At th i s p o in t, we j u s t have to look to ad d it ion a l sources o f funding such as the kinds o f funds, as well as the purposes, th a t t h i s p a r t ic u la r b i l l se ts out to accomplish. I be lieve th a t the Native Hawaiiancommunity i s w i l l i n g to jo in in support w ith theDepartment o f Education to t ry to develop these k inds of programs th a t w i l l a s s i s t our Native Hawaiianch i ld re n in the school system. (Georgiana Padeken,B i l l 916, p. 42)

Department o f Education funds have been inadequate to provide important counse lin g se rv ic e s in the pub lic schoo ls to f i l l the needs o f the Native Hawaiian c h i ld re n p a r t i c u la r l y . . . . S. 916 w i l l provide the funds fo r more and better co u n se lin g and other needed se rv ic e s to meet the educational needs o f our Native Hawaiian ch i ld re n . (Juan ita Mundon, B i l l 916, p. 207)

DOE has been somewhat receptive to a l te rn a t iv e programs; w i l l o f f e r some support, but w on 't fund them. (Henning, 1978a, comment from a Leeward D i s t r i c t educator)

More s p e c i f i c a l l y to the p o in t o f Hawaiian s tu d ie s in the sch oo ls ,the Department o f Education d i re c to r o f programs in t h i s area re c e n t lynoted th a t Hawaiian s tu d ie s are cu rren t ly o f fe re d in 77 out o f 170elementary pu b lic schoo ls . H is preferred budget f ig u re fo r runningprograms of t h i s type was c i te d as 1.5 m i l l i o n d o l la r s over the next two ye a r s ; however, the budget being requested by Budget Department s t a f f i s only $600,000 (Honolulu S t a r - B u l l e t in , August 1, 1982).

So c ia l In d ic a t o r Data

The leve l o f educational funding in Hawaii as con tra sted w ith le v e ls in other s ta te s appears to be a matter o f some con fu s ion . The teachers union, Hawaii S ta te Teachers A s so c ia t io n , fo r example, suggested that funding in 1981 was such th a t Hawaii placed 35th in the nation with respect to per cap ita spending on education and 48th w ith respect to

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• Developing a t r a in in g program fo r teachers to improve and/or develop s k i l l s in te s t in g r e s u l t s in te rp re ta t io n

§ Developing a system of communication forparents so they could better understand whatthe mandatory te s t s could or could not do

• S e n s i t i z in g teachers in t h e i r approaches, whenus ing te s t r e s u l t s so that a chi Id s se lf - im agewould be enhanced, as well as preventingparents from fe e l in g th a t they d id n ' t dosomething r i g h t

A f te r a couple o f meetings, i t was f e l t by Congress re p re se n ta t ive s th a t changes sought by the group would take a tremendous e f f o r t , p r im ar i ly because revampingo f the to ta l system would be ' c o s t l y ' . Cost i s su e sfo r not changing were h ig h - l ig h te d c o n t in u a l ly , andthe group, I am sure, channeled t h e i r energ ieselsewhere fo r the time being. (NIE M u l t ic u l t u r a l Task Force Report, 1974)

Funding has continued to be a concern on the p a r t o f a c t iv e Hawaiians as the fo l lo w in g test im on ies in d ic a te .

In my op in ion , S. 916 and the proposed amendments c i te d as th e "N a t ive Hawaiian Elementary and Secondary School A s s is ta n ce A c t , " w i l l provide the b a s ic need to answer the special needs o f our Native Hawaiians, and th a t i s " f in a n c e s . " The Department o f Education of the S ta te o f Hawaii has never had s u f f i c i e n t funds a l lo t t e d to lower the pup il- te acher r a t io in our pu b lic schoo ls to a leve l th a t would a l low classroom teachers to spend more time on a one-to-one b a s is w iththe problem ch i ld re n and slower le a rn e rs in t h e i rc lassroom s to help them w ith th e i r p a r t i c u la r needs, and these ch i ld re n in v a r ia b ly inc lude Native Hawaiians.

Programs and curr icu lum s have been developed fo r these c h i ld re n , but with 30 to 28 p u p i l s per teacher, the classroom teacher can do only so much to help each c h i ld with h is p a r t i c u la r need without s a c r i f i c i n g the needs o f the re s t o f the c la s s .

The 3 on 2 program has become co n tro v e r s ia l as a method o f p rov id ing the special help needed by such ch i ld re n , a lthough i t has worked out well in thoseschoo ls where the parents are support ive and sympathetic w ith the ob ject ive s o f the program, and the teachers compatible with each other and devoted to the cha llenge of th e i r assignements. The funds to be appropriated by t h i s act would d e f in i t e ly help toprovide a lower p u p il - te a ch e r ra t io . (Juan ita Mundon,B i l l 916, p. 207)

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percent o f s ta te budget spent on education (Vobejda, 1980). Department o f Education o f f i c i a l s , however, disputed these f in d in g s noting th a t the in d ic a to r s used were sub ject to m is in te rp re ta t ion because o f the va r ie ty of ways in which c o s t f i g u r e s can be computed. Their c a lc u la t io n s suggested a ranking o f 10th in the nation on per cap ita spending. O f f i c i a l s a l s o noted th a t H a w a i i 's extremely high enrollment in p r iva te schoo ls has to be acknowledged when look ing a t expenses on a per cap ita b a s is .

Social Science Analysis

Rapson (1980) recently gave h is perspective as an h is to r ia n regard ing the educational system in Hawaii. While ge n e ra l ly c r i t i c a l , he f e l t th a t fund ing, although a co n s id e ra t io n due to i t s shortage, was not pub lic e d u ca t io n 's major problem:

Money fo r b u i ld in g s , su pp lie s , textbooks, and the l i k e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t . A good system needs adequate funding to pay fo r the best teachers, to supplyadequate f a c i l i t i e s , to fo s te r specia l programs, and to constan t ly monitor, evaluate, and r e v iv i f y thecurricu lum . Though f in a n c ia l support le v e l s are cu rre n t ly f a l l i n g and spec ia l areas are badly sh o rt of funds, I do not th ink money i s the main problem. The s t a t e ' s past ge nero sity y ie ld ed ambiguous re s u l t s .The teachers today are, as a r e s u l t o f c o l le c t iv e b a rga in in g , ge n e ra l ly w e l l -p a id . Many f a c i l i t i e s are in bad shape y e t they are not so p r im it iv e as to account fo r a g rea t number of the problems ou t l ined above. The sch oo ls , to be sure, need moregovernmental support, but more money in i t s e l f w i l l not have much impact. (Rapson, 1980, p. 97)

General Need Area: School System B a rr ie rs

Condition 7: Books and M a te r ia ls :

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

OBSERVERS NOTE A NEED FOR UPDATING BOOKS AND MATERIALS AS WELL AS FOR DEVELOPMENT OF LOCALIZED MATERIALS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Development and purchase programs th a t y i e ld books and m a te r ia ls th a t are up -to -date and appropr ia te ly lo c a l iz e d .

Testimony

While one would expect, based on the general leve l o f concern about educational reform among Hawaiians, th a t l o c a l i z a t io n o f m a te r ia ls and books might be a prime co n s id e ra t io n , i t i s a va r ia b le that drew only sparse comment.

In a report to N IE in 1974 (NIE M u l t ic u l t u r a l Task Force, 1974), Nancy Young described e f f o r t s a t the time and the ra t io n a le behind development of c a re fu l, thoughtfu l " l o c a l i z a t i o n s " of books and m a te r ia ls :

One o f the primary ob je c t ive s . . . i s to improve education fo r H aw a i i 's c u l t u r a l l y i s o la te d students. We are attempting to develop m u lt ic u l tu ra l , b i l in g u a l curricu lum m ate r ia ls re levant to the l i v e s o f the ch i ld re n o f Hawaii. Whereas H aw a ii 's school ch ild ren t r a d i t i o n a l l y and too often f u t i l e l y have been taught b a s ic s k i l l s through mainland produced textbooks, we are in troduc ing in to schoo ls o f the Department o f Education m ate r ia ls based on the varied experiences, l i f e s t y l e s , and values o f the people of Hawai i .

. . . m a te r ia ls are . . . developed w ith thein te n t of he lp ing to promote the m ino r ity c h i l d ' s acceptance of h im se lf and h is own cu ltu re and to increase in te r -e th n ic understanding and acceptance of other cu l tu re s . In an atmosphere where a c h i ld i s made to feel i n f e r i o r because o f h is race, where what he le arn s bears l i t t l e resemblance to h is immediate

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environment, and where in te r ra c ia l h o s t i l i t i e s e x i s t , he cannot work to h is capac ity . Only in an encouraging p sy c h o lo g ic a l , s o c ia l , and emotional environment can the c h i ld develop h is in te l le c tu a l ca p a c it ie s to the f u l l e s t .

Another theme that was expressed focused on use of the l a t e s t technology in se rv in g needs o f Hawaiian youth. Henry K. Lindsey has been p a r t i c u la r l y outspoken on t h i s is su e as the fo l lo w in g testimony in d ic a te s :

These funds should be channeled in to thoseavenues which w i l l spread the g re a te s t be ne fits to the l a r g e s t p o s s ib le coverage so th a t whoever wants to learn w i l l have the opportunity to learn .

The o ld horse and buggy educational system i s too in e f fe c t iv e and w aste fu l. The best educationaltechn o log ica l or innovation should be employed to reach the g re a te s t m ajor ity of our Hawaiian people throughout the 50 S ta te s .

A re v o lv in g fund should be provided to adequately research, p u b l ish , and d i s t r ib u te usefu l knowledge th a t w i l l b e n e f it the Hawaiian people as well as a l l those who want to learn . The c o s t can be a l le v ia te dby the purchase o f these p u b l ic a t io n s , l i k e i t i s done by the Superintendent o f Documents. . . .

MR. LINDSEY. But I hope i t w i l l take advantageo f modern educational technology where we can spread the be n e f it of education.

SENATOR INOUYE. Yes, s i r .MR. LINDSEY. We have s a t e l l i t e s , ca sse t te tapes,

and everyth ing e lse a v a i la b le to us in the modern day.The usual horse-and-buggy method of teach ing i s very r e s t r i c t i v e . (Henry K. L indsey, B i l l 916, pp. 168-169)

F in a l l y , Robert Gay, a B ig I s la n d Parent, stressed in a recent newspaper a r t i c l e th a t current Hawaiian s tu d ie s programs are hampered by the inadequacy of e x i s t in g books and m a te r ia ls ( Honolulu S t a r - B u l l e t i n , August 1, 1982).

General Need Area: School System B a rr ie rs

Condition 8: Curriculum

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Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ABOUT EXISTING SCHOOL CURRICULA NOTE WEAK BASIC SKILLS TRAINING, STUDENT DISINTEREST, "FRAGMENTATION," " IN F L E X IB IL IT Y ," AND "IRRELEVANCE TO THE REAL WORLD." ADDITIONAL SUGGESTIONS ABOUT CURRICULA CHANGES SUGGEST DEVELOPMENT OF SCHOOL-TO-WORK ACTIVITY PROGRAMS, EXPLORATORY VOCATIONAL COURSES, TRAINING PROGRAMS TO DEVELOP MARKETABLE SKILLS AND UP-DATING OF THE VOCATIONAL EDUCATION PROGRAM.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Up-to-date, e f fe c t iv e school c u r r ic u la designed to provide a range o f educational experiences fo r students as well as prepare them fo r h igher education or entry in to the job market.

Testimony

General c r i t i c i s m s of the p r e v a i l in g curriculum cu rre n t ly in p lace in the p u b l ic schoo ls center on i t s inadequacy in producing acceptable outcomes in the area of ba s ic s k i l l s and on a perceived need by ce r ta in special in t e r e s t groups to expand course o f fe r in g s and specia l c u r r ic u la of va r iou s types.

A sample of c r i t i c i s m about the ineptitude of high school graduates who have sought var ious apprentice sh ip opportun it ie s i s a s fo l low s:

A l o t o f them have a diploma and yes they cannot read what i t says on the diploma. As a union represen tat ive , th a t I was before I r e t i r e d , we had k ids th a t used to come up to me, 'Mr. Torres, we've been d iscr im inated. They don 't want us to apply for a p p re n t ic e sh ip .1 So, fe e l in g th a t was my job , I went out and f ind out.

They had t h i s professor here who was from the; u n iv e r s i t y , I fo rgo t h is name. That was a while back. He to ld me, he sa id , 'Those k ids are only a waste of time and paper. ' I d i d n ' t be lieve th a t man when he to ld me that. So, I had to s i t in one c la s s there, and that was the day they were go ing to f i l l in a p p l ic a t io n s to

get an apprentice program. And you know, these guys here d id n ' t have a diploma.

The question was asked, 'Where were your parents born? ' 'Here . ' I say, 'What i s the maiden name of your mother?' Questions l i k e that, they could not answer. They d id n ' t know because they could hardly read what i t says on the diploma. (Johnnie C. Torres, B i l l 916, p. 176)

Comments about other aspects of the curricu lum in general were offered in a l l three o f Henning 's needs assessments (1978a, 1978b, and 1978c). The fo l low in g are sample comments from educators invo lved in var ious a spects o f education in the three ta rge t communities.

The curriculum i s fragmented. (Leeward D i s t r i c t )

The curriculum needs to be more f le x ib le and re le van t to the real world o f the students (R oo se ve lt ) .

F l e x i b i l i t y i s needed to make the curricu lum more i n te r e s t in g (M o loka i) .

Curriculum content needs to re la te more to the real world o f the students, who are p ra c t ic a l and s e n s i t iv e (M o lo k a i ).

The teaching methods and courses turn students o f f . (Leeward)

An example of a spec ia l in te r e s t group making comments on c u r r ic u la r needs in the pub lic schoo ls i s the sta te o f Hawaii Commission on Manpower and Fu ll Employment whose Chairperson t e s t i f i e d as fo l lo w s :

Vocational education programs in Hawaii now serve nearly 30,000 persons a t a l l l e v e l s . Needs assessments conducted by the Manpower Commission and other S ta te agencies in d ica te a growing need for expanded programs to keep pace with new techn o log ie s and the s k i l l s they requ ire . The Commission sees S.916 as a welcome complement to the S t a t e ' s ongoing e f f o r t to prepare i t s youth and ad u lts fo r ga in fu l employment. (V e r l ie Ann Mai ina -W righ t, B i l l 916,p .221)

S p e c i f i c example of general c u r r ic u la r su gge s t ion s from t h i s Com­m iss ion inc lude the fo l lo w in g from an annual report issu ed j o i n t l y with S ta te Employment and T ra in in g Council (S ta te Employment and T ra in in g Council and Commission on Manpower and F u l l Employment, 1981). I t was

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recommended th a t :

• The DOE and UH System increase the involvement ofemployers, parents, and community groups in developing and implementing schoo l-to -w ork a c t i v i t i e s as a supplement to re g u la r c lass-room in s t ru c t io n .

• The DOE, UH System, and CETA prime sponsorsprovide in -schoo l youth with a wider range of options to obta in work experiences, both pa id and vo luntary, in p r iv a te , nonpro f it and government sec tors and th a t these work experiences be considered fo r academic c re d it .

• The S ta te L e g is la t u r e authorize funds to the DOEto increase the range of exp loratory vocational courses, and where appropriate and fe a s ib le , to i n te n s i f y t r a in in g a c t i v i t i e s in those courses where the vocationa l s k i l l s are in demand in the la b o r market.

Social Indicator Data

Data presented in Chapter 2 o f t h i s report o f fe r the most thorough and up -to -date accounting o f the extent o f underachievement on the part of Hawaiians in the pu b lic schoo ls o f the S ta te . These data have in d ica te d to many— and they indeed do su g g e s t— th a t the e x i s t in g general curricu lum in the p u b l ic schoo ls does not produce s a t i s f a c to r y outcomes w ith a good number o f Hawaiian youth.

Social Science Analysis

By f a r the most so p h is t ic a te d loca l study of c u r r i c u la r v a r ia t io n s and t h e i r e f fe c t s has been the work o f the Kamehameha E a r ly Education P ro je c t during the past 15 y e a rs . In b r ie f , KEEP has ta rgeted reading as i t s key area of concern, b r in g in g to bear an impressive m u l t i - d i s c ip l in a r y research s t a f f that has been committed to a wide range of in q u iry r e la t in g to the read ing problems o f Hawaiians. Their bottom -line f in d in g i s th a t the pub lic s c h o o ls— the ba s ic curriculum model cu r re n t ly in p lace— must be changed a t a fundamental leve l i f Hawaiians are to succeed. The fo l lo w in g four statements, the f i r s t three from Jordan, Tharp, and B a ird -V o g t (1982) and the fourth from KEEP's most recent d e sc r ip t io n of th e i r program (Tharp, Jordan, Spe ide l, Au, K le in , C a lk in s , S I oa t, & Ga llim ore, In p r e s s ), provide a summary o f KEEP's general s t ra te g y for develop ing t h e i r unique brand o f " a l t e r n a t iv e " education designed express ly fo r Hawaiians.

The t r a d i t io n a l so lu t io n to m ino r ity academic

under-achievement has been to attempt to change the c h i ld or the home to conform to school expectations. KEEP has used a d i f fe r e n t s t ra te gy . I t has m odified the school context in ways that enable i t to e l i c i t and b u i ld on those a b i l i t i e s which the ch i ld ren a lready possess, and which they e x h ib it in non-school s e t t in g s . Thus, KEEP has used features o f Hawaiian cu ltu re as one guide in choosing the educational p rac t ic e s best su ite d to Hawaiian ch i ld ren . . . (p. 2)

Cu ltu ra l c o m p a t ib i l i t y i s a n e c e ss ity fo r educational achievement. In m inority education the way to produce such c o m p a t ib i l i t y i s not to change the ch i ld re n and t h e i r f a m i l ie s , but rather to change the schoo l, to create t r u ly b ic u ltu ra l classroom s. Cu ltu ra l c o m p a t ib i l i t y invo lves more than language coc*e per s e ; other aspects o f communicative in te ra c t io n must a ls o be taken in to account in c re a t in g an e f fe c t iv e b ic u ltu ra l classroom . What i s needed to create such a classroom i s to d iscover, in non-school s e t t in g s , those contexts which e l i c i t the kinds of behaviors th a t are desired by the schoo l, and then to use the knowledge o f these contexts as a guide in se le c t in g appropria te educational p ra c t ic e s . (pp. 13 - 14)

Knowledge from c u l tu ra l research can best be put to use not by attem pting to change the home cu ltu re , nor by e f f o r t s to reproduce th a t cu ltu re in theclassroom. Rather i t should serve as a guide in choosing, from the f u l l range o f educationalp ra c t ic e s , those best su ited to a p a r t i c u la r popu lat ion . Th is t r a n s la t io n of ethnography into educational p rac t ice requ ire s the cooperation ofethnographers, educational researchers and educational p ra c t i t io n e r s . Educational research and developmentprograms need to provide fo r both c u l tu ra l research and cu ltu re -educat ion t r a n s la t io n in order to produce e f fe c t iv e and t r u ly b i - c u l t u r a l education, (pp. 15 - 16)

The authors have assumed that i t i s (theo­r e t i c a l l y ) p o ss ib le to change educational p ra c t ic e to accord more c lo s e ly w ith te a ch in g / le a rn in g patterns of a natal cu ltu re . We assume th a t there i s s u f f i c i e n t c ap ac ity in m ino r ity ch i ld ren to succeed in such a schoo l; th a t i s , m in o r ity ch i ld ren are b i o lo g i c a l l y and m atu ra t ion a lly normal, and develop accord ing to the same p r in c ip le s o f in s t r u c t io n - th r o u g h -a s s is t e d - performance that are c h a r a c te r i s t ic o f humans on a species le v e l. These assumptions have guided our data c o l le c t io n and an a ly se s , and though they are only hypotheses, produced a qu ite d i f fe re n t data se t than i f we had cata logued only 'd e f i c ie n c ie s . ' (pp. 6-7)

General Need Area: SCHOOL SYSTEM BARRIERS

Condition 9: EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION

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Major Need Category: SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL NEEDS

Condition Summary

ADVOCATES OF EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION FEEL THAT SO MUCH LEARNING TAKES PLACE BEFORE SCHOOL ENTRY THAT GENERAL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMMING SHOULD BE EXPANDED TO INCLUDE PRESCHOOL AS WELL AS PARENT-INFANT PROGRAMS. SUCH EDUCATION I S SOMETIMES CONSIDERED CRUCIAL FOR CHILDREN AT EDUCATIONAL RISK DUE TO POVERTY AND/OR FAMILY BACKGROUND.

Potential Educational Interventions

• E a r ly ch ildhood education programs th a t e f f e c t iv e ly meet the needs o f p reschoo lers and/or in fa n t s and t h e i r fa m i l ie s .

Testimony

Perhaps the centra l question that advocates o f ear ly ch ildhood education present so c ie ty i s : Do we have a need to expand formaleducational e f f o r t s and in te rven t ion beyond e x i s t in g in s t i t u t io n a l boundaries? For example, what advantages and d isadvantages might there be to developing preschoo ls fo r three and fo u r -y e a r -o ld s as well as new fa m i l ie s w ith ch i ld ren a t even younger ages and fo r persons who w i l l soon (expectant couples) or in the forseeab le future (secondary - leve l students) become parents?

Testimony ind ica ted th a t there i s some support among Hawaiians for extending education beyond the current scope of 5-18 ye ars o f age. For example, the fo l lo w in g comments note that ear ly ch ildhood education i s d e s ire a b le , fo r a va r ie ty o f reasons:

The success o f the head s t a r t program on Kauai funded by Federal funds through the Kauai Economic Opportunity Agency of which I served as a member of the board o f d ire c to r s fo r more than 5 ye a rs , g ive s proof of the value of a low p u p il- te ach er r a t io . The program provides preschoo lers with the opportunity to learn ear ly so c ia l va lues and d i s c ip l in e by working and p la y in g together in small groups under su perv is ion .

At the same time, tours o f p laces and p a r t ic ip a t io n in programs with mothers present provide

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the added be n e f it o f sha r ing experiences o f mutual b e n e f it to both the ch i ld ren and th e i r mothers/parents. By the time the ch i ld ren reach pub lic school age, they are a lready f a m i l i a r w ith a guided program of in s t ru c t io n and a c t i v i t i e s and are ab le to ad ju st to pub lic school l i f e w ithout d i f f i c u l t y or problems. (Jan ita Mundon, B i l l 916, p. 207)

1. Ear ly c h i ld programs: (a) E a r ly ch ildhoodprograms are v i t a l l y needed fo r a well balanced educational beginn ing; (b) emphasis should be in the area o f the three R ' s and a fo llow -th rough program from k indergarten to high schoo l; and (c ) an ear ly in d o c tr in a t io n to career development. (Rose Jackman, B i l l 916, p. 139)

The l a t t e r comment came from a represen tat ive of the community in which the primary ethnographic research under ly ing program development and p lann ing a t the Kamehameha Ear ly Education Program (KEEP) was conducted. Th is i s noted here in a n t ic ip a t io n of a d is c u s s io n of anthropo log ica l perspect ives on e a r ly education.

A d i f fe r e n t perspective on the need fo r new forms o f education such as p reschoo ls comes from ana lyses of e x i s t in g se rv ic e s . Joanne Bristow , fo r in s tan ce , Educational D ire c to r o f C h i ld re n 's Center In c . , t e s t i f i e d as fo l low s:

I f i t i s assumed th a t the c h i ld r e n ' s c e n te r 's percentage o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren a p p l ie s to the 670 ch i ld re n in q u a l i t y p reschoo ls , then a th i r d o f these ch ild ren are o f Hawaiian e x trac t io n , or about 230 ch i ld re n . Therefore, only about 1 percent o f a l l Hawaiian ch i ld ren are cu r re n t ly being provided q u a l i ty preschool educations. The need fo r q u a l i t y preschoo ling fo r ch i ld re n o f Hawaiian ex trac t io n i s patent. This need i s obvious i f only to provide Hawaiians with the p a r i ty necessary to permit them a com petit ive chance upon k indergarten entry. Without i t , we assure t h i s S t a t e ' s f i r s t d isco ve re r s and developers another generation of second c la s s c i t iz e n sh ip . ( B i l l 857, p. 113)

F in a l l y , e a r ly education i s a spec ia l in te r e s t area of a key Hawaiian leader, Myron Thompson, Trustee o f The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Esta te . Testim onial comments from him have included the fo l low in g :

I t i s a l s o expressed th a t Hawaiian ch i ld ren are more in need of hom e -sta rt/h ead -sta rt preparation fo r the pub lic schoo ls as a way of in te g r a t in g t h e i r cu ltu ra l o r ie n ta t io n w ith that provided in the pub lic elementary schoo ls they w i l l attend. ( B i l l 857, p.169)

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Our educational system does not address th a t is su e [ " fe a r o f le a rn in g " among Hawaiians]. Through t h i s b i l l we can address i t . In a d d it io n to th a t , when the youngster h i t s our pub lic school system at k indergarten, a t l e a s t he would be open to absorb the le a rn in g that i s a v a i la b le to him a t th a t point.

R igh t now, our system assumes th a t each youngster th a t comes in to th e i r doors a t k indergarten are free to learn. This i s not the case. In a recent review of one of our p u b l ic schoo ls f i r s t grade operat ion s, we found th a t h a l f o f the c la s s was i l l i t e r a t e . In t h i s day i t i s in c re d ib le .

So, what I am say ing i s that S. 916 a llow s us to go back a l i t t l e fu r th e r. I t a lso a llow s us to improve our present day system toward a s s i s t i n g our people to be free to learn in a l l walks o f t h e i r l i v e s . ( B i l l 916, p. 86)

Social Indicator Data

As a new form of so c ia l a s s is ta n ce in s o c ie t y ' s armamentaria of peacekeeping and human se rv ice agencies, e a r ly ch ildhood education has not y e t id e n t i f ie d the key in d ic a to r s to be used as ind ice s of need for s p e c i f i c populat ions. The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate needs assessment work in progress a t the time t h i s study was undertaken suggested four in d ic a to r s : percent welfare e l i g i b l e (po ve rty ), teenagepregnancy rates, low b i r t h weight rates, and incidence of c h i ld abuse and n e g le c t . A b r ie f a n a ly s i s o f educational need f o r the b ir th -5 years group revealed the fo l lo w in g (O f f ic e of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, 1981; Report 80-81:5):

The to ta l number o f Hawaiian ch i ld re n ages 0-4 was derived from inform ation obtained from the Department o f Health, S ta te of Hawaii. These records ind ica ted th a t approximately 5,000 Hawaiian l i v e b ir t h s have occured annually fo r the past f iv e years.However, su o s t ra c t in g the in fa n t m o r ta l i t y rate of approximately 75 deaths annually during ages 0-11 months r e s u l t s in 4,925 Hawaiian in fa n t s a t ta in in g one year. Thus, there are approximately 24,600 Hawaiian ch ild ren between ages 0-4.

The task o f id e n t i f y in g those " in need" o f a d d it ion a l educational se rv ice s in the 0-4 age range i s not easy. O bv iou s ly , the in-need cond it ion here must include both the in fa n t and the fam ily . Conseqeuently, the fo l low in g in d ic a to r s have been se lected in order to begin to reveal the scope of educational need fo r the ear ly ch ildhood Hawaiian population:

• Welfare E l i g i b i l i t y - Data provided by A lu Like

in 1976 in d ica te d th a t nearly 34% o f a l l Hawaiian ch ild ren below age f iv e were in w e lfa re e l i g i b l e fa m i l ie s . I f one accepts the assumption o f ap o s i t iv e r e la t io n sh ip between w e lfa re s ta tu s and educational need, then some 8,400 Hawaiianch ild ren are in t h i s category. T h is , perhaps, i s the ou ts ide or maximum number in t h i s age range.

• Teenage Pregnancy - The Department of Health data reveal th a t an average of 800 teenage Hawaiian g i r l s become mothers each year. Teenage pregnancy i s a " r i s k " co nd it ion .

• Low In fa n t B i r th Weight - The Department ofHealth reports th a t about 400 Hawaiian babies born each ye ar are " a t r i s k " in terms o f lowb i r t h weight.

• C h i ld Abuse and Neglect - The Department ofSo c ia l Se rv ic e s and Housing in d ic a te th a t about 100 cases per year o f c h i ld abuse and neg lect are reported in Hawaiian fa m il ie s .

I f the "o u t s id e " f igu re of 8,400 in fa n t s " inneed" i s reasonably v a l id , then the scope ofprevention se rv ic e s needed by these fa m i l ie s i ssomewhat c lea re r, (pp. 213-214)

In ad d it ion to the above in d ic a to r s i t i s conce ivab le th a t agencies who work w ith preschoo l-age ch i ld re n might be ab le to compile so c ia l in d ic a t o r data analogous to the standardized t e s t scores used with schoo l-age youth. Whether t h i s should come from general screening programs or should in vo lve an a n a ly s i s by e t h n ic i t y o f in d iv id u a l s re fe rred fo r spec ia l se rv ic e s during the b i r t h - f i v e years period i s unc lear. To date, no source of such in fo rm at ion has been found. However, from what can be determined the best in form ation o f t h i s general nature i s th a t reported by the Kauai Pregnancy Study from t h e i r in te n s iv e , lo n g itu d in a l ana ly se s o f development among the babies born on Kauai during 1955 (Werner, Bierman, & French, 1971).

In b r ie f , the Kauai Pregnancy Study examined the developmental outcomes of an e n t ire cohort of b i r th s . Major eva lu a t ion s o f development, in c lu d in g te s t in g and observation of the home environment, were conducted at ages two and ten. Of the 1012 ch i ld re n involved in the study through age ten, about 23 percent were Hawaiian. The developmental measures included the V ineland Socia l M a tu r ity Sca le and the C a te l l In fa n t In te l l ig e n c e Sca le . Resu lts from the Vineland revealed no d if fe re n ce s between the e thn ic groups stud ied: a l l groups performed wellabove the norms from the 1930s. On the C a te l l , however, the Japanese led a l l groups with a mean IQ score o f 103, fo llowed by Portugese, 99; Cau cas ians, 98; Hawaiians, 96; and F i l i p in o s , 95. These d if fe re n ce s were evaluated by a two-way a n a ly s i s o f var iance for e th n ic i t y and socioeconomic s ta tu s . Both main e f fe c t s , fo r SES and for e th n ic i t y , were s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (p. < 01) ( c f . , Werner, Simonian, & Sm ith,1968; Werner, Bierman & French, 1971).

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TABLE 66

PERCENTAGES OF CHILDREN WITH ACHIEVEMENT, PERCEPTUAL, LANGUAGE, AND EMOTIONAL PROBLEMS AT AGE 10, BY ETHNIC GROUP

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-

NOTE: Reprinted, by permission of the publisher, from E. E. Werner, K. Simonian, and R. S. Smith. 1968. Ethnicand socioeconomic status differences in abilities and achievement among preschool and school-age children in Hawaii. Journal of Social Psychology 75: 43-59.

* p < .05** p < .01

TYPE OF PROBLEMJAPANESE(N=253)

FULL AND PART HAWAIIAN (N=180)

FILIPINO(N=138)

PORTUGUESE(N=18)

ANGLO-SAXONCAUCASIAN(N=18)

CHI-SQUAREVALUE

ACHIEVEMENT PROBLEM 2 7.7% 5 3.9% 5 2.2% 5 2.2% 2 2.2% 4 1.4 1%**

D or F in reading, w r i t in g , or math 2 6.5% 4 9.4% 4 7 .1% 4 1.3% 2 2.2% 2 9.25%**One or more grades below CA 2 .4% 1 3.9% 9 .4% 2 1.7% 0 .0% 3 0.77%**In MR c la s s or i n s t i t u t io n .4% 2 .8% 3 .6% 8 .7 % 0.0% 1 4.4 9%**

PERCEPTUAL PROBLEM 8 .7% 1 3.3% 1 4.5% 1 3.0% 1 6.7% 4 .0 4%

LANGUAGE PROBLEM 3 .6% 8 .9% 8.0% 6 .5% o_<5Oo

7 .17%

EMOTIONAL PROBLEM 1 8.6% 2 7.8% 2 8.3% 3 4.8% 2 7.8% 9 .51%*

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While the use of a t e s t whose score i s la b e l le d " IQ " tends to ra ise strong emotional re a c t ion s and accusations w ith respect to c u l tu ra l b ia s , u n fa ir la b e l in g , racism, i n s e n s i t i v i t y to c u l tu ra l d if fe re n ce s , e t c . , the bottom -line from an educational standpoint i s th a t the items on the te s t do re la te in an important way to school a c t i v i t i e s found in the m ajority of sch o o ls . For example, a poor performance a t age 2 on a s o - c a l le d IQ t e s t i s ge n e ra l ly a very good p red ic tor o f subsequent school problems acro ss behav io ra l, a t t i t u d in a l , and achievement dimensions ( c f . , McCall, 1979). Moreover, combining in form ation from such a t e s t with measures o f "q u a l i t y of environment" g re a t ly increases the p re d ic t iv e value. As Werner e t a l . (1971) concluded: "a combination o f retarded developmentand deprived environment in in fancy i s more p re d ic t iv e of se r iou s achievement problems a t school age than e ith e r in fa n t examinations or fam ily v a r ia b le s a lone" (p. 102).

In fa c t , subsequent eva lua t ion of school performance a t age 10 showed th a t about h a l f o f the Hawaiian sample exh ib ited achievement problems. Resu lts from the Kauai study o u t l in in g outcomes by ethnic group are shown in Table 66. I t can be seen t h a t Hawaiians, F i l i p i n o s , and Portugeseaccounted fo r a cons id erab ly h igher percentage of school problems than d id Japanese and Caucasians.

Social Science Analysis

The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate has long been in te re ste d in e a r ly ch ildhood education. An i n i t i a l s t a r t in t h i s area came during the e ar ly 1960s w ith a s in g le preschool. When Head S t a r t began, trends in t h i s d i re c t io n were cut back to avoid d u p l ic a t io n o f se rv ic e s . Later, in 1970, when consu ltan ts G a ll im ore and Tharp were h ired to develop recommendations regard ing e a r ly education, they noted the "wash out" phenomenon a ssoc ia te d w ith Head S t a r t and the subsequent federal focus on "Follow-Through" during the e a r ly elementary y e a rs . In keeping withtrends of th a t era, they suggested th a t Kamehameha concentrate on developing programs fo r the e a r ly school ye a rs , grades K through 3, before embarking on preschool or any other form of e a r ly ch ildhood education ( c f . , Gallim ore & Tharp, 1970). Their su gge s t ion s were heeded, and the Kamehameha E a r ly Education Program was begun in 1971. I t s goal was to d isco ve r how the school achievement o f Hawaiian youth could be enhanced during the e ar ly elementary school years.

In 1975 new developments in the f i e ld of e a r ly ch ildhood education, s p e c i f i c a l l y P ro je c t Home S t a r t , aga in caught the eyes o f Kamehameha ad m in is tra to rs . Th is general home-based model seemed as i f i t might be an appropriate veh ic le fo r Kamehameha's involvement in e a r ly eductionp r i o r to school entry ; moreover, i t was an approach th a t d id not requ ire extensive c a p ita l improvements. An i n i t i a l p lann ing phase, 1975 - 1977, invo lved convening an ad v iso ry panel of lo ca l experts from the human se rv ic e s , sending Kamehameha s t a f f memebers to in terv iew Mainland experts and to observe e x i s t in g programs, and h ir in g a program planner. By Ju ly ,1 977 a p ro ject p lan fo r the Kupulani p ro ject was approved by The Schoo ls 'Trustees (Rauch & Hammond, 1977). Labe lled "Fam ily-Based Ear ly

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Education" the program design fo r Kupulani c a l le d fo r a comprehensi e e ar ly ch ildhood program that would serve fa m i l ie s from before ttie b i r th of t h e i r c h i ld through school entry a t age f iv e . Among o the r th in g s the pro je c t was described as " fa m i ly -b a se d , " " e a r l y - s t a r t i n g , " " c u l t u r a l l y re le v a n t , " "con t in u o u s," " a f f e c t iv e as well as c o g n i t i v e . " In po in t o f f a c t , i t was modeled h e a v i ly a f te r programs developed by the High/Scope Educational Research Foundation 's P a re n t - In fa n t Department ( c f . , Lambie, Bond, & Weikart, 1970) and the Brookline E a r ly Education P ro ject ( c f . , Pierson, 1974).

Kupulani as C h i ld and Family Resource Center. When the Kupulani pro je c t was conceived, the gu id in g concept was "Hawaiian Home S t a r t . " In some minds i t s purpose was c le a r : prepare Hawaiian youngste rs forschoo l. However, the p ro ject evolved in to something much more complex and comprehensive than t h i s , and p o s s ib ly because o f t h i s broadening of scope experienced a remarkable range of implementation problems (c f . O ff ice o f Program Eva luation and P lanning, 1980 - 1982, a to ta l o f 20 separate re p o rts ) .

A l i t e r a t u r e review conducted in connection w ith the eva luat ion of the p ro je c t (Melahn, 1980) revealed th a t Kupulani was, in fa c t , almost id e n t ic a l to the C h i ld and Family Resource Center programs which the federal government had i n i t i a t e d — and about which l i t t l e had or has been w ritten . In a d d it io n , i t was learned from a report issued by the U.S. General Accounting O f f ic e (1979) th a t s im i la r p ro jects elsewhere had had su b sta n t ia l implementation problems; however, i t was a ls o c le a r th a t the model d id indeed produce s i g n i f i c a n t outcomes fo r poor fa m i l ie s . Later, a report from Turner, Conne ll, and Mathis (1980) revealed that the C h i ld and Family Resource Center Program eva luators had been forced to develop a new perspective on eva luat ion because of the unique s t y le of in te rven t ion th a t had evolved: th a t i s , fa m ily -b y - fa m i ly in d iv id u a l i z a ­t io n as opposed to t r a d i t io n a l educational approaches th a t provide one ba s ic program fo r a l l p a r t ic ip a n t s .

P re se n t ly , in view of the severe implementation problems encountered, i t seems too e a r ly to judge d e f in i t i v e ly the success or lack o f success of the Kupulani e f fo r t . However, i t can be noted that a recent consumer s a t i s f a c t io n survey (O f f ic e o f Program Eva luation and P lann ing, 1982) ind ica ted th a t the parents who chose to p a r t ic ip a te in the program o f fe r in g s were very supportive , and app rec ia t ive o f the se rv ice s .

Preschool Programs. At KEEP, where the general in te rven t ion s tra te gy has been ā "Fo llow Through-type" ear ly elementary e f f o r t , research regard ing the e f fe c ts preschool attendance e s s e n t ia l l y confirmed the f in d in g s o f the la te 1960s: whatever advantages preschool attenders hadi n i t i a l l y in school tended to fade rather qu ick ly . S p e c i f i c a l l y , Fox and Gallim ore (1976) reported the fo l low in g :

The f in d in g s in d ica te that preschool has an e f fe c t ,although l im ite d , on the performance o f a c h i ld in kindergarten, and that the e f fe c t mainly i s found on verbal dimensions. The preschool g rou p 's advantage overthe no-preschool group continues throughout thekindergarten year, y e t i s completely dim inished by thef i r s t grade year. I t appears th a t preschool g ive s

kindergarten ch i ld re n a s l i g h t lead , but not a l a s t i n g one. (p. 10)

T h is research f in d in g f i t well w ith p r e -e x is t in g judgements on thepart o f program planners a t KEEP th a t programs fo r Hawaiian ch i ld renp r io r to school entry are probably unnecessary, are l i k e l y to be i n ­e f f i c ie n t , and may be une th ica l. M ateria l d e t a i l in g t h i s l i n e o f th in k in g can be found in the o r ig in a l c o n su lta n t s ' report that preceeded KEEP :

. w h ile parent-education programs are in currentvogue, an adequate technology has not y e t been developed, and the long-range e f fe c ts o f t h i s s o r t o f program havenot been stud ied. Second, Gallim ore and Howard have demonstrated th a t the m otivat iona l and so c ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in Hawaiian ch i ld ren , which b r in g them in to c o n f l i c t w ith standard educational p ra c t ic e s , arere la te d to the Hawaiian cu ltu ra l context, th a t they could not be a lte re d w ithout s im ultaneously a l t e r in g the to ta l pattern o f the Hawaiian cu ltu re . Th is i s undesireab le.I t i s a lso probably i n e f f i c i e n t , s in ce MacDonald andGallim ore have demonstrated th a t i t i s p o s s ib le , w ith in the pub lic school system, to c a p i t a l i z e upon the soc ia l and m otivat iona l s tre n gth s o f Hawaiian charac te r, andthus achieve s i g n i f i c a n t improvement in the academic achievements o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren (Ga llim ore & Tharp,1970, p. 24).

C u ltu ra l c o n s id e ra t io n s . At l e a s t p a r t ly in the name of "p re se rv in g c u l tu r e , " then, KEEP has steered c le a r o f preschool and s im i l a r l y - r e l a t e d paren t/fam ily in te rve n t io n s and has proceeded to b u i ld a " c u l t u r a l l y com patib le " elementary curricu lum th a t a llow s Hawaiians to re ta in th e i r c u ltu ra l va lues and behavioral s t y le s while s t i l l le a rn in g in school (c f . Jordan, Tharp, and B a ird -V o gt , 1982). At the same time, though, the process o f d issem inat ion o f KEEP methods in to the pub lic schoo ls recen tly uncovered a s i t u a t io n th a t may in d ica te a need fo r e a r ly in te rven tion among some Hawaiian fa m i l ie s .

The s p e c i f i c f in d in g was that a s ize ab le m ino r ity o f students in a pub lic school in which KEEP was i n s t a l l i n g i t s read ing program d id notp rogress s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . These " i l l i t e r a t e s , " as they came to be c a l le d , un like the m ajo r ity o f Hawaiian youth e n ro lle d in e a r l i e r KEEP programs, a r r iv e d a t f i r s t grade unable to recognize th e i r name in p r in t ,u n fa m i l ia r w ith the idea o f w r i t in g , and in general unprepared to learn how to read ( c f . , Jordan, D'Amato, and J o e s t in g , 1981). I n i t i a l an thro ­p o lo g ica l in v e s t ig a t io n in to t h i s s i t u a t io n re su lte d in the fo l lo w in g p re lim inary f in d in g s as reported by Jordan et al (1981):

The parents o f ch i ld re n who had not been f a m i l i a r with ba s ic concepts o f l i t e r a c y (hereafter, ' t a r g e t c h i ld r e n ' )were not as a c c e ss ib le to communication as the parents o f ch i ld re n who were f a m i l i a r w ith these concepts (hereafter, 'con tro l c h i ld r e n ' ) . I t was harder to get in touch with

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ta rg e t parents, harder to arrange in te rv iew s with them, and harder to make a fa c e -to - fa ce connection with them once dates had been arranged.

The above f in d in g i s a ssoc ia ted w ith and may be re la te d to the r e l a t i v e l y low incomes of the ta rge t f a m i l ie s . In a d d it io n , ta rge t fa m i l ie s and households are l a r g e r , and ta rg e t fa m il ie s tended to be le s sge ograp h ica l ly mobile than contro l f a m il ie s andgeographical m o b i l i t y was a s soc ia te d with young, e co nom ica lly -success fu l f a m i l ie s , th a t i s to say, w ithones having the means and in c l in a t io n to move in to homes of th e ir own. P re c ise ly how these v a r ia b le s re la te to the a c q u is i t io n of l i t e r a c y concepts i s not ye t c lea r. However, i t i s an in t r i g u in g f in d in g th a t r e la t i v e ly loose connections to the mainstream so c ia l s t ru c tu re — whether construed as the economy, the telephone book, the schoold ire c to ry , or the appointment— i s s t ro n g ly a ssoc ia te d with r e la t i v e ly l i t t l e connection to the concepts o f l i t e r a c y (pg. 34).

While the above f in d in g s regard ing what might be c a l le d "m u lt ip le - problem" fa m il ie s do not n e c e s sa r i ly imply th a t e a r ly education fo r Hawaiians i s needed, i t i s exac t ly these types o f "h igh r i s k " f a m i l ie s th a t have been the primary ta rge t s o f comprehensive e ar ly education e f f o r t s throughout the country. Thus, in sp ite o f the fa c t that KEEP has g e n e ra l ly found most o f i t s students to be as wel 1-prepared as any fo r schoo l, the ex istence of even a few " d i f f i c u l t ca se s " i s one in d ic a t io n th a t educational in te rve n t io n p r io r to k indergarten entry may be useful on an in d iv id u a l iz e d , fa m ily -b y - fa m i ly b a s is .

Whether these few cases a l s o imply a need fo r in te rven t ion with respect to cu l tu ra l c h i ld r e a r in g patterns, as advocated by Sutton-Sm ith (1977), or some other program approach th a t addresses pre-k indergarten educational needs in a c u l t u r a l l y s e n s i t iv e fa sh io n , remains a perogative o f e a r ly ch ildhood educators. In t h i s same vein, however, i t might be noted that s ince G a ll im ore and Tharp (1970) f i r s t summarized the im p l ic a t io n s of research on the impact o f preschool programs for The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop Estate (and recommended emphasis on in te rve n t io n a t the K - 3 l e v e l ) , preschool fo llow -up s tu d ie s have documented the longterm or " s le e p e r " bene fits a s soc ia te d w ith these types of programs (e. g . , Brown, 1978; Weber, Foster, & Weikart, 1978; Weikart, Ep ste in , Schweinhart, & Bond, 1978). These more recent s tu d ie s , then, combined with the evidence in d ic a t in g the ex istence of an underprepared, sp e c ia l-n e e d subgroup of kindergarten youth further b o ls te r the p ro p o s it io n th a t a need e x i s t s fo r a d i f fe r e n t e a r ly education s tra te gy th a t th a t o r i g in a l l y adopted a t KEEP. Of course, much would s t i l l depend, in cons id er ing t h i s is su e , upon o n e 's p ro fe ss io n a l eva luat ion of the c u ltu ra l and p r a c t i c a l i t y / e f f ic ie n c y concerns Ga llim ore and Tharp ra ised in t h e i r i n i t i a l c o n su lta t io n report regard ing e a r ly education for Hawai ian s .

In the c u ltu ra l area, fo r example, in l i g h t of Ga llim ore and Tharp 's o b je c t io n s to parent t r a in in g / e a r ly education because of the c u ltu ra l in te r fe ren ce invo lved, i t i s o f in te re s t to consider an a lte rn a te

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perspective o ffered by two an th ro p o lo g is ts who have worked ex te ns ive ly throughout Po lynesia . S p e c i f i c a l l y , R itch ie and R i tc h ie (1981)— rather than viewing current fam ily con d it ion s among Po lyn es ian s as " id e a l " or " r i g h t , " and therefore "untouchab le" on the part o f educators (a s might be the case fo r some a n th ro p o lo g is t s working in H aw aii)— acknowledge problems such as c h i ld abuse as in d ica to r s o f a general breakdown in Polynesian fam ily systems. In th e i r words, they have described the s i t u a t io n as fo l lo w s , making th e ir own recommendations fo r in te rven t ion :

The surrounding circumstances simply show how qu ick ly the un iversa l p recond it ion s o f the b a t te re d -c h i ld syndrome can a r i s e in any so c ie ty th a t has ceased to m aintain good standards o f c h i ld care. Large f a m i l ie s , poor l i v i n g c o n d it io n s, an in to le ra b le degree o f i s o l a t io n , m arita l i n s t a b i l i t y , s t r a in , and a l c o h o l - - a l l compound in a generation to create the p recond it ion s o f c h i ld abuse. Perhaps i t i s l e s s frequent th a t the abusive adu lt was abused as a c h i ld [among P o lyn es ian s], but i t i s on ly a matter of time before t h i s cond it ion i s added to a l l the others. What i s the answer?

To us i t seems that a s trong hope l i e s in reconstruct ion . We be lieve th a t the Po lynesian heritage re s t s upon Po lynesian c h i ld rearing. We be lieve that a conscious and d e l ib e ra te conservation o f th a t pattern would prevent c h i ld abuse. We know o f in t a c t New Zealand Maori communities, o ld enclaves around which wider communities have grown. Within these communities c h i ld abuse i s as unthinkable as i t ever was. The f i r s t step in recon stru ct in g a v ia b le urban equ iva len t i s fo r Polynesians to recogn ize the s a l i e n t features o f t h e i r c h i ld - r e a r in g system so that they know what to protect.Time and aga in , when we have to ld Po lynesian groups our a n a ly s i s of the major features of t h e i r c h i ld - r e a r in g s t y le , th e y have s a id ye s, th a t i s how t h e i r ch ildhood was; they recogn ize the pattern, they remember how nice i t was. But in a l l the d isc u s s io n o f c u l tu ra l preservation we have never heard the central ro le of c h i ld rearing acknowledged. In stead , the emphasis i s on p reservation o f language, community ceremonial f a c i l i t i e s , t r a d i t io n s , oratory, and song and dance. A l l these are important, but none of them w i l l prevent d iso r g a n iz a t io n from reaching down in to the heart o f fam ily r e la t io n s h ip s (pp. 200 - 201 ).

T h is po in t of view r a i s e s one of the in te r e s t in g i s su e s w ith respect to c u l tu ra l p reservat ion : who should decide what i s or i s not worthy o fp re se rva t ion ? And what frame of reference or perspective should be used to make such d e c is io n s?

The l i n e s in t h i s case can be drawn between so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s who advocate preservation of contemporary cu ltu re as documented by recent ethnographic study ( e . g . , G a ll im ore & Tharp, 1970) and others, whether so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s or in -c u l tu re experts o f var iou s persuasions, who tend to view contemporary behaviora l patterns among Hawaiians as a complex

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combination o f "true Hawaiian" p ra c t ic e s and " d i s t o r t io n s " o f one type of another. The l a t t e r are behavior patterns that may be common among Hawaiians in to d a y 's world, but which have very l i t t l e precedence when viewed from an h i s t o r i c a l perspective.

One example th a t in -c u ltu re observers have mentioned in d is c u s s io n s o f " d i s t o r t i o n s " i s the notion th a t Hawaiians are " l a z y . " In t h i s regard the d i l ig e n c e and a t te n t io n to d e ta i l o f anc ient Hawaiians has been emphasized and contrasted with the id le n e ss th a t occurs too frequently among contemporary Hawaiians. Such observers rankle a t any su g g e s t io n — p a r t i c u la r ly when i t comes from Hawaiians them selves— th a t observed id le n e ss under contemporary circumstances i s simply "the Hawaiian way" ( e . g . , Kanahele, 1982 ). With respect to s i b l i n gcare tak in g , meanwhile, i t i s c e r ta in ly a feature of t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian fam ily l i f e . However, as times and con d it ion s in e v i t a b ly change with increased modernization and u rb an iza t io n — and s i b l i n g ca re tak in g becomes d i f fe r e n t as i t begins to occur ou ts ide the t r a d i t io n a l v i l la ge /e x te n d e d fam ily context— does i t eventua lly become "d is t o r te d " and p o s s ib ly m aladaptive? C e r ta in ly i t may be dangerous under some circumstances as R itc h ie and R i tc h ie (1981) noted:

The degree of independence appropriate in the low-technology v i l l a g e s i t u a t io n may place im poss ib le , even le t h a l , demands on a young Po lynesian c i t y c h i ld , e s p e c ia l ly in regard to s i b l i n g caretak ing . O lder homes, in which the poor, in c lu d in g Po lyn es ian s, are most l i k e l y to l i v e , catch f i r e more e a s i l y . A c h i ld o f f iv e or s i x who i s lo ok in g a f te r h is or her younger s i b l i n g s simply may not know what to do in such emergency. The modern urban environment i s undoubtedly the most dangerous in which human beings have ever t r ie d to l i v e (pg. 198).

F in a l l y , i t can be noted th a t in sp ite o f any th rea t to c u ltu ra ll i f e s t y l e , Hawaiians ge n era l ly seem to be strong supporters o f preschoolprograms. For in stance, Melahn and O 'Donnell (1978), repo rt ing on i n - c l a s s behavior patterns o f Head S t a r t ch i ld ren in Hawaii, noted th a t Hawaiians accounted fo r about 44 percent o f the population served by the program. This c o n tra s t s with the approximatly 27 percent o f the general populat ion in that age range that i s c l a s s f ie d as l i v i n g in poverty ( c f . , Hawaii O ff ice o f Economic Opportunity and Hawaii CAP D ire c to r s A sso ­c ia t io n , 1979). In a s im i l a r ve in , the surveys conducted in connectionwith a recent eva luat ion o f The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e 'sExtension Education D iv i s io n (O f f ic e o f Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, 1981, Report No. 80-81:52) revealed th a t preschoo ls were among the top f iv e programs in terms of community in te re s t , awareness, and perceived need to expand.

General Need Area: Systemic B a r r ie r s

Cond it ion 10: Other Concerns

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

ADDITIONAL BARRIERS WITHIN THE SYSTEM MAY INCLUDE INEFFECTIVE ORGANIZATIONAL/MANAGEMENT FUNCTIONING WITH THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS, LIMITED LOCAL AND PARENT INPUT INTO EDUCATIONAL PLANNING, AND INEFFEC­TIVE/INADEQUATE EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH AND RESEARCH DISSEMINATION EFFORTS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Management/organizational s t ru c tu re s and procedures th a t r e s u l t in e f f ic ie n t , e f fe c t iv e education.

• Mechanisms fo r lo ca l and parental input in to educational p lanning.

• E f f i c i e n t and e f fe c t iv e educational research and research d issem ination methods.

Testimony

Hawaiian spokespersons have commented on the general unresponsiveness of the DOE in several areas, in c lu d in g the la ck o f overa ll community p a r t ic ip a t io n in dec is ion -m ak ing, the la ck o f good research usage andd issem inat ion , and the la ck o f good p lanning:

Parent p a r t ic ip a t io n in the educational systems has beenextremely l im ite d to date through su sp ic io n , lack o funderstanding, and f r u s t r a t io n w ith a system in which they too had problems. (Winona Rubin, B i l l 916, p .212)

There i s a system atic exc lu sion of p a r t ic ip a t io n by parents- parents d o n 't feel part of the educational system. (Henning, 1978a)

In my experience, research has been is o la te d . I t has not provided the opportun ity fo r community response and input. This has re su lted in the community p resen t ly fe e l in g

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' l e f t - o u t ' and very threatened. Th is has a ls o createddefensiveness on the part o f 'p r o f e s s io n a l s . ' (PaigeBarber, NIE M u l t ic u l t u r a l Task Force, 1974)

We are a l l too f a m i l i a r w ith the unresponsive, inept and poor educational p lann ing th a t has long character ized the le a rn in g experience fo r many of us who have surv ived the pub lic educational system and who now have ch i ld ren in the schoo ls. (Gard Kealoha, B i l l 916, p. I l l )

Social Science Analysis

Not exact ly the work o f so c ia l sc ience, a L e g i s la t iv e A u d i t o r 's th ree -year study of the Hawaii State DOE, published in 1973, nonetheless l e f t no uncerta in ty as to the cumbersome and unresponsive nature of the bureaucracy. While a u n if ie d state-w ide educational system should be expected to avo id some of the problems of in e q u a l it y caused by uneven d i s t r i c t funding as on the mainland, the system had re su lted in a top-heavy and poorly manged o rgan iza t ion in the e a r ly 1970 's . Some o f the recommendations made by t h i s report were as fo l lo w s:

a The board should strengthen th e ir po licy -m ak ing role.

• Overall s t ra te gy fo r future o rgan iz a t io n a l development should be developed.

• There should be a complete review of s t a f f i n g .

• Adopt p o l i c ie s th a t c le a r ly f i x r e s p o n s ib i l i t y fo r curricu lum development.

• E s t a b l i s h a system of program a n a ly s i s review to ensure q u a l i ty c o n tro l.

t B r ing a l l innovat ive and p i l o t p ro jects under managementc o n t r o l .

• E s t a b l i s h a system so sta te o f f i c e and d i s t r i c t s are informed about p rogress and s ta tus o f programs.

• Develop a new personnel c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system.

• Develop a program p lan fo r recruitment and se le c t io n .

The DOE has taken s te p s to address some of these is su e s , but the fe e l in g remains strong th a t the bureaucracy i s heav ily entrenched.

General Need Area: Physica l and B u i l t Environment

Cond it ion 1: Rural I s o la t io n

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

SOME EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF NEIGHBOR ISLAND AND RURAL OAHU YOUTH ARE THE SAME AS THOSE OF STUDENTS IN RURAL ENVIRONMENTS IN ANY PART OF THE COUNTRY; FOR EXAMPLE, LIMITED EXPOSURE TO AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT, MOTIVATIONAL PROBLEMS STEMMING FROM LIMITED JOB OPPORTUNITIES, STEREOTYPING ON THE PART OF TEACHERS WHO ARE NOT FROM RURAL BACKGROUNDS, AND THE VARIABLE QUALITY OF THE TEACHING STAFF WILLING TO ACCEPT RURAL ASSIGNMENTS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs designed to a l le v ia t e problems a ssoc ia te d w ith education in a rura l s e t t in g .

Testimony

Hawaii, l i k e most s t a t e s , does have areas th a t are rura l and i s o la te d with respect to urban cen ters. In fac t, the Neighbor I s la n d s ge n era l ly o f fe r a completely d i f fe re n t environment from th a t found on the main i s la n d o f Oahu. A number o f in d iv id u a l s have pointed up some o f the sp e c ia l problems the youth l i v i n g on neighbor i s la n d s can face w ith respect to t h e i r educations. For example, one educator from Molokai noted:

Many of our students have not come out o f Molokai. So, they don 't r e a l l y know what the outs ide l i f e i s . You come from Molokai to Honolulu, i t ' s j u s t a f a s t moving rate.Even I have a headache today d r iv in g around in t h i s mad-rush p lace.

But, the th in g i s , vhen they come here they feel backward. They're r e a l l y out o f i t . They're th r u s t in to a place where they d o n 't have any concept o f what i t ' s l i k e . They have some concept, I s h o u ld n 't say any, butthe th ing i s th a t i f they can be educated properly andthey can receive funds to help them in many areas th a t youhave outlined in your b i l l , I feel there i s a chance fo rMolokai to come out o f i t (Donna Kapu, B i l l 916, Pg. 145).

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- 263 -She even went so fa r as to use a phrase th a t was once widely used in

d is c u s s in g the p l ig h t o f ch i ld re n reared in poverty c o n d it io n s— " c u l t u r a l l y deprived":

They know Representative Akaka or Senator Inouye, they know your p ic tu re , but when they see i t they d o n 't know what you re a l ly stand fo r. I guess because we r e a l ly are c u l t u r a l ly deprived over there (Donna Kapu, B i l l 916, Pg.144).

In other parts of her test im ony Ms. Kapu noted a need fo r a lte rn a t iv e education programs and fo r programs designed to motivate Molokai youth w ith respect to the educational a sp ir a t io n s .

Others have a lso noted the specia l needs o f those in rural areas both in terms of the type and expectations o f teach ing ass igned to these areas and o f the l im ite d o pp o r tu n it ie s a v a i la b le . For example, a Hawaiian member of the S ta te Board of Education noted:

The Native Hawaiian c h i ld in the rural areas o f our State has been neglected academ ically under the mistaken and assumed idea th a t he or she i s not in te re s te d in being educated. T h is , too, i s a misconception. The c h i ld , a t avery young age, s e n s i t i v e in nature, i s ab le to d i f f e r ­e n t ia te between a teacher who cares and one who doesn 't.When the l a t t e r happens, in or out o f the classroom , thec h i ld i s "turned o f f " on education u n t i l such time as another teacher takes or shows in te r e s t in him or her(Margaret Apo, B i l l 916, Pg. 44).

While the chairperson o f the State Commission and Manpower and Fu ll Employment t e s t i f ie d :

In 1978, the Commission a lso conducted needs assessment v i s i t a t i o n s to high schoo ls located in i s o la t e d rural areas on a l l i s la n d s . The Commission found that these areas are charac ter ized b y high o u t-m igra t ion rates fo r t h e i r young people and la ck the educational and t r a in in g resources th a t are a v a i la b le in the more urbanized areas.While some of these i s o la te d rura l areas have high concentrat ions o f Hawaiian youth who would b e n e f it from the l e g i s l a t i o n , we are p a r t ic u la ry encouraged by the p ro v is io n in S . 916 which s ta te s th a t p a r t ic ip a t io n o f non-Native Hawaiian ch i ld re n may a lso be allowed (V e r l ie Ann M a iina -W righ t, B i l l 916, Pg. 221).

Social Indicator Data

Data su gge st ive of ru ra l/u rban d if fe rence s in o ve ra l l q u a l i ty o f l i f e dimensions such as percent l i v i n g in poverty, unemployment, etc. can be found in Henning (1978), an overview of con d it ion s on the i s la n d of

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M oloka i. For example, the fo l low in g excerpted comparisons with co n d it io n s on Maui suggest that l i f e on one of the S t a t e ' s l e s s populated i s la n d s i s in many respects very d i f fe r e n t from th a t to be found in more urbanized areas.

• Of the 1,621 people below the poverty leve l on Molokai51.1 percent a re Native Hawaiians. In Maui County the proportion i s 33.2.

• The unemployment rate fo r Molokai Hawaiians i s 23.4compared with a rate o f 18.8 for the to ta l Molokai population. The unemployment rate fo r Hawaiians in Maui County i s le s s than h a l f the rate on M o lo ka i, 11.1 and 23.4 re sp e c t iv e ly . Fewer Hawaiians on Molokai areemployed.

• Of the Molokai ju v e n i le s referred to Family Courtbetween Ju ly 1, 1976 and Jure 30, 1977, 59.6 percent were Native Hawaiians. Th is i s a much h igher ra te than fo r Maui I s la n d , Maui County or th e State.

• In Maui County a h igher percentage o f non-Hawaiians age25 and over than Hawaiians received a high school diploma. On Molokai 53.3 percent of the Hawaiians received a diploma w hile only 47.2 percent o f the to ta l populat ion d id so. Molokai Hawaiians were, however, l e s s l i k e l y to continue t h e i r education a f t e r high school then were non-Hawaiians. More than twice as many Hawaiians on Maui went on to h igher education schoo lsand programs than d id those l i v i n g on M oloka i.

§ The suspension and absenteeism rate i s high on Molokaischoo ls (Henning, 1978).

I t i s a l s o o f in te r e s t to note that any problems re la te d to educationor school achievement in rural areas may occur in the face o f ratherfavo rab le student: teacher r a t io s . For example, in the recentlypublished Molokai Data Book the fo l low in g a n a ly s i s o f functiona lc a p a c i t ie s in education was o ffe red :

There are four elementary schoo ls lo ca te d on the i s la n d . The fo l lo w in g ta b le summarizes t h e i r lo c a t io n and attendance.

Mol oka *i Elementary Schools - 1980

Location Number of Students Number of Classrooms Student/Teacher Rat io

Kaunakakai Kilohana Kualapu 'u Maunaloa

35891

29883

198

147

16.6512.1318.0612.76

In ad d it ion to the elementary sch oo ls , there i s one

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i nte rmedi a te /h i gh schoo l, M o lo k a ' i High. Located a t Ho'o lehua, i t has j u s t over 700 students e n ro l le d and a student-teacher r a t io o f 17 to 1 (Department o f Education, 1 981).

A l l schoo ls are operating under cap ac ity except fo r M o lo k a ' i High which i s p resently a t c ap ac ity . Although the current student-teacher r a t io s are p re sen t ly under the s t a t e ' s recommended r a t io o f 26.15, in crease s in popu­la t io n w i l l probably r e s u l t in the need fo r expansion of school f a c i l i t i e s , because the low r a t io s on M o lo k a ' i are caused in pa rt by the Department o f E d u c a t io n 's re gu la t io n th a t there must be a se t minimum o f s t a f f a t any par­t i c u l a r school (Canan et. a l , 1982).

Social Science Analysis

The l i t e r a t u r e search fo r t h i s report d id not uncover any extensived is c u s s io n s o f the educational problems of rura l areas o f the sta te . However, i t i s c le a r th a t so c ia l s c ie n t i s t s have recognized the impor­tance o f geographic, " e c o lo g ic a l " fa c to rs with re spect to educational outcomes. For example, the statew ide survey o f educators conducted p r io r to the s t a r t o f the Kamehameha E a r ly Education P ro ject by Gallim ore amd Tharp (1970) revealed c le a r d if fe re n ce s in the perspect ives o f urban vs rural educators regard ing the problems o f Hawaiian school age ch i ld ren .They summarized and concluded th e i r report as fo l low s:

The d iv e r s i t y with which the nature and genesis o f Hawaiian education problems are perceived weighs a g a in s ts in g le exp lanat ions and so lu t io n s . R e su lt s o f ourinformal survey of educators in Hawaii suggest that fa c to r s in ad d it io n to the s p e c i f ic and p a r t ic u la rq u a l i t i e s o f Hawaiian ch i ld ren are invo lved; fo r example, the a t t r ib u t io n a l b ia se s o f educators and communityre s ide n ts , popula t ion and geographic f a c t o r s , communityexpectat ions, and the l i k e .

To senarate and understand the com p lex it ie s n a tu ra l ly requ ire s ad d it ion a l in form ation. More im portant, perhaps, the re su lt s suggest th a t a mechanism i s needed that can address d i f f e r in g educational problems in d iverse communities. What might work well in urban Honolulu might not be needed or appreciated in rura l Maui. Thus, an a t tack on the educational problems of the Hawaiian m inor ity requ ire s not only experim entation, but f l e x i b i l i t y in approach. In a d d it io n , the rap id ly changing nature o f H aw a i i 's communities and pub lic schoo ls n e c e ss i ta te s th a t any research and development programmust be organized fo r continual change and adjustment as new is su e s and needs a r i s e . Most im portantly , the program must be guided by data-based continuous e va lu a t io n (Tharp & Ga ll im ore, 1975).

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More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e i r comments about "High D e n s ity (o f Haw aiians)/ Low U rban iza t io n " areas of the s ta te included the fo l lo w in g :

. . . [these a re ] areas which are le s s uniform p r in c ip a l ly because some are apparently in the e ar ly s tage s of urban ization , while o thers face the problem on ly in the remote future. Th is d iffe rence appears to a l t e r thedegree to which lo ca l educators perceive Hawaiians to be a major problem. As the community begins to change from a ru r a l , se m i- iso la te d s ta te in response to changingeconomic co n d it io n s , the perceived d isadvantages of the Hawaiian l i f e s t y le become a source o f g re a te r concern to educators. Where in the past the d i s in t e r e s t o f Hawaiian p u p ils in academic matters represented only a f a i lu r e to achieve the id e a l, in the present, educators begin to see underachievement as the fa ther o f personal and soc ia l tragedy and f r u s t r a t io n . Consequently, educators no longer regard s c h o la s t ic d i s in t e r e s t as concommitant with a c u l t u r a l l y - l in k e d l i f e s t y le which i s co n ge n ia l ly re la te d to a p la c id , rura l environment; underachievementi s then in terpre ted as re je c t io n of so c ie ty , evidence ofd iso rd e r , d i s s o lu t io n and d e f ic ie n cy , a l l o f which are a t t r ib u te d to the c u ltu re of the c h i ld (Tharp & G a llim ore,1975).

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General Need Area: Physica l and B u i l t Environment

Condition 2: Physica l P lant

Major Need Category: Special Educational Needs

Condition Summary

IN SOME INSTANCES PHYSICAL FAC IL IT IES ARE CONSIDERED POOR; THEY NEED IMPROVEMENT.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Physica l f a c i l i t i e s that con tr ibu te p o s i t i v e ly towards educational goa ls .

Testimony

The q u a l i t y of school b u i ld in g s , grounds, f a c i l i t i e s and surroundings i s not a frequently heard com pla int, but i t does su rface , e s p e c ia l ly when co n s id e ra t io n s o f funding are a t hand. The foreboding nature of some of the high schoo ls where v io lence has occurred i s one theme. Another i s the c o n tra s t o f the phys ica l beauty of H a w a i ' i ' s geography w ith the s ta rk and depress ing nature o f some o f i t s school b u i ld in g s :

Our present school f a c i l i t y there r e a l ly needs to be upgraded. You have to fo rg ive me because I get very emotional about the ch i ld re n there. (Donna Kapu, B i l l 916, p. 144)

Social Science Analysis

Rap son (1980) comments on the general r e la t io n s h ip o f funding leve l to ove ra l l q u a l i ty o f education:

The raw in g re d ie n ts in any educational system are operating money, the ca p ita l p lan t, the q u a l i t y of teachers, a d m in is t ra to r s , students, and the nature of the general milieu. Each of these requ ires examination. Money fo r b u i ld in g s , su p p l ie s , textbooks, and the 1 ike i s i n s u f ­f i c ie n t . A good system needs adequate funding to pay fo r the best teachers, to supply adequate f a c i l i t i e s , to fo s te r special programs, and to con stan t ly monitor, eva luate, and r e v iv i f y the curriculum . (Rapson, 1980, p. 97)

C H A P T E R IV

C U L T U R A L L Y R E L A T E D A C A D E M I C N E E D S

General Need A rea : Problems a t the In te r face

Cond it ion 1 : C h a r a c te r i s t ic s o f Hawaiian Ch ild ren as Perceivedby Educators

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

WESTERN EDUCATORS HAVE LONG FOUND HAWAIIANS TO BE CHALLENGING STUDENTS BECAUSE OF THE VAST CULTURAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TYPICAL STUDENT AND TYPICAL MAINLAND-TRAINED TEACHER. FOR EXAMPLE, AMONG THE NEGATIVE CHARACTERIZATIONS OFFERED BY EDUCATORS OVER THE YEARS, THE FOLLOWING HAVE BEEN COMMON: "LAZY, LACKING IN SELF-CONTROL,IRRESPONSIBLE, ROWDY, RESTLESS, IN-ATTENTIVE, UNINVOLVED, PROVOCATIVE, LACKING IN AB IL ITY, INDIFFERENT, UNINHIBITED, RESISTANT TO AUTHORITY, AND IMPERVIOUS TO TEACHER INFLUENCE."

Potential Educational Interventions

• Teacher t r a in in g programs which fo s te r s te reotype -break in g; which enable the teacher to work with the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the ch i ld re n rather than a g a in s t them.

Testimony

So c ia l s c i e n t i s t s have more frequently commented on the ba s ic mismatch between the home and school cu ltu re s th a t e x i s t s fo r many Native Hawaiians than have Hawaiians th em se lves--a t l e a s t in the testimony reviewed for t h i s report. However, there i s an awareness th a t the m id d le -c la s s American va lues o f most educators stand in s ta rk c o n t ra s t with those o f many Hawaiians, a s i t u a t io n th a t seems to have produced some negative s te reo typ in g as well as a t t i t u d in a l b a r r ie r s to success on the part o f many Hawaiian students. For example, Kanahele has noted:

. the 'dumb Hawaiian' image stems in p a rt from ignorance [on the part o f educators] o f the o b s ta c le s b u i l t in to the school system whose va lues and standards are those o f a haole middle c la s s and whose teachers are tra in e d and o r ien ted to the same. Brought up in f a m i l i a l and communal s e t t in g s with d i f fe re n t values and concepts, Hawaiian students often have been turned o f f by school (Kanahele, 1982; pg. 24).

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Social Science Analysis

Recent work by so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s in te re ste d in the educational d i f f i c u l t i e s o f Hawaiians has provided ample evidence th a t the school system ge n e ra l ly does have some major problems w ith Hawaiian youth. Indeed, the work o f these in v e s t ig a to r s with educators across the s ta te y ie ld s a very u n f la t t e r in g l i s t o f d i s c r ip t o r s fo r Hawaiian students, in c lu d in g the fo l lo w in g :

la z y , i r re sp o n s ib le , la c k in g in s e l f c o n tro l, rowdy, r e s t le s s , in a t te n t iv e , uninvolved, p rovocative, la c k in g in a b i l i t y , in d i f fe r e n t , un inh ib ited , r e s i s t a n t to au th o r ity , and impervious to teacher in f luence ( c f . , Dale e t a l ,1969; Jordan, Au, & J o e s t in g , in p ress; MacDonald, 1971;Tharp & Ga ll im ore, 1971).

As summarized s p e c i f i c a l l y by two d i f fe re n t in v e s t ig a to r s the s i t u a t io n appears to be quite ch a l le n g in g from an e d u ca to r 's po in t o f v ia * :

Ch ild ren o f Hawaiian ancestry , e sp e c ia l ly from the more remote communities, have acquired a l a s t i n g reputat ion with school a u t h o r i t ie s fo r th e i r minimal m otivat ion in academic p u r su i t s , the frequency o f t h e i r absences or withdrawal from schoo l, th e i r u n d is c ip l in e d conduct, and d is re ga rd fo r 'the s a n c t i t y o f p r iva te property and sex '(L ind, 1967).

And . . .

As a group, Hawaiian ch i ld ren are v igo rou s, s o c ia l l y s k i l l e d , t a lk a t i v e , a f fe c t io n a te , and aggre ss ive . None of these t r a i t s are s u r p r i s in g ; they a r i s e n a tu ra l ly from the peer and s ib l in g -o r ie n t e d cu ltu re . But these t r a i t s as m anifested in an ord inary classroom, can produce chaos; when viewed by a f ru s t ra te d teacher, they are described in f a r le s s compl imentary terms, such as 'rowdy, r e s t le s s , in a t te n t iv e , la z y , uninvolved, p rov oca t ive . ' We must emphasize th a t in the ord inary school s e t t in g , these d e sc r ip t io n s are not so inaccurate . The purpose of t h i s paper i s to describe the KEEP [Kamehameha Ear ly Education Program] c lassroom system, which produces wholly d i f fe r e n t behav io rs, and which a llow s Hawaiian ch i ld ren to be invo lved and productive. However, our system does not ga in say the poor match between the ord inary c lassroom and the Hawaiian c h i ld , which r e s u l t s in the rowdiness and in a t te n t io n by which they are la b e l le d . In fa c t , our own school has d i f f i c u l t y in re ta in in g su b s t i tu te teachers. Lacking the necessary management s k i l l s , s u b s t itu te teachers q u ick ly lo se contro l o f our classroom s . . .(Tharp, 1977; pg. 16).

Judging from these two summary ana lyses, i t appears that e f fe c t iv e

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education w ith Hawaiians may requ ire ex traord inary classroom management and o rgan iz a t ion procedures— or a t the very le a s t there seems to be a need fo r some adjustments to the p re v a i l in g educational routine designed to make H a w a i i 's schoo ls more amenable to the behavioral patterns and values o f Native Hawaiians. Of course, the needs o f in d iv id u a l Hawaiians and those of groups o f students in s p e c i f i c communities vary, a circumstance th a t may c a l l fo r a v a r ie ty o f approaches to s o lv in g educational problems th a t do e x is t .

In the ear ly 1970s Tharp and Gallim ore conducted a statewide survey o f educators designed to determine the range o f problems experienced by young Hawaiians in p u b l ic school s e t t in g s . In genera l, they concluded t h a t "the d i s t r ib u t io n o f the problems seemed qu ite var ied from community to community. These v a r ia t io n s would appear t o have obvious programmatic im p l ic a t io n s ; program inputs would need adjustment both in terms o f the nature and se v e r ity of the problems" (Tharp & Gall im ore, 1975; pg. 3).

In b r in g in g t h e i r f in d in g s in to conceptual focus, Tharp and Ga llim ore suggested a two dimensional model th a t considered density o f Hawaiian popu lat ion (number o f Hawaiians in a community and t h e i r r e la t i v e v i s i b i l i t y ) and degree of u rban iza t ion . For each of the four quadrants in the r e s u l t in g two-by-two m atr ix , they used inform ation gathered from th e i r survey to co n stru c t a p red ic t ion tab le w ith respect to the patte rns of problems perceived by educators in d i f f e r e n t types o f Hawaiian communities. The ir tab le appeared as fo l low s:

While Tharp and G a ll im ore o ffered d e ta i le d exp lanat ions fo r the var iou s e n t r ie s in the above ta b le , the po in t here i s simply to show th a t educators do perceive d i f fe r e n t patterns o f problems in communities o f d i f f e r e n t types. I t m ight a ls o be noted th a t the most c h a l le n g in g educational s e t t in g s — fo r educators as well as Hawaiian s tu d e n ts— are those h ig h ly urbanized communities in which the density o f Hawaiians i s a ls o high (e . g . , Nanaku li, Papakolea, e t c . ) . One might fu r th e r assume th a t i t i s these types o f communities in which the long l i s t o f problems d iscu sse d above are most l i k e l y to appear.

F in a l l y , Wegner (1977), in a study o f the e f fe c t of school c lim ate on student achievement, a l s o noted the detrimental in f luence on Hawaiian s tu d e n ts ' achievement o f the ba s ic mismatch between Hawaiian and sc h oo l/m a jo r ity cu ltu re va lues and p rac t ice s :

Problem Type

M otiva t iona l Academic So c ia l/B e h a v io ra l

High D e n s ity - -H igh U rban ization yes! yes! yes!

High Density --Low Urban ization yes! yes!

Low D e n s ity - -H igh U rban ization yes! ye s?

Low Dens ity --Low Urban ization y e s ( ? ) y e s ( ? )

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. . . while the low educational outcomes o f Hawaiian youth appear to be a product o f th e ir c u l tu ra l environment rather than any p a r t i c u la r school context, the lack o f a cu l tu ra l emphasis on educational success may be la r g e ly due to an u n s a t is f a c to ry in te r fa c e between the character o f schoo ls and the Hawaiian community.

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General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 2: W orksty le /Va lues and A t t i tu d e s Related to Work:

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

CERTAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF HAWAIIAN WORKSTYLE PREFERENCES DO NOT MATCH WELL WITH DOMINANT CULTURE PRESPECTIVES. FOR EXAMPLE, HAWAIIANS ARE SAID TO PREFER SHORT BURSTS OF WORK FOLLOWED BY RELAXING ACT IV IT IES ; MOREOVER, THERE I S AN APPARENT PREFERENCE FOR DOING ONLY ESSENTIAL TASKS RATHER THAN LONG REPETITIOUS WORK THAT CAN GO ON ENDLESSLY AND/OR WORK THAT BUILDS TOWARDS SOME FUTURE OUTCOME. IN ADDITION IT WAS NOTED THAT "LAZINESS" MAY SIMPLY BE PASSIVE RESISTANCE TO DOMINANT CULTURE PRESSURES, THAT WORK INVOLVING FRIENDS OR RECOMMENDED BY FRIENDS I S PREFERRED, THAT AGRICULTURAL WORK HAS NOT RECENTLY HAD WIDESPREAD APPEAL AMONG HAWAIIANS, AND THAT IDELNESS HAS INCORRECTLY COME TO BE VIEWED AS CULTURALLY APPROVED. (HAWAIIANS TRADITIONALLY WERE VERY HARD WORKERS;IDLENESS WAS FROWNED UPON.)

Potential Educational Interventions

• Educational programs which are designed to be c u l t u r a l l y com patib le; e f f o r t s to change in -schoo l teach ing s t r a te g ie s to take advantage of Hawaiian preferred work s t y le s , fo r example, programs which make group e f f o r t s and group achievement an accepted feature of classroom a c t iv i t y .

Testimony

In general Hawaiians have often been stereotyped as lazy andin d o le n t. In response to t h i s a l le g a t io n testimony from Hawaiians haso ften sought to make two p o in ts : (1) Hawaiians tend to have a d i f fe r e n t s t y le o f work, one which has a d e f in i t e place fo r le i s u r e ; and (2)Hawaiians, t r a d i t i o n a l l y , have been a very hard-working people whose c u ltu ra l achievements were s u b s ta n t ia l . Kanahele ( n . d . ), fo r example, has made the fo l lo w in g po in ts regard ing t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian work p erspect ives :

1. Hawaiians p laced great stock on the importance ofwork. A fte r a l l , how could they have produced somuch or achieved such a high standard o f so c ia l and m ateria l comfort?

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2. Work was regarded as honorable and worthwhile. Laborwas not demeaning. E .g . , even the c h ie f s engaged inmanual labor.a. True, some ta sk s were considered " d i r t y " and

re legated to s la ve s .3. Good work was p ra ised ; s lo v e n ly , poor q u a l i t y work

r id ic u le d .4. Q u a l i ty work was h igh ly regarded. Hence, the esteem

given to the s p e c i a l i s t s . Some enjoyed fame fa r and wi de.

5. Id le n e ss was s t ro n g ly disapproved.a. Examples o f proverbs which condemn the laz y ,

s h i f t l e s s no-gooder.b. P e n a lt ie s fo r lead in g an unproductive l i f e were

severe.6. Concept o f le i s u r e : Hawaiians se t a s ide time fo r

p leasure and p lay. Work and p lay were both important.

M argaret Apo e laborated on what she perceived to be the Hawaiianperspective on the r e la t io n s h ip between work and le i s u r e :

Native Hawaiians ass igned to jobs to which they can perform or re la te to are more often than not been c a l le d working fo o ls . The ir d e s ire to complete the job i s o f the essence not fo r economic reasons, but because i t meanttime saved to return to the a c t i v i t i e s which they love more than the westernized need to produce goods fo r the market.

I t i s only through education th a t t h i s heavy and u n ju s t i f ie d stigma w i l l be l i f t e d . And the i n d i v id u a l ' s se l f -w o r th restored or re a l iz e d to the f u l l e s t extent.

On h is p a r t Kanahele has made a strong committment toward encouraging in d u stry and personal p ro d u c t iv i ty among Hawaiians today through h is entrepreneurship t r a in in g e f f o r t s (c f . PEP Report 80-81: 30). Ingeneral, h is message in t h i s regard has included the fo l lo w in g po in ts :

Modem Hawaiians are probably as much in fluenced by the Pro te stan t e th ic as any other people, but i t i s not a t a l l incom patib le with the Hawaiian t r a d i t io n a l view of thevalue of work or the d is -v a lu e of s lo t h and indolence. Hawaiians and non-Hawaiians need to fo rge t about the stereotype of the " in d o le n t , la z y n a t iv e . " There was noth ing in the natural character o f Hawaiians to predispose them to not working.

a. The need fo r modern Hawaiians to work hard i s g rea te r thanever, i f , th a t i s , Hawaiians are determined to catch up with other e thn ic groups. I t has always been the l o t o f groups s t r i v in g to achieve economic se lf -d e te rm in a t ion in a community/country to work harder than other e s ta b l ish e d groups. Hawaiians must work twice as hard as any onee lse . This i s completely compatible with the com petitiveness th a t characterized anc ient a l i i and th e i r people.

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b. Hard work i s the b a s is o f p ro d u c t iv i ty . Ju s t as anc ien tHawaiian producers r e l ie d on hard work, so do modern Hawaiian producers. P ro d u c t iv i ty , there fore , i s and shouldbe an important p a r t of modern Hawaiian economics.

c. Th is does not n e c e s sa r i ly mean Hawaiians need to becomew orkaholics. There i s probably no cause fo r worry s ince making time to p lay and enjoy le i s u r e i s deeply ingra ined in the Hawaiian psyche.

One of the f i e ld s which i s often mentioned as being ripe fo r Hawaiians to enter as small businessmen i s a g r ic u ltu re . For example, the PuwaluConference (19____) id e n t i f ie d taro-grow ing as an in d u stry that they wouldl i k e to see supported and encouraged by the S ta te and the Co lle ge of Trop ica l A g r ic u ltu re . P a r t ic ip a n t s apparently f e l t th a t a su b s ta n t ia l number of Hawaiians might be in te re sted in t h i s type of " c u l t u r a l ly -a p p r o p r ia t e " a g r ic u l tu r a l a c t iv i t y . On the other hand, i t i s of in te r e s t to note other testim ony th a t in d ic a te s th a t Hawaiians may not be very in te re ste d in a g r ic u l tu r a l p u r su its . For example, Henning (1978) in a report on the youth of Molokai recorded the view th a t "few students are in te re s te d in careers in a g r ic u l tu r e . " While a r e c o l le c t io n fromM id k i f f (1948) about The Kamehameha Schoo ls ' e f f o r t s during the 1920s todevelop an a g r ic u l tu ra l t r a in in g program sugge sts Hawaiians may neverhave been much in te re sted in a g r ic u l tu r a l careers:

I t was thought th a t Kamehameha well m ight providef a c i l i t i e s to t r a in boys so thoroughly th a t they would have a chance to make a success o f the growing Hawaiian homestead and 'back to the land ' movement. Th is was advocated as one fa c to r in r e h a b i l i t a t in g the Hawaiian People. Hahaione was se t up to be a p ra c t ic a l farmschool. I t d id not prove a t t r a c t iv e to our Hawaiian boys or to th e ir parents.

Social Science Analysis

Accounts o ffe re d by a n th ro p lo g is t s and p sy c h o lo g is t s from the 1930s and 1940s have provided an h i s t o r i c a l perspective and commentary onHawaiians and the mismatch between th e ir t r a d i t io n a l w orksty les and the Western economic system. These accounts support the po in ts enumeratedabove regard ing Hawaiians and th e i r work preferences. Burrows (1947),fo r example, noted:

. . . steady work fo r wages was so fo re ign to th e i r o ld cu ltu re th a t i t had no value to appeal to them. As fo r work, most o f th a t in th e i r o ld l i f e came in sh o rt b u rs t s , spaced out by stre tches o f le i su re . They enjoyed the bu rsts o f work, which were a lso so c ia l g a th e r in g s , and gave scope fo r d i sp la y o f physica l prowess. They enjoyed, even more, long in te r v a l s of so c ia b le id le n e ss . Spending the whole day in the cane f i e ld s was not onlyd isagreeab le , but, to th e ir way of th in k in g , an inexcusab le waste o f time. They could see no sense

in he lp ing to produce inord inate q u a n t it ie s o f sugar cane when they did not get the sugar, and could not have used i t i f they had.

In a s im i l a r re tro sp e c t ive commentary Porteus (1933) ra ise d the fo l lo w in g poi n t s :

The accusation which i s frequently le v e l le d a t the Hawaiian i s th a t he i s ty p ica l o f h is temperament; th a t he i s ge n e ra l ly supposed to be incapab le o f engaging inprolonged or arduous lab or. I t should be noted th a t t h i s c r i t i c i s m i s d irec ted not only a g a in s t the Hawaiians but a g a in s t almost a l l na t ive peoples who have come in to com petition w ith, or under the government o f the dominantwhite race. Judged by the u n w il l in gn e ss o f these peoples to ad ju st themselves to the white man's tempo o f l i v i n g and working, the accusation seems to be j u s t i f i e d . But what i s ra re ly recognized i s the fa c t that t h i s apparent avers ion to work i s merely a lack o f adaptation to an e n t i r e ly new order o f th in g s , to a manner of l i v i n g and a c t in g th a t i s fo re ign to the temperament o f the peoples concerned. The new order o f th ings has been enforced on them a g a in s t t h e i r w i l l and t h e i r apparent indolence may not s i g n i f y la z in e s s but a pass ive re s is ta n c e to an a l ie n cu ltu re , which i s not n a tu ra l ly su ited to t h e i r minds.

To those who are f a m i l i a r w ith the merest o u t l in e s of Hawaiian h is to ry , the accusation o f indolence i s not a p p l ic a b le to the Polynesian as he was before the whites imposed an a l ie n cu ltu re upon him. There are abundant evidences of Hawaiian industry . . . .

But what about the Hawaiians today? I s he not la z y ?My answer would be th a t he i s not lazy but id le and h isid le n e ss has come because with the coming of the w hites, he was robbed of h is need fo r a c t iv i t y . . . .Peace, not the peace o f God, but the peace of id le i n a c t i v i t y has been imposed on the Hawaiian and the c h ie f occupation of enforced id le n e ss i s m isch ie f. The only place where the o ld w arlike s p i r i t can be evidenced i s in the makebelieve warfare o f the fo o tb a l l f i e ld and there the Hawaiian excel s.

I f Hawaiians indeed have a d i s t in c t iv e s ty le of working th a t trace s back u lt im a te ly to ancestra l l i f e in a subsistance economy, i t i s c le a r th a t adjustment in to d a y 's world might be d i f f i c u l t . Th is very is su e was d iscu ssed in some d e ta i l by Dr. H aert ig in Volume I I o f Nana I Ke Kumu:

L e t 's look at ukupau, a t the Hawaiian p r in c ip le , 'g e t the work done, then p la y . ' Put a Hawaiian who be lie ve s in the ukupau p r in c ip le in the Western system o f work, and you may have in c o m p a t ib i l i t y of man with system. The Western system says, 'Work a se t number o f hours. Function l i k e a machine. Check out a f te r e igh t h o u r s .1 Unless he can adapt, the Hawaiian remains on the bottom rung o f the

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employment ladder because he i s a m i s f i t in the Western system. He w i l l be c a l le d ' la z y ' or 'n on p ro d u c t ive .1 Hew i l l add to the ' la z y , nonproductive ' stereotype.A c tu a l ly , he i s attuned to a d i f fe re n t p r in c ip le , one that i s p o s i t iv e and workable w ith in h is own cu ltu re .

Many Hawaiians have adjusted. These have advanced to superv iso ry , middl e-management, and executive p o s it io n s .Many have not adapted. The hard t ru th i s tha t Westernindustry w i l l probably never adapt to ukupau. Therefore, the Hawaiian w i l l be better o f f econom ically i f he can adapt to the Western system.

But, must the Hawaiian negate p a r t o f h is se lf - im age— the Hawaiian in him - - i f he adapts? Not i f he seesthe change as a p ra c t ic a l ne ce ss ity , r a t te r than c a s t in go f f one aspect o f being Hawaiian.

C l in g to the ukupau p r in c ip le in shop or o f f i c e where i t w i l l not work, and you can view your se lf - im age asre ta in in g that p a r t i c u la r face t of Haw aiian-ness; but, you can a ls o see y o u r s e l f as a rebe l, a bott leneck, a non-producer. Or, you can adapt to the p re v a i l in g worksystem, g ive up the part o f se lf - im age l in k e d with ukupau, and continue to see y o u r s e l f as being cooperative and in harmony with o thers. Both u su a l ly are Hawaiian q u a l i t ie s .

In a d d it io n to the ukupau t r a d i t io n among Hawaiians, ethnographicresearch has ind ica ted th a t Hawaiians tend to p re fer working w ith fr ie n d sand le a rn in g job s k i l l s in ac t io n -o r ie n te d s i t u a t io n s where they have apersonal re la t io n sh ip w ith th e i r mentor. Dale e t a l . (1969) summarizedethnographic f in d in g s as fo l low s:

The importance of personal r e la t io n s h ip s fo r Hawaiians i s a ls o evidenced in Hawaiian employment hab its anda t t i tu d e s . In Nanaku li, G a llim ore and Howard found that a lthough younger men had had more education than t h e i r older coun terparts , they had not entered h igher paying, higher s ta tu s job s. From quest ionna ire s and in te rv iew s, i t was found th a t men preferred to enter jobs recommended to them by fr ie n d s and to work t h e i r way up, le a rn in g on the job. They a ls o preferred a s i t u a t io n where job t r a in in g and su p e rv is io n was very personal and act ion orien ted r a t te r than le c tu re or book oriented.

The employment patterns found have im p l ic a t io n s fo r education. G a ll im ore and Howard found th a t education did not s i g n i f i c a n t l y change the leve l at which men entered job s but th a t i t d id a f fe c t upward m o b i l i ty in employment. They concluded th a t education should not be vo ca t io n a l, fo r men preferred to learn on the job through actual work. What i s needed i s an education on l i f e , patterned a f te r the method most e f fe c t iv e in anc ient Hawaii, act ion oriented, meaningful a c t i v i t y usefu l fo r real immediate l i f e s i tu a t io n s .

Th is system was e f fe c t iv e in the anc ient cu ltu re and s t i l l c a r r ie s over to the present.

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The general educational s t ra te gy suggested here— change t r a in in g and vocationa l education programs to make them more a c t io n -o r ie n te d , and thus more acceptable to Hawaiians— i s somewhat d i f fe r e n t from the in sp i r a t io n a l , " y o u - c a n -d o - i t - i f - y o u - t r y " ( "an d -o u r -a n ce ste rs -u se d -to " ) approach Kanahele seems to advocate.

General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 3: Language

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

USE OF HAWAIIAN LANGUAGE HAS FADED REMARKABLY OVER THE YEARS AS A RESULT OF SYSTEMATIC SUPPRESSION AND INTENTIONAL DISUSE. IN ITS STEAD HAWAIIAN CREOLE ENGLISH OR "P IDG IN" HAS BECOME THE FIRST LANGUAGE OF MANY HAWAIIANS. WHILE SOME EDUCATORS STILL FEEL THAT USE OF PIDGIN INTERFERES WITH EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS, MOST RECENT RESEARCH SUGGESTS THIS I S NOT THE CASE. RECOMMENDED CONTEMPORARY PRACTICE DICTATES AN ACCEPTING ATTITUDE V IS -A -V IS PIDGIN AS WELL AS DEVELOPMENT AND USE OF EDUCATIONAL ACT IV IT IES THAT CAPITALIZE ON SUBTLE COMMUNICATIVE CONVENTIONS IN COMMON USE AMONG HAWAIIANS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• T ra in in g designed to teach standard E n g l ish language usages k i l l s ( a s s im i la t io n ) .

• B i - l in g u a l education programs that teach E n g l ish as a secondlanguage, but which a ls o a llow students use o f t h e i r f i r s tlanguage ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programming).

Testimony

Testim onial accounts from Native Hawaiians who were educated during the e a r ly 1900s in d ica te th a t use of the Hawaiian language was d iscouraged in school as well as in other s e t t in g s . For example, excerpts from lengthy and sometimes c o lo r fu l testimony d e sc r ib in g the s i t u a t io n during th a t period inc lude the fo l low in g :

U nfortunate ly , and I speak from experience, the Hawaiian language was forbidden as a spoken language in theHawaiians home. We were to ld th a t to speak the Hawaiian language was to be 'Un-American.' My fa the r o f pure Hawaiian blood ex trac t io n d id not speak i t anymore a f te rt h i s r u l in g was made known. My mother, a l s o Hawaiian but with l i t t l e sch oo l in g , could not understand why she sh o u ld n 't , and so refused to comply. She spoke thelanguage to us, her ch i ld re n , and th u s , we came to understand i t , but had to go to school to learn to speak

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i t in l a t e r y e a r s (M argare t Apo, B i l l 916, pg.44).

And . . .

Th is goes back to the years about 1917, v\hen I f i r s t s ta r te d out to school. . . . Mrs. Jose . . . came and spoke to my parents and one of the th ings she may have sa id to my parents was, 'As much as p o s s ib le , do not speak the mother tongue to u s . '

My fa ther . . . c a l le d h is c h i ld re n , the f iv e of us who were attend ing the pub lic schools and t h i s i s what he s a id . . . 'Your teacher came because she asked us, your parents, not to speak the mother tongue to you, to you c h i ld re n . I d o n 't know how e lse I can communicate w ith you ch i ld ren . However, l e t ' s not th ink about th a t . But, I have these words to say to you. L is te n to what I say to you now. Now th a t you are going to E n g l ish speaking s ch o o ls , you learn th e i r language well and you learn th e ir ways w e l l . ' He d id n ' t in s t r u c t us to learn everyth ing th a t they gave us. But these were h is words: 'For yousee, my ch i ld ren , you w i l l be l i v i n g in t h e i r time and the wise th ing to do i s to move with th e i r times. Therefore, do not look back. There i s only one th in g I ask o f you, my ch i ld re n , and th a t i s , you remember who you are' (P i la h i Paki, B i l l 916, pg. 157).

A d d it io n a l supportive evidence regard ing the repress ion o f Hawaiian language can be found in W aia 'u (NHSC Testimony, 1982) and a recent newspaper account of a R ichard Day presentation ( H o l l i s , Honolulu A d v e r t i s e r , May 5, 1982). Moreover, h i s t o r i c a l accounts o f ’language in s t r u c t io n a t The Kamehameha Schoo ls give ample in d ic a t io n of the “b a t t le " educators waged a g a in s t the use o f Hawaiian ( e . g . , M id k i f f , 1948; R ichard s, 1928).

Social Indicator Data

Support fo r testim ony to the e f fe c t that use of Hawaiian language has very near ly been wiped out during the past century comes from a "Ethn ic and Language Survey" conducted by the State o f Hawaii Department o f Education during March, 1977. In b r ie f , only 84 students, an extremely small percentage, l i s t e d Hawaiian as a functiona l primary or secondary language developed to the po in t where they would be considered " b i ­l i n g u a l " or non-Eng lish speaking ( c f . , Agbayani, 1979). This small number o f students stands in c o n tra s t to a to ta l of 6,438 b i - l i n g u a l / fo re ign -sp e a k in g students whose primary language competence was in a language other than En g l ish .

In add i t ion to these comments, Rapson (1980) d i scussed a study conducted at the U n ive r s i t y of Hawaii u s ing students enro l led in in t roduc tory speech c l a s se s . Of 700 students involved 61 percent described themselves as anxious about th e i r speaking a b i l i t y . Th i s rate o f "speech apprehension" compares with a 20 percent f i gu re found in studies conducted on the Mainland. He fur ther noted that "appre- hens iv e s , " as they have been c a l l e d , tend to be a f f l i c t e d with a range of social, economic, and academic problems throughout t h e i r l i v e s .

Such negative perspect ives on non-standard language patterns were also widely held by educators concerned w ith m inor i ty education and the broader "war on poverty ." In Hawaii, fo r example, Green (1970), in her work re la ted to Hawaiians, pointed out that "there i s ample evidence that the impoverished verbal behavior o f e t h n i c a l l y d i s t i n c t m inor i ty groups i s an important fa c to r in classroom communications problems." On the national leve l she referenced the work o f Bernste in (1961), Deutsch (1964), and Reissman (1962), while references to loca l work inc luded Gallimore (1968), MacDonald (1969), and Boggs (1969).

A D i f ference I n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In recent years l i n g u i s t s have emphasized ā "d i f fe re n c e " rather than a " d e f i c i t " in te rp re ta t io n . In Hawaii personnel a t KEEP as well as others have stud ied the r e l a t i o n s h ip between the use of p idg in and school achievement. The general conc lus ion they have reached i s : use of p idg in does not i n te r fe re with schoolachievement; in f a c t , those who are very adept a t p idg in a l s o tend to be more s k i l l e d than t h e i r peers in use o f standard E n g l i sh ( c f . , Ciborowski & Choy, 1974; Day, 1979; Feldman, Stone, Wertsch, & S t r i z i c h , 1977; Gallimore, 1977; Gal l imore & Tharp, 1976; Spe ide l , 1981).

Feldman et a l . (1977) d i scussed t h i s i s sue in terms of a " t r a d e - o f f hypothes i s , " i . e . , there are some educators and language s p e c i a l i s t s who assume that those who are f luen t in Hawaiian Creole E n g l i s h tend not to be f lu e n t in Standard E n g l i s h and v ice versa. Ciborowski and Choy (1974) found no support for t h i s p ropo s i t ion , a f i n d in g l a t e r confirmed by Feldman e t al (1977) with a ru r a l , high school sample. These f in d in g s dovetail n ice ly s ince each used a d i f f e r e n t measure of l i n q u i s t i c competence. Feldman et a l . a l s o pointed out th a t Hawaiian youth tend to remain s i l e n t in c l a s s in sp i t e of competence in two d i a le c t s of E n g l i sh . They hypothesized th a t t h i s i s because students feel they don ' t have any language for use in c l a s s : Hawaiian Creole E n g l i s h i s genera l lyconsidered inappropr ia te fo r classroom use; while a t the same time students get so l i t t l e p rac t ice speaking Standard E n g l i s h tha t they have little conf idence in us ing i t in any " p u b l i c " s e t t i n g in which e rrors could prove embarrassing.

As f a r as advice to educators goes a growing concensus appears to be th a t i t i s best to incorporate Hawaiian Creole E n g l i sh in to the school curr icu lum so that students w i l l continue to develop th e i r general language a b i l i t y ( e . g . , Feldman e t a l ., 1977; 0 'Donel l & Tharp, inp r e s s ) . This i s a l so important because students need to verba l ize some of the concepts d e a l t with in the classroom.

S ta tu s of P i d g i n . Within loca l subcu ltura l groups p idg in i s cons idered " i n . " I t s use i s often a mandatory p re requ is i te for acceptance and s ta tus at tainment; moreover, some observers note the use

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of p id g in as a form of c u l tu ra l re s is ta n c e a g a in s t the ge n era lly middle c l a s s American va lues, preferences, and p rac t ic e s current in the sch oo ls . In the l a t t e r in stance Hawaiian youth might be considered " s o ld ie r s o f cu ltu re " because of th e ir ro le in defending Hawaii an-American cu ltu re a g a in s t the onslaughts of the dominant cu ltu re (Howard, 1972).

In s p ite o f the w i t h in - c u l t u r e s ta tu s of p id g in , the ove ra l l s ta tu s of the language in the g re a te r community i s s t i l l low. As a r e s u l t , those who speak p id g in e x c lu s iv e ly are su sce p t ib le to negative s te re o typ in g and the p o s s i b i l i t y o f developing low se lf-e steem as a fun ct ion of continual negative feedback from rep re sen ta t ive s of the dominant cu ltu re . Furthermore, t h i s i s sometimes seen as one area in which Hawaiians might cons ider abandoning th e ir m inor ity cu ltu re preferences in the in te r e s t o f su rv iv a l in to d a y 's world ( e . g . , Haert ig , Nana I Ke Kumu, Vol. I I , pp. 309 - 310).

L in g u i s t i c research has confirmed that the r e la t iv e s ta tu s of Standard E n g l ish and Hawaiian Creole E n g l ish i s perceived by ch i ld ren in Hawaii as e a r ly as k indergarten and f i r s t grade (Day, 1980). For some l i n g u i s t s t h i s f in d in g po in ts up the prejudices and b ia se s in our cu ltu re in favor of Standard E n g l ish . They note that there i s no lo g ic a l reason fo r the perceived su p e r io r i t y o f one language over another s ince both languages are in a l l respects v a l i d and complete in and of themselves. This develop ing and in c r e a s in g ly popular v iewpoint on the part o f l i n g u i s t s i s in d i re c t co n tra s t to educational t r a d i t io n s in Hawaii where educators have s tre sse d the need fo r e l im in a t in g p id g in ( c f . , McKaughan & Forman, 1981).

Evidence of Language Competence. Anthropo logica l work has recently h ig h l ig h te d the c u l t u r a l l y unique se t t in g s in which language competence o f Hawaiian youth i s most evident: the speech event known a s " t a lks t o r y . " Accounts ge n era l ly note th a t the r ich language performance of Hawaiian youth in these f a m i l i a r , comfortable s e t t in g s provides s tark c o n tra s t w ith the s i l e n t , withdrawn classroom behavior common among Hawaiians (Watson, 1975; Watson-Gegeo & Boggs, 1977). A dd it iona l work has looked c lo s e ly at the c o n d it ion s under which language performance i s optim ized (Boggs, 1978; Boggs & Watson-Gegeo, 1978).

Communicative Conventions. The s i t u a t io n - s p e c i f i c verbal responsive- ness o f Hawaiian youth ( c f . , Boggs, 1972) has led researchers a t KEEP to pay c lo se a t te n t io n to su b t le communicative conventions th a t appear to be c u ltu re s p e c i f i c . In genera l, th e i r work has led them to hypothesize th a t in co rp o ra t in g some o f these s t y l i s t i c features from Hawaiian cu ltu re in to the school curriculum w i l l have be n e fic ia l e f fe c ts on the ach ieve­ment o f Hawaiian youth ( e . g . , Au, 1980; Au & Mason, 1981; Jordan, Au, & J o e s t in g , in p re s s ) . Because t h i s general area of in v e s t ig a t io n i s rather new, i t i s important to g ive c lose con s id e ra t ion to the po in ts o f view th a t have been expressed.

A recent review of c lassroom in te ra c t io n s throughout P o lynes ia has been compiled by Jordan, Au, & J o e s t in g ( in p re s s ) . As the fo l low in g excerpt in d ic a te s these authors feel that the ge n e ra l ly poor school performance o f P o lyn e s ian s— in a var ie ty of d i f fe r e n t types o f s c h o o ls— may be due to the sub t le d if fe ren ce s in the s t y le s of

For many P a c i f i c Is la n d s popu la t ion s , formal i n s t i t u t io n a l education stemming from a Euro-American t r a d i t io n i s not s a t i s f a c t o r i l y e f fe c t iv e . Th is i s true even in cases where home-school language d if fe re n ce s, narrowly defined, do not e x is t . We w i l l m aintain that these d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s e because o f the ex istence o f d if fe re n ce s in communicative conventions. For many P a c i f i c I s la n d s c h i ld re n , there are dramatic d if fe re n ce s between the communicative conventions o f th e i r homes and those they encounter in t h e i r classroom s. This i s so in sp ite of the f a c t th a t a wide v a r ie ty of c lassroom p ra c t ic e s are found in P a c i f i c I s la n d s schoo ls and prac­t i c e s vary among classroom s and between school systems. Classrooms in French Po lynes ia , fo r example, are quite d i f fe re n t from the American schoo ls o f Hawaii. Having acknowledged t h i s v a r ie ty , however, i t must a ls o be acknowledged that judged by r e s u l t s , se ts o f c lassroom p rac t ic e s su ited to P a c i f i c I s la n d popu lat ions appear to occur r e la t i v e ly in fre q u e n t ly , and teachers and ch i ld ren throughout the P a c i f i c often f in d themselves m utually puzzled and f ru s t ra te d by breakdowns of communication, and thus o f education (pg. 2).

communication found in the home and in the classroom:

The pattern of behavior th a t prompted researchers to look c lo s e ly at subtle dimensions of communicative in te ra c t io n s in school s e t t in g s i s the s i t u a t io n a l nature of verbal responsiveness among Hawaiians. Th is i s a pattern th a t has apparently been found across a number o f m inor ity groups, as Au (1980) has noted:

An important question, then, i s th a t of how theverbal responsiveness o f young, m ino r ity ch i ld re n may be increased (or channeled ap p rop r ia te ly ) in c la s s room -le a rn in g contexts. There i s much evidence tosu ggest th a t th e i r la c k of responsiveness i s h igh lys i t u a t io n s p e c i f ic . With Native American ch i ld ren a general pattern of f in d in g s i s emerging in s tu d ie s acrossa range o f d i f fe r e n t groups (the work o f Boggs (1972) withHawaiians; Dumont (1972) with Cherokee and S ioux; P h i l i p s (1972) w ith Warm Sp r in g s In d ian s ; E r ickson and Mohatt(1977) with Odawa; and Van Ness (1977) w ith A thabaskans).Ch ild ren in a l l the classroom s observed were l i k e l y to respond le s s well in s i t u a t io n s in which they were s in g le d out to re c ite before the group, with t h e i r answers being sub ject to pub lic eva luat ion by the teacher. These s tu d ie s show th a t the ch i ld ren may in no way be character ized as nonverbal or l i n g u i s t i c a l l y handicapped,although there are s e t t in g s in which they may appear so (pg. 92).

A la rg e part of the problem fo r m inor ity youth may be simply that they have more to learn upon school entry than do ch i ld re n who may be

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more in tune with m ajo r ity cu ltu re behavioral and l i n g u i s t i c patterns. As Jordan et a l . ( in press) noted, there may be two major le a rn in g ta sks f a c in g such ch i ld ren :

. . . there are two aspects of successfu l performance in the classroom. A c h i ld must not only know the content o f the co rrec t answer, he must a lso know how to present that answer in a way th a t w i l l be s o c ia l l y acceptable to the teacher. Fo llow ing t h i s l in e of l o g ic , i t seems reason­ab le to conclude th a t the m inority c h i ld , whatever h is f i r s t language may be, often enters school w ith two s t r i k e s a g a in s t him. Unlike m ajority cu ltu re ch i ld ren , he must not only learn academic content but a new set of communicative conventions a t the same time (pg. 1).

One way in which schoo ls may make the task of m inor ity cu ltu re ch i ld re n more manageable i s to o f fe r classroom le sson s in s t y le s which are acceptab le and a t le a s t p a r t i a l l y recogn izab le by these ch i ld ren . This general approach i s part o f what KEEP personnel have come to re fe r to as " c u l t u r a l l y compatible educat ion ." In th e ir own case they have found KEEP 's successfu l read ing le sson methods to be s im i l a r in many ways to the Hawaiian speech event, " t a lk s t o r y , " th a t i s f a m i l i a r to and enjoyable fo r many Hawaiian youngste rs :

. . . the KEEP read in g le sson i s successfu l p a r t ly because i t shares with t a lk s to ry and sto ry t e l l i n g the features o f a s o c ia l l y re le van t, receptive ad u lt , mutual p a r t ic ip a t io n and c o -n a rra t io n . The read ing le sson and t a lk s to ry and s t o r y t e l l i n g are a lso a l ik e in th a t a l l may be s e t t in g s fo r le a rn in g , although a read ing le sson i s always d irected a t t h i s goal while t a lk s to ry and s t o r y t e l l i n g are only o c c a s io n a l ly so d irec ted. S t i l l , t a lk s to ry and s t o r y t e l l i n g may be viewed as in stances of informal le a rn in g (Au & Jordan, 1980, p. 149).

Learn ing to Read. The o ve ra l l academic achievement records of Hawaiian youth as a group c le a r ly ind ica te that le a rn in g to read i s a major educational problem. One re f le c t io n o f the importance of t h i s problem in Hawaii i s the f a c t that the KEEP program has made reading in s t r u c t io n the major focus o f i t s research and development e f f o r t s .

In s tud y ing the fa c to r s th a t contribute to and i n h ib i t the develop­ment o f reading s k i l l s KEEP researchers have given carefu l con s id e rat ion to language fa c to r s . As noted above, i t has been w e l l -e s ta b l i s h e d that Hawaiian youngste rs l i v e in a b id ia le c t i c environment in which a non­standard d ia le c t of E n g l ish i s ge nera lly spoken a t home and in the loca l community, w h ile Standard E n g l ish i s commonly used in school and in the mass media. Given th i s general s i tu a t io n many have hypothesized that speaking Hawaiian Creole E n g l i sh , or " p id g in , " i s l i k e l y to in te r fe re w ith reading s k i l l development, KEEP re searchers, however, have concluded th a t t h i s i s not the case:

The inqu i ry [ regard ing the language inter ference hypo­t h e s i s ] should be reworded to ask whether u n f a m i l i a r i t y with the standard language, or with the language spoken a t school, r e su l t s in reading or other school d i f f i c u l t i e s . The point i s i l l u s t r a t e d best by us ing two d i f f e r e n t languages as an example. Thus, speaking E n g l i sh does not i n te r fe re with lea rn in g to read French, but not knowing French makes lea rn in g to read in that language very d i f f i c u l t . S i m i l a r l y , speaking Hawaiian E ng l i sh does not i n te r fe re with lea rn in g to read in E n g l i s h , but a l ack of f a m i l i a r i t y with standard E ng l i sh probably would make l e a r n in g to read in E n g l i s h extremely labor iou s (Spe ide l , 1981; pg. 23).

At KEEP, then, th e i r perspective on language development has lead to an emphasis on teaching Standard E n g l i sh without i n t e r f e r i n g with the use of p id g in . This general perspect ive i s re f le c te d in S p e i d e l ' s (1979) summary with respect to language i s su e s :

Th is overview of recent research on the language s k i l l s of low-income Hawaiian Creole -speak ing ch i ld ren has produced a complex p ic ture . In some s i t u a t i o n s they seem to have su b s tan t ia l knowledge in standard E n g l i sh , on rareoccas ions even performing better in s tandard E n g l i sh than in t h e i r f i r s t d i a le c t . On other measures they appear to be l a g g in g behind standard E n g l i sh - sp e a k in g ch i ld ren of the same age. However, when everyth ing i s cons idered, i t appears tha t these ch i ld ren would be n e f i t from an oral language development program. In s t r u c t i o n f o s t e r in g t h e i r automatic production of standard E n g l i s h syntax and morphology seem p a r t i c u l a r l y important in l i g h t o f the f a c t that t h i s i s the area of t h e i r g re a te s t d i f f i c u l t y and th a t t h i s s k i l l appears to be a f a c i l i t a t i n g f a c to r in l e a rn in g to read (pp. 8 -9) .

Speidel a l s o noted that any such oral language development program should probably emphasize e l i c i a t a t i o n of language in a natural context rather than in p a t t e r n - r e p e t i t i o n . This perspect ive d o v e t a i l s n ice ly with the a n t h r o p o lo g i s t s ' emphasis on " c u l t u r a l l y compatib le " educational methods. In KEEP 's comprehension-oriented reading program, then, the emphasis on m a inta in ing a natural f low of verbal exchange apparent ly s a t i s f i e s both c u l tu ra l id io syn c ra c ie s as well as language s t im u la t ion needs (Spe ide l , 1981).

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General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 4: Peer O r ie n ta t ion

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

HAWAIIAN YOUTH GENERALLY BRING TO SCHOOL YEARS OF EXPERIENCE IN SIBLING-DIRECTED SOCIALIZATION SYSTEMS. THIS EXPERIENCE I S THOUGHT TO BE THE BASIS OF STRONG AFFIL IATIVE TENDENCIES TYPICALLY MANIFESTED AS A VERY STRONG PEER ORIENTATIONS, PREFERENCE FOR GROUP INTERACTION WITH ADULTS, AND RELUCTANCE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE IND IV IDUALIST IC, COMMONLY COMPETITIVE CIRCUMSTANCES FOUND IN MOST SCHOOL SETTINGS. SOME OBSERVERS FEEL THAT IT I S THE VERY STRONG PEER ORIENTATION OF HAWAIIAN YOUTH THAT PROVIDES THE KEY TO PROMOTING THEIR SUCCESS IN THE CLASSROOM.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Family change or in te rvention programs th a t encourage adu ltc a re tak in g (at home or in a day care s e t t in g ) as opposed tos i b l i n g c h i ld care ( a s s im i la t io n ) .

• M o d i f ic a t io n o f school and other key so c ia l i n s t i t u t io n s to makethem more amenable to group a c t i v i t i e s and to group re c o gn it io n ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programing).

S o c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

P o lynes ian Family System s. In general, Po lynesian fam ily systems are markedly d i f fe r e n t from the nuc lear systems ty p ica l of European/American i n d u s t r ia l s o c ie t ie s . As such they have always drawn considerab le a t te n t io n from outs ide observers, whether as c u r i o s i t i e s , d i s t i n c t c u ltu ra l fea tu re s, or in d ic a to r s th a t " c i v i l i z i n g " remediation and enlightenment was in order.

Among the features noted throughout Po lynesia are the fo l lo w in g :

• m u lt ip le caretak ing or parenting;

• shar ing of ch i ld ren w ith in the extended fam ily through adoption or " f o s t e r care" ( e . g . , Hawaiian p rac t ic e s of hanai and l u h i ) ;

t e a r ly indulgence of in fa n t s followed by d i s t i n c t and rapid i n i t i a t i o n in to a system of s i b l i n g caretak ing .

These three key features were found among Samoans (Mead, 1961), T a h it ia n s (Levy, 1969, 1973), Hawaiians (Beag leho le, 1937; Forster, 1960; Handy & Pukui, 1972; Kenn, 1939), and other groups as w ell (R itc h ie & R itc h ie , 1979). I t has p r im a r i ly been in Hawaii, though, that recentethnographic study has c lo se ly examined the impact on school achievement of c h i ld r e n ' s being reared in the p rototyp ica l Polynesian system.

E a r ly Peer O r ie n ta t io n . "The S h i f t " as the t r a n s i t io n from infancyto toddlerhood/young adolescence has been c a l le d can be viewed fromseveral perspectives. On the one hand i t has often appeared to Western observers th a t Polynesian mothers " re je c t " th e i r to d d le r s ; and indeed,the overt behaviors around t h i s time tend to sugge st such a conc lus ion . Others, though, have s tre sse d th a t the maternal behaviors are simply a means o f i n i t i a t i o n and s o c ia l i z a t i o n of young ch i ld re n in to the fam ily system (G a ll im ore , Boggs, & Jordan, 1974).

That the fam ily system in many modern Hawaiian f a m i l ie s tends to match or a t le a s t m irror general Polynesian patterns in terms o f s i b l i n g care tak ing came as something of a su rp r ise to a n th ro p o lo g is t s who worked w ith the Hawaiian Community Research Project during the la te 1960s. Sponsored by the Bernice Pauahi B ishop Museum in an e f f o r t to provide cl ues to understanding tfie so c ia l problems o f Hawaiians, researchers only g ra d u a l ly came to appreciate the uniqueness, from a Western view, o f the Hawaiian fam ily system and the sa l ie n ce of s i b l i n g ca re tak ing . The push in t h i s d ire c t io n came both from mothers who appeared puzzled by ce r ta in types o f in terv iew questions as well as from adolescents who c le a r ly had s u b s ta n t ia l involvement in ch i ld ca re and home maintenance function s (Howard, 1971; Weisner & Ga llim ore, 1977).

The general p ic ture o f c h i ld r e a r in g th a t eve n tua lly emerged from t h i s work was th a t o f fa m i l ie s in which todd lers were a ss ign ed to s p e c i f i c o lde r s i b l i n g s who in turn d irec ted and in s t ru c te d the younger ones in ta sk s re la te d to household operation and management. The "shared fu n c t ion " o rgan iza t ion o f the fam ily was such th a t a l l members had s p e c i f i c , valued ro les to p lay in m ainta in ing the home. In general, a d u lt s played only an in d i r e c t ro le in the system: they f u l l y expectedthe o lder s i b l i n g s to watch a f t e r and in s t r u c t th e i r young charges, to m aintain order, and to in sure smooth household fu n c t io n in g . Furthermore, the s i b l i n g group was accorded the autonomy to organ ize and d iv ide ta sk s up as they saw f i t , i t being understood th a t as a group they had s p e c i f ic areas of j o in t r e s p o n s ib i l i t y (G a ll im ore , Boggs, & Jordan, 1974; Jordan, G allim ore, S lo g g e t t , & Kubany, 1968).

W ith in the above system in te ra c t io n w ith peers, mutual help, and le a rn in g from a va r ie ty o f in d iv id u a l s begin a t an e a r ly age and become the modal day-to-day experiences typ ica l of fam ily l i f e . The fa c t that such experiences tend to produce schoo l-age youth who are extremely peer-o r ien ted i s not s u r p r i s in g . However, i t may come as a su rp r ise th a t students reared under these co n d it io n s seem to have major educational problems stemming from th e i r so c ia l and communicative preferences. S p e c i f ic areas th a t are most a ffec te d appear to be in te ra c t io n with a d u lt s , s ty le of le a rn in g , as well as ba s ic va lues that are centra l to success in most school systems.

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D e f i c i t or D if fe re n ce ? : When the Hawaiian Community Research Projectf i r s t went to Nanakuli Tn the l a t t e r part o f the 1960s common explan­a t io n s for poor school achievement o f Hawaiians centered on m otivat iona l f a c to r s : Hawaiians were seen as genera lly unmotivated, a cond it ionproported ly stemming from a p r e v a i l in g lack o f parental support fo reducational endeavors ( c f . , Howard, 1982).

Through the la te 1960s and e a r ly 1970s the so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s studying the e t io lo g y of educational d i f f i c u l t i e s among Hawaiians s t ro n g ly ob ject­ed to var iou s d e f i c i t exp lanat ion s current at the time. In t h e i r view a v a r ie ty of mismatches between the c u l t u r a l / f a m i l i a l experiences o f many Hawaiians and the expectations of educators regard in g the behavior ofstudents in the classroom re su lte d in communication impasses that even­t u a l l y re su lte d in school problems. For example, the fo l low in g i s ane a r ly a n a ly s i s of a l le g a t io n s regard ing poor a t ten t ion span.

One very c le a r im p l ic a t io n o f these ideas i s the in ­appropriateness fo r Nanakuli ch i ld ren of the typ ica l classroom arrangement: one a d u lt in the f ro n t o f the roomw ith tw enty-five to fo r ty youngsters attend ing ando r ie n t in g to h is in f lue nce attempts. I f one watches a kindergarten or f i r s t grade fo r any leng th of time, i t i s c le a r th a t a la rg e proportion o f time i s devoted tostrengthen ing t h i s h ab it : a group of in d iv id u a l s , each ofwhom focuses on a s in g le adu lt a u th o r ity fo r d i re c t io n s ,c o rre c t io n , and guidance. However, such a system assumes th a t ch i ld ren are accustomed to being dependent uponad u lts fo r such th in g s , and that ch i ld ren have r e la t i v e ly weaker tendencies to attend to peers. Ne ither o f these assumptions can be sa id to be e n t ir e ly true of the ch i ld re n in Nanakuli. But i t does not fo l low th a t they have a poor a t te n t io n span. What does fo l lo w i s the notion th a t i t may take a d i f fe re n t se t o f so c ia l c o n d it ion s in the c lassroom to e l i c i t the kind of attend ing h ab its which f a c i l i t a t e le a rn in g (Ga llim ore, MacDonald, & Boggs, 1968, p. 35).

C le a r ly , the pee' o r ie n ta t io n o f Hawaiians, a lthough not a d e f i c i t in an ob je c t ive sense, was viewed as a major under ly ing fa c to r in the development o f problems w ith in an unbending educational system.

For the past decade the KEEP p ro ject has fo llowed up on several l in e s of in v e s t i g a t io n th a t can be l in k e d in vary ing degrees to t h e i r o r ig in a l survey f in d in g s . These have included m otivat iona l systems in the classroom , teacher t r a in in g programs, development and te s t in g o f curricu lum management systems, as well as curriculum development per se. This coord inated research e f f o r t has turned up any number of u nantic ipa ted f in d in g s ; hov/ever, the key ro le of e a r ly s o c ia l iz a t io n experiences under s i b l i n g care cond it ion s in producing student/system mismatches has remained a cen tra l cons iderat ion . The fo l lo w in g excerpt from Tharp, S lo a t , Ga ll im ore, and Au (1978) summarizes the KEEP perspective on th i s is sue .

. . . we want to t e l l you a b i t about the Hawaiian c h i ld ,

and d is c u s s the f a i lu r e o f f i t o f conventional schoo ls to the Hawaiian. I f there i s one s in g le sentence to sum up the problem, i t i s t h i s : Hawaiian ch i ld ren are remarkablypeer-or iented , rather than a d u lt -o r ie n te d . Presumably t h i s r e s u l t s from ā pattern 57 s i b l i n g care tak ing , in which o lder s i s t e r s - - a n d sometimes b ro th e rs - -a re primary caretakers and s o c ia l i z a t io n agents fo r younger ch i ld re n . Th is produces ch i ld re n who are v igo rou s, s o c ia l l y s k i l l e d , t a lk a t iv e , a f fe c t io n a te , and a g g re s s iv e ; i t produces c h i ld re n , when they a r r iv e on the f i r s t day o f k in d e r ­garten, fo r whom the o rd inary school i s unprepared. I am speaking in g e n e r a l i t ie s , fo r emphasis; our ch i ld ren appear in a wide range o f p e r so n a l i t ie s . But when com­pared to Caucasian, Japanese or Chinese ch i ld re n in Hawaii, they are in fa c t notably d i f fe re n t , and they are not the ch i ld ren fo r whom the schoo ls have been designed.

Hawaiian ch i ld ren are peer-o r ien ted ; the schoo ls are designed fo r a d u lt o r ie n ta t io n . Hawaiian ch i ld ren t y p i c a l l y avoid a d u l t s ; the school a d u lt i s inescapab le. The school adu l t i s designed to te ach ; the c h i l d ' s expectation of her i s to be ‘aunti e ' - - a u n t ie s are sometimes ste rn , sometimes indu lgent, but aun ties no more expect to teach than ch i ld re n expect to be taught by them. In sho rt, the s c h o o l 's expectation of c lo se a t te n t io n , approach, and c le a r o r ie n ta t io n to the teacher produces an immediate f a i lu r e of f i t between the two cu ltu re s o f the school and of the Hawaiian ch i ld . In the eyes o f educators, t h i s r e s u l t s in ch i ld ren described as rowdy, r e s t le s s , d is in te re s te d , in a t te n t iv e , la z y , and provocative.

In the ord inary school s e t t in g , those d e sc r ip t io n s are not so inaccurate . . . . But even in our own schoo l, su b s t i tu te teachers (who are untrained in our system) q u ick ly lo se c o n tro l , and the o ld s te re o typ ic behaviors emerge--sometimes c h a o t ic a l ly ; and the su b s t itu te teacher i s lo a th to return. I am a c tu a l ly und ersta t in g the problem: three weeks ago, a su b st itu te teacher spent themorning with our k indergarten, and the afternoon in te a rs . Another sub, an exce llen t teacher from Alabama, a f te r one day with our f i r s t grade, declared i t 'the worst day of my l i f e . ' 'P le a se , ' she sa id , 'never c a l l me a g a in . '

Research on Peer O r ie n ta t ion in School S e t t i n g s . As w ith anys p e c i f i c c h i ld re a r in g p rac t ic e , s i b l i n g care tak ing i s not un iversa l among Hawaiian fa m i l ie s . For one th in g , i t i s simply not p o s s ib le with the f i r s t b o r n or in f a m i l ie s w ith one c h i ld . Furthermore, there i s con­s id e ra b le v a r i a b i l i t y w ith in Hawaiian fa m i l ie s across socio-economic andurban/rura l dimensions. Because s i b l i n g care was found to be prominentin one rural homestead community (Gallim ore e t a l ., 1974) does notn e c e s sa r i ly mean that the same pattern w i l l be found in other rura l orurban s e t t in g s . In t h i s regard, though, Weisner (1977) reported evidenceo f su b s ta n t ia l s i b l i n g care among KEEP fa m i l ie s in urban Honolulu.

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In a d d it io n to confirm ation of s i b l i n g care ou ts ide the one rural community stud ied, major s tu d ie s focused s p e c i f i c a l l y on the s i b l i n g care i s su e have examined a tten t ion in the classroom. For example, G a ile (1974) found th a t rura l students from la rge f a m i l i e s — presumably fa m i l ie s in which su b s ta n t ia l s i b l i n g care tak ing occurs— tended to be l e s s a t te n t ive to th e ir teachers. With respect to peer tu to r s , meanwhile, two s tu d ie s have shown th a t s i b l i n g care experiences fo r boys are a s soc ia te d w ith g re a te r a t te n t io n to a peer tu to r , a r e la t io n sh ip not found among g i r l s (Fukuda, 1975; Ga llim ore, Tharp, & Sp e id e l, 1978). One conc lu s ion reached a t KEEP on the b a s is o f these f in d in g s was th a t peer tu to r in g i s not l i k e l y to be a key answer to the unique educational needs of Hawaiian youth (Ga ll im ore, Tharp, & Spe ide l, 1975). Other observat iona l and soc iom etric s tu d ie s o f peer lead ersh ip and power s tru c tu re among Hawaiian youngsters are s t i l l in progress at KEEP ( c f . , Jordan, D'Amato, & Joe st in g , 1981).

C u l t u r a l ly Compatible Educational Programs. The ove ra l l r a t io n a le and operationa l r e a l i ty for ā marriage Trwolving anthropology and educational research a t KEEP has been offered in several rev iews (e . g . , Jordan, 1981; Jordan & Tharp, 1979; Weisner, 1977).

In genera l, an th ropo log ica l input a t KEEP has re su lte d in three types of outcomes ( c f . , Weisner, 1977):

• reversa l o f some c u ltu ra l patterns;

• n e u t r a l i t y or non-involvement with other patterns;

• p o s i t iv e emphasis and encouragement o f some patterns.

With peer o r ie n ta t io n , fo r example, i t was c le a r ly necessary toreverse the strong e x i s t in g so c ia l preferences o f Hawaiian youth in some school contexts, simply because the teacher would never be able to e f f e c t iv e ly teach students who were co n stan t ly t a lk in g to one another. At the same time, peer-oriented group exchange was in te n t io n a l ly inc luded, or a t l e a s t id e n t i f ie d and noted as appropr ia te , in circumstances such as the creat ion and use of le a rn in g centers and in c lu s io n of group exchange and d isc u s s io n in the reading le s so n s (Au &Jordan, 1977; Jordan. 1981).

Impl i c a t io n s fo r Ear ly Childhood Educat ion . In a thorough review of the l i t e r a t u r e on s i b l i n g care tak ing Weisner and Ga llim ore (1977) covered several p o s i t iv e outcomes a ssoc ia te d with such arrangements. Forexample, they noted the impact on the fam ily of c re a t in g more ro le f l e x i b i l i t y fo r mothers: being re l ie ve d of many routine ch i ld ca re andhousehold ta sk s under s i b l i n g involvement co n d it io n s , mothers would be more a v a i la b le fo r p lann ing and ca r ry in g out specia l a c t i v i t i e s such asoutings or unusual a c t i v i t i e s a t home. The r e s u lt would be a greaterd iv e r s i t y o f experience fo r a l l fam ily members. I t was a l s o noted th a texperiences as a caretaker a t a young age may tend to ac t as a screening experience th a t reduces the l ik e l ih o o d of unplanned or uninformed parenthood. Moreover, such experiences may serve a t r a in in g fo r parenthood fun ct ion . A much le s s p o s i t iv e perspective was o ffe red by Sutton-Sm ith (1977) as a d iscu ssan t fo r the Weisner and Ga llim ore review. H is in te rp re ta t io n of c h i ld re a r in g l i t e r a t u r e in general i s th a t

"the dominance o f the s in g le care tak ing mother i s a s so c ia te d w ith c u l ­tu ra l com plex ity, more d iv e r s i f i e d in d iv id u a l c h i ld p e r so n a l it y , c h i ld achievement, and c h i ld c r e a t i v i t y . " He a ls o expressed concerns about the competence of s i b l i n g s in th e i r performance o f major c a re tak in g ta sk s :

The recent l i t e r a t u r e emphasizes over and over aga in th a t maximal personal and so c ia l development o f in fa n t s i s produced by the mother (or caretaker) who in te r a c t s with them in a v a r ie ty of s t im u la t in g and p la y fu l ways. Unfortunate ly the in t e l l i g e n c e to do t h i s w ith ever more e x c i t in g contingenc ie s i s simply not present in c h i ld care take rs. I t i s d i f f i c u l t enough to impart these ideas of in fa n t s t im u la t io n even to mothers. As the review demonstrates so w e l l , ch i ld ren as major caretakers m ainta in so c ia l l i f e a t a much lower le ve l and r e s t r i c t in d iv id u a l d i f fe re n c e s (pg. 184).

He fu r th e r suggested that: "Complex cu ltu re s requ ire forms of c h i ldt r a in in g th a t heighten d iv e r s i t y , which s i b l i n g s do by t h e i r r i v a l r y rather than by th e ir c a re ta k in g " (pg. 184).

The c o n t ra s t in g v iew points o ffered here seem to represent two extremes o f a continuum of op in ion regard ing poverty, school achievement, and preferred in te rvention paradigm. In genera l, the Weisner and G a llim ore view tends to be p re se rv a t io n is t and non-judgemental, as well as very p ra c t ic a l and parsim onious. Sutton-Sm ith , on the other hand,appears to favor var iou s e a r ly ch ildhood educational in te rve n t io n s that e x p l i c i t l y advocate change o f a t l e a s t some c u l tu r a l ly -b a s e d behav iors— p r im a r i ly those th a t appear to be problematic in terms o f adjustment and success in to d a y 's world. For educators, these c o n t ra s t in g p ro fe ss iona l in te r p re ta t io n s on the p a r t of s o c ia l s c ie n t i s t s leave the way open fo r d i f f e r e n t educational approaches.

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Condition 5: In te ra c t io n w ith Adults

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

General Need Area: Problems at the Interface

Condition Summary

INTERACTION BETWEEN HAWAIIAN CHILDREN AND THEIR TEACHERS I S IMPAIRED BY CULTURAL SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES THAT DE-EMPHASIZE CERTAIN PATTERNS OF VERBAL EXCHANGE. FOR EXAMPLE, DIRECT QUESTIONS TO A CHILD BY AN ADULT MAY BE INTERPRETED AS DISPLEASURE OR RIDICULE, AND INTERACTION WITH ADULTS ON A ONE-TO-ONE BASIS MAY BE UNFAMILIAR SINCE DIRECT COMMUNICATION I S ORDINARILY WITH PEERS RATHER THAN ADULTS. FURTHERMORE, WHILE ADULTS AT HOME OFTEN DO NOT EXPECT IMMEDIATELY COMPLIANCE WITH VERBAL REQUESTS, TEACHERS DO; AND WHEN ADULTS ARE PUNITIVE OR CRITICAL, A CH ILD 'S LEARNED PREFERENCE SEEMS TO BE WITHDRAWAL OR AVOIDANCE, A RESPONSE THAT TEACHERS FIND DISCONCERTING. FINALLY, HAWAIIAN YOUTH MAY BE FURTHER INHIB ITED IN SCHOOL BY THE EMOTIONAL NEUTRALITY OF TEACHERS, A CHARACTERISTIC THAT MAKES THEM LESS SALIENT AND RESULTS IN REDUCED STUDENT ATTENTIVENESS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• E a r ly ch ildhood education designed to teach " su rv iv a l s k i l l s "such as how to in te r a c t with dom inant-cu lture a d u lts ( a s s im i la t i o n ) .

§ Teacher t r a in in g and curriculum re v is io n e f f o r t s designed tochange school s e t t in g s such th a t teacher/student in te ra c t io n becomes comfortable fo r both p a r t ie s ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programming).

Testimony

While educational researchers have only recently begun to se r io u s ly examine the "competence/incompetence paradox" with respect to the educational performance o f m inor ity youth ( c f . , G a llim ore & Au, 1979), the ba s ic c o n d it io n — i . e . , m inority students who appear to be inept and slow to learn in school s e t t in g s , but who can handle complex ta sk s and problems in o u t-o f -sch o o l s e t t in g s — may be one th a t m in o r ity group members themselves have long been aware of. For example, the fo l low in g te st im on ia l statement sugge sts th a t Hawaiians themselves acknowledge d iscrepenc ie s between th e i r school performance and behavior and what they person a lly know to be t h e i r competence or leve l o f knowledge:

We've always been shy people and in school competing a g a in s t , l ike I say, ch i ld ren o f our own le v e l , but we s t i l l feel so shame to g ive the answer to the teacher even i f we knew i t . Perhaps, our teachers d id n ' t recognize t h i s in us, th a t we knew the answers but were too shy to come forward w ith i t , so we were always considered stup id , u n in t e l l i g e n t , not ab le to cope with comprehending the le s so n of the day (Lovey Apana, B i l l 916, pg. 206).

Social Science Analysis

Ethnographic accounts o f community and fam ily l i f e in predominately Hawaiian communities have noted the prevalence o f peer or s i b l i n gcare tak in g a long w ith concom itant patterns o f a d u l t - c h i ld in te ra c t io n ( e . g . , G a ll im ore , Boggs, & Jordan, 1974; Howard, 1974). In b r ie f , i t appears th a t su b sta n t ia l involvement w ith s i b l i n g s as caretakers g e n e ra l ly commences a t about two years o f age. Along w ith t h i s change,the ro le of a d u lts in the l i v e s o f young ch i ld re n and consequently thes t r a t e g ie s o f in te ra c t io n on the part o f c h i ld re n with a d u lt s a l s o s h i f t s . Howard (1972), fo r example, suggested th a t the l im ite din te r a c t io n with a d u lts which does occur i s often in the context o f a parental t a lk assignment ( e . g . , sweep the f lo o r , c le a r the dinner tab le , e tc . ) or as a r e s u l t o f parental de sire fo r p lay and nurturance or fo r p u b lic d isp la y o f a f fe c t io n . In e ith e r case the o p p o r tu n it ie s fo r i n te r a c t io n with ad u lts in the home se t t in g are t y p i c a l l y in frequent, occur ing a t unpred ictab le in t e r v a l s . Howard's (1972) in te rp re ta t io n of the optimal s t ra te gy on the c h i l d ' s part in the face o f such co n d it ion s was as fo l lo w s :

A. When parents are pun it ive or c r i t i c a l , a c h i l d ' sbest s tra te gy i s to withdraw, avo id, or i n h ib i t . Undersuch c ircum stances there i s l i t t l e po in t in be ing a t te n ­t i v e because the ad d it io n a l in fo rm ation provided by parental cues i s o f l i t t l e u t i l i t y ; noth ing he can do i s l i k e l y to e l i c i t a rewarding response. As a r e s u l t , task performance can be expected to decrease when ch i ld ren ra ise d in t h i s mode have been c r i t i c i z e d or subjected to d is a p p r o v a l .

B. When parents are in a nurturant mood, i t pays the c h i ld to be maximally a t te n t iv e , fo r scarce rewards are most l i k e l y to be obta ined under such c o n d it io n s . The value o f rewards obta ined i s com parative ly g re a te r than fo r m id d le -c la s s ch i ld re n p re c ise ly because they are not as f re e ly di spensed. Therefore task performance can beexpected to increase fo l lo w in g periods o f nurturance and so c ia l approval.

C. When parents are paying no a t te n t io n to a c h i ld , h is best s t ra te gy i s to remain unobtrus ive , but observant to cues that s ig n a l the v i c i s s i t u d e s o f parental moods.Should he d iscove r a s h i f t toward nurturance, i t may pay to enter th e ir s o c ia l f i e ld ; a s h i f t toward anger or

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su l le n n e ss i s a cue to withdraw completely. Parental n e u t r a l i t y i s there fore a ssoc ia te d w ith an intermediate leve l o f c h i ld r e n ' s a t te n t ive n e ss . We would expect in term ediate le v e l s o f task performance in the absence of e ith e r marked approval or d isapprova l (Howard 1972, pp. 17-18).

Educational researchers working in Hawaii have noted th a t the so c ia l o rgan iz a t ion fun ct ion s and the p a r t ic ip a t io n s t ru c tu re s in home as opposed to school s e t t in g s are d is ju n c t iv e enough to r e s u l t in adjustment d i f f i c u l t i e s on the part o f many schoo l-age Hawaiian youngste rs . For example, one-to-one in te ra c t io n s between ch i ld re n and ad u lts in many Hawaiian homes tend to occur p r im a r i ly when a d u lt s are upset t r y in g to deal w ith a problem s i t u a t io n , or pun ish ing the c h i ld . In most school s e t t in g s , in c o n t ra s t , one-to-one question and answer exchanges between teacher and student tend to be common, or may even be considered the optimal educational experience fo r students. Un fortunate ly , many Hawaiian youngste rs in te rp re t the d i r e c t quest ion ing and the s i n g l i n g out o f in d iv id u a l s as cues th a t the teacher, an a d u lt , i s unhappy or t r y in g to embarass the person being questioned ( c f . , Jordan, Au, & J o e s t in g , in p r e s s ). The withdrawal and s i le n c e on the part o f Hawaiian youth under such circum stances can be d isco n ce rt in g fo r teachers, and fo r the c u l t u r a l l y unaware teachers may eventua lly lead to major c o n f l i c t in the cl assroom.

In t h i s same vein i t has a l s o been noted that teachers may have u n r e a l i s t i c ex p e c ta t ion s— from the Hawaiian c h i l d ' s po in t o f view— of what an ad u lt can ask o f ch i ld re n . I t seems that au th o r ity in the homedoes not carry over au to m at ica l ly to the classroom s e t t in g , so th a tteachers f in d they have to negotia te to e s t a b l i s h themselves as au th o r ity f ig u re s ( c f . , Au, 1980). Moreover, s t y le s may vary: fo r in stance a d u ltsin the home tend to expect verbal requests to be acted upon immediately, while most teachers do ( c f . Boggs, 1979).

Another key element of s t y le of in te ra c t io n revo lves around the is su e of personal vs. impersonal approaches to working r e la t io n s h ip s . Dale e t al. (1969), fo r example, suggested the fo l low in g :

In Na Makamaka 0 Nlanakul i another important Hawaiian c u l tu ra l value c i te d was tfiat there are no personal or impersonal r e la t io n s h ip s , but on ly personal r e la t io n s h ipw ith var iou s degrees o f in te n s ity .

Problems a r i s e when t h i s Hawaiian c u ltu ra l value i ssuperimposed on the c lassroom s i tu a t io n . The t r a d i t io n a ls e t t in g demands a h ierarchy o f ro le s . The a d m in is tra t io n and teachers are bound to perform c e r ta in ro le s in order to m ainta in the p o l i c ie s and stru ctu re o f the educational system. For someone who i s not used to r e la t in g im personally accord ing to a prescribed ro le , a te a c h e r 's anger a t deviant school behavior (no matter how well j u s t i f i e d the anger i s ) i s bound to be misunderstood. Too many young people in predominantly Hawaiian areas are embittered toward teachers and ad m in is tra to rs because o f the f a i lu r e on the part o f these people to respond to them

p e rson a lly and because o f the young p e rso n 's i n a b i l i t y to understand impersonal, h ie rarcha l r e la t io n s h ip s , (pp. 9 - 10 )

F in a l l y , de ta i le d s tu d ie s o f verbal in te ra c t io n have h ig h l ig h te d the sa l ie n c e o f spontaneous verbal p lay as a speech event. Boggs (1977), fo rexample, suggested that there are s ix d i f fe re n t k inds o f home speech events in v o lv in g Hawaiian ch i ld re n under f iv e ye a r s o f age and a d u lt s . Accord ing to h is a n a ly s i s these f a l l in to two broad ca te go r ie s : " (a )those in which parents and other a d u lt fam ily members enterta ined smallch i ld re n w ith verbal p lay , and (b) those which occurred when the parent was upset, t r y in g to deal w ith a problem s i t u a t io n , or punish ing thec h i l d . " The former, he claimed, lead s Hawaiian youngste rs to prefer spontane ity and fun in speech events, a s t y l i s t i c dimension th a t has apparently been incorporated as much as p o s s ib le in to c u l t u r a l l y appropr ia te teach ing methods in use a t KEEP ( c f , Au, 1980).

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General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 6: Learn ing S ty le

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

BEYOND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING STYLE, HAWAIIANS TEND TO EXHIBIT A CULTURALLY-RELATED STYLE THAT DOES NOT MATCH WELL WITH PREVAILING EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES. IN SIMPLE TERMS IT APPEARS THAT HAWAIIANS HAVE A PREFERENCE FOR "LEARNING BY DOING." WHETHER THIS I S ROOTED IN EARLY SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES WITH STRONG PEER INVOLVEMENT OR CULTURAL TRADITIONS EMPHASIZING APPRENTICESHIP LEARNING, IT I S CLEAR THAT OBSERVATION, MODELING, MUTUAL PARTICIPATION, AND DIRECT INTERVENTION ARE KEY PROCESSES. MEANWHILE, USE OF ISOLATED VERBAL DIRECTIONS AND OUT-OF-CONTEXT STATEMENTS OR RULES OR PRINCIPLES, BOTH CCMMON IN EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS, ARE RARE. IN ADDITION, EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHERSHAVE NOTED THAT HAWAIIAN YOUTH OFTEN FAIL TO APPLY CUTSIDE KNOWLEDGE AND COGNITIVE SK ILLS TO CLASSROOM CHALLENGES AND THAT THEY TEND TO ADOPT PASSIVE RATHER THAN ACTIVE LEARNING ROLES.

Related Educational Interventions

• Family in te rv e n t io n /e a r ly childhood education designed to teachverbal reason ing and s im i l a r l y re la te d c o g n i t iv e s k i l l s ( a s s im i l a t i o n ) .

• Teacher t r a in in g and curriculum re v is io n so th a t the preferredor e x i s t in g le a rn in g s t y le s o f m inor ity youth can be usede f f e c t i v e l y in school ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programing).

Testimony

Perhaps one of the s tro n ge st po in ts of agreement between spontaneous comments by Hawaiians and an th ropo log ica l in te rp re ta t io n s l i e s in thearea o f le a rn in g s ty le . That i s , Hawaiians themselves describe th e ir s ty le o f le a rn in g as d i f fe r e n t from the norm w ith in the dominant cu ltu re For in stance , the fo l lo w in g testimony came from I l im a W il l ia m s:

Hawaiians learned by doing. The teachers were the kupunas (e ld e r s ) . The kupunas were revered and held aspecia l place in the community. The makua (pa re n ts) and naopio (ch i ld re n ) provided fo r the subsis tence of thev i l l a g e , w h ile the kupunas taught. Their way o f l i f e was

r ich in s p i r i t u a l b e l ie f s . These b e l ie f s , a deep sense o f harmony w ith the environment were so necessary th a t i t provided a f u l f i l l i n g l i f e fo r thousands o f people fo r hundreds of years in a r e la t i v e ly small area. ( B i l l 916, p. 87)

Perhaps the key phrase here i s " learn by do in g , " s ince t h i s concept o f an a c t iv e , p a r t ic ip a to ry le a rn in g s ty le i s one th a t a n th ro p o lo g is t s have a ls o s tre ssed . Darrow Aiona explained further, emphasizing theno n -d ire c t ive nature o f in s t ru c to r / le a rn e r in te ra c t io n as well as these le c t io n process which was la r g e ly beyond the contro l o f the in d iv id u a l .

Awareness o f Kapu (the sacred se t t in g a s ide )a s so c ia te d w ith le a rn in g i s something many Hawaiians grew up with. There were ce r ta in q u a l i t ie s about you th a t were recognized by the e ld e rs . They d id n ' t a c tu a l ly teach you.They se lected you and placed you in s i t u a t io n where you absorbed knowledge. I t i s e s p e c ia l ly hard to communicatet h i s s o r t o f th in g to non-Hawaiians, un le ss i t i s one who has l i v e d and been brought up in t h i s environment to see the values o f Hawaiian cu ltu re and the Kapu placed onth in g s . You c a n 't teach t h i s . I t ' s something that has tocome from w ith in .

And t h i s i s how we get to know th in g s . They are handed down from generation to generation and because al i v i n g part of the in d iv id u a l . Th is i s pa rt o f being aHawaiian th a t cannot be taugh t - - i t ' s j u s t there . Andonly c e r ta in people can pass them on. Only ce r ta in people, c e r ta in f a m i l ie s , in h e r i t these d i f fe r e n t aspects o f our Hawaiian cu ltu re and are e n t i t le d to pass them on. ( B i l l916, pp. 57 - 58)

I t i s not c le a r how much of t r a d i t io n a l le a rn in g s t y le su rv ive sto d a y - -a t l e a s t in terms of kupuna in s t ru c t io n , community de s ign a t ion orin s t ru c to r d e s ign a t ion of who w i l l learn what, s p i r i t u a l embeddedness ofle a rn in g , e tc. However, a n th ro p o lo g is t s who were h ired to documentcontemporary c u l t u r a l l y - r e la t e d p ra c t ic e s among Hawaiians focused c lo se ly on le a rn in g s t y le . One in te rp re ta t io n of a key f in d in g from t h i s workcame from Myron Thompson:

. . . When I was working w ith Hawaiian parents on a l l parts o f t h i s I s la n d I found a tremendous de s ire among almost a l l o f them fo r th e ir ch i ld re n to achieve aneducation. But something in te r e s t in g i s being turned up insome s tu d ie s th a t Alan Howard, Ron Gallim ore, and Steve Boggs have been doing in Nanakuli.

I t t i e s in w ith the way Hawaiian ch i ld re n are ra ise d , and i t shows why the usual method o f teach ing may not f i t them.

QUESTION: Can you exp la in ?ANSWER: The usual method of teach ing i s fo r the

p u p i ls to re la te to the teacher d i r e c t l y , student to ad u lt , almost on a personal b a s is .

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But Howard and G a ll im ore f ind that Hawaiian ch i ld rend o n 't respond to t h i s , they th ink i t may have something todo w ith fam ily l i f e , w ith b ig fa m il ie s .

The yo u n g ste r gets a heck o f a l o t o f care when h e 's in the c r ib . But when he s t a r t s to walk and ta lk and ra ise heck, p a r t i c u la r ly in a b ig fam ily , he 's re le gated to an o lder brother or s i s t e r to take care o f. He d o e sn 't deal much with a d u l t s . P re tty soon t h i s k id t i e s in with the s i b l i n g system, learn s more from them than from h is parents.

Howard and h is gang took t h i s same process in to theclassroom and found th a t ch ild ren re la te much better to each other than to the teacher.

Now i f the teacher can re la te to the group as a group, in stead o f p e rson a l ly , then these youngsters can r e a l ly respond and learn . (Honolulu S ta r B u l le t in , August 24,1972)

As suggested here, the so c ia l s c ie n t i s t s who have most in te n s iv e ly stud ied Hawaiian youth and t h e i r s ty le o f le a rn in g do emphasize thestrong peer o r ie n ta t io n of many Hawaiians and the ways in which th i s typeo f s o c ia l behavior can be problematic in school s e t t in g s .

Social Science Analysis

Ethnographic f in d in g s . The ethnographic work a l lu ded to above (e .g . Gallim ore and Howard, 1968; Ga ll im ore, Boggs, and Jordan, 1974; Howard 1974) reported what appeared to the researchers to be d i s t in c t iv e patterns of le a rn in g in the contemporary Hawaiian context. The two examples most frequently c i te d invo lve vocational t r a in in g patterns and the o rgan iz a t ion of home management fun ct ion s. For in stance, w ith respect to vocational s k i l l development Jordan (1981) re c a l le d that :

. . . i t was d iscovered that many of the men hadacquired t h e i r f i r s t work s k i l l s by going to the job with an o lder, employed re la t ive or fr ien d and fo r a time, sim ply observ ing the job being ca r r ie d out. G radua lly the younger man would begin to p a r t ic ip a te in the work, doingin c re a s in g ly la r g e r or more complex pieces o f the task. F in a l l y the younger man would become s k i l l f u l enough to t ry fo r a sm a l le r job o f h is own. This was a much more common course than any formal schoo lin g or t r a in in g program, (p.33)

S im i la r l y , in the house se t t in g researchers noted a comparable observe, do, and learn paradigm in which o lde r s i b l i n g s passed on the knowledge and s k i l l s e s se n t ia l to home management - - often w ith l i t t l e or no input from ad u lts .

The general pattern described here appears to be co n s is te n t witht r a d i t io n a l apprenticesh ip modes of in s t ru c to r / s tu d e n t in te ra c t io n . Gutrnanis (1977), fo r example, noted that "no matter when the novice beganh is t r a in in g i t was based on the one-to-one re la t io n s h ip o f a s t r i c t

KEEP ch ild ren working w ith other ch i ld re n re ly veryl i t t l e on ru le statement as a teach ing device; rather, th e i r te a c h in g - le a rn in g in te ra c t io n s revolve around thesuccessfu l completion o f the task at hand. Ad u lt school teachers, in co n tra s t , are l i k e l y to use much more ru lestatement. They are in c l in e d to t e l l ch i ld re n general p r in c ip le s , then leave them to work out p a r t ic u la r a p p l ic a t io n s o f the p r in c ip le s to p a r t i c u la r ta sk s . With both the peer and "school teacher" s t y le s , ru le s areeve n tua lly learned; the d if fe rence between the two s t y le s i s th a t the former depends on inductive reason ing through experience with repeated examples wh ile the l a t t e r depends on deductive reason ing, (p. 150)

The same general pattern — contextua lized le a rn in g w ithout muchverbal exchange and ra re ly in v o lv in g statements o f general ru le s - - a lsoseems to be c h a r a c te r i s t i c of the home se t t in g . I t s predominance may be one of the reasons Hawaiian ch i ld re n f in d school so con fus ing :

We have observed w ith Hawaiian ch i ld re n th a t teach ing and le a rn in g are o ften embedded in the routine performance of necessary ta sk s . Events which are designed s o le ly fo r the purpose of teach ing ch i ld ren are r e la t i v e ly rare. Rather, teaching i s ge n e ra l ly part and parcel o f thecomplete execution of s k i l l s and ta sk s , and the c h i l d ' sle a rn in g proceeds with t h i s framework. In mainstream

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ap p re n t ice sh ip " (p. 38). In t h i s case she was d e sc r ib in g the t r a in in g o f Kahuna La 'au Lapa'au (h e a le r s ) , but the pattern apparently occurred in most f i e l d s .

While contemporary Hawaiians " le a rn by o b se rv in g /do in g " may be le s s formal than i t s t r a d i t io n a l counterpart, i t s t i l l r e l i e s h eav i ly on the one-to-one re la t io n sh ip s . W ith in t h i s context, however, there appears to be several d i s t i n c t iv e features.

In s t ru c t io n a l s t y l e . I f Hawaiian teaching - - le a rn in g in te ra c t io n s were to Be character ized w ith a simple la b e l , i t might well be "n o n -v e rb a l. " E s s e n t i a l l y , the same type o f in s t ru c t io n a l s t y le has been described fo r Hawaiian mothers teach ing th e i r own ch i ld re n (e .g. Jordan, 1976, 1977) as well as fo r schoo l-age youth working with t h e i r peers (e .g . Jordan, 1981).

A key feature of Hawaiian in s t ru c t io n a l s t y le i s what KEEP 's a n th ro p o lo g is t s have termed "en te rp r ise engagement" or "mutual p a r t i c i p a t i o n . " In sho rt, le a rn in g t y p i c a l ly occurs in s i t u a t io n s in which both teacher and le a rn e r p a r t ic ip a te a c t iv e ly in a common task . More im portan t ly , though, the teach ing i s often l im ite d to non-verbal demonstration ("m ode ling ") o r d i r e c t a s s i s t a n c e ( " in t e r v e n t io n " ) w ithout verbal statements of general ru le s or other d e sc r ip t iv e commentary ( c f , Jordan, 1981).

Au and Jordan (1981) b r ie f l y described Hawaiian peer teach ing s ty le , c o n tra s t in g i t w ith typ ica l teacher s ty le s :

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Anglo-American cu ltu re , there are ad u lt -d ire c te d speech events designed la r g e ly or s o le ly to in s t r u c t the young. In Hawaiian cu ltu re , on the other hand, these k inds o f events occur le s s o ften, perhaps so seldom th a t young ch i ld re n en tering school do not know how to respond to them. In the absence of a task completion framework, the ch i ld re n may not understand what the teacher i s t r y in g to accomplish. (Jordan, Au, & J o e s t in g , in p r e s s , p. 27)

C o gn it iv e Development. Given th a t Hawaiian in s t ru c t io n a l s ty le tends to be demonstrative and non-verbal, in d iv id u a l s in te re s te d in c h i ld development may immediately th ink o f the c o g n it iv e developmentim p l ic a t io n s . P a r t of t h i s stems from the work of the 1960s that d iscu ssed "e la b o ra t iv e " and " r e s t r i c t i v e " verbal codes in terms o f t h e i r impact on conceptual development. In general, the f in d in g s of the period suggested th a t " r e s t r i c t e d " verbal in te ra c t io n re su lted in more l im ite d conceptual development. In Hawaii, i s su e s a long th i s l in e were d iscu ssed by Werner, Bierman, and French (1971) fo l low in g t h e i r extensive lo ngtu d ina l work on Kauai. The fo l lo w in g i s a rather co n tro ve rs ia l passage, which many in te rpre ted as being in d ic a t iv e o f a " d e f i c i t " o r ie n ta t io n to the in te rp re ta t io n of th e ir f in d in g s .

Many o f the so c ia l c la s s d if fe re n ce s in c o g n it iv e development of ch i ld ren which are beginn ing to ben o ticeab le in the second year o f l i f e are l i k e l y to center around parental s t im u la t ion o f the development o f language s k i l l s . . . . An example o f a " r e s t r i c t i v e " language i s the i s la n d d ia le c t of Kauai, a modified form of p id g in E n g l ish . I t i s spoken in more than 90 percent o f thelo w e r -c la s s f a m i l ie s , but only in a m inor ity of middle- and u p p er-c la ss homes. I t has a p r im it iv e grammar and word s tru c tu re , uses simple, concrete verb-nouri, verb-pronoun com binations, i s re p e t i t iv e , and makes extensive use of express ive vocal fea tures.

Ear ly and co n s is te n t exposure to t h i s type of language can lead to le s s ab s t ra c t io n and more simple r e la t io n a l responses, as we found in an a n a ly s i s of language development and reading problems among the Kauai ch i ld ren (Werner, Simonian, and Smith 1967) and as Hess and Shipman (1965) have shown in t h e i r study of c o n tra s t in g verbal s t y le s among m iddle- and lo w e r -c la s s Negro mothers andth e i r preschool ch i ld ren . 'The meaning of d e p r iv a t io n , ' in the view of these authors, ' i s a depr iva t ion of meaning'(p. 60)

Th is l in e of reasoning i s viewed by many who conduct c r o s s -c u l tu r a l s tu d ie s as unn ecessar i ly enthnocentric and even th rea ten ing to c u l t u r a l l y d i f fe re n t m ino r ity groups. KEEP researchers, fo r example, have frequently emphasized th a t Hawaiians may d isp la y d if fe re n ce s , but th a t there are no d e f i c i t s . Th is can be seen in the ethnographic reports that c o n t in u a l ly s t r e s s the capac ity fo r independent work on the part of Hawaiian ch i ld re n in the home s e t t in g , the se l f - o r g a n iz a t io n in to work squads, the verbal f l u i d i t y a s so c ia te d with " ta lk s t o r y , " etc. ( c f . , O'Donnell & Tharp, in p re ss , p. 30). They a lso point out th a t Hawaiians

have troub le w ith reading in sp ite o f t h e i r avarage a b i l i t y as measured by in te l l i g e n c e te s t s :

On a v a r ie ty of standard ized measures of general verbal and c o g n it iv e a b i l i t y , ch i ld ren en ter ing KEEP score below average. By the end of k indergarten , however, they obta in average and better general a b i l i t y scores. Butthese ga in s in v e rb a l/c o g n it iv e a b i l i t y do not aloneproduce average le v e ls o f reading achievement, de sp ite the f a c t the general a b i l i t y te s t s are h igh ly co rre la te d w ithread ing t e s t scores. Verbal / c o g n it iv e a b i l i t i e s are necessary but not s u f f i c ie n t to produce average reading. ( S lo a t , Tharp, Gallim ore & Au, 1978).

The fo l lo w in g passage from S lo a t , Tharp, G a llim ore and Au (1978)summarizes the knowns and the current hypotheses:

The ch i ld ren work hard . . . They have communicativecompetence. There are no s ig n s th a t speaking Hawaiian Creole s e r io u s ly in te r fe re s w ith le a rn in g to read. KEEPc la s se s have average or be tte r verbal and co gn it iv e a b i l i t y sco res. Why should they have below average reading achievement?

C lose observation of the ch i ld re n a t the KEEP school sugge sts some p o ss ib le reasons. Given a s l i g h t l y new ora lte re d ta sk , KEEP ch i ld re n often f a i l to use s k i l l s they are known to have used on s i m i l a r ta sk s ; they frequently do not re la te th e i r experiences to school ta sk s , un lessd i r e c t l y prompted. They are l i k e l y to adopt a pass ive rather than a c t iv e le a rn in g ro le . They approach eachproblem as a new and d i f fe r e n t ta sk , ra th e r than perce iv ingi t as an instance of a c la s s of problems which mightrequ ire s im i l a r s o lu t io n s . They do not use language to describe ta sk s and what they requ ire. . .

These observa t ions suggest the ch i ld re n do not applyth e i r e x i s t in g a b i l i t i e s to c lassroom ta sk s . Why they do not we can only speculate, (p. 31)

Educational In te rv e n t io n . While one approach to in te rve n t io n in cases where non-verbal in te ra c t io n s ty le has been found has been to create a specia l preschool h om e -v is it program designed to "enhance" verbal in te ra c t io n in poor f a m i l ie s ( e . g . , Levenstein, 1975), KEEP c le a r ly advocates a d i f fe r e n t approach— change the school to accomodate to the d i f fe r e n t le a rn in g s t y le s and co gn it iv e s t r a te g ie s o f c u l t u r a l l y d i f fe r e n t m in o r i t ie s . Jordan (1981) summarized t h i s view as fo l lo w s.

One of the reasons that ch i ld re n of many m inor ity groups experience d i f f i c u l t y in school i s th a t they have learned to learn in ways that d i f f e r from the ways in which t h e i r teachers have learned to teach. Schools are aware of in d iv id u a l d if fe ren ce s among ch i ld ren and attempt to adapt to these. KEEP has operated on the premise th a t i t i s a l s o p o s s ib le and d e s irab le fo r schoo ls to adapt to cu l tu ra l d if fe re n ce s . The assumption i s th a t the co rrec t course, fo r both p ra c t ic a l and e thn ica l reasons, i s not to attempt

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to change the ch i ld ren or th e i r f a m il ie s to f i t the sch oo ls , but rather to modify the schoo ls in ways th a t w i l l a llow them to serve m inor ity ch i ld ren more e f fe c t iv e ly .(p. 16)

In KEEP 's case some of the adjustments they have made inc lude changes in classroom o rgan iza t ion and management patterns, acceptance of non-Standard E n g l i s h , p rov is ion of o pp ortu n it ie s fo r peer in te ra c t io n and a s s i s t a n c e , r e s t ru c t in g o f reading in s t ru c t io n to a l low fo r c u l t u r a l l y preferred patterns of verbal in te ra c t io n , and ad d it ion of co gn it iv e t r a in in g elements in the reading curriculum to a d ju s t fo r d if fe re n ce s in c o g n it iv e s t r a te g ie s .

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the d if fe re n ce s between the more ru ra l Maui High School o f 20 years ago and the Kauai High School o f today i s not completely c le a r .

I a l s o do not c la im that these observations are n e c e ssa r i ly in d ic a t iv e o f con d it ion s throughout the S ta te , but then, I only intended to see i f my own experiences bare out Senator Inouye 's observa t ion s concerning the Native Hawaiian as a "s t range r in h is own land " (Byron Cleeland, B i l l 916, pg. 195).

S o c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

In a widely c i te d study o f se lf -d isparagem ent among Native Hawaiianyouth, McNassor and Hongo (1972), quoted from in te rv iew s with HawaiianHigh School students who had low educational a s p ir a t io n s : lower thant h e i r a b i l i t y le v e ls seemed to ind ica te :

As d isc u s s io n o f th e ir post-h igh school p lans go t under way, the students u n h e s ita t in g ly expressed the p r in c ip a l reasons why they plan a l im ite d p o s t -h ig h school education and why they con s id e r an education a t the U n iv e rs i ty o fHawaii an im p o s s ib i l i t y :

'We are not sm art. ''A f r a id to t r y . ''Not good students l i k e the Japanese.''People th in k we are s tu p id . ''A teacher to ld me not to try , i t would be too hard fo r me. '

'M ight f a i l . '(McNassor and Hongo, 1972, pp. 4-5)

General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 8: Preference fo r Group Cooperation

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Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

WESTERN CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SUCCESS IN MANY AREAS ( E.G. EDUCATION, BUSINESS) ARE DIAMETRICALLY OPPOSED TO HAWAIIAN CULTURAL OR MORAL VALUES. FOR EXAMPLE, HAWAIIAN VALUES STRESS COOPERATIVE EFFORT FOR MUTUAL GAIN WITHIN A GROUP AND SCORN INDIVIDUAL AMBITION, PERSONAL ACCUMULATION, AND COMPETITION. SCHOLASTIC ACHIEVEMENT IN MOST EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS I S IMPEDED WHEN AGGRESSIVENESS AND INDIVIDUAL STRIVING ARE CULTURALLY UNACCEPTABLE TO STUDENTS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Specia l programs to teach m inority youth to be more com petitive and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ( a s s im i la t io n ) .

• Changes in school s t a f f i n g patte rns, programs and c u r r ic u la that r e s u l t in a de-emphasis o f com petitive, i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programming).

Social Science Analysis

Many of the so c ia l p sycho log ica l s tud ie s done in conjunction w ith an th ropo lo g ica l research of the 1960's and 1970‘s looked a t theimportance to Hawaiians o f ' a f f i l i a t i o n ' as opposed to 'achievement'm otiva t ion . The r e s u l t s have been su c c in c t ly summarized by two o f the key s c i e n t i s t s in these e f f o r t s :

While i t i s popu lar ly held that Hawaiians are d e f ic ie n t in a l l s o r t s o f areas . . . e s se n t ia l to " su c c e s s fu l " l i v i n g ,such ge n e ra l iz a t io n s are nearly always based on an economic frame of reference and ignore the importance attached . . . to human re la t io n s h ip s . I f one can dep ic t H a w a i i 's other ethn ic groups as achievement-oriented in so c ia l andeconomic terms, then one must view Hawaiians as a f f i l i a t i o n - o r i e n t e d . By t h i s we mean th a t most Hawaiians w i l l choose to honor a commitment to a fr iend , provide a id to another person, seek out s i t u a t io n s o f good fe l lo w sh ip , and so fo rth , before they w i l l choose personal economic ga in . (Gallim ore & Howard, 1968, p. 10)

The most pervasive co n tra st w ith w o rk in g -c la s s haole communities i s the degree to which the people o f 'A ina Pumehana emphasize a f f i l i a t i v e va lues and deemphasize in d iv id u a l com petitive achievement. There are innumerable behaviora l m an ife sta t io n s of t h i s value emphasis, one being th a t Hawaiian-Americans ge n era l ly choose to honor commitments to f r ie n d s , provide a id to a person in need, and seek to engage in s i t u a t io n s o f cooperative fe l lo w sh ip , even when i t requ ire s m ateria l de pr iva t ion fo r themselves and t h e i r f a m i l ie s . (Howard, 1974, p .29)

What these a f f i l i a t i v e behaviors have in common i s the tendency o f in d iv id u a l s to attend and o r ie n t to o thers. I t i s the h ab it o f o r ie n t in g to others (be ing interdependent, a f f i l i a t i n g w ith) th a t we be lieve must be given p r in c ip a l con s id e ra t ion in the a n a ly s i s of Pumehana achievement- oriented behav ior. Pumehanans are motivated to achieve in order to have access to and su s ta in contact w ith people in in te r d e p e n d e n t /a f f i l ia t iv e so c ia l s i t u a t io n s . By comparison, achievement o f personal go a ls and success provide on ly secondary m otivat ion . (Ga llim ore, Boggs, and Jordan, 1974)

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General Need Area: Problems a t the In te rface

Condition 9: Preference fo r Immediate G r a t i f i c a t io n :

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Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

TRADITIONAL VALUES AND PRESSURES IN SUPPORT OF IMMEDIATE RESOURCE ACQUISITION AND USE, STEMMING FROM THE SUBSISTENCE NATURE OF THE HAWAIIAN ECONOMY, APPEAR TO BE PRESENT AMONG CONTEMPORARY HAWAIIANS AS A PREFERENCE FOR IMMEDIATE GRATIFICATION. THIS GENERAL VALUE I S REFLECTED IN DIMENSIONS SUCH AS IMMEDIATE USE OF INCOME, SHARING OF INCOME WITH EXTENDED FAMILY MEMBERS, GENERAL WORKSTYLE PREFERENCES, AND APPARENT RELUCTANCE TO PLAN, SAVE, AND PREPARE ONESELF IN ANTICIPATION OF FUTURE NEEDS AND CONDITIONS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Spec ia l programs th a t teach m inority youth " su rv iv a l s k i l l s "re la te d to day-to -day l i f e management and to p lann ing f o r future ( a s s im i l a t i o n ) .

• Educational e f f o r t s d irec ted at m ajor ity cu ltu re educators tomake them more accepting and le s s c r i t i c a l o f the value systemof m inor ity students ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programming).

Social Science Analysis

Preference fo r immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n or " i n a b i l i t y to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n " i s a concept th a t has been d iscussed to some extent in ethnographic accounts o ffered by an th rop o lo g is ts . For example, Burrows (1947) o ffe red the fo l lo w in g d e sc r ip t io n of the problems o f Hawaiians v i s - a - v i s a market economy a f te r long years of l i v i n g in a subsis tance cu ltu re :

Money, of course, was supposed to make steady work worthw hile. But th a t meant very l i t t l e to the Hawaiians.True, they could s e e - - a l l too c le a r ly - - th e advantages of ready cash. But the idea of sav ing i t up f o r the d i s ta n tfu ture was almost wholly l o s t on them. They had alwaysgot a long w ithout pu tt ing by " fo r a ra iny day," as the haoles c a l l i t . Food was, to them, about the most important form of m ateria l wealth; and t h e i r k inds o f

food, w ith few exception, would not keep. Land, the source of much o f th e ir food, was not exchanged fo r other goods in t h e i r o ld cu ltu re ; and, as we have seen, they d id not f u l l y grasp the haole system of t rad in g in land u n t i l i t was too la te . I f a Hawaiian d id accumulate a su rp lu s of materia l goods, he was promptly besieged by r e la t iv e s and f r ie n d s — "ca labash r e l a t i v e s , " the haoles c a l l those not c lo s e ly re la te d by blood, because the sha r in g o f food i s so important in the re la t io n sh ip . These j o y f u l l y helped the prosperous Hawaiian get r id of h i s su rp lu s . He cou ld not turn them o f f l . According to h is u pbr ing ing , the way fo r a man to enhance h is s ta tu s through materia l wealth was not to s to re i t up but to g ive i t away withla v i s h generosity .

The re s u lt of a l l t h i s was th a t when a Hawaiian wash ired to work on the p la n ta t io n s , he would work, as a ru le , only u n t i l he had enough money to buy what he wanted a t the moment, and to g ive h is f r ie n d s a good time. Nouse showing up fo r work aga in u n t i l what he had was gone. The same background prevented Hawaiians from f i t t i n g in to other niches in the new economy. As a consequence,O r ie n ta ls were brought in to work the p la n ta t io n s . Inured to steady work and t h r i f t , they got a long only too well to s u i t the humbler hao les, with whom they came in to com petition (pp. 42-43).

More recen t ly , Ga ll im ore and Howard (no date) offered the fo l lo w in g examples o f problems a s so c ia te d with a p re v a i l in g preference fo r imme­d ia te g r a t i f i c a t i o n :

As fo r the question of Hawaiian g r a t i f i c a t i o n preferences, we have ample ethnographic evidence th a t much o f there le van t behavior could be c la s se d as r e f le c t in g apreference fo r immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n . For example, ag rea t many f a m i l ie s in 'A in a Pumehana indebted themselves re g u la r ly in order to have a lu a u , in ce le b ra t io n o f b ir th d ays , weddings, g radua t ion s, h o l id a y s , e tc . And, as s o c ia l workers pointed out, such expenditures werefrequently a t the expense of fam ily needs which havelong-term im p l ic a t io n s ; e . g . , health care, housing, school su p p l ie s , e tc. A lso c i te d as evidence o f Hawaiian lack o f s e l f - r e s t r a i n t was the frequency w ith which f a m i l ie s inA ina Pumehana accumulated unreasonable le v e l s ofindebtedness in response to soc ia l o b l i g a t io n s . Forexample, one in d iv id u a l whose income derived from h is employment as a s a n i ta t io n worker and whose r e s p o n s ib i l i t i e s included a w ife and e ig h t ch i ld re n , owed a to ta l of $30,000. H is net income per month was $18, the m ajo r ity o f h is wages go ing to h is debtors. A so c ia l case work report described him as, among other th in g s , su sce p t ib le to salesmen and unable to re fuse fr ie n d s whorequested that he c o - s ig n th e ir loan a p p l ic a t io n s . Ina d d it io n , h is purchases o f consumer goods, such ast e le v i s io n s and autom obiles, were taken as evidence that he was unable to deny h im se lf immediate p leasure fo rfu ture ga in ( p. 8).

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In another part o f t h e i r paper they c ite d a statement from a young Hawaiian boy regard ing a t t i tu d e s towards education and the apparent i n a b i l i t y o f many Hawaiians to see beyond immediate circumstances to cons ider the consequences o f th e i r behaviors.

'Some of the keeds in t h i s school no l i k e work, on ly p lay around a l l day. They neva think what going happen to' 'em.

The boy was express ing a view that we had frequently heard from others in Aina Pumehana, from Hawaiians as well as pub lic agency personne l. We had been often to ld t h a t Hawaiians were s la v e s to th e i r a p p e t ite s , and th a t th e i r s u s c e p t ib i l i t y to immediate p leasures was a root cause of th e i r so c ia l and economic problems ( p. 1).

In s p it e of the tendancy fo r some soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s to in te rp re t preference fo r immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n as a p sych o lo g ica l d e f ic ie n cy( " i n a b i l i t y to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n " ) , research in Hawaii has d iscussedthe phenomenon from perspective o f d if fe rences in c u ltu ra l values. For example, Ga ll im ore, Weiss, & Finney (1974) reported that Hawaii an-American adolescents do show a preference fo r immediate consumption of a $1,500 w in d fa l l as contrasted w ith the more conservative plans expressed by Japanese-American students. The authors d iscussed th e i r f in d in g s w ith respect to d if fe rences in c u l tu ra l va lues regard ing resource consumption, and they noted th a t the p lans o ffered by the youngste rs were d i s t i n c t l y d i f fe re n t : Hawaiians tended to say th a t theywould spend the money on t h e i r f a m i l ie s ; Japanese, meanwhile, were more in c l in e d to eventua lly spent the money on themselves to meet expenses such as those a ssoc ia te d with h igher education.

F i n a l l y , i t can be noted th a t a recent a rcheo log ica l report o ffered evidence th a t runs counter to p re v a i l in g d e sc r ip t io n s o f the so p h is t ic a te d environmental management and conservation e th ic of ancient Hawaiians. The evidence presented suggests th a t Hawaiians were l i k e l yre sp on s ib le fo r the e x t in c t io n of numerous species of b ird s as a r e s u ltof t h e i r de fo re sta t io n on a c t i v i t i e s ( c f . , Olson & James, 1982). This small b i t of in form ation may be of in te re s t to those who c la im that " i n a b i l i t y to dele; g r a t i f i c a t i o n " i s an "a b e rra t io n " th a t was not present in anc ient times, but one which developed as Hawaiians got away from t h e i r t r a d i t io n a l l i f e s t y l e .

General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 10: Male Sex Role Behavior

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

AS A RESULT OF CUSTOMARY WAYS THAT YOUNG HAWAIIANS INTERACT WITH ADULTS IN ACCORDANCE WITH CULTURAL VALUES AND PRACTICES, A SPECIAL HANDICAP I S IMPOSED ON BOYS IN SCHOOL. "MALE" SOCIAL ASSERTION SK ILLS THAT ARE VALUED IN HAWAIIAN SOCIETY ARE AT ODDS WITH SCHOOL PROCEDURES. TO BE A SUCCESSFUL HAWAIIAN MAN MEANS DEVELOPMENT OF SK ILLS THAT SEEM TO PLACE THE INDIVIDUAL AT A DISADVANTAGE IN SCHOOL.

P o te n t ia l Educational In te rve n t io n s

• C o n sc io u sn e ss - ra i s in g education fo r c h i ld re n w ith respect toa l t e r n a t iv e s to t r a d i t io n a l se x -ro le behavior ( a s s im i la t io n ) .

• Teacher t r a in in g and other educational change s t r a te g ie sdesigned to e n ligh te n educators about behavior patterns o f m in o r ity cu ltu re males ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible programming).

Social Science Analysis

During the la t e 1960s a team of so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s from anthropology and psycho logy conducted a s e r ie s of s tu d ie s in a s in g le Hawaiian Homestead community in an e f f o r t to document the Hawaiian l i f e s t y l e in a modern context. As p a rt o f t h i s Hawaiian Community Research P ro ject Boggs and G a ll im ore (1974) interv iewed 57 ado le scents aged 14 - 18 in order to ga in in form ation on the adolescent popu lation o f the area. The focus of th e ir report was on value s ty le and school achievement. In b r ie f they found th a t the you n gste rs d iv ided themselves in to two groups: " tough s" who were ge n e ra l ly a g g re s s iv e , uncooperative, de linquents, and "n ice " people who were b a s i c a l l y nonaggressive, law -ab id in g , and cooperative w ith o thers. In co n s id e r in g the school achievement of these two types o f students they found th a t "toughness" among males was n e g a t iv e ly co rre la ted w ith school performance as in d ica ted by standard ized t e s t score data. With females, however, there was no r e la t io n s h ip between d e s ign a t ion as "tough" and school achievement. When the ad d it io n a l v a r ia b le o f performance during the in terv iew was considered they d iscovered th a t verbal a b i l i t y was p o s i t i v e ly re la te d to the school achievement o f g i r l s , but n ega t ive ly re la te d to th a t of boys. That i s , they found th a t the h ighe r-a ch ie v in g males tended to be "n ice "

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as well as le s s s k i l l e d and outgo ing in t h e i r verbal behavior during the in terv iew . Low -ach ievers, meanwhile, tended to be " to u gh , " as well asremarkably s k i l l e d ve rb a l ly .

The in te rp re ta t io n Boggs and G allim ore o ffe red fo r t h e i r f in d in g sdrew on t h e i r knowledge o f the d i f f e r e n t ia l ro le s o f males and females in the Hawaiian home. In sho r t , they suggested th a t g i r l s , who t y p ic a l l yrece ive much c lo se r parental su p e rv is io n , engage in more frequent verbaln e g o t ia t io n s w ith parents when problems develop in the home.Consequently, very verbal g i r l s a r r iv e a t school with more re le van ts k i l l s and experiences th a t can be of use in c r o s s - c u l t u r a l encounters.The s i t u a t io n appears to be much d i f fe re n t fo r v e rb a l ly s k i l l e d boys as the fo l lo w in g a n a ly s i s from Boggs and Ga llim ore (1974) su gge sts :

H ig h -p a r t ic ip a n t boys reported a d i f fe r e n t r e la t io n s h ip w ith parents, one in which the le s s powerful ( t y p i c a l l y the mother) i s ignored or " ta lked back t o . " The boy i sc lo se r to the preferred parent (u su a l ly the fa th e r ) ; heobeys a l im ite d and s e l f - s e le c t e d number o f the f a t h e r 's more urgent demands, and gets h is f r ie n d s to j o in in thefa t h e r 's more in te r e s t in g ta sk s and re c re a t io n s , e . g . , car re p a ir , f i s h in g , etc. He t r ie s to avoid many mundane chores by being away from home or " t a lk in g b a c k , " rather than through n e g o t ia t io n . Thus, h ig h -p a r t ic ip a n t boys employ more v e rb a l ly a g re ss ive or a s s e r t iv e t a c t i c s and more p a l - l i k e ro le behaviors w ith ad u lts . Neither seernsl i k e l y to produce a comfortable teacher-pupil r e la t io n s h ip in the m u lt i - c u l tu r a l schoo l, though they be re levant fo r le a rn in g se m isk i l le d and s k i l l e d jobs by im ita t io n (Boggs and Gall im ore, 1968). Very probably, the h ig h -p a r t ic ip a n t boys react to teacher demands in much the same way they do a t home, by ign o r in g or " t a lk in g back ." Thus, th e ir i n te r v ie w -p a r t ic ip a t io n s k i l l s , which may serve them well a t home and in developing toward manhood, mays i g n i f i c a n t l y d i s ru p t t h e i r performance of the ty p ica l student ro le (Pg. 106).

General Need Area: Problems a t tlie In te r face

Condition 11: C h i ld re a r in g Patterns:

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

EXTENSIVE INTERMARRIAGE WITH OTHER RACIAL GROUPS HAS PRODUCED A WIDEVARIETY OF CHILDREARING PATTERNS AND PRACTICES AMONG HAWAIIANS. AMONGTHOSE FAMILY SYSTEMS THAT BUILD ON STRONG HAWAIIAN TRADITIONS COMMON CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES INCLUDE: MULTIPLE PARENTING WITHIN AN 1OHANAGROUP, EARLY INDULGENCE FOLLOWED BY A 91IFT AT TWO TO THREE YEARS OF AGE TO A PRIMARILY PEER-DIRECTED SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCE, SOCIALIZATION TOWARDS A GROUP/FAMILY ORIENTED VALUES SYSTEM, AND LEARNING EXPERIENCES THAT EMPHASIZE MODELING AND MUTUAL PARTICIPATION RATHER THAN VERBAL INTERACTION. EDUCATORS AND SOCIAL SERVICE WORKERS OFTEN IDENTIFYFEATURES OF HAWAIIAN CHILDREARING PRACTICES THAT THEY CONSIDERCHANGEWORTHY. ANTHROPOLOGISTS, MEANWHILE, PUSH STRONGLY IN TWO DIRECTIONS: SOME FIND THE HAWAIIAN SYSTEM TO BE LAUDABLE AND THEREFORERECOMMEND A "HANDS-OFF" POLICY; OTHERS NOTE A SEVERE LACK OF F IT BETWEEN TRADITIONAL PRACTICES AND CONDITIONS IN TODAY'S WORLD. TO THE LATTER, CHILD ABUSE STATISTICS AND OTHER INDICATORS OF DYSFUNCTION SUGGEST THAT SOME CHANGES IN HAWAIIAN CHILDREARING PATTERNS, OR CHANGES IN SOCIETAL SUPPORT FOR SUCH PRACTICES, ARE NECESSARY.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Preventive fam ily in te rv e n t io n /e a r ly childhood education designed to help f a m i l ie s ad ju st to the pressures and demands o f l i f e in to d a y 's world ( a s s im i la t io n ) .

• Cu ltu ra l p re se rva t ion aimed a t p reserv ing t r a d i t io n a l c h i ld re a r in g p ra c t ic e s and va lues to the extent p o s s ib le in to d a y 's world ( c u l t u r a l l y compatible program ing).

Testimony

Newcomers to Hawaii have long been fa sc in a te d by the m u lt ic u l tu r a l , m u lt ie th n ic background of many o f the people who l i v e here. C e r ta in ly one fac to r in t h i s r a c ia l m ixing has been the read iness w ith which many Hawaiians, male as well as female, have in te rm arr ied with new a r r i v a l s re g a rd le s s of the ra c ia l and e thn ic background o f these in d iv id u a l s . Th is phenomenon s ta r te d w ith the a r r iv a l o f Capta in Cook ( c f . , S a h l in s ,1981) and has continued unabated to the present. Today "p a r t -H aw a i ia n s "

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fa r outnumber fu l l -b lo o d e d members o f the group, and i t has re ce n t ly become acceptable and even fash ionab le to emphasize one 's id e n t i t y as a Hawaiian. For example, the fo l low in g comments o ffe red by Kanahele (1981) g ive an overview of the s i t u a t io n as i t e x i s t s :

We begin with the obvious: modern Hawaiians are not thesame as th e ir ancestors when Captain Cook arr ive d . They are g e n e t ic a l ly d i f fe re n t . Excepting fo r a few thousand (or maybe le s s than a thousand accord ing to the one source) pure Hawaiians, the overwhelming m ajority o f Hawaiians are ra c ia l hybrids. They are hyphenated Hawaiians, th a t i s , Hawaiian-Chinese, -Japanese, - F i l i p in o s , -Norwegian, and so on. A modern Hawaiian may look l i k e a b lond Anglo-Saxon, a k in ky -h a ire d Melanesian, or a fa i r - s k in n e d Japanese. As one seminar p a r t ic ip a n t observed, ' I j u s t c a n 't t e l l who's Hawaiian any more.'

A few years ago i t was common to use the labe l 'P a r t Hawaiian1 and i f someone asked about your ra c ia l background, to measure out the p a r ts , l i k e ' I am h a l f Hawaiian, a quarter E n g l ish , one-eighth Japanese, and, I th ink , a l i t t l e Ch inese . ' Today, un le ss pressed, many part Hawaiians are apt to say s im ply , ' I am H aw a iian ,1 downplaying t h e i r non-Hawaiian h e r itage , a lthough not n e c e s sa r i ly denying i t . I t i s qu ite a change from, say, the 1930s and '40s, when some part Hawaiians preferred not to mention t h e i r Hawaiian e x trac t io n . Nowadays, what you are on the ou ts ide d oesn 't seem to count as much as what you are in s id e .

The po in t here i s th a t d i s c u s s io n of problems th a t Hawaiians experienceas they come in to con tac t with m ajority cu ltu re i n s t i t u t io n s and p ra c t ic e s im p lie s that there i s a g e n e ra l i ty of experiences in the home and community as well as behavioral and a t t i t u d in a l s i m i l a r i t i e s th a t tend to r e s u l t in the same kinds of problems fo r a l l Hawaiians. Whilet h i s may be true to some extent, i t i s a l s o apparent th a t there i s remarkable d iv e r s i t y w ith in the group that today has, fo r s im p l i c i t y , come to be re ferred to a s "H aw a iian s."

With respect to c h i ld r e a r in g p rac t ic e s s p e c i f i c a l l y i t i s not hard to imagine su b sta n t ia l d i f fe re n c e s across f a m i l ie s as a function o f the ethn ic and c u ltu ra l background of the respect ive parents. This po in t i s brought home well by the data on in term arr iage presented in the fo l lo w in g se c t io n , but i t i s a l s o an important p re fatory po int s ince an th rop o log ica l and te st im on ia l accounts o f "Hawaiian" c h i ld r e a r in g p ra c t ic e s of today tend to be ste reo typ ica l w ithout acknowledging the d iv e r s i t y th a t in fa c t e x i s t s .

At one extreme i s the perspect ive of Hawaiian a c t i v i s t Walter R i t te , whoi s cu r re n t ly a member o f the Board of the S ta te o f Hawaii O f f ic e o fHawaiian A f f a i r s (OHA), sugge sts the extent to which some lead in g f i g u r e s in the Hawaiian community are disenchanted with formal educational systems. The v a l le y in question in th i s in terv iew i s a remote v a l le y on the Is la n d o f Molokai where R i t te and some o f h is f r ie n d s have sought to rev ive and preserve a t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian l i f e s t y l e .

HONOLULU: Do you read a l o t ?RITTE: No. [ la u g h s ] I hate to read. I f a l l asleep.HONOLULU: L e t ' s say you go back in a few years toPelekunu. How o ld i s your youngest c h i ld ?RITTE: Three.HONOLULU: What are you going to do about your c h i ld r e n 'seducation?RITTE: Nothing, [ la u gh in g ] What am I supposed to do?HONOLULU: T h e y ' l l be educated in the v a l le y ?RITTE: Whatever happens i s go ing to happen. I 'm notpreoccupied with l i f e insurance, bank accounts. I d o n 't have a bank account. I don 't have l i f e insurance. I d o n 't worry about my k id s ' education. I d o n 't have any of those hang-ups.HONOLULU: Do you th ink t h a t ' l l bother your k id s a t a l l ,as the ye ars go on?RITTE: Well, i f they want to l i v e on Oahu, they better goget educated.HONOLULU: But maybe they w i l l decide they want to l i v ehere.RITTE: They they go tta go and get t h e i r own education.I 'm not gonna provide t h e i r education or the money fo r th e i r education. I f they cannot get 'em, then they l i v e where they go tta l i v e . You gotta grow. And you go tta grow by y o u r se l f . So I 'm not worried about th a t s tu f f .

My k id s went two years out of schoo l, and now th e y 're back in school a t the top of the c la s s . Because th e y 're independent. They got something the other k ids d o n 't have. I d o n 't know what i t i s . At the top of the c la s s ! They never had formal education fo r two ye a rs .HONOLULU: How o ld are they now?RITTE: My o ld e s t g i r l i s 12. The other one i s 11. Oneo f my boys i s four and the other i s three. They want co l le ge education, th e y 're j u s t gonna have to s t ru g g le and get i t . Same way I d id i t . No help. You get a l o t more. Education i s not j u s t go ing in to th a t crazy classroom. [ la u g h s ] E igh ty percent o f the th ings you learn a r e n 't worth a s h i t anyway. They a re n 't . I t ' s g e t t in g there, t h a t ' s how you lea rn ( Honolulu Magaz ine, June 1982).

C o n tra s t in g w ith R i t t e ' s perspective are the r e c o l le c t io n s of re t ir e d teacher Lorna Burger, who was p rov id ing in fo rm at ion to an oral h is to ry p ro je c t , suggest the extent to which parental support can in f lue nce educational outcomes fo r some Hawaiians:

GG: Was there one p a r t ic u la r teacher th a t in fluenced youor how d id you happen to decide to go in to teach ingy o u r se lf ?

LB: I d id n ' t decide. (Laughs) I r e a l l y went to school asI was in te re s te d in stenograph ic work so I tookcommercial. But because I was only 17, my mother sa id , 'Well i f you want to go to Normal School and

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learn to become a teacher l i k e your brothers and s i s t e r s , why d o n 't you go? ' She gave me th a t p r iv i le g e .So I thought, oh w ell, might as w e l l . And t h a t ' s how I went and took the Jun ior c o l le g e two years. But then when I got out, I ' v e been in i t ever since.

Social Science Analysis

Summarizing some 15 ye ars o f an thropo log ica l observation and a n a ly s i s o f Hawaiian c h i ld re a r in g p a tte rn s , Tharp (1982), w r ite s :

The 1ohana, the cooperating ( la r g e ly k in -based ) group which shares work and resources, s t i l l e x i s t s .Shared -funct ion i ng i s the ru le , so th a t ta sk s are accomplished By several people working together inr e la t i v e ly u n sp e c ia l ize d ro le s. Shared-resources i s the rule, so th a t ge n ero s ity and h e lp fu lne ss are deep va lues.From an ear ly age, ch i ld ren are p a r t i c ip a t in g members of the ' ohana or fam ily and are expected to work andcontr ibu te to the common good. S ibl i ng -caretak i ng i s usua l; primary s o c ia l i z a t io n agents inc lude o ld e r s i s t e r s and brothers. Indeed, ch i ld ren are organized in to quasi-independent s i b l i n g and companion groups, oftenin c lu d in g cous in s and neighbor c h i ld re n ; ad u lts re la te to these groups and lo o se ly superv ise them, but c h i ld -g ro u p s operate with fa r more s e l f - r e l i a n c e and r e s p o n s ib i l i t y than do m id d le -c la s s Caucasian or Orienta l c h i ld re n . P eer-or ien - ta t io n i s the r e s u l t ; d i re c t co n fron ta t ion with a d u lt s i s avoided and i s made p o s s ib le by the c h i ld r e n ' s re spon sib le discharge o f t h e i r ass igned d u t ie s . Ch ild ren learn byworking a lo n g s id e ad u lts or o lder ch i ld re n . Hawaiianparents do not t y p i c a l l y conceptualize t h e i r ro le as th a t of " te ache r "; ch i ld re n are presumed to learn by p a r t i c i p a t ­ing . The r e s u l t o f these and other features i s anuncommonly s o l i d and su s ta in in g fam ily system (Tharp, 1982, p 5 ) .

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General Need Area: Problems a t the In te r face

Condition 12: Other Areas of Mismatch

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

ADDITONAL AREAS OF MISMATCH INCLUDE AN APPARENT PREFERENCE FOR PERSONAL/EMOTIONALLY-BASED KNOWING AS OPPOSED TO AN EMPIRICAL APPROACH, AND POSSIBLE FAILURE OF F IT WITH CONTEMPORARY EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE STEMMING FROM A CULTURAL PREFERENCE FOR USE OF DOUBLE OR HIDDEN MEANINGS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs which exp lore and fu rther define Hawaiian concepts as they apply to the modern context; fo r example, poetry and r id d l in g as the kind of word p lay which Hawaiian double meaning would complement.

There are a number o f other c r o s s - c u l tu r a l conceptual c o n t ra s t s . These u su a l ly in vo lve the c o n t ra s t o f a Hawaiian word or concept with the "western" version . One such i s kaona. Th is means "double meaning" or "hidden meaning" and re fe rs to the Hawaiian use of metaphor and a l le g o r y in legend and chant. (Pukui e t a l , 1972).

Testimony

The Hawaiian s t y le i s s a id to be based on fe e l in g s ra ther than d isp a s s io n a te a n a ly s i s . The Hawaiian b e l ie f was th a t the se a t o fknowledge was the gut ( n a 'a u 'a o ) rather than the bra in (Pukui e t a l ,1972). Th is preference fo r emotional rather than a n a ly t ic a l reason ing i s g e n e ra l ly considered a p o s i t iv e t r a i t , a source o f pride, as in t h i s te st im on y :

I 'm go ing to t e l l you my mana' o io - the essence of what I be lieve . I might not have s t a t i s t i c s , and I cannot t e l lyou why, why I maaake a ce r ta in comment, but th a t comment comes from my mana'o i o . Mana1 o i s my thoughts; io i s my essence, my very being. (Lipman, 1982, p. 671 WalterR i t te , as in terviewed by

General Need A rea : B a r r ie r s in Hawaiian Cu lture

Cond it ion 1: S e l f A t t r ib u t io n s :

Cond it ion Summary

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

HISTORICALLY, YOUNG HAWAIIANS DEVELOPED A NEGATIVE VIEW OF THEIR OWN CULTURE AND VIEWED THEIR ETHNIC HERITAGE WITH SHAME. THEY MAY EITHER CASUALLY OR COINCIDENTALLY SUFFER FROM POOR SELF-IMAGE, THOUGH THERE ARE INDICATIONS THAT SELF-ESTEEM I S IN FACT QUITE HIGH, AND I S RELATED TO SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS INSTEAD OF ETHNICITY. NEGATIVE ETHNIC STEREOTYPES DIRECTLY LINK WITH SELF-DISPARAGEMENT AND INFERIOR SCHOLASTIC ACHIEVEMENT.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs th a t encourage e thn ic consciousness and p r ide and/or the development o f a con fident, p o s i t iv e se lf - im age .

Testimony

M a l ih in i no na ke ik i o ko l a kou a ina pono 'i iho - - 'the ch i ld re n of the land are s tran ge rs in th e ir own l a n d ' . I t i s an observat ion often made about those who once possessed a proud c i v i l i z a t i o n and a l l the lands and resources o f the Is la n d s . Now they are the most d ispo sse ssed and disadvantaged of I s la n d peoples. The cumulative m ateria l and p sych o lo g ica l de struct ion has a ls o l e f t them d i s i l lu s io n e d , a l ie n a te d --an d in se r iou s troub le (Kanahele, 1982, pg. 22).

The c o l le c t iv e lo s s e s o f Hawaiians as a people seem to have l e f t them with a range o f p sych o log ica l problems in ad d it ion to t h e i r more obvious economic and so c ia l problems. Prominent among these are the negatives e l f a t t r ib u t io n s th a t many Hawaiians m ainta in. In general these d e b i l i t a t in g se l f -p e rc e p t io n s appear t o be o f two types: (1) fe e l in g s ofi n f e r i o r i t y with respect to in d iv id u a l and c o l le c t iv e c a p a b i l i t y in se lected areas o f endeavor ( e . g . , education, b u s in e ss ) , and (2) personal id e n t i t y c r i s e s r e s u l t in g from unresolved fe e l in g s about being Hawaiian (and therefore being "heathen", "se con d -ra te ", "dumb", " l a z y " , etc. . . . depending upon the negative stereotype invo lved ).

Ample testimony v e r i f y in g the ex istence of a range of personal adjustment problems of the types suggested here was located dur ing the

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review process undertaken in connection with t h i s study. S e le c t io n s from t h i s body of testimony w i l l be presented. For example, Darrow Aiona, member o f the S ta te Board o f Education, summarized the s i t u a t io n as fo l low s:

The problem i s t h i s . For a long time many Hawaiians have seen themselves as minus: Lower income, poorer housing,poorer job s , le s s education, more crime, lower l i f e expectancies, h igher in fa n t m o r ta l i t y , g reater m orb id ity in most d isease c a te g o r ie s , d isp o se ss io n of land, i d e n t i f i a b le by c o lo r , h a ir and sk in and not in fre q u e n t ly by a p id g in d ia le c t of E n g l i s h , rot to mention minds stunted in many cases by d isadvantage and so c ia l s t r e s s .I 'm s t a t in g t h i s h a r sh ly ' and em phatica lly because i t i s c le a r , true , documented and y e t often denied.

Th is minus s ta tu s o f Hawaiians i s demonstrated in the way both exceptional achievements as well as f a i lu r e s are received; by the excessive applause a Hawaiian graduate rece ives a t a commencement ceremony, o r the g rea t pr ide we fee l when a Hawaiian i s appointed to a p r e s t ig io u s governmental agency, as much as by the dismal parade of Hawaiian youths meekly and d a i ly through the c o u rts , convicted o ften of o ffenses fo r which a non-Hawaiian would not even be arrested (NHSC Testimony, 1982).

While watching others succeed and experiencing sub t le b a r r ie r s to equ itab le success in the dominant cu ltu re d e f in i t e ly has a depress ing e f fe c t , much i s a l s o learned by observa t ion o f what i s omitted and ignored. For example, Darrow Aiona has noted the impact on Hawaiians o f the p r e v a i l in g school curriculum :

And our sch oo ls , in in d o c t r in a t in g a l l young people w ith t h i s American cu ltu re , have - - u n in te n t io n a l ly , perhaps - - conveyed to our Hawaiian ch i ld re n the fe e l in g th a t maybe they are in f e r i o r in some way. And t h i s has confused and worried our young people and understandably turned them o f f to school (Darrow Aiona, B i l l 916).

F ee lin g s of Hawaiians regard ing th e i r personal i d e n t i t i e s as"p a r t-H aw a iian s " are sometimes d i f f i c u l t fo r non-Hawaiians tocomprehend. A descendent from Hawaiian a l i i , John Dominis H o lt , wasamong the f i r s t to speak d i r e c t ly to t h i s i s s u e — he in fa c t has claimedth a t h i s 1964 essay "On Being Hawaiian" provided the spark fo r the"Hawaiian Rena issance" o f recent y e a r s ( c . f . , Bowman, 1978). Recountingh is period of s e l f -d o u b ts and rec r im in a t ion H o lt noted:

Growing up I r e a l l y hated Hawaii as a teen-ager. . . . I hated a l l my re la t iv e s . I f e l t confused by what they were t r y in g to say. I f e l t t e r r ib ly hurt by a l l our l o s s e s[o f fam ily land ] . . . .

One of the th in gs about being Hawaiian was shame. Wewere to ld e a r ly on th a t our own cu ltu re w asn 't a very

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good one. I f e l t t h i s b u i l t up a tremendous sense of d i s t r u s t and con fus ion .

Everyth ing th a t was good went underground, and the th ings th a t remained on the su rface were fragmented. ( Honolulu S ta r B u l le t in , A p r i l 21, 1978)

The idea th a t many Hawaiians experience con fus ion , personal g u i l t , and anx iety because o f t h e i r fragmented and often d is to r te d knowledge of t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian b e l ie f s , va lu e s, and p ra c t ic e s has been mentioned by numerous observers. For example, Kanahel e (1982b) has described h is own personal d iscovery regard ing the apparent a lt ru ism of anc ient Hawaiians:

. . . I d id not have a good understanding o f Hawaiiant r a d i t io n a l va lues. I used to th ink th a t our kupuna used to l i v e by a lt ru ism , th a t i s , they gave th in g s to people w ithout expecting anyth ing in return. I f so, i t would exp la in why Hawaiians supposedly d id n ' t l i k e bu s in e ss , s e l l i n g , making a p r o f i t , a l l o f which c le a r ly invo lve g e t t in g something back in return. W ell, I now understand th a t Hawaiians d id not p rac t ice a lt ru ism ; in fa c t , there i s no such word in the Hawaiian language. The notion th a t Hawaiians gave th in gs w ithout expecting anyth ing back i s r e a l l y po st -C ap ta in Cook rom ant ic iz in g about the "noble savage ." I t i s t o t a l l y naive and u n r e a l i s t i c . The irony i s th a t a l o t o f modern Hawaiians have been taken in by t h i s view.

The f a c t of the matter i s th a t t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian so c ie ty , l i k e most Polynesian s o c ie t ie s , was in tertw ined by a complex web of mutual o b l i g a t io n s based on two general p r in c ip le s : g iv in g and re c ip ro c a t in g . That actof g iv in g presupposed in ac t of g iv in g back something of comparable value. Raymond F i r th , in h is book on Maori Economics, c a l l s t h i s idea of r e c ip ro c i t y utu.

Kanahele has used h is new-found perspective as a cornerstone in h ise f f o r t s to convince poten t ia l entrepreneurs from the Hawaiian community th a t there i s nothing "un-Hawaiian" about being a successfu l businessman (e . g . , PEP Report 80-81 : 30).

Addressing the socio-economic s ta tu s and s e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y o f Hawaiians i s c e r ta in ly one approach to de a lin g with problems in the area o f se lf -w or th and pride. Ben Young, a Hawaiian M.D. who i s cu rren t ly the Dean of theMedical School a t the U n iv e rs i ty o f Hawaii, fo r in stance , noted th a t ,"Though a s to n ish in g s t r id e s have been made, there i s s t i l l a need fo r greater p rogress in the areas o f economics and so c ia l s e l f - s u f f i c ie n c y , areas which can prov ide fo r a sense of se l f -w o r th and areas which can be achieved through education ( B i l l 916).

The second approach most commonly prescr ibed fo r Hawaiians who seek anid e n t it y as Hawaiians in to d a y 's world i s some form of c u l tu ra l s tu d ie s . A sample recommendation, fo r in stance, inc ludes the fo l low in g :

To re in fo rce and a s s i s t those students who s u f fe r from poor se lf - im a g e and s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , the u t i l i z a t i o n of our kupuna (e ld e r s ) as teachers would g re a t ly enhance the chances of promoting and b o ls te r in g se lf -w o r th and s e l f - p r id e in Hawaiian students (Keoni Agard, B i l l 916, Pg. 93).

While another approach that has been t r ie d i s a spec ia l course on contemporary Hawaiian values and i s su e s . Offered a t The Kamehameha Schoo ls , the goal o f the course was to help Hawaiian high school students develop p o s i t iv e s e l f - and group-concepts as e thn ic Hawaiians by le a rn in g more about Hawaiians va lues and problems. As explained by the c o u r se 's o r ig in a to r and teacher:

One of the primary dilemnas fo r modern Hawaiians i s , 'How much o f a Hawaiian and how much o f a haole should I be?'Th is c o n f l i c t con tr ibu te s s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the confusion , anx ie ty , f r u s t r a t io n s , a l ie n a t io n , and se lf -d isparagem entwhich Hawaiians students b r in g in to th e ir c lassroom s.Sad ly , these problems in turn lead to poor academicachievement . . . . An important f i r s t step toward re s o lv in g the c o n f l i c t i s the estab lishm ent of a p o s i t iv e psychology which means understanding one 's va lues andlo ok in g a t o n e se lf and id e n t i t y more c r i t i c a l l y . (Kanahele, 1982, p. 1)

Comments from H o lt provide an in te r e s t in g perspective w ith respect tot h i s p rop o s it io n :

"What happened to me i s I went away, found my haoleid e n t it y . Then I came home, immersed m yself in t h i s worldand found my Hawaiian id e n t it y .

" I th ink the two came together and t h i s i s when I r e a l l y went to work on who i s a Hawaiian, what i s a Hawaiian, what are we? Is there such a th ing as a v a l id ethos th a t works, th a t i s v ia b le , th a t i s Hawaiian? " I f e l t th a t a l l the names, the h u la s , the p lace s , the p la n t s , the a i r , the s u r v iv in g Hawaiians and part-H aw a iian s , they a l l v e r i f ie d t h i s v i a b i l i t y . I decided I would t ry to write about i t , so th a t other people could understand i t , other people who cared.

The w r i t in g s o f H o lt and others have c e r t a in ly spurred a re juvenation of i n te r e s t in a l l th in gs Hawaiian, and in some cases a renewed in t e r e s t in Hawaiian t r a d i t io n s has profoundly changed in d iv id u a l l i v e s . P o s s ib ly one of the more ce lebra ted changes o f t h i s type i s that o f Kenneth Brown, a wealthy kamaaina businessman who i s one-quarter Hawaiian. As documented in several newspaper accounts Brown has e n t ir e ly refocused h is l i f e on h is way to becoming a lead in g advocate of e f f o r t s to b r in g back Hawaiian va lues fo r t o d a y 's Hawaiians (Smyser, 1981; Yim, 1982). In t h i s regard the fa c t th a t Brown is 63 i s o f some in te r e s t because i t has been

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noted th a t problems in the area o f se lf -d isparagem ent do cyc le through f a m i l ie s , im p ly ing that some work w ith o lder in d iv id u a l s i s in order:

For many o lde r Hawaiians the sense o f inadequacy does not abate w ith m aturity but becomes more ingra ined. A noted a u th o r ity on a d u lt Hawaiian so c ia l behavior observes:'Too many Hawaiians, young and o ld , have a poor se l f - im a g e . I t ' s a v ic io u s cyc le because you c a n 't expect parents who have a low op in ion of th e ir s ta tu s to r e a l l y do much fo r the se lf - im ag e of t h e i r c h i ld r e n . ' (Kanahele, 1982; Pg. 23)

So c ia l In d ic a to r Data Not A pp licab le .

So c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

Ju st as Hawaiians themselves have t e s t i f i e d , so c ia l sc ience ana lyses of the se lf -e s te em o f Hawaiians have noted th a t many Hawaiians feel a c e r ta in degree of shame a ssoc ia ted w ith th e i r being Hawaiian. Maretzki (1974), fo r in s tance , observed as fo l low s:

In sp it e of s u p e r f ic ia l im pressions that Hawaiians are well in te g ra te d in to the la r g e r so c ia l fa b r ic o f t h e i r home i s la n d s today, most of them have not a t ta in e d wholesome personal b ic u ltu ra l ism. (As one o lder person o f Hawaiian background put i t - - a n d i t i s l i k e l y th a t he speaks fo r many others in the Hawaiian ethnic popu lat ion :'Too many of us are, in a sense, ashamed of being Hawaiians. We cannot succeed in , or even cope with the contemporary commercially dominated cu ltu re of our i s l a n d s . ' ) (p. 46)

Others who have c lo s e ly considered the ro le o f se lf-e steem in the personal adjustment o f Hawaiians in to d a y 's world inc lude the team of mental hea lth s p e c i a l i s t s who have worked w ith the L i 1 iiuokalani C h i ld re n 's Center fo r a number o f ye ars . What o r i g in a l l y s ta r te d as an in-house a c t i v i t y to enable s t a f f members to better serve the unique needs of the C e n te r 's c l ie n t s has ended up producing two volumes o f work on the r e la t io n sh ip between personal adjustment in to d a y 's world and i n d i v i d u a l s ’ leve l o f knowledge o f t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian p ra c t ic e s and va lues. For example, the tendancy of many Hawaiians to hold very negative se l f -c o n c e p ts in connection with t h e i r Hawaiianness was noted:

Among the C e n te r 's deeply troub led c l i e n t s , se lf -co n ce p t as be ing Hawaiian tends to be negative. Nearly every m isfortune or f a i lu r e i s equated w ith being Hawaiian:

'The reason a l l t h i s troub le happens to me i s t h a t I 'm Hawaiian. There 's nothing good about H aw a i ian s .1

' I t ' s t h i s way [on w e lfa re ] with us because we 're

Hawaiian. I t ' s not t h i s way with other people. 'A Chinese-Hawai ian boy in trouble with the law: ‘ I t ' s the bad

Hawaiian in me. Why are you t r y in g to help me? I 'm a bad Hawaiianki d. '

' I a c t t h i s way because of my bad Hawaiian b lood. ''We d i d n ' t g ive the baby a Hawaiian name. That way, maybe a l l

the badness of being Hawaiian won 't go to him.''Ity in - law s [non-Hawai ians] th ink I 'm j u s t a s tup id Hawai ian. ' Converse ly , c l i e n t s tend to c r e d i t achievement to the

non-Hawaiian part o f t h e i r her i tage:‘Yeah, I got promoted. I got the ra i se . Must be the haole in

me. '' L a n i ' s doing better in school. The smartness must come from

her Pake [Chinese] b lood . 'Marry ing 'ou t ' i s seen as a way to improved se l f-esteem.

A teen-age g i r l : 'Even i f we do n ' t l i k e theJapanese, we — my g i r l f r iend s and me - - we'd marry one to make us b e t t e r . '

In a few c l i e n t f a m i l i e s , there i s a d e f in i t efa v o r i t i sm given the c h i l d with a f a i r sk in .

Some of t h i s extremely low se l f - im age i s l inked with low soc io-economic s t a tu s . C l i e n t s are embarrassed and ashamed because: ' I l i v e in pub l ic hous ing. ' 'We're onw e l f a re . ' 'A l l the k ids a t school know I go to the freec l i n i c . ' 'Everybody 's always snooping, tak ing surveysabout u s . ' (Pukui et a l . , 1979, p. 308)

This same group a l s o reported on a study in which they asked Hawaiians to l i s t q u a l i t i e s they saw in themselves. In b r i e f , they found evidence of common stereotypes being widely accepted by Hawaiians about themselves, and they were s truck by the f a c t t h a t no one mentioned being an e f f e c t i v e worker:

A group of Hawaiians l i s t e d s tereotypes among q u a l i t i e s they saw in themselves as "be ing Hawai ian." They named:"Being warm-hearted . . . ho sp i tab le . . . making andenjoy ing music . . . shar ing . . . kokua [he lp ing each other]. . . keeping fami ly matters p r iva te . . . l o y a l t y to f a m i l y . "

From long acquaintance with the group, the authors feel these q u a l i t i e s do apply to each in d i v id u a l . The stereotype was accurate in t h i s case. But stereotype i n f luence a l s o showed in what was omitted. For every member o f the group works hard and well a t a re spons ib le job or p ro fes s ion . Yet no one l i s t e d " in d u s t r y " or " a p p l i c a t i o n " or "work" as being a Hawaiian q u a l i t y .Which presents the quest ion, When and why d id H a w a i ' i ' s t r a d i t i o n a l approval of hana (work) cease to be thought of as being a Hawaiian c h a r a c t e r i s t i c ? (Pukui e t a l . , 1979)

Th is apparent l o s s of a perspective or p ra c t i c e that was once an in teg ra l part o f the Hawaiian values system br in g s up the i s sue o f d i s t o r t i o n s and

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lack o f fu l l understanding o f t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian ways and the e f f e c t that these have on in d iv id u a l s ' experiencing shame and s e l f - r e c r im in a t io n :

Th is apparent l o s s of a perspective or p rac t ice that was once an in te g ra l part o f the Hawaiian values system b r in g s up the is su e o f d i s t o r t i o n s and la ck of f u l l understanding of t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian ways and the e f fe c t th a t these have on in d iv id u a l s ' experiencing shame and se l f - r e c r im in a t io n :

Often a pa rt o f the somber view o f the Hawaiian s e l f i s an apparent shame or denial of cu l tu ra l b e l ie f s . I t i s o ften hard to t e l l whether embarrassment or merely re t icence i s expressed. The Hawaiian who says, ' I d o n 't know anyth ing about the o ld ways, ' or 'We d o n 't t a lk about th a t ' mayonly be p ro te c t in g t r a d i t io n a l b e l ie f s from scorn or ske p t ic ism ; he may a c tu a l ly be q u ie t ly proud of h is cu ltu ra l heritage.

I t i s the Hawaiian who t a lk s of ' s i l l y s u p e r s t i t io n s ' and 'awful heathen b e l ie f s ' who i s obv iou s ly t r y in g to separate h im se lf from an ethnic past that embarrasses him. Why t h i s sense of shame?

I t stems in part from handed-down a t t i tu d e s th a tbegan with i n i t i a l encounters with Westerners, both m is s io n a r ie s and laymen.

I t stems a ls o from only a surface knowledge of o ldb e l ie f s , so th a t r i t u a l s , but not the reasons fo r them, are known. And the r i t u a l s of any time and any cu ltu re may seem fo o l i s h i f t h e i r purpose i s not understood.

I t stems a ls o from fragmented and d is to r te d knowledge of the c u ltu re , so th a t the most wise and b e n e f ic ia l b e l ie f s and in s t i t u t io n s are thought to have been d e stru c t iv e and shocking (Pukui e t a l . , 1979).

M aretzk is (1974) comments about th i s same is su e noted the g u l f th a t can develop between those who re je c t Hawaiian p ra c t ic e s and those who choose to preserve and m ainta in them:

. . . many Hawaiians have not been able to preserve anunm itigated p o s i t iv e view about t h e i r nat ive cu ltu re . In var iou s ways, they g rad u a lly accepted to some extent standards provided by o u ts id e r s , but in so doing the people o f Hawaiian background were a ls o a ffected by a good deal o f p sych o lo g ica l d i s ta n c in g from those le s s accepting. Again, t h i s i s a c h a r a c te r i s t ic o f some, riot a l l , and i t has been brought to the awareness o f the Hawaiian community only in the most recent years (p. 47).

The re la t io n s h ip between knowledge o f Hawaiian p rac t ice s and t r a d i t i o n s ,knowledge of the dominant cu ltu re , and the se lf-esteem of Hawaiians wasone o f the primary concerns o f the Hawaiian Community Research P ro je c t o fthe la te 1960s. In report in g on some of the f in d in g s o f t h i s studyHoward (1971) described d i s t i n c t d if fe re n ce s between men and women in

tenns o f the v a r ia b le s th a t co rre la te d with se lf-esteem among Hawaiians who l iv e d in a homestead community. In b r ie f , the se lf -e steem ofHawaiian men seemed to be in e x t r ic a b ly t ie d up with t h e i r success as a prov ider fo r th e i r fa m i l ie s : the more s k i l l e d th e ir occupation and theh igher the income earned, the h igher the se lf-esteem (as measured by paper and pencil instrum ents) tended to be. I t was a ls o found th a t anin terna l locus o f contro l and a concern f o r the approval o f h is peers were a ssoc ia te d w ith high se lf-esteem . E th ic /c u ltu ra l v a r ia b le s ,meanwhile, were by -an d - la rge unrelated to se lf-esteem .

With the women in the study, se lf-esteem turned out to be very much re la ted to t h e i r cu l tu ra l knowledge. In t e r e s t in g ly enough, however, i t d id n ' t matter which c u ltu re women were p a r t i c u la r ly adept in ; i . e . , both those who were knowledgeable o f Hawaiian cu ltu re as well as those who had a good working knowledge of the dominant cu ltu re tended to have high se lf-esteem . On the other hand, women w ith competence in ne ither cu ltu re were those who tended towards s e l f -d e n ig r a t io n . Other c o r re la te s o f h igh se lf-esteem included leve l o f education, job s ta tu s , and tendancy to deal w ith problem s i t u a t io n s in a con fron t ing manner— a l l of these dimensions being a s so c ia te d w ith competence in the dominant cu ltu re . F in a l l y , i twas a ls o found th a t greater Hawaiianness in terms of blood quantum tended to be a ssoc ia te d both with low se lf-e steem and low knowledge of Hawaiian cu ltu re :

At f i r s t g lance, however, a minor paradox appears. Ingenera l, the more Hawaiian women are by percent of ge nea log ica l ancestry (as recorded in the Hawaiian Homes Commission f i l e s ) , by spouse 's d e sc r ip t io n and bys e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , the lower th e i r se lf-esteem i s l i k e l y to be. Yet on our Hawaiian Conceptual Test, those women w ith low se lf-esteem were fa r more l i k e l y to score low .This su gge sts th a t many o f the in d iv id u a l s who areid e n t i f ie d e th n ic a l ly as Hawaiians are in f a c t d ise n fran ch ise d from t h e i r Hawaiian h er itage , and th a t i t i s t h i s d i s s o c ia t io n that con tr ibu te s to low se lf -e steem rather than being o f Hawaiian ancestry per se (Howard, 1971, pp. 8 -9 ).

F in a l l y , some of the research w ith schoo l-age youth seems to sugge st that se lf-e steem in general i s not in fa c t p a r t i c u la r ly low among Hawaiians. For example, The Kamehameha Schools Extension Education D iv i s io n M iddle Grades P ro ject found th a t :

. . . i t does not seem to be the case that Hawaiianstudents in any of the communities su f fe r broad ly or e x te n s iv e ly from a g lobal lack o f se lf-esteem . In fa c t , they fee l very good about themselves h i ce r ta in a r e a s .Some feel they are very good su r fe r s , some good a r t i s t s . .. . Paper-and-pencil se lf-e steem te s t s reveal th a t thep ro ject students feel more p o s i t i v e ly than n e ga t ive ly about themselves across the board, even though the group averages do go up and down. The ups and downs themselves have several im p l ic a t io n s . Patte rns o f v a r i a b i l i t y w ith in

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the te s t s and observed behavioral v a r i a b i l i t y in thepro jects support the notion that the middle grades ofschoo l, e s p e c ia l l y the 6th and 7th, are a time of rea lemotional v a r i a b i l i t y among the students of a l lbackgrounds (Extension Education D iv i s io n , 1976).

In more widely-known work, meanwhile, Hongo (1972) reported f in d in g se le c t iv e se lf -d isp aragem en t among academ ica lly capable high school sen io rs:

Hawaiians are very proud people who have a wide range of ta le n t and ingen u ity , and they so regard themselves. They do not la c k s e l f esteem. They are well aware th a t they are strong , courageous, and humane people with an env iab le ze st fo r l i f e . But in the arena of academic performance and com petition in school and c o l le g e , the s to ry i s d i f fe re n t . Here i s where se lf-d isparagem ent penetrates deeply . . . .

In terms of in te l le c tu a l a b i l i t y in the performance of s c h o o ls ' academic t a sk s , they (Hawaiian students) th in k they are in fe r io r , incapable of success in l ib e r a l s tu d ie s beyond high school. . . . (They) expresses genuine fea r th a t to continue on to c o l le ge could end in only one way, in f r u s t r a t io n and f a i lu r e . . . .

M ight f a i l . Th is fea r was expressed over and over by the youth as the p r in c ipa l reason fo r not app ly ing to a fou r-ye ar campus of the u n iv e r s i t y . From a group of qu ick -w itted , a le r t 17 -year-o ld s who are performing s a t i s f a c t o r i l y in academic c la s s e s in t h e i r se n io r year o f high schoo l, t h i s i s a p p a l l in g .

General Need A re a : B a r r ie r s in Hawaiian Cu lture

Cond it ion 2 : In te rna l D issens ion :

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

FOR EXAMPLE, DISSENSION HAS BEEN A CONCERN WITHIN THE HAWAIIAN COMMUNITY. THE CULTURE TENDS TO DISCOURAGE ITS MEMBERS FROM STADNING OUT OR EXCELLING MUCH BEYOND THE NORM FOR THE GROUP. PEER GROUP AND OTHER SUB-CULTURAL PRESSURES ARE BROUGHT TO BEAR ON THE ERRING INDIVIDUAL UNTIL EITHER HE CONFORMS OR I S ELIMINATED FROM THE GROUP ALTOGETHER. ADDITIONALLY, THERE I S DISCORD BETWEEN VARIOUS HAWAIIAN SERVICE AGENCIES, SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS AND POLITICAL FACTIONS, AND "NATIVE" HAWAIIANS (OF 50% OR MORE ABORIGINAL BLOOD) ARE SET APART FROM "PART" HAWAIIANS (OF LESS THAN HALF BLOOD QUANTUM). FINALLY, THERE IS , AND HAS LONG BEEN, A LACK OF CONSENSUS OVER THE NOTION OF BICULTURALISM— WHETHER A BLEND OF TWO OR MORE CULTURES SHOULD BE EMBRACED, ETHNIC IDENTITY EXCLUSIVELY RETAINED, OR C I ’.TIRA: BACKGROUND ERADICATED COMPLETELY IN THE INTEREST OF ASSIMILATION INTO THE LARGER SOCIETY.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs designed to produce m ino r ity group leaders who are capable o f u n i t in g d ispa ra te fa c t io n s and o f developing a plan as well as a system fo r c u l tu ra l p reservat ion and in d iv id u a l and/or group advancement.

Testimony

The Hawaiian community has long been known fo r the d iv e r s i t y of viewpoints held by i t s members and fo r the fa c t th a t i t i s ge n e ra l ly d i f f i c u l t to obta in s u f f i c i e n t group concensus to fuel u n i f ie d act ion . Recently, in te r a c t io n s with the Federal government may have brought about some changes in t h i s area, as the fo l lo w in g excerpt from the testimony f o r Senate B i l l 916 su gge s ts :

Senator INOUYE. Thank you very much. How old i s Alu L ike? Mrs. RUBIN. Four years o ld in c lu d in g the f i r s t year of needs assessment.Senator INOUYE. As you r e c a l l , before the b i r t h o f Alu L ik e , I th ink there were many who predicted th a t Alu Like would f a i l because i t i s a Hawaiian o rgan iza t ion . Has i t f a i le d ?

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Mrs. RUBIN. No; i t h a sn 't . I t had i t s problems and s t i l l i s e vo lv in g in order to meet the needs o f the community. But there are high expectations to deal with the problems. We can only deal w ith some of the su rface problems.Senator INOUYE. I am pleased to t e l l you that the U.S. Government has recognized your worth, and as you know, i t has once aga in renewed the con tract w ith you.Mrs. RUBIN. Thank you (Winona Rubin, B i l l 916, p. 213).

However, a t the same time the t r a d i t io n of d iv e r s i t y o f opin ion has been a lon g , d e ep ly - in g ra in ed one, as the fo l low in g comments c le a r ly ind ica te :

U lt im a te ly , i f you compare the number of Hawaiian groups to the number o f pure and part Hawaiians (about 150,000), the Hawaiians should be the most organized race in i t s i s la n d s .

But the irony i s tha t fo r most of the past century the opposite has been true.

In stead of togetherness, one more often than not f in d s fragm entation u su a l ly because o f c o n f l i c t i n g p e r s o n a l i t ie s and l i f e s t y l e p h i lo sop h ie s .

In v a r ia b ly you run in to what Hawaiians popu lar ly c a l l ‘ h u k i-huk i ' or 1p i l i - h u k i - h u k i , ' terms that denote, as Mary Pukui and Samuel E lb e r t s Hawaiian d ic t io n a ry de f in e s i t : 'a re la t io n sh ip with constant quarre ls as in af a m i l y . 1 (Lueras, Honolulu A d v e r t is e r , November 25, 1975, p. A - l )

" I f th e re 's ever a Hawaiian Hall o f Fame somewhere, these two p ieces o f paper should be in i t - - as a h i s t o r i c document!"

The papers, dated oct 19, 1973, and t i t l e d "TheHawaiian C o a l i t io n Statement Concerning Proposed P o l ic y Changes in the DSSH (Department o f Soc ia l Se rv ice s and H o u s in g ), " d o n 't appear a l l th a t momentous, but Cachola e x c ite d ly c a l l s them "a major tu rn ing point in modern Hawaiian p o l i t i c s . "

"These papers," he sa id , waving them aga in fo r emphasis, "are the f i r s t evidence of true Hawaiian c o a l i t i o n that I ' v e ever seen — they mark the f i r s t time so many d i f f e r e n t Hawaiian o rga n iz a t io n s have p u b l ic ly concurred on one i s s u e . " (Lueras, Honolulu A d ve rt ise r , November 26, 1975, p. A - l )

Th is i s a t r a d i t io n that a lso extends in to education, a t le a s t as Peggy Hao Ross sees i t :

There are so many (educat iona l) programs but we1 ire fragmented. And t h i s i s not Hawaiian s ty le . Hawaiian people l i k e doing th ings together. They l i k e t a lk in g together. They l i k e fe e l in g each other and touching each

other. They l i k e hugging each other and lo v in g one another. They l i k e to express themselves. These are the kinds o f problems we are confronted with in our community because of the fragmentation ( B i l l 916, p. 150).

A lso re la te d to education i s the is su e of o ve ra l l go a ls : To what extentdo Hawaiian youth need to learn t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian va lu e s , concepts,and p ra c t ic e s ? M ight they not be be tte r o f f simply j o in in g themainstream and seeking th e i r own p lace in the sun? As might be expected Hawaiians have a wide range of op in ions on these quest ions. For example, Kanahele (1981) described h is observation of the i n i t i a l e f f o r t s of P ro ject Waiaha, a group o f Hawaiians and non-Hawaiians convened to answer the question "Who and What i s a Hawaiian?":

The d is c u s s io n of values should have delved in to the la r g e r hopes and a s p ir a t io n s , what might be c a l le d te c h n ic a l ly " te rm in a l" or u lt im ate va lues, of modern Hawaiians, but the sub ject was only touched upon. Or maybe i t was im p l i c i t in everyth ing th a t was sa id about Hawaiians needing to respect th e i r kupuna, red iscover t h e i r va lues, accentuate t h e i r achievements, and f u l f i l l th e i r g reater dest iny. Hawaiians want com fortable, a f fo rd ab le homes, good educations with opportun it ie s to learn t h e i r language and cu ltu re , secure, w e l l -p a y in g job s, p o l i t i c a l in f luence commensurate with t h e i r numbers, be tte r hea lth , p rotection of th e i r cu l tu ra l a s s e t s , re s to ra t io n of c e r ta in lands and t r a d i t io n a l r i g h t s , andso on. Perhaps, these ideas have been considered and ta lked about so much th a t they are se l f -e v id e n t . Maybe Walter R i t te i s r ig h t . 'We have ta lked enough. We know what we want. What we d o n 't know i s how we are go ing toget there. How do we change t h i n g s ? 1 Nonetheless, there seems s t i l l a l o t more t a lk in g to do, a l o t more coming together o f Hawaiians, a l o t more co n se n su s -bu ild in g before we can feel ab so lu te ly con f iden t about what modern Hawaiians want to a sp ire to as a people.

While Kanahele and others remain hopeful th a t Hawaiians can eve n tu a lly reach a workable concensus that w i l l guide so c ia l p lanning and education, the fa c t remains th a t there have been numerous i s su e s th a t have deeply d iv ided the Hawaiian community. Concerns about the bombing o f Kahoolawe, fo r in stance, was one such case as V io t t i (1978) described under the headline "Hawaiians B a t t le Hawaiians: Kahoolawe D ispute Heats Up":

Hawaiians were p it te d a g a in s t Hawaiians in pub lic fo r the f i r s t time in the p h ilo sop h ica l b a t t le over the fu ture of Kahoolawe l a s t n igh t.

S ta te Rep. Jann Yuen c a l le d a hearing a t the S ta te Cap ito l to ga in pub lic opin ion on a l e g i s l a t i v e report and recommendations fo r Kahoolawe, the Is la n d th a t Hawaiian a c t i v i s t s are seeking to have returned to pub lic use a f t e r more than 35 ye a rs o f m i l i t a r y co n tro l. The se ss io n la s te d more than three hours.

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Among about 80 persons attend ing were some fa m i l i a r Protect Kaho'olawe 'Ohana members--Walter R i t te , Peggy H a 'o Ross, and Adelaide "Frenchy" DeSoto--but they were opposed by other Hawaiians espousing the m i l i t a r y po in t o f view.

"T h is th in g i s te a r in g us, p i t t in g us Hawaiian a g a in s t H a w a i ia iy 1 Anne Kauai h i l o t e s t i f i e d ( Honolulu S ta r -B u l l e t in , Ju ly 14, 1978, p. A -8 ).

The Kahoolawe debate was not i s o la te d in stance o f in terna l disagreement, and in fa c t i t might be sa id th a t i t i s sim ply one of the more recent of a long l in e of con tro ve rs ie s that can be traced back a t l e a s t as f a r as the a r r iv a l o f Capta in Cook. A recent t r e a t i s e by S a h l in s (1981) g ive s d e t a i l s o f some of the so c ia l d iso rga n iz a t io n that e x is ted a t the1 time of the a r r iv a l o f Capta in Cook in the I s la n d s . One o f h is major p o in ts was that cu ltu re lo s s in Hawaii was not so much a matter o f ou ts id e rsimposing t h e i r preferences on an indigenous people, but ra ther aninstance of Hawaiian a l i i embracing what they perceived as a more d e s ire a b le way of l i f e . TE i s in te r e s t in g th a t the g u l f th a t apparently developed between Hawaiian ro y a lty , the a l i i , and the common man, the m aka 'a inana, p e rs is te d fo r qu ite some time, and to a c e r ta in extentcontinues to e x i s t today. In t h i s vein the comments o f Hawaiian a c t i v i s t Emmett A lu l i when asked about the co n tr ib u t ion o f h is work to d iv i s iv e n e s s among Hawaiians and about the potentia l b e n e f it s ofdevelopment in the I s la n d s noted:

We are c r i t i c i z e d fo r knocking the ' sy s te m ,1 and moreworse, our own Hawaiians in the 'sy s te m '. They preachunity . . .but what they want from us i s to shut us up andto have us accept what they have a lready decided i s r i g h t fo r us. . . .

They've been able to create a new c la s s ofH aw aiians--educators, bureaucrats, ph y s ic ian s and law yers, but the m ajo r ity of Hawaiians hurt, and w i l l continue to hurt.

As these comments imply, not a l l Hawaiians are in troub le . In fa c t , some Hawaiians- - - c e r t a in ly some of whom have l i t t l e or no in t e r e s t inHawaiian is su e s or problems- - -a re among the w e a lth ie s t , most powerful i n d iv id u a l s in the s ta te . Indeed, those who cla im an a l i i background as often as not come from very prive ledged backgrounds, and in lo ok in g back on th e ir own experiences and those o f th e i r ancestors are proud of theadjustments th a t a l i i were able to make in f i t t i n g in to the new cu ltu re th a t enveloped the Is la n d s :

The Hawaiians were not a m id d le -c la s s soc ie ty when Western man came. They were an a r i s to c ra c y and placed value onth ings not in terms of p o sse ss io n s , but in terms ofgenealogy. And because o f th a t , o f a l l the p r im it iv epeople ever confronted by the white man, only theHawaiians were ever accepted as equa ls (Comment o f SamuelAmalu, Honolulu S t a r - B u l le t in , January 4, 1976).

F in a l ly , in c lo s in g , an excerpt from Darrow A io n a 's Native HawaiianStudy Commission testimony descr ibes what he perceives to be a uniquelyHawaiian problem with respect to the su b t le soc ia l pressures th a tHawaiians exert on one another in combination w ith those coming fromouts ide :

Why must Hawaiians be treated d i f f e r e n t ly ? Hawaiians gothrough c e r ta in a n x ie t ie s th a t non-Hawaiians simply never have to deal with. No non-Hawaiian i s threatened by h is fe e l in g s o f exc lu s ion from the Hawaiian community. No non-Hawaiian i s l i k e l y to feel th a t he i s a re je c t from the Hawaiian community. No non-Hawaiian has Hawaiians t e l l i n g him to be not only a more c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t , but a lso an im p l i c i t l y be tte r, American. No Hawaiianp o l i t i c a n patron izes non-Hawaiian de linquents. No non-Hawaiians enters a p ro fe ss io n c a r ry in g the honor o f h is race. No non-Hawaiian has other non-Hawaiians t e l l i n g him he should learn a language o f which he has l i t t l e or no knowledge or which he may have no real d e s ire to acquire. We are a l l part o f t h i s consp iracy which d iv id e s the Hawaiian community, d iv id e s us from others, from one another, and creates d iv i s io n w ith in ou rse lve s . I l i s t e n calm ly while some speak of the bonds th a t un ite Hawaiians. I hear the defeated and depressed vo ices o f those Hawaiian I have met a f te r apprehension by the law, o f those a l ie n a te d by t h e i r sch oo l in g , o f those who have been defined as dropouts, soc ia l garbage, as uneducable, and w orth le ss. No one can turn a minus in to a p lus except by co n s id e r in g the whole person, accepting h is or her s t r i v i n g s , hopes, fe a rs , and perceptions o f the world. I t may be th a t h is to ry w i l l judge not th a t we did too l i t t l etoo la t e , but we d id nothing too soon (NHSC Testimony,1 982).

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General Need A rea: B a r r ie r s in Hawaiian Cu lture

Condit ion 3: Counterproductive Behavior

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

CONFLICTING VALUES BETWEEN HOME AND SCHOOL CULTURES MAY PRODUCE COUNTERPRODUCTIVE BEHAVIOR. FOR EXAMPLE, SOME PARENTS ASSIGN GREATER IMPORTANCE TO FAMILY OVER SCHOOL RESPONSIB IL IT IES: EDUCATION I S OFTENIDENTIFIED AS A PRIORITY, YET ATTENDANCE MAY BE ACTIVELY DISCOURAGED BY DELEGATION OF SIBLING CARE DUTIES OR HOUSEHOLD MAINTENANCE CHORES. IN ADDITION, THE METHODS HAWAIIANS HAVE OFTEN USED TO ADAPT TO COMPETITION INCLUDE WITHDRAWAL, PASSIVE DRIFTING, AVOIDANCE, AND DENIAL.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Values c l a r i f i c a t i o n and other spec ia l programming designed to help m inor ity group in d iv id u a l s deal with d isc repanc ie s between personal l i f e go a ls and cu ltu ra l day-to -day behavior.

Testimony

The term "counterproductive " re fe rs to behavior which seems to work a g a in s t i t s e l f , or be s e l f - d e fe a t in g . The c le a re s t example which has been c i te d in testimony i s the seeming c o n tra d ic t io n between high educational a s p ir a t io n s expressed by Hawaiian fa m i l ie s and the actual behaviors of the fam ily which do not seem to back up the a sp ir a t io n :

Do Hawaiian parents want th e i r ch i ld ren to be educated? On t h i s po in t there should be no confusion: Theoverwhelming m ajo r ity place education high on t h e i r l i s t o f a s p ir a t io n s . The problem fo r them i s simple - - s in ce many members o f the community have had minimal education, they do not know how to implement th e i r a s p ir a t io n . In some cases there are c o n f l i c t i n g values between the home cu ltu re and the school cu ltu re , as when parents a s s ig n greater importance to fam ily over school r e s p o n s ib i l i t i e s . S t i l l i t i s c le a r t h a t the parents turn to the school w ith the hope and expectation th a t t h e i r ch i ld re n w i l l be educated. (Aiona, 1982, pp. 3-4)

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Another perspective on the same is su e emphasizes th a t Hawaiian fa m il ie s may be re a c t in g to past f a i lu r e by not a c t iv e ly promoting p o s i t iv e educational outcomes fo r t h e i r ch i ld ren :

The problem i s not th a t Hawaiian parents do not value education; almost unanimously they feel i t i s "most im portant" fo r th e i r ch i ld re n to graduate from high school and "im portant" fo r them to go to c o l le g e as well (Alu Like, In c . , 1976). Hawaiian parents do, however, have mixed fe e l in g s about the e ffe c t ive n e ss and responsiveness of the pub lic schoo ls (A lu L ike, I n c . , 1976). Th is i s not su r p r i s in g , s ince t h e i r ch i ld ren do not often have successfu l school careers. (Au & Jordan, 1981, p. 140)

Another type o f counterproductive behavior which has been sa id to e x i s t among Hawaiians i s w ithdrawal:

The most conspicuous form of withdrawal from haole p re s t ig e has not been adoption o f any haole device, but revers ion to some part o f an ancestra l cu ltu re other than haole. This appears in many forms. One o f them has been stereotyped in to what may be c a l le d the stage-Haw aiian. He l i v e s , or i s supposed to l i v e , a happy-go-lucky l i f e ; bask ing on the beach, renouncing the p u rsu it of world ly goods and a l l such care-laden haole va lues. (Burrows,1947, p. 141)

In another v a r ia n t , something of the stage Hawaiian fro n t may mask a deeper withdrawal. Having had t h e i r f i l l of haole condescension, a good many Hawaiians p ra c t ic e a marked reserve toward haoles. They g ive t h e i r confidence only to those who have demonstrated enough s incere f r ie n d l in e s s , enough respect fo r them as human in d iv id u a l s , to deserve i t . (Burrows, 1947, p. 144)

Social Science Analysis

So c ia l s c i e n t i s t s have stud ied the phenomenon of c o n f l i c t avoidance among Hawaiians, no ting the ex istence o f avoidance as a coping mechanism. The most thorough study to date has been Alan Howard's work, whose t i t l e su c c in c t ly s ta te s the manner in which Hawaiians cope with s t r e s s through avoidance: " A i n ' t no b ig th in g . '" (1974):

One of the most no t iceab le behavioral forms we encountered i n 'A ina Pumehana was the tendency of in d iv id u a l s to avoid s i t u a t io n s that had a po tentia l fo r c o n f l i c t , shame, or any other form o f so c ia l d i s r u p t io n . ' (p. 101)

At group meetings of alm ost any kind the tendency to avoid unpleasant co n fron ta t ion s dominated proceedings in one form

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or another. P o t e n t i a l l y d i v i s i v e i s sues were almost never openly d i scussed, even though th e i r re so lu t io n might be v i t a l to group in te r e s t s , (pp. 101-102)

Another express ion of t h i s tendency i s a w i l l i n g n e s s to accept a r b i t r a r y de c i s ion s rather than to "make waves." We frequent ly observed in v/ork groups, fo r example, that people would fo l low in s t r u c t i o n s they knew to be in co r re c t or i n e f f i c i e n t because they did not want to confront the leader o f the group with an a l t e rn a t iv e course o f act ion, (pp. 102-103)

The great re luctance of persons to attend c l i n i c s , seek l e g a l a s s i s t a n c e , and engage in other encounters with establi shment f i gu re s i s a l so a m an is fe s ta t ion of the avoidance tendency, (p. 103)

Whereas confronta t ion avoidance as a s t r a te gy i s well su i ted to the aims o f a f f i l i a t i o n and ingroup soc ia l harmony, i t i s i l l - s u i t e d fo r competit ive success w ith in an a c q u i s i t i v e soc ie ty . Confrontat ions are i n e v i t a b le for persons who seek to r a i s e th e i r s t a tu s r e l a t i v e to others ; they are a l s o inherent in the s t ructure of contemporary urban commercial, p o l i t i c a l , and lega l i n s tu t u t i o n s . (p.105)

F i n a l l y , s c i e n t i s t s who have s tudied the im p l ic a t ion s of cu l tu ra l patterns fo r mental health work point out th a t some o f the experiences these patterns lead Hawaiian people through may r e s u l t in express ions of h o s t i l i t y , f r u s t r a t i o n , and anger:

For example, a young Caucasian (haole) therap i s t , male, h igh ly verba l, a r t i c u l a t e even though kind in haole terms, but i n q u i s i t i v e , may t r i g g e r o f f spec ia l f e e l in g s of f r u s t r a t i o n or anger in a young Hawaiian who has been f ru s t r a t e d for a long time with h i s own s i t u a t i o n , and to whom such a t h e r a p i s t may represent a l a r g e r category o f people whom he may blame fo r some of h i s f r u s t r a t io n s . (Maretzki, in McDermott et a l , 1974, p. 54)

General Need A rea : B a r r ie r s in the Dominant Cu lture

Cond it ion 1 : S te reotyp ing and Soc ia l Role As B en e fic ia ry

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

OVER THE YEARS THE WORDS USED TO DESCRIBE, THUS STEREOTYPE, HAWAIIANS HAVE INCLUDED: "LAZY," "DUMB," "SH IFTLESS," "D IRTY," "IRRESPONSIBLE,""UNTRUSTWORTHY." HOWEVER, POSITIVE TERMS HAVE ALSO BEEN USED, SUCH AS: "GENEROUS," "TOLERANT," "SENSIT IVE TO FEELINGS," "GOOD SINGERS AND ENTERTAINERS," "LOVING." POSITIVE OR NEGATIVE, STEREO-TYPIC TERMS COME TO HAVE A SELF-FULFILLING EFFECT. TEACHERS HAVE BEEN HELD TO BE A MAJOR FORCE IN PROMOTING THESE STEREOTYPES, AS HAVE CERTAIN OF THE AGENCIES AND INSTITUTIONS WHICH EXIST FOR THE "BETTERMENT" OF HAWAIIANS. BY KEEPING HAWAIIANS IN A "BENEFICIARY" OR "NEEDY" ROLE, THEY UNWITTINGLY REINFORCE THE VERY KINDS OF BEHAVIOR THEY WISH TO ELIMINATE (PATERNALISM).

Potential Educational Interventions

• Values c l a r i f i c a t i o n programs fo r h igh school students

• A n t i - s te re o ty p in g co u se lin g programs, s t a r t in g in elementary sc h o o l .

• Specia l media programs (e s p e c ia l ly pub lic t e le v i s io n ) to countercond it ion pub lic stereotypes.

Testimony

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As a people who are ge nera l ly d i s t i n c t l y d i f fe re n t from members of the dominant cu ltu re in terms o f cu ltu re , background, and va lues, Hawaiians as a group and as in d iv id u a l s have f e l t the negative as well as p o s it iv e e f fe c t s o f s te reotyp ing on t h e i r behavior and development. Withrespect to education, the pervasive negative stereotype o f the " la zy Hawaiian" has apparently made i t p a r t i c u la r ly d i f f i c u l t for many Hawaiians to a t t a in the le v e ls o f achievement th a t might have come more e a s i ly had they not faced such preconceptions. Of course, overcoming negative stereotypes i s not the only problem for Hawaiian youth, fo r even stereotypes th a t are ge n era lly very p o s i t iv e can create bothersome demands and expectations on the part o f s i g n i f i c a n t o thers. Thefo llow ing b r ie f comments on stereotypes o f Hawaiians by two Hawaiianleaders g ive a fe e l in g fo r the ro le s and c h a r a c te r i s t ic s t y p i c a l l yass igned or a t t r ib u te d to Hawaiians.

The lazy Hawaiian stereotype i s p a r t l y a throwback to ear ly days of the sugar indust ry when haole p lanters f a i l e d to get Hawaiians to do the backbreaking, rout ine l abor required. They were tabbed as lazy when, in fa c t , they s imply did not care f o r the h igh ly routine labor, nor for e x i s t i n g cond it ions and economic incent ives . Objective h i s t o r i a n s and se r iou s students a l l a t t e s t to the capac i ty of Hawaiians for hard work, e sp e c i a l l y when i t in vo lve s a worthwhile goal and work with others in a group.

There i s a p o s i t i v e s ide to the stereotype, which also descr ibes Hawaiians as warm, generous, open, and carefree. There i s an element of t ru th in t h i s , although in the h igh ly competi t ive, i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c Am e r i can society such v i r tu e s are d i f f i c u l t to pract ice. But stereotype i s a l s o d i s tor t e d by the purveyors of tour ism who glamorize Hawaiians i s exot ic products of the t r op ic s who love to s u r f , da;ce, pi ay music, f i s h , and swim. Tc be sure, many Hawaiians do, but there are probably as many others who prefer other pastimes.

Stereotypes are, l i k e s t a t i s t i c a l averages, only a b s t r a c t io n s , but to the exte t that they in f luence thought and act ion they are potent r e a l i t i e s (Kanahele, 1982; p g . 23).

So much for the past: the misery, the confus ion, thebreakdown, as well as the g lo ry and romance, which many people say that we of the Hawaiian community shouldforget . They say we dwell too much on the sentimental and romantic aspects of our past. They say that we have too much pride, and not enough ge t -up -and -go ; th a t we overevaluate the glamour of our a r i s t o c r a t i c her i tage. They say, we dwell too much on our having been badlywronged as a people (as well as hoodwinked in to the surrender o f our hereditary acres) and th a t we now wait for handouts in a su l le n a t t i tu d e of v in d ica t io n . They say, we want to be coddled and fondled l i k e prec iousant iques; that we want only to be l e f t alone, a f t e rsomeone h managed our l i v e s and a f f a i r s fo r us. Theysay, we are lazy and i r re sp o n s ib le ; that we do not pay ourb i l l s ; th a t we regard organized soc ie ty with the r e a l i t yte s t in g a b i l i t y of ch i ldren.

On the other hand, some people say, we are g rac iou s and kind— s c i n t i l l a t i n g re p o s i t o r i e s o f the aloha s p i r i t down to the last man, woman, and ch i ld . They say, a l s o , that we have great d i g n i t y ; th a t we have an env iab lephi losophy of l i f e ; that we have a l l of those lo v e ly ,non-aggressive tendencies th a t make d o l l a r - c h a s in g A 'can* unloved throughout the world. They say, wehe w. - 1 a fib are generous and to le ra n t ; t h a t we do not hate, nos attempt to destroy people for t h e i r i n f r a c t i o n s uponi so accepted moral code (Ho lt , 1964; p. 19).

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Many of these general themes were repeated throughout the te st im on ia l statements o ffe re d by a range of in d iv id u a l s . Indeed, the very strong experience of many Hawaiians as v ic t im s o f negative stereotyp ing on the p art o f dominant cu ltu re members i s fo r c e fu l ly i l l u s t r a t e d by two more, of many, sample o f statements from Hawaiians o f var ious ages and le v e ls of socio-economic achievement.

With the in troduc t ion of the sugar industry in Hawaii, i t s ' owners counted, o f course, on the Native Hawaiians to work in the f i e ld s as lab o re rs . The Hawaiians refused.I t was not t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . They were content w ith t h e i r p lo t of land on which they grew food and ra ised l i v e s t o c k fo r t h e i r tab le . They f ishe d fo r seafood and seaweed, picked sea s h e l l s , sea urch ins and other d e l ic a c ie s to grace t h e i r tab le . They were s a t i s f i e d .

However, t h i s re fusa l o f the Native Hawaiian to work as lab o re rs angered the p la n ta t io n owners who d id not understand how anyone could be s a t i s f i e d w ith h is or her l i f e s t y l e , which, in turn, was not s im i l a r to th a t o f the m alih in i--new com er-- in h is own homeland, the United S ta te s . As a r e s u l t , the Native Hawaiians were proclaimed to be lazy.

Th is la b e l in g o f the Native Hawaiian w ithout j u s t i f i c a t i o n has continued throughout the ye a rs , even to t h i s very day. This form of r e t a l i a t i o n was cruel and d e l ib e ra te . I t i s a stigma. The ch i ld ren who grew under these misconceived ideas soon began to, perhaps, be lieve and, even worse, accept t h i s stigma as an inherent c h a r a c te r i s t ic . I t i s not and never has been (Margaret Apo, B i l l 916, pg.43).

A lu l i i s asked how i t was he became a doctor. 'There was always t h i s pressure on me from my fam ily . You gotta be a doctor. My grandfather, Noa Webster A l u l i , was hand-picked to go to Yale and la t e r M ichigan Law Sc h o o l. '

'For me, humorously. I was go ing a f te r my medical degree so th a t when I want to t a lk to people, they w on 't say, 'There goes another dumb kanaka.' That c r i t i c i s m - - t h a t Hawaiians are dumb--was always there. S t i l l i s . I saw the need to become educated enough so th a t I could f i g h t , th a t we could f i g h t on the same le v e l s (Emmett A lu l i , Honolulu S t a r - B u l le t in , May 17, 1981). '

Perhaps as equa lly devasta t ing fo r Hawaiians i s to be treateds te r e o t y p ic a l ly as the "exot ic n a t iv e " - - th e t o u r i s t version of what aPo lynesian i s and should be.

• I would l i k e to mention th a t i t i s more than j u s t m ateria l th in g s th a t the Hawaiian people ask. They ask th a t they not j u s t be loved as e n te r ta in e rs , to le ra ted as ch i ld re n , and ignored as people. They ask th a t they be consideredpeople in every sense of the word. I am th in k in g in c lo s in g o f an anc ien t ph ilo sopher who, in look ing a t a

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p a in t in g o f a landscape, s a id f i r s t you see the h i l l s in the p a in t in g and then you see the p a in t in g in the h i l l s . I t i s l ik e w ise with you who have a rr ive d on our shores, f i r s t you see the i s la n d s as i t i s on the surface and i t s waters and then you see the people who l i v e in these shores and in these h i l l s , and then before you go away, you should hear the song and poetry o f t h e i r l i v e s . When you do, you w i l l know the nat ive Hawaiian people (A rthur Chun, B i l l 857, Pg. 93).

Another o u t -o f - th e -o rd in a ry ro le that many Hawaiians must deal w ith in terms o f t h e i r own se lf - im age and s o c ia l pressures a s so c ia te d with negative ste reo typ in g i s that of " b e n e f ic ia r y . " Chun referenced th i s ro le and the pressures a s soc ia te d with i t by use of the phrase " to le ra te d as c h i ld r e n . " H o lt , meanwhile, painted a much more graph ic image of the "managed," "on -th e -d o le " Hawaiian. A b r ie f overview o f the s i t u a t io n i s contained in a 1972 in terv iew w ith Myron Thompson, Trustee of the Kamehameha Schoo ls/Bern ice Pauahi B ishop Estate :

Thompson: As a preface to our t a l k , I ' d l i k e to po int outth a t there are four o rgan iz a t io n s today whose so le ded ica t ion i s the needs of the Hawaiian people - - the L i l iu o k a la n i T ru st, the L u n a l i lo Homes, the Hawaiian Homes Lands and the Bishop Estate .

I be lieve these needs are as c le a r and evident today as they were when these o rgan iz a t ion s were founded.

Not u n t i l th e i r purposes have been achieved and the needs no longer e x i s t would I want to see them d iverted from these o r ig in a l purposes. . .

QUESTION: How do you feel about the ta lk that theKam Schools or Hawaiian Homes Commission might be held r a c i a l l y d isc r im in a to ry by the courts?

ANSWER: They are t a lk in g need le ss ly . Thesein s t i t u t io n s are r a c i a l l y d isc r im in a to ry by d e s ig n - -a s are the Ind ian re se rva t io n , the Bureau o f Indian A f f a i r s , andthe m u lt itud inous programs to help the b la ck s , Ch icanos, and other m inor ity groups. So long as these groups,in c lu d in g the Hawaiians, remain in p ieces a t the bottom of the p i le , uhey can never share in the c o n s t i t u t io n a l lyguaranteed promise of e q u a lity . The C o n s t itu t io n should help, not h inder, t h i s goal.

I would hate to see these e s ta te s broken up w ithout the ba s ic m iss ion being accomplished. I would l i k e the e sta te held in ta c t u n t i l tha t ba s ic m iss ion i s f in ish e d .T h a t 's my thought (Honolulu S ta r B u l le t in , August 24,1978).

So c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

S te reotyp ing per se has not been a major t o p ic of in te r e s t to soc ia l s c ie n t i s t s in Hawaii, but several s tu d ie s have been completed and reported on in the l i t e r a t u r e . Vinacke (1949), fo r example, involved

817 co l le ge -a ge students from seven d i f fe r e n t ethnic groups in a study of s te reo typ in g in Hawaii. H is summary remarks regard ing stereotypes ofHawaiians were as fo l low s:

The sharpest stereotype of a l l i s tha t fo r the Hawaiian, fo r there i s general agreement on a long l i s t o f terms, nearly a l l of them favorab le . The good c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are m u sica l, ea sy -go in g , happy-go-lucky, f r ie n d ly ,generous, good-natured, strong ( a t h le t i c ) , ho sp itab le , j o v i a l , s o c ia b le , and happy. The bad t r a i t s a ss ign ed them are la z y , su p e r s t i t io u s , la ck in g in ambition, drink too much, s lo v e n ly , and no isy . Genera lly speaking, the Caucasian-Hawaiian group charac te r ize s Hawaiians more favorab ly than do the Ch inese-Hawaiians. The l a t t e r tend to agree w ith the other groups on more terms than do the former, a lthough they, too, do not a s s ig n as many unfavorable t r a i t s to Hawaiians.

In general, he made the po int th a t stereotypes tend to have a t l e a s ta kernel of t ru th to them; that s te reotyp ing i s most often a two-ways t r e e t ( e . g . , dominant cu ltu re members have stereotypes o f m ino r ity group members, but l ik e w ise m inor ity group members a lso stereotype members ofthe dominant cu ltu re j u s t as s t r o n g ly ) ; and th a t se l f - s te r e o ty p e s on the p art of members o f in d iv id u a l e thn ic groups tend to agree w ith those held by non-members.

More recently Finney (1961) conducted a study in v o lv in g 73 students who p a r t ic ip a te d in extensive in te rv ie w s (60 to 90 minutes in length ) regard ing th e i r a t t i tu d e s toward th e i r own and other e thn ic groups in Hawaii. H is summary with respect to the a t t i tu d e s o f others towardsHawaiians was as fo l lo w s :

There was a high agreement in what people of var iou s groups ( in c lu d in g Hawaiians themselves) thought of Hawaiians. A la rg e number o f favorab le op in ions were expressed. Hawaiians as a group were described as warm, f r ie n d ly , and p leasant to know; as being frank in express ing t h e i r true f e e l in g s ; as being fu n - lo v in g and not se r io u s ; and as bein happy. On the unfavorable s ide they were described as being dependent; as working no harder than they have to ; as not being am bitious; as not being co n sc ie n t io u s in ca r ry in g out r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s or f u l f i l l i n g d u t ie s and o b l i g a t io n s ; and as being lax in d i s c i p l i n i n g t h e i r ch i ld re n , with sporad ic se ve r ity .

F in a l l y , a thoughtfu l a n a ly s i s of the e f fe c t s of s te reo typ in g w ith respect to Hawaiians and education was o ffered by M aretski (1974) in an overview of the Hawaiian experience in to d a y 's world. As t h i s excerpt shows he i s aware of the range o f stereotypes, both p o s i t iv e as well as negative, that Hawaiians must face as well as of the e f fe c ts on Hawaiians in terms o f t h e i r s e n s i t i v i t y to s te reotyp in g and t h e i r tendancy to return stereotypes in kind.

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(Caucasians, and to some extent other non-Hawaiians, glamorize ce r ta in aspects of Hawaiian cu ltu re and people, while d isp a ra g in g others. Common p o s i t iv e stereotypes are fu n - lo v in g , warm, happy-go-lucky; negative stereotypes are la z y , h e lp le s s , c a n 't delay rewards, s u p e r s t i t io u s . ) Western people and others ho ld ing va lues more compatible w ith those of Westerners seem to have problems re c o n c i l in g fo r themselves these dichotomous g e n e ra l iz a t io n s . To what extent, one wonders, does the s te reotyp in g o f Hawaiians by Caucasians r e f le c t c o n f l i c t i n g d e s ire s o f those who apply the s te reotypes? There i s among newcomers a rom ant ic iza t ion of Hawaiians as products of a t r o p ic a l environment, o f sun, sea, f low ers, f r u i t s , be au t ifu l v a l le y s and mountains, of people who lead a care free ex istence, who love music, dance, swimming, f i s h in g . Yet, one encounters stereotypes which have negative connotations even among those who romantic ize. (The n o ta t ion s th a t Hawaiians are in c o n s is te n t in th e ir work performance and would rather be on the beach and s ip beerthan working, are slower in le a rn in g than o thers, and are unable to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n , are op in ions which have had a most damaging e f fe c t on Hawaiians s ince they were never te sted a g a in s t r e a l i t y u n t i l qu ite recen tly . Th is i s perhaps most noticeab le in education. Measured by standards developed in a d i f fe r e n t cu ltu ra l s e t t in g , ap p lied by teachers tra ined and oriented towards t h i s other type of cu ltu re , Hawaiian students have had to learn in sp ite of o b s tac le s created by the dominant school system. The context and philosophy o f le a rn in g in schoo ls seem qu ite maladaptive to Hawaiian experiences and needs. With a push from parents which im plied "go to school and learn so that you w i l l amount to something," and " l i s t e n to the teachers so th a t you w i l l learn to behave," many Hawaiian ch i ld re n may have had to face school and le a rn in g as a s i t u a t io n o f c o n f l i c t where values expressed a t home, and values govern ing c lassroom s, te ach e r 's expectat ions, and c r i t e r i a fo r standards o f performance, c la sh . I f many persons of Hawaiian background respond s e n s i t i v e ly to negative stereotypes, t h i s i s undoubtedly because they have experienced th e ir e f fe c t on themselves. When Hawaiians rec ip rocate with stereotypes such as "dumb h ao le ," they not only return negative eva luat ion s in k ind, they a ls o say: a dumb haole i s a person who la c k sfe e l in g s , s e n s i t i v i t i e s , and capac ity fo r warm r e la t io n s h ip s , a l l values which mean a g reat deal to Hawaiians. Th is c o n f l i c t of va lues and a t t i tu d e s expressed through stereotypes on both s id e s i l l u s t r a t e s real c u l tu ra l d iv i s io n s ) (p. 50-51).

Condition Summary

THE PUBLIC EDUCATION SYSTEM IN HAWAII REPRESENTS AND PROPOUNDS A CULTURAL DEFINITION DIFFERENT FROM HAWAIIAN CULTURE. IT I S INFUSED WITH VALUES AND AC T IV IT IES ORIGINATING IN! AMERICA, OR THE "WESTERN"TRADITION. IT I S CURRENTLY ADMINISTERED AND TAUGHT BY A STAFF DISPROPORTIONATELY JAPANESE. THE PATTERN HAS BEEN CALLED "INSTITUTIONAL RACISM." THE NATURE OF THE INSTITUTION OF SCHOOL LENDS ITSELF TO A VICIOUS CYCLE IN WHICH THE GROUPS WHO SUCCEED BEST BECOME THOSE WHO RUN THE SYSTEM, WHICH FURTHER DECREASES THE CHANCES FOR OTHER GROLPS' SUCCESS. THE B IAS I S FELT THROUGHOUT THE SYSTEM, FROM THE SELECTION OF BOOKS AND MATERIALS TO THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE CLASSROOM.

Potential Educational Interventions

t High school courses in i n s t i t u t io n a l racism and so c ia l act ion .

• Educational p lann ing courses fo r teachers and a d m in is t ra to r s inthe Department o f Education which emphasize m u lt ic u ltu ra l ism,c r e a t i v i t y , and f l e x i b i l i t y .

Testimony

Many in d iv id u a l s see the ba s ic problem fo r Hawaiians in the area of education as being the fundamental mismatch between Hawaiian cu ltu ra l t r a d i t io n s and the Western educational system as i t has evolved in the United S ta te s . Comments to t h i s e f fe c t included the fo l low in g :

But the major problem, v i r t u a l l y everyone agrees, i s tha t the school system, as run by Japanese and Caucasians, i s out of touch w ith the s t a t e ' s la rge Hawaiian youth popu lat ion . I t i s s t i l l ca te r in g to the t r a d i t i o n a l , Western, com petit ion -or ien ted educational ph ilosophy, and i t has long neglected the cu ltu ra l and le a rn in g d if fe re n ce s that se t nat ive Hawaiians apart. At even the most b a s ic le v e l , says a Waianae teacher, " f o r Hawaiian students, E n g l ish i s a second language. They speak P id g in (a nat ive d ia le c t spoken throughout the P a c i f i c ) everywhere but in sc h o o l. "

General Need A rea : B a r r ie r s in Dominant Cu lture

Cond it ion 2 : Culture-Bound School C u r r ic u lu m / In s t i tu t io n a lRac i sm

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

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But desp ite a l l the gloomy s t a t i s t i c s , there are s ig n s o f progress and hope. In nearly every predominantly Hawaiian community, some "Hawaiian movement" group has organized to teach young people the t r a d i t io n a l values and s k i l l s of ta ro farming, f i s h in g and the new aqua-cu ltu re. Few are sta te funded; most are run by vo lunteers (Stewart, Hawaii T ribune-Herald , May 1, 1980).

I t i s my firm co n v ic t io n , based on the experience of the l i f e I have l i v e d here, th a t education i s the s in g le most important way to improve the l i f e of the N ative Hawaiian. Education for the Native Hawaiian must be designed to accord with the t r a d i t io n a l va lues and cu ltu re of the Native Hawaiian people. This i s necessary fo r two major reasons.

In the f i r s t p lace, an educational process which does not take in to account Native Hawaiian values and cu ltu re has not and w i l l not be accepted by many Hawaiians. Their past re je c t io n o f an educational system fo re ign to the way of l i f e they treasure and a future marked by continu ing a l ie n a t io n from such a system w i l l keep them unequipped to funct ion e f f e c t iv e ly in the world in which they are forced to e x i s t . They w i l l continue to be denied the chance to earn the rewards a v a i la b le w ith in the present soc ie ty .

Second, and perhaps more im portantly , contemporary education i s s tructured to in cu lca te the values and cu ltu re o f Western c i v i l i z a t i o n a t the c o s t o f s a c r i f i c i n g the values and cu ltu re of the Native Hawaiian. The end r e s u l t can only be the eventual l o s s o f Native Hawaiian values and cu ltu re . I f t h i s should happen, not only w i l l Hawaii s u f fe r an immeasurable l o s s , but the world a t la rg e w i l l be deprived of a major humanizing force (James A k i , B i l l 916, pg. 37).

The way we le a rn , the way we achieve s e l f worth in the context o f group pride and s e l f - d i g n i t y i s undervalued and/or ignored. Although these statements may seem s im ple, we recognize a profound con fron ta t ion th a t confuses the common go a ls and a sp ir a t io n s a l l ch i ld ren should enjoy (Gard Kealoha, B i l l 916, pg. 111).

A v a s t m ajor ity (77%) of the Hawaiian ch i ld ren attend pub lic schoo ls. About one -th ird o f those sampled in the Needs Assessment Survey are not s a t i s f i e d w ith the pub lic schoo ls. The percentage i s even h igher f o r those l i v i n g in rura l areas. One of the major complaints i s that the pub lic schoo ls are not s e n s i t iv e to the needs o f the c h i ld with a c u l t u r a l l y Hawaiian l i f e - s t y l e (Myron Thompson, B i l l 857, pg. 169).

‘ I f we assume that the c h i l d ' s attendance i s in d ic a t iv e of group in te r e s t in sch oo lin g , then we must conclude th a t

the Hawaiian and part-Hawai ian f am i l i e s in Hana are not in sympathy with the aims and funct ions of the publ ic school, and th a t the values t h a t govern the average Hawaiian v a r ie s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the va lues held by the dominant Western group (Yamamura, 1949). '

Th is i s the kernel of the s i t u a t io n . That the members o f the contemporary Hawaiian cu l ture value a d i f f e r e n t set of ideas , a t t i tu de s and hab i t s from that of the dominant cu l ture i s the bas ic reason for t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to perform well in the publ ic school system (Date e t a l ., 1969).

Social Science Analysis

The concept of " i n s t i t u t i o n a l rac ism" has been used recently by soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s to descr ibe a more subt le form of d i s c r im in a t io n than the ind iv idua l and conscious form which i s genera l ly in fe rred from theuse of the word "rac ism" by i t s e l f . In other words, i t imp l ie s t h a t awhole i n s t i t u t i o n can behave in a r a c i s t manner even i f no one ind iv idua l or consc iousness has d ic ta ted that i t should do so. I t i s s imply reac t ing to h igher -o rder fo rces which c o l l e c t i v e l y have t h i s i n s id io u s e f fec t .

I n s t i t u t i o n a l racism i s so entrenched in H aw a i i ' s publ ic school system t h a t F i l i p i n o s and Hawaiians w i l l not experience e q u a l i t y with H aw a i i ' s other races in the foreseeable future.

This was the main th ru s t of a speech prepared forde l ive ry a t the annual membership meeting o f the Hawaii Federation of Teachers Thursday by Michael Haas, a Un ive r s i ty o f Hawaii p ro fessor of p o l i t i c a l science.

Without d i s t i n g u i s h in g between in ten t and e f fe c t , Haas charged t h a t " segregat ion . . . i s rampant through the (Hawai i) school system." In essence, he was de f in ing" segrega t ion " as any e f f e c t th a t i s d i sp ropor t ionate of ethnic representat ions in the school system as a whole. (Kaser, Nov. 22, 1976, p. A-3)

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General Need A rea : B a r r ie r s in the Dominant Cu lture

Cond it ion 3: Competition from Other C u ltu ra l /E th n ic Groups

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Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Cond it ion Summary

HAWAIIANS FACE AN UNUSUALLY HIGH DEGREE OF COMPETITION FROM OTHER GROUPS IN MANY SOCIAL INDICATOR AREAS, INCLUDING EDUCATION. FOR EXAMPLE, THE JAPANESE AND CAUCASIAN GROUPS IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS ARE NOT AT PARITY WITH NATIONAL NORMS, THEY ARE ABOVE THEM. NEW GROUPS TO HAWAII, THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE, AND NOW THE F I L I PINOS, HAVE BEEN EXTREMELY ORIENTED TOWARD UPWARD SOCIAL MOBILITY, ESPECIALLY THROUGH EDUCATION. NEWCOMERS FROM THE MAINLAND ARE FROM THE UPPER SOCIAL AND JOB/INCOME ECHELONS. HAWAII'S PRIVATE SCHOOL SYSTEM, ONC- UF~THE LARGEST IN THE NATION ON A PER CAPITA BASIS, FURTHER EMPHASIZES THE DEGREE OF COMPETITIVENESS FACING HAWAIIANS.

P o te n t ia l Educational In te rve n t ion s

• Programs fo r elementary school Hawaiian ch i ld ren whichs p e c i f i c a l l y and sy s te m a t ic a l ly re in fo rce s t r i v i n g fo rexce llence.

• A c t i v i t i e s fo r a l l ch i ld ren which are based on the e f f ic a c y ofcooperation (e .g . cooperative problem s o lv in g games, e t c . ) .

• Programs fo r intermediate school students which teach working together in conjunction with s t r i v i n g fo r excellence.

Testimony

The changes have overwhelmed us. We are no longer in charge or feel th a t we have an important ro le or c o n tr ib u t ion to make. The proposed Native Hawaiian Education b i l l w i l l once more o f fe r a major opportunity to re store a measure of necessary input, p lann ing, design and eva luat ion th a t must be heard. We know th a t we are w i l l i n g to assume th i s r e s p o n s ib i l i t y . We know, that once given the ta sks, we can succeed in reducing the a p p a l l in g d isp a r i t ie s .

Education has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the means of c o l le c t iv e advancement for most immigrants in the United S ta te s , and as Mr. Thonpson seems to

suggest, i t i s the road th a t many Hawaiians appear ready to pursue in t r y in g to catch up w ith other ethnic and c u ltu ra l groups in the S ta te of Hawaii.

While the image of an indigenous m inor ity group seeking i t s share of the a v a i la b le "p ie " through d i l i g e n t e f f o r t s to improve i t s e l f ed u ca t io n a l ly has strong appeal in America, the fa c t remains that the b a r r ie r s to success o f such a s t ra te gy may be cons iderab le . In the case of Hawaii, fo r example, recent work by Noel Kent (1979) po in ts up the dependent ro le o f Hawaii throughout i t s h i s t o r y — a t le a s t from the po in t of d iscovery by Westerners in 1778 through to the present. This dependency has been such th a t the u lt im ate so c ia l and economic development of the I s l a n d s — and therefore, in d i r e c t ly , the d a i ly l i v e s o f those l i v i n g here— has been co n tro l le d la r g e ly by economic and p o l i t i c a l fo rces ou ts ide the s ta te . In sho rt, Hawaii i s not some forgotten backwater th a t has been of l i t t l e in te r e s t in t e r n a t io n a l ly ; rather, i t i s a s t r a t e g i c a l l y located chain o f i s la n d s th a t enjoys e xce p t io n a lly d e s ireab le weather and remarkable physica l a t t r ib u t e s . I t has a ls o been and continues to be an in c re d ib le wealth-producer fo r entrepreneurs who have been able to manipulate s i t u a t io n s and people to th e i r advantage.

For H a w a i i 's people, then, the lo c a t io n and a t t r ib u te s of th e ir i s la n d s has f o r t u i t o u s ly put them under exceptional pressure. For not only have many people and many d i f fe re n t e n te rp r ise s landed on these shores, but those th a t have may well be found to be a cut above average. For Hawaiians t h i s means but one th ing: s t i f f com petition, and p lenty ofi t.

An example of an h i s t o r i c a l turn that has resu lted in a d i f f i c u l t s i tu a t io n fo r Hawaiians i s the development o f a p lan ta t ion economy during the la t e r part o f the 19th century. Demands fo r cheap lab or on the part o f the e l i t e who ran la r g e p la n ta t io n s in Hawaii re su lted in im portation of va s t numbers of Chinese, Japanese, and f i n a l l y F i l i p in o workers. Although one might imagine th a t imported lab o re rs might not be a l l th a t so p h is t ic a te d in terms o f th e ir s k i l l s and am b it ions, such was apparently not the case, as the fo l lo w in g note from Nana I Ke Kumu, Volume I I (1979) sugge sts :

Other events, le s s com forting to the se lf - im age , were to come. Chinese and Japanese immigrants a rr ive d , most o f them as p la n ta t io n workers. In time, Hawaiians saw many o f them acquire property and a t ta in p rosper ity . New, imported O rienta l values were being seen and accepted as d e s ira b le ; f a i lu r e to reach such standards sentse lf - im a g e s a few notches lower.

Hawaiians o f the period did not re a l iz e that many of these immigrants had a head s t a r t in a cc u ltu ra t ion and achievement. Some, l i s t e d by immigration requirements as " l a b o r e r s , " were a c tu a l ly merchants, teachers, t a i l o r s , chem ists. At l e a s t two were p h y s ic ia n s . But even thepeasant lab ore r had an advantage. O rienta l immigrants had some previous knowledge of a monetary system, a com petitive so c ie ty , the concept o f p r iva te property, and a work philosophy that had much in common with the West.

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Ample testimony to the d i l ig e n c e , s k i l l s , and fo re s ig h t o f many of H a w a i i 's immigrants e x i s t s in h i s t o r i c a l sources of a l l types. A sample of t h i s i s an in t r i g u in g in v e s t ig a t iv e report f i l e d by Ray Stannard Baker in 1911 w ith The American Magazine. In h is report he d e ta i le d the remarkable hold that an o l ig a r c h ic a l e l i t e held over the I s la n d s in c o n t r o l l i n g the sugar in d u stry , and he reported unabashedly on s i t u a t io n s as he observed them. With respect to the Japanese workers, fo r example, he noted:

Economic pressure, on the other hand, i s tending to b r in g about ra c ia l prejudice and ra c ia l a n im o s it ie s . The Japanese, fo r example, because they are so overwhelmingly numerous, are f in d in g themselves more and more the sub ject of d isc r im in a t io n . They are so i r r e s i s t i b l y in d u s t r io u s and p rog re ss iv e ! Although most o f them were mere a g r ic u l tu r a l peasants on th e ir a r r i v a l , they are crowding in to a l l s o r t s o f a c t i v i t i e s . They are f i l l i n g the s k i l l e d trades, they have taken the f i s h in g industry alm ost wholly from the nat ive Hawaiians, they are competing w ith the Chinese in vegetable r a i s in g , they are becoming merchants, bankers and p ro fe ss io n a l men. In the i s la n d of Hawaii, in many l o c a l i t i e s , the l i f e i s predominantly Japanese. Their industry i s p ro d ig io u s ; and both men and women work. One w i l l see Japanese women help ing t h e i r husbands in barber shops, pa in t shops and t in shops.

Nothing seems to balk or d iscourage them. They take and f i l l h ig h ly re sp on s ib le p o s i t io n s on the p la n ta t io n s . I have seen a Japanese crew alone in the f i e ld s under a Japanese boss u s in g the g re a t steam plows; and they are being introduced even in the h ig h - s k i l l e d p laces in the su g a r -m i l l s .

Everywhere they can get hold, a lso , they are acq u ir in g property. These f ig u re s w i l l show how ra p id ly the taxab le property owned by Japanese increased in e igh t years.

Thus in e ig h t years Japanese taxab le property increased over 1264 per cen t., notw ithstanding the fa c t th a t the Japanese have ye a r ly sent much money home to fr ie n d s and r e la t iv e s in Japan. They are s w i f t a l s o to take on American ways, wear American c lo th e s , ea t American food, and even buy automobiles. They a lso send many oft h e i r boys (and even some g i r l s ) to the United S ta te s tobe educated— though f a r more are sent to Japan. And th e ir boys, born in Hawaii, are now coming ra p id ly to voting age and there i s every evidence th a t they w i l l , i f they arepermitted to do so, exerc ise the r i g h t o f fran ch ise witheagerness and independence (p. 339).

1901 Japanese p roperty ................................ $128,1631904 " " 168,5451909 " " 1,748,179

Baker a ls o described the phenomenon o f the Japanese language schoo l, a supplementary form of education funded and maintained by Japanese lab o re rs fo r the be ne fit o f t h e i r o f f sp r in g :

P a r t ly because of the inadequacy of the pub lic schoo ls but more la r g e ly perhaps because they are a people in te n se ly lo ya l to th e i r own language and customs, the Japanese have e s ta b l ish e d t h e i r own schoo ls everywhere in the i s la n d s .They take a l l th a t the pub lic school g iv e s them, and a lso send t h e i r ch i ld ren to the Japanese schoo ls . Although the wages o f those who work average only about f i f t y cents a day, they tax themselves s te a d i ly and at high rates fo rthe maintenance of schoo ls . U su a lly these schoo ls in the country are s i tu a te d near the pub lic schools and the teachers are often educated men from Japan, sometimes Buddhist p r ie s t s . In the same way, the Chinese m aintain schoo ls of th e i r own and there are a ls o a few Portuguese schoo ls d irec ted by Roman C a th o l ic teachers, and even a Korean school or two. I t i s e a s ie r to get help from the r ich in te r e s t s in the i s la n d s fo r these p r iva te fo re ign schoo ls than fo r the democratic pub lic schoo ls.

Education o f t h i s type took place w ith in a context o f a po in ted ly n e g le c t fu l a t t i tu d e toward pub lic education on the part o f the Caucasian or haole e l i t e . On t h i s matter Baker reported as fo l low s:

The e f f o r t of the p lan te rs a t a l l hazards to m aintain the present f e u d a l i s t i c system not on ly leads t o " d iv id in g and dominating" the lab o re rs , but i t f in d s fu rther and p e rfe c t ly l o g ic a l expression in the h o s t i l i t y to theproper education of the ch i ld re n of the fo re ign e rs . Education b r in g s people together, g iv e s them a commonlanguage and common motives and i t makes them am bitious.As one p lan te r expressed i t to me: " I t s p o i l s goodworkment: turns the young men away from the p la n ta t io n s ;d is tu rb s p o l i t i c a l c o n d it io n s . " Save fo r some fewexceptional schoo ls (o f which I s h a l l speak la t e r ) I found the pub lic schoo ls , e s p e c ia l ly in the back countryd i s t r i c t s , nearly everywhere overcrowded, the b u i ld in g soften m iserab ly d i la p id a te d and not a few o f the teachers i n e f f i c i e n t and underpaid. In several in stances owing to lack o f f a c i l i t i e s in pub lic s ch oo ls , I found rooms rented from p r iva te Japanese schoo ls. Although a compulsory education law nominally e x i s t s , hundreds o f ch i ld ren in the i s la n d s are g e t t in g no opportun ity in the pub licschoo ls.

These abuses are a lready being recognized by the p rogre ss ive and fa r - s ig h te d people o f the is lands--m en who are le a rn in g the fundamental tru th th a t ignorance i s acure fo r noth ing. La st year a specia l school fund commission appointed by the Governor and c o n s is t in g of W allace R. F a rr in g ton , Edgar Wood and W. S. Bowen, made a thorough in v e s t ig a t io n of school co n d it ion s. The ir report i s m ilde r, in my op in ion, than the con d it ion s r e a l l y warrant, and ye t i t makes some very sweeping charges. I t

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says: " In the T e r r ito ry there i s a very powerful elementboth openly and covert ly d e c la r in g that too much education i s being given the ch i ld ren of lowly b i r t h . " . . .

In sp ite of the seemingly insurmountable b a r r ie r s to group achievementfaced by the Japanese and other immigrant groups, t h e i r subsequentachievements by the middle o f the century have been remarkable. For example, Coffman (1972) d e ta i le d the rap id r i s e o f the Japanese andothers in the p o l i t i c a l system in Hawaii from the 1954 e lection through statehood to the 1970s. This r i s e was a ls o commented on by Abbott (1969) who wrote c r i t i c a l l y of the n a t io n a l i s t i c fe e l in g s o f some Hawaiians:

In c o n tra s t the Japanese, a c t in g as a un ited power groupand w ith a much rougher row to hoe than the Hawaiians, now have an important say in the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the i s la n d s . They have r isen from the lowest economic group in the e a r ly part o f t h i s century, u n t i l t h e i r incomes are now only s l i g h t l y le s s than those of the whites and Chinese.

In 1947, the Hawaiian-white conservative c o a l i t i o n s t i l l dominated the le g i s la t u r e . Twenty years l a t e r there were more Japanese than a l l other e thn ic groups combined in the House and a very la rg e segment o f Japanese in the Senate. Three out of H a w a i i 's four Congressional rep re sen ta t ive s to Washington are Americans o f Japanese ancestry.

The Japanese in Hawaii learned the hard way th a t nat iona lism and power are incom patib le. S ince 1900 they had t r ie d th e i r own fonn of nat iona lism w ith segregated lab o r unions and s t r ik e s and Japanese-language schoo ls.A l l i t brought them was d i s t r u s t , hatred and defeat.

Japanese-American veterans came back to Hawaii a f te r World War I I determined to end the race hate a g a in s t them. They decided th a t to advance as a group they had to end a l l p rejud ice and they ran on a program of in te g ra t io n . They took over the Democratic Party , promoted so c ia l reform, and swept to v ic to ry in the "Revo lution o f 1954" when the Democrats captured the l e g i s la t u r e . L ibera l Japanese won a t the expense of conserva t ive Hawaiians. "Japanese power" appealed to so many ethn ic groups because of i t s p o l ic y of in te g ra t io n and so c ia l democracy th a t i t r e a d i ly won a l l i e s . I t had to have them, fo r the Japanese co n s t itu te d only o n e -th ird the population of the sta te .

Add it iona l support fo r the notion th a t Hawaiians face exceptional com petition from the var ious immigrant groups th a t have landed here i s to be found in a v a r ie ty of so c ia l in d ica to r data. In the meantime i t can be noted th a t in te r r a c ia l h o s t i l i t i e s do e x i s t and are sometimes considered a problem. For instance, Paul Miwa, chance llo r of the H ilo campus of the U n iv e rs i ty o f Hawaii, noted in 1971:

Much of the problem ( fo r Hawaiians) l i e s in in te re th n ic h o s t i l i t i e s . Something has to be done ove rt ly to b r in g

them together. One o f the most p o s i t i v e th in g s going for us, now, i s our a b i l i t y to s i t down and ta lk i n t e r r a c i a l l y (Honolulu A d v e r t i s e r , December 20, 1971).

There a l s o may be a ce r ta in degree of d i sp leasure and animosity a s soc ia ted with the s ta tu s o f Hawaiians as " i n t e r e s t i n g , unusual, and worthy of s c i e n t i f i c s tudy. " For example, Aa la Akana t e s t i f i e d as fo l lows regard ing B i l l 857:

We do have a s i t u a t io n a l so , where in f i g h t i n g for our cu l tu ra l con s id era t ion s in every e n t i t y of economic, r e l i g i o u s , and p o l i t i c a l f i e l d s , where a s i t u a t io n occurs l i k e , fo r example, here you have a s i t u a t i o n in Ka i lua where Kamehameha I passed away and the exact s i t e s that have been restored where h is bones were prepared f o r f i n a l d i s p o s i t i o n . We are t a l k in g about the same time per iod th a t George Washington was c re a t in g America. This i s the timespan we are t a l k in g about. No one would ever cons ider d igg in g up George Wash ington 's bones, putt ing h is bones i n to a museum to v e r i f y h i s ex is tence and they can get away with t h a t here and they ca l l i t archeology (p. 98).

In short , not only have Hawaiians had th e i r l i v e s and t h e i r cu l tu re overrun with any number of outs ide in f lue nces , but a l s o they a l s o f ind themselves the objects of study and sc ru t iny . Perhaps the s i t u a t i o n i s best summed by in a comment from Mama Loa:

We are not warr ing , v io le n t people. We love people. We l e t everybody do what they want to. T ha t ' s our way of shar ing. But they moved us as ide and they fo rgo t to take care of the people th a t own the land (Mama Loa, B i l l 916, p. 172).

Social Indicator Data

Cost of L i v i n g . There i s l i t t l e to d ispute the f a c t that modern-day Hawaii l's a c h a l le n g in g environment in which to l i v e simply because ofthe high co s t o f l i v i n g . For example, recent government s tud ie s ofbudgets for middle-income urban f a m i l i e s apparent ly found Honolulu to be the n a t io n ' s most c o s t l y major c i t y . I t was estimated t h a t a hypothet ica l fam i ly of four would require $31,893 to l i v e comfortably in Honolulu as contrasted with the $22,678 needed to l i v e in D a l l a s , Amer ica 's l e a s t expensive major c i t y ( Honolulu A d v e r t i s e r , Ap r i l 20,1982). In ad d i t i on , i t has been reported t h a t a higher percentage of res idents work in Hawaii (67.9 percent of a l l i n d i v id u a l s over 16) than in any other s ta te except fo r Alaska and Nevada. H aw a i i ' s f i gu re contra st s with the 62 percent of a l l people over 16 in the labor force n a t io n a l l y . This a l s o holds true for women: 57 percent o f a l l womenover 16 work in the I s l a n d s compared to 50 percent on the Mainland ( Honolulu A d v e r t i s e r , May 27, 1982). F i n a l l y , add i t iona l pert inentcon tra s t s inc lude the fo l low in g offered by H o l l i s (1982):

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The census report sa id the median rent here in 1980 was $308 a month compared to $243 fo r the country as a whole.

H aw a i i 's median monthly co s t fo r owner-occupied homes with mortgages was $466, second only to A laska. For the nation as a whole, the f igu re was $365.

The h igher co st fo r housing a lso makes Hawaii a land of ren ters. Only 51.7 percent o f I s la n d residences are owner-occupied compared to 64.4 on the Mainland.

Education . Ever s in ce e a r ly M is s io n a r ie s s t ro n g ly emphasized l i t e r a c y , the va s t m ajor ity of Hawaiians have been able to read and w rite with at l e a s t a minimal leve l of competence. The fo l low in g ta b le drawnfrom Lind (1980) i l l u s t r a t e s th i s strong t r a d i t io n of l i t e r a c y amongHawaiians as well as the remarkable ga in s in l i t e r a c y rates amongH a w a i i 's immigrants.

An even more t e l l i n g in d ic a t io n o f the strong value p lace on education by sp e c i f i c e thn ic groups in Hawaii i s a Table showing the school attendance ra tes among 16- and 1 7 -year-o ld s . As Lind (1980) noted these are o f p a r t i c u la r in te r e s t because school was not mandatory fo r youth of th i s age. As he sa id , "E s p e c ia l ly in the e a r l ie r decades of the present century, when in du stry and the press d id not favor high schooleducation fo r the masses, school attendance on the part of ch i ld re n aged s ixteen or seventeen was c h ie f ly a r e f le c t io n o f a strong educational urge on the part of the young people themselves and e sp e c ia l ly of th e ir p a re n t s . "

Another inform ation on high school graduation ra te s— the percentage of a d u lts who have graduated from high sch oo l— provides an e x ce l le n t i l l u s t r a t i o n of the f a c t that competing as a m inority in Hawaii may be quite d i f fe r e n t from competing with a much g re a te r d iv e r s i t y of people on the Mainland. S p e c i f i c a l l y , a report by Brenner (1982) d e t a i l s re su lt s from the 1980 Censes showed Asians lead in g the way with a high school education rate of 74 percent. Other rates c i te d included the fo l lo w in g :

In Hawaii, meanwhile, the inform ation reported by Thompson and Hannahs(1979) above in d ic a te s high school education rates as fo l low s w ith in the S ta te of Hawaii:

C le a r ly , when contrasted w ith S ta te of Hawaii f ig u re s Hawaiians appear t o be "beh ind." However, when considered w ith in the context o f the nation as a whole t h i s p a r t ic u la r so c ia l ind ica tor - indexe d problem appears cons iderab ly le s s se r io u s than w ith in - s ta te comparisons suggest.

Another apparent in d ic a t io n of a strong in te r e s t in education among people l i v i n g in Hawaii i s the widespread p a r t ic ip a t io n in p r iva te school education. In t h i s regard the National Center fo r Education S t a t i s t i c s

Whites Blacks Hi spanics

69%50%43%

Hawaiians 70%Total State 76%

(1981) reported th a t Hawaii and the D i s t r i c t o f Columbia lead the nat ion in p roport ion of p r iva te schoo ls , each counting 33 percent o f th e ir schoo ls as p r iva te . In terms of numbers o f students, Department o f Education f i g u r e s fo r 1980-1981 showed th a t 37,878 (18.7%) students out o f a to ta l o f 202,972 students en ro lled in school statewide attended p r iva te schoo ls (Department of P lanning and Economic Development, 1981; Table 63, p. 84). Th is leve l o f p a r t ic ip a t io n , on a per cap ita b a s i s , makes Hawaii f i f t h n a t io n a l ly in p r iva te school popu lat ion (Vobejda, 1981), and i t marks an increase from 1970 and 1975 when percent a t tend ing p r iva te schoo ls stood a t 14 percent and 15.6 percent re sp e c t iv e ly ( c f . , Vobejda & K e ir , 1981).

The s i t u a t io n Hawaiians face in terms of v i s i b i l i t y from the national perspective as a m ino r ity group in Hawaii i s suggested by the fo l lo w in g in form ation drawn from a Department o f Education a p p l ic a t io n fo r a s s i s t a n c e under the Emergency School A id Act to "m inor ity i s o la t e d " schoo ls (Department o f Education, 1975). The fe d e ra l ly - su p p l ie d ra c ia l ca te go r ie s a long with the f ig u re s for Hawaii pub lic school were as fo l lo w s :

Federal M in o r ity Group Category

Numberfo r

Hawaii Schools

Percentof

Total

Negro 2,484 1.4American Indian 478 .3Spanish-Surnamed 3,415 1.9O rienta l 79,440 44.7Portuguese 11,346 6.4A laskan Native -0 - --Hawaiian Native 31,759 17.9Other M in o r ity 9,586 5.4Total Current

M in o r ity Enrollment 138,508 77.9N on -M inor it ie s 39,203 22.1

Total 177,711 100

Based on these f ig u re s i t i s c le a r that Hawaiians are but one of the fe d e ra l ly -re co gn ize d m in o r ity groups in a school system th a t i s a lm ost 80 percent "m in o r i t ie s . "

Mi nori ty Owned Busi n e sse s . Further in d ic a t io n of the leve l of com petition that Hawaiians face can be found in s t a t i s t i c s about m inority owned bus ine sses. Kanahele (1982) reports th a t 20,625 firm s in Hawaii were m inor ity owned; of these, 20,226 (68.9%) were owned by As ianIn d ia n s , Chinese Japanese, Koreans, and other A s ian s (exc lud in g F i l i p i n o s ) , and 1,368 (6.6%) were owned by Hawaiians.

In -M ig r a n t s . While in -m ig ra t io n from the Mainland may be f a l l i n g o f f somewhat in recent y e a rs , i t s t i l l appears to be a fa c to r in the employment p ic tu re fo r young a d u lt s . A b r ie f d e sc r ip t io n o f immigration during 1979 o ffe red by the Department o f P lann ing and Economic Development (1980) was as fo l low s:

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Persons moving to Hawaii from the Mainland during 1979numbered 22,559, accord ing to the data compiled fo r the Hawaii S ta te Department o f P lann ing and EconomicDevelopment by the Hawaii V i s i t o r s Bureau and S ta te Department o f A g r icu ltu re . The 1978 to ta l was 39,476. The 1979 to ta l was the lowest annual count s ince 1963.

Among party heads in c i v i l i a n occupations, 68.7 percent were in p ro fe s s io n a l, te ch n ica l, bu s ine ss ,m anageria l, or o f f i c e jobs.

Most of the in -m igran ts were r e la t i v e ly young. H a lf were le s s than 25.7 years o ld , and on ly 3.3 percent were s ix t y or over. Retired persons accounted fo r 4.8 percentof a l l party heads.

In a d d it io n , the fo l lo w in g po in ts were made about the nature of the immi g r a n t s :

1. The in -m igran ts were h eav i ly concentrated in the m i l i t a r y and m ilitary -dependent popu lat ion ;

2. Recent c i v i l i a n m igrants were d isp ro p o r t io n a te ly re s id e n ts o f Maui and Kauai;

3. Most m igrants were le s s than 25 years o f age, and only a few were more than 45 years o ld ;

4. Caucasians, b lacks and Puerto Ricans hadr e la t i v e l y high proportions o f recent m igrants;

5. Recent a r r i v a l s from the Mainland were ge n era llybetter educated than e ith e r long-term re s id e n ts or recent m igrants from abroad;

6. An above-average percentage were p ro fe ss iona l ortechn ica l workers or lab o re rs , and a below-averagepercentage were male c le r ic a l workers, craftsmen, or opera t ive s ; and,

7. Among c i v i l i a n (but not m i l i t a r y ) f a m i l ie s , incomes were s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower among the recent a r r i v a l s .

So c ia l Science A n a ly s i s

Soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s have not been express ly in te re sted in lo o k in g at Hawaiian problems from the po int o f view of the s t i f f com petition they face. However, va r io u s accounts, a few of them a b i t o lder, do o u t l in e some of the cha llenges Hawaiians have faced. For example, one general theme that could be e x te n s ive ly developed i s the idea th a t Hawaiians were simply outpaced— they had very l i t t l e idea o f what had h i t them as Western cu ltu re ra p id ly took hold in the I s la n d s . Homer (1975), fo r in stance , described the s i t u a t io n with respect to business and economics:

But there are, perhaps, fa r more important h i s t o r i c a l reasons why Hawaiian entrepreneurship remained a lm ost dormant during so much of H a w a i i 's modern development. In the f i r s t p lace, by the 1850's fo re ign in te r e s t s became so dominant in the po lit ico -econom ic system of the Is la n d s

th a t the Hawaiians had v i r t u a l l y l o s t e f fe c t i v e contro l .Economic development was p r im ar i ly in the hands ofAmerican or European entrepreneurs who had the necessary resources - - technical know-how, c a p i t a l , management, markets, etc. - - or i f they did not, a t l e a s t knew how to get a t those resources. Sh ipp ing, f a c to r in g , commercial a g r ic u l tu re , m ercan t i l in g , banking and other sec tors of the emerging economy demanded a leve l of d i s c i p l i n e , knowledge and bus iness s o p h i s t i c a t i o n t h a t few, i f any,Hawaiians had at ta ined. So, the Hawaiians were shut outfrom tak ing par t in the major economic decis ion-making o ft h i s ea r ly per iod of H a w a i i ' s modern development (pp.v i i - v i i i ) .

An account from Heen (1936), an ethnographic study of Hawaiians l i v i n g inan urban Hawaiian homestead area in the 1930s, g ives a f l a v o r o f thetimes in terms of m ajor i ty cu l tu re perceptions and opin ions about Hawaiians, and i t pa in ts an image of f a m i l i e s and i n d i v id u a l s who were b a s i c a l l y being " l e f t behind" by developments in Honolulu. I t i s a l s o of i n t e r e s t to note the comment about education, one t h a t undoubtedly r e f l e c t s major i ty cu l tu re perspect ives of that time.

The study o f Papakolea i s a study of the Hawaiians in miniature, from the standpoint of land tenure, soc ia l progress , economic development, cu l tu re and educational problems.

Government land, easy of access , located a t a convenient d is tance from supposed advantages and a t t r a c t i o n s of c i t y l i f e , within reach of the requirements of a " f i s h and po i " economy, af forded a natural s e t t in g fo r the growth of a Hawaiian sett lement of the t r a d i t i o n a l type. Papakolea of o ld f u l f i l l e d those requirements.

Changes in the l i v e s o f the people are the consequences o f changes wrought in the name of progress under western cond i t ion s. Papakolea shows cond i t ions that are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f changes in the l i v e s o f Hawaiians in genera l. The l i v e s of the people represents d i f f e r e n t degrees o f development in the t r a n s i t i o n . D i s in t e g r a t i o n of character and p e r son a l i t y i s l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of a c lash between t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l and cu l tu ra l background and that of the west which has been imposed on them.

A c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the s i t u a t i o n revea ls t h a t beneath a l l "the externa ls of the western o rde r , " there s t i l l e x i s t s much of the "o ld cu l ture th a t i s e f f e c t i v e . "The f a c t that i t not only p e r s i s t s but s t i l l r e s i s t s the impos i t ion of western mores, serves to prove th a t her i tage and environment are among the dominant fac to r s c o n t r o l l i n g human l i f e .

The people of Papakolea are by no means ye t adjusted to the new economic and soc ia l cond i t ion s th a t confront them. They feel that they have not ye t advanced to the point where they have the knowledge and apprec ia t ion of western methods that w i l l permit them to contro l t h e i r own property without a id , advice and some regu la t ion .

When a l l the fac to rs are taken in to cons iderat ion , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f ind among them low incomes, low

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standards o f l i v i n g and re su lt a n t poor health. The c h ie f o b s ta c le s in the way of improvement are ev ide n t ly economic l im i t a t io n s and insecure tenure. So long as there i s no permanent source of revenue, improved co nd it ion s fo r bette r l i v i n g and better health can come but s low ly . The s i t u a t io n in that respect could be bettered.

The evidence shows th a t the Hawaiians are good workers in p u rsu its they appreciate. The p la c in g of the people in u n sk i l le d temporary job s which o f fe r no permanent opportun ity i s a t best a temporary expedient. A c t i v i t y along re g u la r and remunerative l i n e s needs to be planned fo r them and encouraged.

A fundamental requirement i s that the problem be recognized as p r im a r i ly educational in the broadest sense of the term. . . . (pp. 94-95)

A second theme th a t could be developed in de ta i l i s the idea that some o f H aw a i i 's immigrants made very im pressive progress in moving up from being con tract labore rs to being independent farmers and businessmen. L ivesay (1932), fo r in stance, documented the r e la t iv e in te r e s t and success in education of the var iou s ethnic groups in the e a r ly part of t h i s century. While a b r ie f excerpt from Adams and Kai (1928) suggests the strong in te r e s t in education among Japanese re s id e n ts :

O r ig i n a l l y there were homesteaders o f three race groups,nat ive Hawaiian, Portuguese, and Jap an e se --a l l nat ive born c i t i z e n s . A f te r about f i f te e n ye ars the Japanese only remain, the Hawaiians and Portuguese having so ld or leased t h e i r lands. The cane i s ground at a near-by p la n ta t io n m i l l . The v i s i t was too sho rt to secure a general expression of opin ion and a t t i tu d e , but one fanner who had won a p r ize fo r the h ighest y i e ld o f cane was e n th u s ia s t ic about h is work. He had made 87 tons to the acre and sa id ,' I expect to make 90 tons t h i s y e a r . ' He had receivedonly a s ix t h grade education and s a id th a t he wanted to give h is ch i ld re n a better education. There i s no high school near t h i s d i s t r i c t and the people are not th in k in g much about i t ye t ( p .50).

More recen tly , one suggest ion of the competition Hawaiians face atthe c o l le ge leve l comes from a report by Graham (1981). Working a tBYU-Hawaii in La ie , undoubtedly one of the most d iverse m u t icu ltu ra l educational s e t t in g s in the s ta te , he reported the fo low ing mean grade point averages by cu ltu ra l group:

GPA SD

HAWAIIANA. KAUAI 2.40 .37B. MOLOKAI 2.46 .85C. MAUI 2.74 .62D. HAWAII 2.57 .73E. OAHU 2.75 .68

SAMOANA. WESTERN 2.45 .55B. AMERICAN 2.57 .38

MAORI 2.70 .68

FIJ IAN 2.44 .70

CHINESEA. HONG KONG 3.44 .37B. TAIWAN 2.80 .41C. SINGAPORE 3.32 .42

JAPANESE 2.87 .05

F IL IP INO 2.85 .05

THAI 3.24 .35

AMERICAN-CAUCASIANA. EASTERN U.S. 2.92 .81B. CENTRAL U.S. 3.16 .42C. MIDWEST U.S. 2.96 .73D. MOUNTAIN U.S. 3.09 .63E. UTAH 3.14 .58F. WEST COAST U.S. 2.91 .71

TONGAN 2.54 .61

BYU-HAWAII CAMPUS 2.82

(p. 24)

At the same time, h i s f i n d in g s regard ing the a t t i tu d e s of var ious cu l tu ra l groups sugges ts th a t Hawaiians, , c l e a r l y , among the lower ach ievers, were not p a r t i c u l a r l y happy in t h i s se t t in g :

Of fu r ther i n t e r e s t was the host, Hawaiian Culture. The Hawaiians by 450 ( s i c ) percent of the sample f e l t un liked by other cu l tu re s . They a l so expressed the widest range of complaints which may be r e f l e c t i v e of a lower to lerance fo r cu l tu ra l d i v e r s i t y . (p. 24)

F i n a l l y , the quest ion of "b r i gh t f l i g h t , " the tendancy of a community's best and b r i g h t e s t students to s y s te m at ica l ly avoid pub l icschoo l ing in favor of p r iva te school educat ion, i s an i ssue that Rap son(1980) has d iscussed in d e t a i l . An h i s t o r i a n who i s f a i r l y recent lya r r ive d from the Mainland, h is book F a i r l y Lucky You Live Hawaii i s i n d i c a t i v e o f how unique Hawaii i s when cons idered from i nat ionalperspect ive and the extent to which newly a r r ive d Mainland haoles can experience unprecedented adjustment problems. In h is case he wasapparent ly quite shocked by the educat ional s i t u a t i o n he found here, and h is de sc r ip t io n of i t provides a fe e l in g fo r competit ive forces , subt le

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as they may be, among the var ious ethnic groups to be found in Hawaii, the fo l low in g two excerpts from h is work prov ide a fe e l in g fo r h is po in t of view as well as cons iderab le inform ation about the educational system in Hawaii:

The cond it ion of a s o c ie t y ' s school system provides one of the su re s t c lues to the future of th a t soc ie ty . To the extent th a t t h i s i s true, the s ig n s fo r Hawaii are ominous. Throughout the twentieth century, the t e r r i t o r y was v ic t im ize d by a tw o -c la s s , r a c i s t educational pattern. Before 1920, most haoles went to p r iva te schoo ls while everyone e lse attended often substandard pub lic schoo ls .When the p r iva te schoo ls became too expensive a f te r 1920, many white parents sought fo r a new way to maintain the separa t ion . S ince overt ra c ia l segrega t ion could no lon ger work in a so c ie ty o f in c re a s in g in te r ra c ia l m arriage, a su b t le r remedy had to be found. I t came with the d e v is in g of the E n g l i s h Standard school system. L inco ln School wasdesignated in 1924 as the f i r s t E n g l ish Standard grammar schoo l. Others fo llowed through the 1920's and 1930 's , c h ie f among which were Thomas Je ffe rson and Robert Lou is Stevenson Jun io r High Schools and Rooseve lt High School.

The c r i t e r io n fo r admission to these schoo ls was a c e r ta in leve l o f p ro f ic ie n cy in the E n g l is h language. Many haole parents were a f r a id o f " language contam ination"should th e ir ch i ld re n grow up surrounded by p id g in , and to accuse them o f out-and-out racism would probablyo v e rs im p l i fy m atters. Yet how could those excluded from the system not see racism a t work? The e f fe c t o f i t was to create schoo ls fo r hao les, with a l ib e r a l s p r in k l in g ofhaol e-Hawaiians and Portuguese. (These schoo ls advanced the march o f many Portuguese toward being considered h a o le s . )The main ta rg e t s o f the system were O rienta l c h i ld re n . From 1 925 to 1932, O rienta l ch i ld ren never comprised more than 7 percent o f the student population a t L inco ln ; t h i s was about the same as Punahou. One sch o la r saw con d it ion s thus:

To many o f H aw a i i 's most ardent democrats, the E n g l ish Standard school system was e v i l . I t emphasized so c ia l d i s t in c t io n s between the races.Haoles looked down on students from re g u la r sc h o o ls . Hawaiian and O rienta l ch i ld re n , e sp e c ia l ly from tougher neighborhoods, accusednonhaole boys a t Standard schoo ls of being s i s s i e s . To belong to the gang, i t was necessary to speak p id g in . S ince nearly a l l haoles went to E n g l ish Standard or p r iva te sch oo ls , thousands of H aw a ii 's ch i ld re n went through the pub lic schoo lsw ithout even having c lo se contac t w ith Caucasian youngste rs . The dual system a ls o helped to perpetuate c la s s d i s t in c t io n s . Students a t theE n g l ish Standard schoo ls u su a l ly dressed in bette r c lo th e s and had more spending money. In e v i t a b ly , the Standard schoo ls became the

p re s t ig e sch oo ls , not j u s t fo r the students, but fo r teachers as w e ll. Newer and be tte r equipment was given Standard schoo ls. Teaching assignments to them were rewards, the best teachers g r a v i t a t in g to them, where they were needed le a s t .

Gains were reg is te re d , however, in the remainder ofthe school system. The in f lu x of prog re ss iv e energy a t McKinley High School during t h i s period i s a s to ry in i t s e l f . The E n g l ish Standard system was shut down in 1947, by which time O r ie n ta ls outnumbered haoles in the system. In te g ra t io n had become a r e a l i t y , but i t was not u n t i l the Democratic Party triumphs in 1954 th a t the se r iou s e f f o r t to make something of that r e a l i t y occurred. Massive funding fo r the pub lic schoo ls ensued and s t r id e s were made in overcoming the c o rro s iv e e f fe c t s of the dichotomized educatonal system. The q u a l i t y of in s t ru c t io n spread more evenly throughout the school system. A statewide system to funding meant in theory th a t poor d i s t r i c t s would rece ive the same monies as the more w e l l - to -d o , thereby reducing in e q u it ie s and break ing down the cyc le by which the advantaged increased th e ir advantages w ith every pa ss in g generation, while argument can be made fo r more lo ca l con tro l, hopes fo r the new enrollment was growing (from 168, 464 in 1 967 to 182, 463 in 1971), while p r iva te school enrollm ent was d e c l in in g (from 31 ,499 in 1967 to 29,481 in 1971).

In recent ye ars the re v o lu t io n appears to haveground to a h a l t , having f a l le n f a r sho rt of a l l a n t ic ip a te d go a ls . Hawaii once again f in d s ala r g e r percentage of i t s ch i ld re n attend ing pr iva te schoo ls , than any s ta te in the nation. The tw o -c la ss system has returned, as theb e t t e r -o f f Chinese, Koreans, Caucasians, and Japanese— The s t a t e ' s more a f f lu e n t groups--have i n c r e a s in g ly sent t h e i r ch i ld re n to the p r iva te sch o o ls , w h ile the pub lic schoo ls have become home fo r the le s s a f f lu e n t among these groups and fo r Hawaiians and F i l ip in o s , a n d Samoans, a l l of whom s i t a t the bottom of the economic heap. R ac ia l v io lence f la r e s in the high sch oo ls , many o f which are quite scary p laces. Far too many of the students graduate from the pu b lic highschoo ls knowing ne ither how to read nor write. Test scores ge n era l ly f a l l well below theMain land averages; morale has f a l l e n ; vandalism c o sts the S ta te over $1,000,000 each year; the system looks to be in d isa r ra y .

In tu rn in g a t ten t ion toward the students, we drawcloser to the nub of the school problem. Students everywhere probably do more le a rn in g

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from t h e i r fe l low-s tudents than from t h e i r teachers. Ser ious students contr ibute to a classroom atmosphere in which lea rn in g can f l o u r i s h . Unruly students create a jung le . In Hawaii we witness a su b s tan t ia l exodus of the best students in to the pr iva te schoo ls , leav ing behind a m i l ieu in which se r iou s lea rn in g su f f e r s . The s a lv a t io n of the public schoo ls depends upon a return of the b r i g h t e s t ch i ldren.

They leave fo r a number of reasons, but achicken-and-egg cau se -and-e f fec t pattern operates. The students leave because educational standards in the publ ic school are much lower than in the pr ivate schoo ls . Parents who want t h e i r ch i ld ren to get a good education and perhaps go on to co l lege conclude they have l i t t l e choice but to get t h e i r o f f s p r in g in to the p r iva te schoo ls . The more who leave the publ ic school system, the more th a t system s u f f e r s a dec l ine in educat ional standards. The greater the dec l ine , the g rea ter the exodus, the g reater the exodus, the greater the dec l ine, and so on. The s ta te f in d s i t s e l f caught in t h i s t r a g i c cyc le , with no immediately apparent way to break out ot i t.

The exodus of many good students ( though obv iou s lyno t a l l who leave are good nor are a l l who remain mediocre) i s both a major symptom and a cause of the sharp soc io-economic d i s p a r i t y in the i s l a n d s . As has been p re v iou s ly noted theO r ie n ta l s and Caucasians have shown greater upward m o b i l i t y than the re s t of the populat ion. I t i s no coincidence t h a t Chinese cu l ture , Japanese cu l tu re , and Euro-American cu l tu re a l l evince s trong, t r a d i t i o n a l , respect for education. Again the cycle : the more educat ion,the g rea te r the economic success; the g r e a te r the economic success; the greater the commitment to education.

Teachers and ad m in i s t ra to r s , hence, f ind themse lvesfac ing a student populat ion, a l a rge proport ion of which i s i l l - e q u ip p e d andi l l - p r e p a r e d for education of high standards. The e a s i e s t recourse has been to reduce those standards. Students who cannot read or wri te or add at t h e i r appropriate grade level arerou t in e ly promoted in to the next grade. The pub l ic high schoo ls graduate too many functional i l l i t e r a t e s . As the standards dec l ine (there are many exceptions to t h i s pattern, but not enough), the more upwardly-mobile parents scrape up money made al ready scarce by the high l i v i n g co s t s ; they make a cons iderab le s a c r i f i c e to send t h e i r ch i ld ren to pr iva te schoo ls . The s ta te , in consequence, g a l lop s more rap id ly toward the tw o - t ie r educational system.

The Mainland i s rap id ly " ca tch ing up" with theseHawai ian problems, j u s t as housing co s t s are " ca tch ing up." In the ghettos the s i t u a t io n i s a good deal more f r i g h te n in g than here. But even though the Mainland i s in the throes of profound educat iona l d i f f i c u l t i e s , the f l i g h t of the b r i g h t e s t has not occurred in most communities in a degree equal to Hawa i i ' s . Thus the pub l ic schoo ls , though s t r u g g l i n g , are s t i l l a reasonab le, acceptable a l t e r n a t i v e for most m id d le - c la s s fa m i l i e s . Even i f a parent favors the e g a l i t a r i a n p r in c ip le of pub l ic education and opposes the e l i t i s m of p r iva te schoo ls , as I do, i t i s not easy to use one 's own c h i l d as a guinea p ig i f the educational standards in the public schoo ls are too low and the so c ia l tens ions too high. Nor should parents be forced into such a d i s c o m f i t in g s i t u a t io n . The path of pub l ic educat ion must be made a t t r a c t i v e to the upwardly mobile, educat ion-consc ious people o f the s ta te . As they forsake the pub l ic schoo ls , those schools i n c r e a s in g l y w i l l shr ink before insurmountable obstac l es.

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General Need A rea : B a r r ie r s in the Dominant Culture

Condit ion 4: I s o l a t i o n / P r o v in c i a l i s m

Major Need Area: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condit ion Summary

HAWAII, AS AN ISLAND STATE, HAS BEEN GEOGRAPHICALLY ISOLATED AND HENCE SUBJECT TO FORCES OF INTELLECTUAL INBREEDING AND PROVINCIALISM. THIS HAS RESULTED IN A RESTRICTED RANGE OF INTELLECTUAL STIMULATION AND ABIL ITY TO EMBRACE DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES IN A TRUE MULTICULTURAL SENSE. OPPORTUNITIES ABOUND, FOR INSTANCE, FOR A YOUNGSTER TO BECOME A WAIKIKI ENTERTAINER, BUT TO BECOME AN INTERNATIONAL OPERA PERFORMER MEANS MOVING TO THE MAINLAND.

Potent ia l Educational In te rvent ions

• Courses for high school students with the primary object ive ofwidening s tu d e n t ' s world view.

t Maximal use of educational telecommunications programs forsha r ing with students in other s ta te s and countr ies.

§ Soc ia l s tu d ie s courses a t a l l l e v e l s which emphasize the placeof s p e c i f i c loca l cu l tu ra l groups in the world community.

Testimony

Haw a i i ' s p o s i t i o n in the middle of the P a c i f i c Ocean makes i t the most i s o la t e d a r c h ip e l i g o in the world. In e a r l i e r t imes, when travel was by ship or by planes that were incapab le of non-stop t r a n s - P a c i f i c f l i g h t s , t h i s centra l l o ca t io n made Hawaii a necessary s top -over point. As such i t developed fa r more qu ick ly than other P a c i f i c i s l a n d s , with extreme soc ia l changes compressed in to a very b r i e f time period. With a l l of the in f luences from ou ts ide r s , the s t a t e ' s main c i t y and c a p i t a l , Honolulu, grew to become one of the key c i t i e s in the world in terms of i t s sa l ience and r ecognizabi l i ty . Indeed, v i s i t o r s are often su rp r i sed to f ind such a metropo l i tan fe e l in g in the land they had always in v i s io n e d as " t r o p i c a l p a ra d i se . " At the same time, though, c r i t i c s have o c c a s io n a l l y noted shortcomings of one s o r t or another which they a t t r i b u t e both to the c l im a t ic cond i t ions and to the geographic i s o l a t i o n .

An example of the type o f c r i t i c i s m sometimes heard from in d i v i d u a l s who are accustomed to a faster -paced l i f e in Mainland c i t i e s comes from

an American H i s t o r i a n , Richard Rapson (1980). In d i s c u s s in g theeducational system in the I s l a n d s , he wondered i f general eco lo g ica lcond i t ion s might in f a c t l i m i t the leve l of attainment o f Hawa i i ' sschoo ls :

At t h i s point i t may be enough to note that I regard geographica l i s o l a t i o n as a c ru c ia l va r iab le which, in combination with the warm cl imate and thep lan ta t ion -based h i s to ry , forms an atmosphere which i smellow and t r a n q u i l , but a l s o l e t h a r g i c and apathet ic . I n t e l l e c t u a l / c u l t u r a l apathy profoundly l i m i t s the e f fe c t i v e n e s s of the schools .

S ince c u l tu ra l i s o l a t i o n cannot be changedovern igh t (assuming the d e s i r a b i l i t y of such achange), and s ince i t works a g a in s t some of thepurposes of the school system, i t could be th a t l i t t l e real change i s a c t u a l l y p o s s ib le for generat ions to come. In America we l i k e to th ink th a t anything can be accomplished. But we must face the p o s s i b i l i t y that cond i t ion s of geography, c l imate, h i s to ry , d a i l y discourse , and cu l tu re are such in the i s l a n d s that the pub l ic schoo ls can never be much d i f f e r e n t from what they now are.

C e r ta in ly t h i s i s a p e s s im i s t i c view. In a l a t e r passage in the same book he expla ined fu r ther , acknowledging a t l e a s t th a t Hawaii has i t s own " s im u la t i o n s ; " however, he perceived these as being outs ide of the t r a d i t i o n a l realm o f the focus of schoo ls :

. . . the general cu l tu ra l m i l i e u , may turn out to be the most important element in t h i s e n t i re s i t u a t i o n . I t may a l so be the most i n t r a c ta b le .Schools make up only one element in education.Ch i ld ren a l s o learn from t h e i r parents, t h e i r f r i e n d s , from the media, from the i s l a n d community as a whole and from the broader community outs ide. H aw a i i ' sextreme geographica l i s o l a t i o n has g r e a t l y reduced s t im u la t i n g contact with the outs ide broadercommunity. In fa c t th a t geographica l i s o l a t i o n probably exp la in s a g reat deal about l i f e in the f i f t i e t h s ta te .

Geographical i s o l a t i o n has led to cu l tu ra li s o l a t i o n . By a r ip p le e f fe c t i t has lowered the leve l of i n t e l l e c t u a l and cu l tu ra l s t im u la t ion in the i s l a n d community, in the loca l media, and in the nature ofcontact with f r iend s and family . Hawaii has i t s own realms o f s t im u la t ion , but in those a c t i v i t i e s in which schoo ls s p e c i a l i z e - - r e a d in g , c i t i z e n s h ip , a n a l y t i c s k i l l s , s o c ia l awareness, love of l e a r n in g - - th e i s l a n d atmosphere i s r e l a t i v e l y d e f i c ie n t . The best schools everywhere are to be found in d i s t r i c t s in which family and community l i f e are already recept ive to i n t e l l e c t u a l and so c ia l s t im u la t ion . Schools i n s u f f i c i e n t l y funded and

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i n d i f f e r e n t l y s t a f fe d w i l l , in these communities, s t i l l turn out better students than outs tanding schools in "backward" areas. Education i s a much broader a c t i v i t y than schoo l ing ; the l a t t e r c o n s t i tu t e s j u s t one component of the former.

Comments on the p r e v a i l i n g c u l tu ra l m i l ieu in Hawaii have long been one of the key ing re d ien t s of i n v e s t i g a t i v e pieces wr i t ten fo r Americans l i v i n g on the Eastern seaboard. One of the e a r l i e s t examples of t h i s typeof report ing was a piece by Baker (1911) during the e a r ly par t of t h i s century. As a l l short-term observers have, he commented ex tens ive ly on H aw a i i ' s e thnic d i v e r s i t y , but he went on to describe how advanced and impressive he found l i f e in the I s l a n d s in se lected areas. For ins tance, he c i ted outs tand ing p u b l i ca t ion s as one in d i c a t o r o f what he f e l t to be an unusual leve l of cu l tu ra l a c t i v i t y fo r such an i s o la t e d "o u t p o s t . "

Hawaii i s a l s o remarkable fo r the number andva r ie t y of i t s p ub l i c a t ion s , both newspapers and magazines, which are undoubtedly very i n f l u e n t i a l inthe i s l a n d l i f e . The F r iend , a weekly e s ta b l i shed bythe ear ly m i s s io n a r ie s , i s s a id to be the o lde s t American pu b l i c a t ion west of the M i s s i s s i p p i River.The M id - P a c i f i c Magazine, ed ited by Alexander Hume Ford, which Ts about the s ize of the standardmagazines and handsomely i l l u s t r a t e d , i s remarkable in m ain ta in ing i t s e l f in so small a center of populat ion.The E n g l i sh d a i l y newspapers show unusual e d i t o r i a la b i l i t y and stand with and represent the p lan te r s 'i n te r e s t s in a l l e s se n t ia l matters. The Japanese,Chinese, and Portugures newspapers, of which there are many in the i s l a n d s are s a id to be a very potentin f luence; several o f them are extremely rad ica l in tone. The Japanese papers e s p e c i a l l y publ i sh much s o l i d and in format ive matter and keep well in touchwith the w or ld ' s a f f a i r s .

More recent ly , New Yorker has ca r r ie d two in-depth reports fromHawaii, one in 1972 (Gray) and one in 1982 (Shaplen). In the e a r l i e r of these, Gray h ig h l i gh te d the low-key nature of youth cu l tu re p ro tes t sa g a in s t the Vietnam war a t the U n ive r s i t y o f Hawaii Manoa Campus. Sheconcluded her d i s c u s s io n with the fo l low ing account o f her c o n v e r s i o n swith a u n i v e r s i t y p ro fessor who was obv ious ly accustomed to a veryd i f f e r e n t type o f academic environment:

' I t ' s l i k e the n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s here, ' a mainland pro fe s so r mutters. ’ I t ' s l i k e the Eisenhower days.D o c i l i t y , d o c i l i t y . No hands ra i se d in the classroom, not a quest ion asked. A l l those Japanese studentscramming fo r the top grades, and the r e s t — you c a n ' t get them o f f the beach.1

The progress ive pro fessor i s in Honolulu fo r h i shealth and i s perplexed. He expresses a commonly heard complaint: ‘Po lynes ian p a r a l y s i s . ' He says that the

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P a c i f i c i s l i k e an amniotic f l u i d th a t l u l l s a l l thought and w i t out of a man's system. There i s a growing resentment toward the hao le s - - the whites of mainland o r i g i n — he notes, but perhaps only the haoles can get a rad ica l movement o f f the ground in Hawaii. How are you go ing to get the students to protes t when th e y ' r e out a t the beach a l l the time?

Later, she questioned the f e a s i b i l i t y of p lans by some in government c i r c l e s to a t t r a c t clean, i n t e l l e c t u a l l y - o r i e n t e d i n d u s t r ie s and enterpri ses:

And H a w a i i ' s hedon is t ic c l imate i s hardly su i ted to the th ink - tank in d u s t r ie s , which have t r a d i t i o n a l l y c lu s te red near g reat u n i v e r s i t i e s , l i k e Harvard,M . I . T . , and the U n ive r s i ty o f C a l i f o r n i a a t Berkeley.The creat ion of s im i l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s i s a remote eve n tua l i t y fo r Hawaii, which s t i l l basks in the eighteenth-century notion that P a c i f i c i s l a n d s are b lessed because they enable man and nature to achieve a per fec t balance in the absence of c i v i l i z a t i o n .

In the ten years s ince t h i s 1972 report , the U n ive r s i ty o f Hawaii has gone through a cyc le of expansion fol lowed by f a i r l y marked cutbacks in funding, and p lans of f u t u r i s t s seem l i t t l e c l o se r to r e a l i t y . Shaplen (1982) concluded that dreams from the go-go 1960s regard ing H on o lu lu ' s place in the P a c i f i c have apparent ly not been rea l iz ed - -an d may never be:

The idea of Hon o lu lu ' s becoming a center of technology and communication has been around fo r some ye a r s , but nothing Las ye t come of i t . C r i t i c s contend th a t in the j e t age t h i s i s n ' t f e a s ib le , s ince non-stop f l i g h t s between Tokyo and the United S ta te s and between Hong Kong and the United S ta tes are now flown r e g u la r l y , and there i s no real need for anyone who i s doing bus iness in A s ia or America to stop o f f in Hawaii.

Whether Hawaiians feel some of the l i m i t i n g fac to r s a s soc ia te d with l i f e in Hawaii, remains an open quest ion. However, there i s some i n d i c a t io n that Hawaiians with h igher l e v e l s of education may be leav ing the s ta te . The b a s i s f o r t h i s i s a report i s sued in 1974 based on 1970 census data ( c . f . , Honolulu S ta r B u l l e t i n , November 10, 1974). Apparent ly i t was found th a t the median leve l of education attainment for Hawaiians in Hawaii was 12.0 ye ars , while those who l i v e d in C a l i f o r n i a a t ta ined a median leve l of 12.4 years . In s p i t e of the reduced number of Hawaiians counted in the 1980 census, under the ethnic d e f in i t i o n s used, the numbers in C a l i f o r n i a were f a r from i n s i g n i f i c a n t : 14,454. States t a t i s t i c i a n Robert Schmidt commented a t the time th a t the data ind ica ted to him that "be t te r educated Hawaiians leave t h i s s t a t e . " Vhile t h i s may

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or may not be true, i t should be noted th a t out -m igra t ion th a t does occur would hardly be labe led a trend.

F i n a l l y , another b i t of informat ion gleaned from 1970 census ana lysesmay lend some support to Rapson's contention t h a t Hawaii in general i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y conducive to i n t e l l e c t u a l p u rsu i t s . Th is f i n d in g i s simply th a t for a l l e thnic groups in Hawaii the proport ion who have completed four years of co l le ge i s lower fo r Hawaii re s iden ts than for i n d i v id u a l s of the same ethnic group who l i v e on the Mainland. Lind (1980) summarized the f in d in g s as fo l low s :

As an i n t e r e s t i n g s i d e l i g h t , one might note th a t the s izeab le m inor i ty of a l l enumerated Hawaiians (28 percent in 1970) re s i d in g on the mainland showed a d i s t i n c t l y h igher proport ion of young adu lts who had completed four or more years o f c o l le ge than wasshownby t h e i r kinsmen who had remained in the I s l a n d s .A s i m i l a r d i s p a r i t y in the extent of c o l le ge attendance p reva i led between the four Or ienta lcommunities in Hawaii and t h e i r counterparts on the mainland, accord ing to the 1970 census. ( p. 97)

Of course, these f i n d in g s do not d i r e c t l y suggest t h a t the general cu l tu ra l m i l ieu in the I s l a n d s i s respons ib le for comparat ively lowerrates of c o l le ge completion; however, data such as t h i s in combination with Rapson 's informed opinion ra i se an i n t e r e s t i n g empirical quest ion.

General Need Area: C u ltu ra l P reservat ion

Condition!: C u ltu ra l P rac t ice s

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

THE PRESENT CULTURAL RESURGENCE HAS GENERATED DEMAND FOR INCREASED INSTRUCTION IN CULTURAL PRACTICES, SUCH AS CANOEING, FEATHER-WORK, STUDY AND PRACTICE OF TRADITIONAL MEDICINE, HAWAIIAN MUSIC, HULA, CHANT, FTC.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Supplementary educational programs that support in d iv id u a l and group in te r e s t in p reserva t ion and renewal o f cu l tu ra l p rac t ice s .

Testimony

The white man's sh ip s have a rr iv e d w ith c levermen from the b ig cou n tr ie s. They know our people arefew in nuntier and our country i s sm a ll ; they w i l l devour us.

— David Malo

The above quotation, featured in Shaplen (1982), came from a notedNative Hawaiian sch o la r about halfway through the 19th century. While h isprophecy d id indeed come true to a la rg e extent, recent years have seen a strong resurgence of in te r e s t in Hawaiian cu ltu re , p ra c t ic e s , knowledge, and va lues.

Trends beginning about 20 ye ars ago have come to be re ferred to as the "Hawaiian Rena issance." While some date t h i s movement from John Dominis H o l t ' s 1964 p u b l ic a t io n , "On Being Haw aiian ," (e .g . , Bowman, 1978), o th e r 's l i n k i t w ith more general so c ia l developments during the 1960s: th a t i s , the growing recogn it ion of the su b s ta n t ia l s o c ia lproblems o f some m ino r ity groups and the subsequent push by m inor ity leaders to fo s te r pr ide and a sense o f the p o s i t iv e a t t r ib u te s w ith ins p e c i f ic m inor ity communities.

Regard le ss o f the p rec ise o r ig in o f the Hawaiian Renaissance, there v iv a l has been remarkable ( c f . , Kanahele, 1977, 1979, 1982f).Kan ahe le 's most recent perception i s as fo l low s:

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Among Hawaiians there i s a new kind of awareness about themselves and t h e i r problems. I t i s what some have c a l l e d psycho log ica l renewal- - tak ing stock o f what they are, as measured aga in s t what they want to be--an awareness evolved over a period of years . In part i tinvo lves recogn it ion of t h e i r di sadvantaged p o s i t i on v i s - a - v i s other ethnic groups, or what someone has descr ibed as 'the d iscovery of t h e i r deprived s t a t u s . ' But i t a l so invo lves conscious e f f o r t to r a i se the leve l of th e i r i nd iv idua l and c o l l e c t i v e a s p i r a t i o n s and a re so lve toachieve, a t whatever the cos t , a s t a tu s equal to, i f not better than, th a t o f others in the community. In a c t u a l i t y , what i s happening i s par t of the quest for a higher sense of communal pride and renewed sense ofi d e n t i t y as Hawai ians, a search that has f luctua ted inspeed and i n t e n s i t y but never ceased, (p. 25)

Because Kanahele has been the most regu lar reporter on the s ta tu s of the "Hawaiian Rena issance" h i s recent comments are probably o f mostin te re s t . The fo l low in g b r i e f summaries of developments in three areas of c u l tu ra l rev iva l c o n s t i tu t e h i s l a t e s t progress report (Kanahele, 1 982c).

Mus ic: Hawaiian music has made a remarkable recoveryfrom i t s n e a r - fa ta l drowning in the cacophony of rock 'n ' r o l l . While exact f i gu re s are hard to come by, the Hawaiian Music Foundation reports there are very l i k e l y more Hawaiians learn ing to s in g and play th e i r rnusic, more teaching and more performing i t , than at any time in the past decade. For the f i r s t time in recent memory, schools (ha lau) o f fe r in g i n s t ru c t io n in steel gu i t a r , s lack key g u i t a r , themaking and p lay ing of anc ient Hawaiian instruments, and other such sub jec ts have been e s ta b l i she d . Morestudents are now lea rn in g to play the steel gu i t a r - - in v e n te d by a Hawaiian— than ever before.More se r iou s research and w r i t in g on Hawaiian music are under way and, fo r the f i r s t time in Hawai‘ ih i s t o ry , a regu lar pub l i ca t ion devoted e n t i r e l y to Hawaiian music i s a v a i l a b le . E f f o r t s by the music foundation and other o rgan iza t ion s to create i n te r e s t among Hawaiians, and non-Hawaiians as well i s unprecedented, (p. 26)

Hula: The hula, outlawed by e a r ly m i s s io n a r ie s andthen revived by Kalakaua in the l a t t e r quarter of the nineteenth century, i s recover ing, as spec tacu la r ly as the mele. Hula has enjoyed popu lar i ty f o r many years , but never as g reat as now. There are now many more hula s tud io s , i n s t r u c t o r s , and p u p i l s - - a n d notably males. The fac t that more male Hawaiians are lea rn in g hula i s extremely s i g n i f i c a n t because, although i t was often the male who performed the hula in ancient Hawai ' i ,

any boy doing hula in modern Hawai'i was c a l le d a s i s s y . Now hundreds o f boys o f a l l ages perform. There i s now grea te r in te r e s t in both teach ing and performing anc ient hula o f a l l types, (p. 26)

S p o r ts / There i s fu r th e r evidence o f Hawaiian c u ltu ra lC ra f t s resurgence in such sports a c t i v i t i e s as canoeing.

Not too many years ago a Hawaiian canoe was a rare s i g h t , but today there are many, and many more being b u i l t . Canoe rac ing has been resurrected and there are c lubs on a l l major i s lan d s , with over 5,000members, male and female, organized in to statewide a s so c ia t io n s competing on a re g u la r b a s is . While many non-Hawaiians p a r t ic ip a te , there has never been anyth ing on t h i s sca le in over 100 ye ars . The leve l of in te re s t grew sp e c tacu la r ly w ith the constru ct ion of the 6 0 -fo o t (18-meter) doub le -hu lled voyaging canoe Hokule 'a in 1974-1976 and i t s achievement in twice re t ra c in g the immigration route o f Polynesian voyagers. Other in d ic a t io n s of c u l tu ra l rev iva l maybe found in such th in g s as feather-work, the study and p rac t ice o f Hawaiian medicine, and in h an d ic ra ft work. Many other obscure and l i t t le -k n o w n aspects of the cu ltu re are being revived by Hawaiians and non-Hawaiians a l ik e , (p. 27)

Educators have not been unaware of developments w ith in the Hawaiian community as a whole, as the fo l lo w in g educators ' statements of educa­t io n a l need from Henning 's 1978 needs assessments ind ica te .

There i s a g rea t demand among students for Hawaii ana and Hawaiian cu ltu re c la s se s and a c t i v i t i e s . At present these a c t i v i t i e s are very l im ite d . (Henning 1978b)

There i s a need fo r more Hawaiian a r t s , c r a f t s and music in s t ru c t io n fo r young people. (Henning 1978c)

A tw is t in the area of Hawaiian cu ltu ra l s tu d ie s which i s undoubtedly unique to recent times i s the very strong in te r e s t of non-Hawaiians in Hawaiian cu ltu re . Kanahele (1982c) described t h i s as fo l low s:

Non-Hawaiians as a whole appear sympathetic to Hawaiians. They show in c re a s in g concern fo r Hawaiian problems and no longer regard them simply as matters to be de a lt w ith by Hawaiian i n s t i t u t io n s alone. . . Non-Hawaiians a ls o show greater and more ac t ive in te r e s t in the f u l l scope of Hawaii ana--the hula, c r a f t s , music, language, sports, and so on, indeed, so much so that being Hawaiian i s becoming almost a vogue among non-Hawaiians. (p. 24)

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Along with the sub stan t ia l numbers o f non-Hawaiians who have shown ani n te r e s t in Hawaiian cu l tu re and p ract ice , i t seems that the need forsuch re juvenat ing s tud ie s may be most acute for working and m idd le -c la s s Hawaiian f a m i l ie s whose day-to -day l i f e s t y l e i s s u b s t a n t i a l l y removed from contact with the land and with t r a d i t i o n a l p ra c t i c e s , but who have not enjoyed the rich experiences of some of the genera l ly wealthy descendants o f Hawaii a l i i (H aw a i i ' s t r a d i t i o n a l r u l i n g c l a s s ) . JohnDominis Ho lt d iscussed t h i s i s sue in a report from Lueras (1976):

'The upper -c la s s Hawaiians were always secure enough f i n a n c i a l l y , s p i r i t u a l l y , and p syc h o lo g i c a l l y to be proud of t h e i r Hawaiianness. The remnants from the o ld land-owning f a m i l i e s , fo r instance, would gettogether in the '20s, '30s, and '40s, and so r t ofrevel in th e i r Hawaiianness. They reveled in being b i c u l t u r a l . So i t was the so - c a l l e d upper -c las s - - the a l i i - - and the w ork in g -c la s s - - the makaainana - -Hawaiians who l i v e d in remote places who kept thesense of Hawaiianness a l i v e .

'Hawaiian people who l i v e d in the c i t i e s , thestevedores, the handy-men, those who worked in government o f f i c e s and as schoolteachers andse c re ta r ie s - - w e l l , they worked too hard to givebeing Hawaiian much thought. '

"And bes ides , that might have been a threat because they were t r y i n g to make i t in the bourgeois world — you know, the haole world - - and i f you ' re t r y in g to make i t in one cu l ture i t i s n ' t very comfortable to look back on a her i tage that i s in c o n f l i c t with the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l d ic ta te s of the present . " (Honolulu S t a r B u l l e t i n , January 4, 1976)

One of the prime resources of those in teres ted in Hawaiian cu l tu re i s the group of Hawaiians who are o ld enough to have been l i v i n g at a time when Hawaiian cu l tu ra l p ra c t ic e s were more common. These e lders or kupuna are considered by some to be national t reasures , as Ar thur Chun emphasized: " I wish for the study commission to understand that theseare our nat ional t reasures , our e lders who possess a l l the wisdom of our cu l tu re and our race. I wish that my sons, along with a l l of the ch i ldren of Hawaii, have the opportunity to have the exposure o f our e ld e r s " ( B i l l 857, p. 94). One of the most extens ive uses of kupuna has been in teach ing Hawaiian language in the elementary s ch oo l s ( c f . , Ong, 1982). While another approach has been to a s s i gn students to t a lk with e lders in t h e i r own f a m i l i e s ( c f . , Tan j i , 1978).

One area in which kupuna might prove to be p a r t i c u l a r l y helpful i s in p u l l i n g together f a m i l i e s so t h a t Hawaiian youth can learn cu l tu ra l prac t ic e s and t r a d i t i o n s w ith in the context of a he lp ing fe l lowhsh ip. Richard Pagl inawan, for example, has noted th a t the p rac t ice s ttiemselves— whatever they may be— are probably not the most important elements to preserve; rather, he sees a need fo r concentrat ing on

'Hawaiians need to step back and try to be o b ject ive about t h e i r inher itance , and apprec iate the anc ient l i f e s t y l e . For instance, i t scares the he ll out o f me th a t so few youngsters know how to kalua ap i g . '

Not because of the act i t s e l f , he sa id , but what i s invo lved with the process of cooking i s what counts. ' I t ' s the fe l lo w sh ip o f fam ily and fr ien d s - - everyone ga thering from a l l over, h e lp in g . ' (R ickard , 1972)

preservation of interpersonal dimensions:

F in a l l y , no d isc u s s io n of Hawaiian c u ltu ra l s tu d ie s can s idestep The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e ' s ro le . The Schools have often been c r i t i c i z e d by graduates from the 1950s and 1960s fo r the absence of Hawaiian cu ltu re , h is to ry , etc. in the curriculum ( re fe r to Condition 7 below, "Youth P e rsp e c t iv e " ) . Indeed, many of to d a y 's young a c t i v i s t s who p u b l ic ly note lo s se s o f cu ltu ra l heritage as a r e s u l t o f t h e i r p a r t ic ip a t io n in an educational system that ignored Hawaiian to p ic s are graduates o f Kamehameha. However, the i n i t i a t i o n o f an "Extension Education" D iv i s io n in 1970 co in c ided with a g re a t ly changed educational focus, as well as a s h i f t in ta rge t group for The Kamehameha Schools ( c f . , O f f ic e of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, 1981; Report No. 80-81:52).

Among the most widely-known of the c u l tu ra l rev iva l programs th a t extend beyond the Campus Programs are Na Pono Hawaii, Kamehameha's Hawaiian S tu d ie s Resource Team, and the "E x p lo ra t io n s " program. The former prov ides a team o f cu ltu re s p e c i a l i s t s who serve as an educational supplement to the pub lic s c h o o ls ' fourth grade so c ia l s tu d ie s curriculum . They trave l throughout the s ta te v i s i t i n g schoo ls and presenting t h e i r four hour dem onstration/lectures to e n t ire c la s s e s of fourth graders ( c f . , Yim, January 28, 1976). The l a t t e r i s a specia l week-long immersion in Hawaiian c u ltu ra l s tu d ie s fo r students in the summer between th e ir f i f t h and s i x t h grade school years. Students are housed a t The Kamehameha Schools where they p a r t ic ip a te in classroom a c t i v i t i e s during morning hours, w h ile afternoons are spent on excurs ions to a va r ie ty o f h i s t o r i c a l s i t e s on Oahu.

Social Science Analysis

A recent survey conducted in a s so c ia t io n w ith an eva luat ion o f The Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s t a t e ' s Extension Education D iv i s io n (O f f ic e of Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing, 1981, Report No. 80-81:52) suggested th a t the Hawaiian community may be com paratively le s s in te re sted in c u l tu ra l s tu d ie s as con tra sted w ith th e ir s tronger in te re s t in programs address ing educational achievement, crime and delinquency, and job s k i l l s (See Cond it ion 6: Cu ltu ra l Id e n t i ty fo r more d e t a i l s ).

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General Need A rea: C u ltu ra l P reservation

Cond it ion 2 : Language

Cond it ion Summary

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

CULTURAL PRESERVATION INCLUDES INSTRUCTION IN HAWAIIAN LANGUAGE. IT HAS BEEN CLAIMED THAT IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND WHAT IT I S TO BE HAWAIIAN, ONE MUST FIRST UNDERSTAND THE LANGUAGE. THERE ARE INDICATIONS OF STRONG SENTIMENT THAT WITHOUT THEIR LANGUAGE, AN ETHNIC GROUP LOSES ITS SOURCE OF IDENTITY AND ROOTS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Language programs designed to teach the o r ig in a l native tongue of a m inority group as a second language.

Testimony

In many ways the lo s s o f the Hawaiian language may be the mostfundamental lo s s o f cu ltu re su ffe red by the Hawaiian people. Numerous in d iv id u a l s t e s t i f i e d about the cond it ion s surrounding th i s l o s s ; two examples include the fo l low in g .

. . . Without th e ir language, an ethnic grouplo se s i t s source of id e n t i t y and ro o ts , consequently a f fe c t in g that g rou p 's perspective and worth in soc ie ty . I submit th a t past e f f o r t s , consc ious andunconscious, of those in power have created an unnecessary dilemma fo r the Hawaiian people, t h e i rcu ltu re and th e i r nat ive language.

In the past, anyone who a c t iv e ly spoke Hawaiianin public was punished, r id ic u le d , and considered u n p a tr io t ic . The in d iv id u a l often found h im se lf being the ta rge t of d isc r im in a t io n fo r speaking Hawaiian language p u b l ic ly . L iv in g during t h i s period , I grew up w ith E n g l ish being my f i r s t language, and Hawaiian being a poor and a p o lo g e t ic a l ly , my second language.There are a number o f h i s t o r i c a l fa c ts which tr ig ge re d these se ts o f circum stances: f i r s t , the coming ofCaptain James Cook of England in 1778; second, the a r r iv a l o f the New England C h r is t ia n m is s io n a r ie s ; andth ird , the overthrow o f the Hawaiian monarchy w ith the

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eventual annexation to the United S ta tes as a t e r r i t o r y . ( NHSC Testimony, Waiaau, p. 3)

A f te r the overthrow o f the Hawaiian Kingdom and the upswing of the American l i f e s t y l e became dominant the teaching of t h i s l i f e s t y l e was not of fered to the nat ive in those e a r l i e r years. Hawaiians were forbidden to speak Hawaiian in pub l ic and in schools . Thus the Hawaiians suffered a language ba r r ie r . Communication f e l l to pigeon E n g l i s h . (NHSC Testimony, Na kupuna o Waimea, Native Hawaiian, March, 1982)

Educat ional needs in the area of Hawaiian language a l so extend beyond the need of i n d i v id u a l s to learn t h e i r na t ive tongue as a second language. For example, i t has been noted that Hawaiian i s a very complex language ( e . g . , Aletha Kaohi, B i l l 916, p. 203) t h a t s t i l l needs to be academica lly researched. Suggest ions of Lei aloha Perkins of Chaminade U n iv e r s i t y in t h i s regard were as fo l lows.

Research in Hawaiian language a r t s , which touches every feature o f performing a r t s o f t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaii, i s nonexistent. I f i t i s necessary to educate parents and ch i ld ren o f Hawaiian e t h n i c i t y , i t i s necessary to understand how the one crux on which t h e i r i d e n t i t y with past soc ia l a l l e g i a n c e s l i e , the language and i t s a r t s .

By t h i s , I do not mean lea rn in g how to play the gu i t a r , or how to gyrate the hips more t i t i l l a t i n g l y , or how to impress t o u r i s t s with the fo re ign q u a l i t y of the nat ive language, or how to chant the d i f f e r e n t s t y le s . I mean bas ic research in to the "ways of speaking" as the anthoropolog ica l l i n g u i s t i c s scho lar Dell Hymes speaks of fo lk-ways of speech.

I t i s i n c re d ib le to me th a t in the e n t i r e P a c i f i c bas in , in an ocean that covers o n e - th i rd of the E a r t h ' s sur face , there i s not a s i n g l e u n i v e r s i t y th a t o f fe r s the oral l i t e r a t u r e s of a P a c i f i c ba s in peoplesas a matter o f course, as French, German, Lat in ,Japanese, Chinese, and even Thai are o f fered at u n i v e r s i t i e s o f any pretens ion to having standards.

There i s no sy s te m at ica l ly o f fered course in Hawaiian oral l i t e r a t u r e , taught by scho la r of Hawaiian or non-Hawaiian e t h n ic i t y f lu e n t in the Hawaiian language. One reason there i s no such course i s because there has been no bas ic research into s t ru c tu res o f speech and chant in context, and there has been a l l e g e d ly no money for such. Even more c r i t i c a l i s the lack o f pe r sp ica c i ty in acknowledging the want of such s tud ie s . ( B i l l 916, p. 158)

To some Hawaiians recent resurgence of i n t e r e s t in Hawaiian languagein d ic a t e s that the language i s f a r from dead. I f anyth ing the educat iona l

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need may be to f ind in s t r u c t o r s for the la r ge numbers o f students i n te re s ted in s tudying Hawaiian. Kanahele (1982a) a r t i c u l a t e d t h i s point o f view as fo l lows:

. . . the Hawaiian language i s s t i l l very mucha l i v e . Young Hawaiians take keen i n t e r e s t in s tudying and teaching i t , something almost unheard of unt i l very recent ly . More students learn the language in schools and the u n i v e r s i t y today than a t any time in the recent past. In fa c t , i n te r e s t in Hawaiian a t the U n ive rs i ty of Hawai ' i i s so high that more in s t ru c to r s and money are required every year. T ra in ing young language teachers w i l l l i k e l y lead to teaching p os i t i on s in pub l ic schoo ls , in turn c re a t in g more students a t a much wider and younger le v e l . And for the f i r s t time in years radio s t a t i o n s carry l i v e Hawai ian- language programs. Since language i s the key to the health and s trength of a cu l tu re , t h i s new i n te re s t , shown by young people in p a r t i c u l a r , i s of great importance, (p. 26)

F i n a l l y , Hawaiian language expert Larry Kimura suggested that a spec ia l o f f i c e be e s ta b l i she d to handle i s sues and record ing ta sks re la ted to the Hawaiian language:

An o f f i c e should be e s ta b l i shed and be c a l l e d the Hale Kuamo'o the purpose of which w i l l be to d i re c t i t s e l f towards needs in a l l areas r e l a t i n g to the Hawaiian language and to record Hawaiian cu l tu ra l knowledge in va r ious forms in order t o d i s t r i b u t e th i s heritage among the people o f Hawai ' i and the world at l a rge . (NHSC Testimony, Larry Kimura, p. 1)

Social Indicator Data

Refer to General Need A rea : PROBLEMS AT THE INTERFACE, Condit ion 2:LANGUAGE for data regard ing the number of Hawaiians c l a s s i f i e d as b i - l i n g u a l or non-Eng l i sh speaking with Hawaiian as the primary or secondary language. In 1 977 there were 84 such students in the publ ic school system (Agbayani, 1979).

Social Science Analysis

Perhaps the primary Hawaiian language in s t r u c t i o n model cur rent ly in place in the public schoo ls i s tha t i n v o lv in g use o f Hawaiian Kupuna (e lder s ) as in -c las s room in s t ru c to r s . An eva luat ion of t h i s program in the Windward D i s t r i c t was conducted by the Department o f Education in 1P81. The fo l low ing i s a summary of th e i r f i n d in g s .

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F ind ings Source

1. The h o ' ik e i s u t i l i z e d in order to Observationa s se s s student achievement.

2. The kupuna's method are based on Observation, Teachers,t h e i r personal experiences and P r i n c i p a l s , Coordinator,p e r s o n a l i t i e s . J o in t Residents Hawaiian

Language Committee

3. The classroom teachers are Observat ion, Kupuna,support ive and cooperative with P r i n c i p a l s , Coordinator,the kupuna. J o in t Res idents Hawaiian

Language Committee

4. The kupuna are cooperat ive and Observat ion, Teachers,support ive of the classroom P r i n c i p a l s , Coordinator,teachers. J o in t Residents Hawaiian

Language Committee

5. Students re la te well to the Observat ion, Teachers,kupuna. J o in t Residents Hawaiian

Language Committee,P r i n c i p a l s , Coordinator

6. Most students achieve what they Observat ion, Kupuna,are taught. Teachers, Ho ' ike,

Coordinator

7. More teaching m ate r ia l s are Observat ion, Kupuna,needed. Teachers, Coordinator,

P r in c ip a l s

8. More in - se r v i c e t r a in in g in Kupuna, Teachers,teach ing methodology and p lanning P r i n c i p a l s Coordinatori s needed fo r the kupuna.

9. A sequent ia l , structured Observat ion, Kupuna,curricu lum i s needed. Teachers, P r in c ip a l s ,

Coord inator

10. In some instances s tudents Teachersappeared to have a p o s i t i v echange in a t t i tude .

11. A te ach e r ' s guidebook i s Observat ion, Teachers,needed. P r in c ip a l s

12. Better scheduling i s needed. Teachers, Coordinator

(Department o f Education, 1981, pp. 40-41)

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General Need Area: Cu ltura l Preservat ion

Condition 3: Values

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Need

Condition Summary

CULTURAL PRESERVATION INCLUDES INSTRUCTION IN HAWAIIAN VALUES. THERE I S SUBSTANTIAL DEMAND WITHIN THE HAWAIIAN COMMUNITY FOR INCREASED EDUCATIONAL FOCUS UPON GENEROSITY, SPIRITUALITY, DIGNITY, HUMILITY, HOSPITALITY, COOPERATION, CREATIVITY, AND RESPECT FOR GENEALOGY, CLOSE FAMILY T IES, MEDIATION OF DISPUTES, ETC. SOME CLAIM THAT HAWAIIAN VALUES HAVE MUCH TO RECOMMEND THEM, THAT THEY OUGHT TO BE TAUGHT TO EVERYONE, EVERYWHERE.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Educationa l programing that enables contemporary m inor i ty group members to learn and p o s i t i v e l y incorporate t r a d i t i o n a l values i n to t h e i r current va lues system.

Testimony

Because a l l Hawaiians are members of the human spec ie s , much of what evolved in the I s l a n d s in terms o f values and cu l tu ra l p rac t ic e s i s f a m i l i a r s imply because i t r e f l e c t s human nature and the adjustments to h is environment th a t man i s in c l in e d to make. At the same time, ce r ta in aspects of Hawaiian t r a d i t i o n do appear to be unique. Kanahele (1981) for example, suggested the fo l low ing l i s t in h is report on thie f i r s t Project Waiaha Conference.

E a r l i e r we referred to the argument that in a real sense many t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian va lues th a t are compatible with our modern ideas and a t t i t u d e s are u n iv e r sa l l y shared by other cu l tu re s and therefore are not very useful in say ing Hawaiians are unique. I t i s an e n t i r e ly d i f f e r e n t matter with t r a d i t i o n a l or some modern Hawaiian p rac t ice s .There i s no quest ion about the Hawaiianness of the hula, ol i or chant, leo k i ' e k i ' e or f a l s e t t o s in g in g s t y le , lua or type o f hand-to-hand f i g h t i n g , haku hulu ’ or f e a th e r - c r a f t , kahanalu or body su r f i n g , ho"oponopono or a way med itat ing family problems, ' ah a 'a in a or fe a s t and i t s many types, kahuna lapa 'au or Hawaiian medical p r a c t i t i o n e r , hanāl or adoption system, the mele ma' i or

chant in honor o f the g e n i t a l s , l o ‘ i or taro patch, and numerous other cu l tu ra l p rac t ic e s th a t are s t i l l ca r r ied on today as they were more than 200 years ago or in some modified, modern form. I t i s s t i l l a wonder tha t in sp ite of the devastat ion of Hawaiian cu l tu re that we heard or read so much about, so many customs are a l i v e and w e l l .(p. 13)

Hawaiian va lues form a support ive framework fo r a l l o f these p ra c t ic e s , and many of them have much to recommend them.

The o f t - c i t e d s p i r i t of Aloha, for example, has un iversa la p p l i c a b i l i t y as do ded icat ion to fam i ly , apprec ia t ion and support of one 's peers, p la c in g cons iderat ion of others before cons ide ra t ion of s e l f , a s trong conservat ion e th ic etc. Some Hawaiians t a lk about "export ing " these and other Hawaiian va lues to people l o c a l l y ,n a t io n a l l y , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y ; however, a t the same time most acknowledge a need fo r Hawaiians to adopt p rac t ice s and va lues of the Western world. Byron C le e lan d ' s remarks exemplify testimony a long these1 ines:

There i s much tha t we can learn from the Hawaiian people about l i f e and how i t should be l i v e d . But, i t i s a l s o important fo r the Native Hawaiian to become a f u l l - f l e d g e d p a r t i c i p a n t in the soc ie ty which has supplanted h i s own in Hawaii nei.

However, t h i s goal can and should only be accomplished in a manner which attempts to rec on c i le Native values and t r a d i t i o n s w ith modern Western p ra c t ic e s . In my op in ion, much o f the ret icence of the Hawaiian to p a r t i c i p a te f u l l y and s u c c e s s fu l l y in our soc ie ty i s due to an i n a b i l i t y to recogn ize th a t i t i s p o s s ib le to r e t a in th a t which i s the best in h i s t r a d i t i o n s and values while p a r t i c i p a t i n g in modern Western p rac t ice s .

As experience has shown, t h i s concept i s d i f f i c u l t to i n t e r n a l i z e and subsequently put in to prac t ice . Perhaps, one way to e f f e c t i v e l y reach t h i s goal i s to prov ideprograms which w i l l "minimize the Hawaiian c h i l d ' s apprehension, improve h i s se l f - co n ce p t , and thus maximize h is freedom to le a r n , " which t h i s b i l l attempts to do.( B i l l 916, p. 198)

Support fo r t h i s trend a l s o comes from Hawaiian leaders . GeorgeKanahele (1982) i s one such person. His thought, for example, regard ing economic va lues has been that " In co r p o ra t in g t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian economic va lues in to the l i f e o f modern Hawaiians a l i k e shouldbe the goal of Hawaiians as well as the community a t l a r g e . " Under ly ing t h i s p o s i t i o n i s a f i rm b e l i e f t h a t c u l tu ra l p reservat ion cannot be accomplished i f Hawaiians needless ly a l ie n a te Hon-Hawaiians in the community a t large.

Another way of express ing the notion that Hawaiians might teach theworld some key l i f e va lues was used by Hanson (1977). R e ly ing on a growing use of Hawaiian Creole E n g l i s h ( " P i d g i n " ) in l i t e r a t u r e , the theater , and enterta inment, he couched h is ideas in the loca l vernacular:

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. . . everybody t a l k in g s to ry 'bout preserv ing dakineHawaiian cu l ture . But you know, what everybody t i n k in gwhen dey go f o r t a lk l i d a t i s go for put Hawaiian s t u f f s ond i s p l a y s hea and dere and every now and den go fo r dust em off .No way brah! Put t ing da ancient Hawaiian cu l ture o f f to da s ide j u s t f o r go look a t em on Sunday ees not what i t a l l about. What i t a l l about i s us ing and understanding theanc ient ways so dat we go fo r get akamai l i k e Tutu andTutukane and learn fo r l i v e in balance wid our i s l a n d s andwid our earth. Das what da whole t i n g a l l about, brah.What we a l l go tta get togedda and do, ees come up wid amodern day "Canoe Hawaii" dat we get from pu tt ing dakinemodern technology togedda wid da akamai of da ancientHawaiian cu l tu re . You know, eef we can do dat, den everybody from a l l ova da world gonna come for see wid dere own maka how we go fo r do dat.And, when everybody come fo r see how we make t in g s go for work gude here, den mebbe dey go back where dey come fromand make t in g s work gude dere, no?

I f Hawaiian va lues are to preserved and disseminated there are someHawaiians who see the publ ic schoo ls as the primary v e h ic le . For example, Margaret Apo, member of the Sta te o f Hawaii Board o f Education, t e s t i f i e d as fo l low s :

Unlike the other ethnic groups o f res idents who have a homeland, t h a t o f t h e i r ancestors in other par ts o f the world, the Nat ive Hawaiian has no other, nowhere, but Hawaii. The Native Hawaiian cannot c a l l upon or look upon other people in other lands for t h e i r roots are here and only here. The Native Hawaiian values must be preserved, and only in education can t h i s be done. ( B i l l 916, p. 44)

A more lengthy a n a l y s i s , meanwhile, came from Darrow Aiona, a l s o a member of the Board of Education:

In any cu l tu re , the purpose of s choo l in g i s to adapt the human potent ia l to the e x i s t i n g dominant cu l tu re , not to develop the potent ia l of d i f f e r e n t i n d i v id u a l s . Thus, our c lassrooms, l i k e educat ional i n s t i t u t i o n s anywhere, express the va lues, pre-occupations and fears found in the American cu l ture which dominates our i s l a n d s as a whole.

To a great extent, schools r e a l l y have no choice.They must prepare young people to f i t in to the cu l ture th a t e x i s t s - - and our ch i ld ren need t h i s preparat ion, too. But faced with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of educat ing increase masses and masses of ch i ld ren over the ye ars , and with the sheer volume of t h i s ta sk , education evolved in to the locks tep of teaching a l l the same - - and that of the dominant cu l tu re o f American soc ie ty . As a r e s u l t in Hawaii, in se rv in g the American dr ive to be b ig ge s t and best, to dominate a l l , our schools ignored the va lues o f Hawaiian cu l ture which are so l a c k in g today. ( B i l l 916, pp. 58-59)

Social Science Analysis

So c ia l s c i e n t i s t s have in d iv id u a l op in ions about the world, about cu ltu re , and about sp e c i f i c m inor ity groups. And to a c e r ta in extentmore so than many might be w i l l i n g to admit these op in ions do in f luencet h e i r work both in terms o f problem se le c t io n and a n a ly s i s as well as in the report in g of f in d in g s . In H a w a i i 's case some of the work o f so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s from the e a r ly part o f the century (e .g . Stan ley Porteus) has been c a s t ig a te d in recent years as being " r a c i s t " and inflammatory. More recen t ly , many so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s have adopted a dec ided ly "pro-Haw aiian " stance in th a t they have h ig h l ig h te d the p o s i t iv e dimensions of the cu ltu re ( e . g . , G a llim ore, Boggs, & Jordan, 1974; Jordan, Tharp, & B a ird -V ogt , 1982). Indeed, the fo l lo w in g passage from G ra y 's (1972)overview o f l i f e in Hawaii i s re ve a lin g :

Some months a f te r the Nanakuli report had been published, one of the p sy c h o lo g is t s who had prepared i t ,Dr. Ronald Ga llim ore, s a t in h is o f f i c e , lo ok in g q u iz z ic a l . ' I c a n 't fo r the world f ig u re o u t , ' he s a id ,'what the Hawaiians want.' He paused fo r a second and added, "However, in a few decades we may be on our knees begging the Hawaiians to teach us how to l i v e . 1

To a la r g e extent, then, contemporary so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s have been supportive of c u l tu ra l p reserva t ion and of sha r in g Hawaiian va lues w ith a wider audience. Furthermore, the work a t KEEP, which amounts to a la rg e sc a le so c ia l change e f f o r t in ten t on c re a t in g an " a l t e r n a t iv e " pub licschool system th a t w i l l be comfortable fo r Hawaiians, can on ly be viewedas supportive o f p re se rv a t io n is t trends. At the same time, though,having non-Hawaiian a n th ro p o lo g is t s as the primary in te rp re te r s ofHawaiian cu ltu re and as the primary fo rces behind "H aw a iian iz in g "education does not seem to be the same as s o l i c i t i n g input from Hawaiianparents and community leaders. C le a r ly , the academic approach i s l e s smessy, but Hawaiian might well ask i f the KEEP program in fa c t w i l l address some of th e i r " f e l t " needs in terms of p re serv ing Hawaiian va lues and cu ltu re and of g a in in g p a r i t y — i . e . , a t t a in in g le ad e rsh ip and the h ighe st p o s s ib le le v e l s o f personal and group accomplishment — in thecommunity in which they l i v e .

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General Need A rea: C u ltu ra l Preservation

Condit ion 4 : H is to ry

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

THERE ARE INDICATIONS OF NEED FOR WITHIN-CULTURE INTERPRETATION OF HISTORICAL EVENTS, AS WELL AS DISSEMINATION OF HISTORY IN ORDER TO ESTABLISH ETHNIC HERITAGE AND ADVANCE THE SELF-CONCEPT OF HAWAIIANS.

Potential Educational Interventions

• E f f o r t s to teach and in te rp re t h i s t o r i c a l m ateria l and events from the po int o f view of the indigenous m inor ity group.

Testimony

Recent in te r e s t in a f u l l range of spec ia l educational and so c ia l programs has brought to l i g h t the fac t th a t Hawaiian h is to ry i s not broad ly known and that few see i t from the Hawaiian perspective . Senator Daniel Inouye has been p a r t i c u la r ly outspoken regard ing the need fo r the Hawaiian viewpoint to be pub lic ized . For example, some of h is comments before the convention o f Hawaiian c i v i c c lubs in 1978 were presented as testimony regard ing B i l l 857:

Most people in th i s country have very l i t t l e knowledge of the Hawaiians, o f t h e i r o r ig in s , t h e i r land, th e ir h is to r y and cu ltu re and th e i r problems.

Knowledge o f the Hawaiian was indeed so l im ite d th a t up u n t i l 1974, he was not fo rm a lly considered a Native American, a descendant of the ab o r ig in a l in hab itan ts o f our nat ion , as were American Ind ians and Alaskan N a t ive s . I t became our task to inform the p o l ic y makers o f the fa c t s ; to make them aware that not un like other nat ive Americans, the Hawaiian people had developed a very so p h is t ic a te d p o l i t i c a l and so c ia l order even before the United S ta tes became a united and v ia b le p o l i t i c a l e n t ity . We had to br ing to th e i r a t te n t io n th a t l i k e the American Ind ians, the concept of nationhood, sovere ign ty, and treaty ne go t ia t ion s w ith fo re ign powers are well documented in Hawaiian h is to ry . We had to remind them that the Hawaiian Kingdom, which had endured fo r over a century

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was u n ju s t ly overthrown with the connivance and support of the United Sta tes rep resen ta t ive s in Hawaii, and t h e i r crown lands were taken from them without due process of law. We have had to exp la in how these and subsequent events had produced se r iou s d e m or i l iza t ion o f the Native Hawaiians, making them strangers in t h e i r own homeland and re le g a t in g them too often to the lowest rungs of our so c ia l h ierarchy. Having presented a l l t h i s , we s t i l l had to pursuade our co lle agu e s that the fa c ts , the s im i l a r i t i e s in culture, h is to ry and present day circumstances j u s t i f i e d the in c lu s io n o f Hawaiians in l e g i s l a t io n designed to help answer the desperate needs and the a s p ir a t io n s o f our co u n try 's Native American population. (Danie l Inouye quoted in Myron Thompson Testimony, B i l l 857, p. 166)

In terms of education s p e c i f i c a l l y , some Hawaiians feel th a t the h i s t o r i c a l point o f view described above should be taught in the sch oo ls , th a t m inor ity students, Hawaiians included, r e a l ly do not get an accurate p ic ture o f h is to ry . Pa ige Barber (1974) i s one such person; her comments were as fo l low s:

. . . h i s t o r i c a l events engaging m in o r it ie s ofAsian and P a c i f i c Is la n d e rs have always been presented in a supplemental manner. While i t would be im pract ica l to seek a rew r it in g o f a l l h is to ry books fo r c lassroom use, when new ones are developed, amechanism to broaden the scope o f p resent ing h is to ry should be se r io u s ly considered. To continue the p rov is ion o f separate supplements as i s p resentlybeing done would be to continue the m inority m en ta lity , so to speak. I am not say ing th a tsupplemental texts should be d iscontinued, because I be lieve th a t there i s n ' t enough o f t h i s . But I do feel th a t present texts in classroom s could be improvedthrough hand ling o f the subject matter in changing i t s approach, and perhaps i t s language. (N IE M u lt ic u l tu ra l Task Force Report, 1974)

The f in a l s o lu t io n in some in d iv id u a l s ' minds i s to have h i s t o r i c a l accounts w ritten from a Hawaiian perspective. This was e xac t ly the comment of Betty Ann Rocha, cu ltu re s p e c i a l i s t w ith Queen L i l iu o k a la n i C h i ld r e n 's Center, a t the time Roots was so prominant in the media: "Hawaiian h is to ry i s go ing to have to be w ritten by a Hawaiian" ( c f . , Krauss, 1977; p. A -4 ). Perhaps the work of Gard Kealoha, In form ation O f f i c e r for Alu L ike , Inc. and now O ff ice o f Hawaiian A f f a i r s Trustee, i s in d ic a t iv e of the path th a t such work may fo l lo w ( c f . , Haugen, 1977; Kealoha, 1978).

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Condition 5: Cu ltura l Id e n t i t y

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

General Need Area: Cultural Preservation

Condition Summary

MANY HAWAIIANS EXPRESS A NEED TO REINSTILL A STRONG ETHNIC IDENTITY WITHIN HAWAIIAN CHILDREN THROUGH MORE INTENSIVE ETHNIC EDUCATION. THE PREMISE I S THAT A GUIDED RENAISSANCE OF IDENTITY WILL IMPROVE SELF-IMAGE AND ENHANCE ADJUSTMENT TO CONDITIONS TO TODAY'S COMPLEX WORLD.

Potential Educational Interventions

• Programs designed to enhance c u l tu ra l i d e n t i t y and pride.

Testimony

Many Hawaiians have noted that i t i s almost imposs ib le for a non-Hawaiian to f u l l y appreciate the p sycho log ica l burden of being Hawai ian - -a t l e a s t fo r those Hawaiians who s t i l l l i v e in the homeland of t h e i r ancestors and f ind themselves enmeshed in the I s l a n d soc ia l ecology. Ho lt (1964), for example, of those who have commented on th i s i s su e , described the s i t u a t i o n most v i v i d l y .

Hawaiians in Hawaii are inescapably a part of the l i v i n g t i s s u e of i s l a n d h i s to ry . In some respects , i t i s a t e r r i b l e burden. We are, to some extent, the walk ing r e p o s i t o r i e s o f i s l a n d a n t iq u i t y : l i v i n g symbols o f a wayof l i f e long dead, but which s t range ly p e r s i s t s in shaping the character of l i f e in the f i f t i e t h s tate. To knowc le a r l y , l u c id l y , of what such a burden c o n s i s t s i s oneth in g ; to be confused by exaggerat ions, m is representa t ions , h a l f - t r u t h s , and sentimental images i s quite another.

Any people can bear the burden o f t h e i r past w ithout removing themselves to the shadowed margins of t h e i r communities, to become welfare agency cases, paahaus ( p r i s o n e r s ) , and publ ic health problems, so long as theyknow the truth of who and what they are. Can we accept thepast in i t s f u l l e s t sense? be r i d then of f a l s e images?and go about the bus iness of becoming product ive, comfortable c i t i z e n s of the present day, desp ite ours t a t io n s in l i f e ? I have only to spend ten minutes of timeto come fourth with dozens of names of people from the

Hawaiian community who have made a good l i f e f o r themselves in the present. They are too numerous to l i s t .

The im plied educational need for Hawaiians th a t stems d i r e c t l y from th e ir h i s t o r i c a l experiences i s a need to "recapture and preserve th e ir i d e n t i t y . " Indeed, some have noted th a t the development o f Hawaiian youth in t h i s d i re c t io n i s e s se n t ia l to th e ir tak ing a p lace of leadersh ip in the community--and to t h e i r su rv iv a l in to d a y 's world. Kanahele (1982c), fo r example, expressed t h i s v iewpoint recen t ly :

I f Hawaiians are to p lay any ro le a t a l l in H aw a i ' i , they must re ta in th e ir id e n t ity . I t i s the sum to ta l of t h e i r human q u a l i t i e s , a t t i tu d e s and va lues, t h e i r customs and t r a d i t i o n s , and th e i r h is to ry that makes them d i s t i n c t i v e and unique as a peopl e--and as a g re a tresource. Th is d i s t in c t iv e n e s s and uniqueness can g ivestre ngth , character, and purpose to Hawai'i as a p l u r a l i s t i c community w ith i t s d e l ic a te balance of competing e thn ic "com m unities." In other words, Hawaiiansand th e i r Hawaiian-ness g ive H aw ai 'i i t s s t ron ge st sense of id e n t i t y , to which a l l I s la n d peopl e --Ch inese , Japanese,F i l i p in o , Portuguese, Korean, or Caucasian— can re la te in a meaningful way, be i t through Hawaiian music, dance, canoeing, or s u r f in g , Hawiian food, words and b e l ie f s , the land or sea. In a real sense, Hawaiian-ness shou ld eve n tua lly belong to anyone who c la im s or adopts H aw ai 'i as home. I t i s the common resource--m ana--and to the extent th a t any person draws upon i t , that person becomes Hawaiian, (p. 30)

While not a l l Hawaiians would agree w ith the concept of Hawaiians se rv in g as a "g re a t resource" fo r the community as a whole or w ith the notion th a t anyone who l i v e s in the s ta te long enough and develops the appropriate s k i l l s and values can become "H aw aiian ," many would agree w ith the general notion that Hawaiians w i l l need to be " b i - c u l t u r a l " i f they are to su rv ive . This b ic u l tu ra l i sm can take several forms, and thus there are a number of d i s t i n c t opt ions open to Hawaiian youth. Several o f the major ones were s u c c in t ly described by Maretzki (1974) in h isoverview of Hawaiians l i v i n g in 20th century Hawaii. H is remarks were asf o l 1ows.

To develop and m aintain b ic u l tu r a l i s m s u c c e s s fu l ly would imply adaptation to changes which deeply a f f e c t c u l tu ra l va lu e s , personal experiences, and t r a d i t io n s which continue to have meaning. We may pause here to r e f l e c t onsome s t r a t e g ie s which, i d e a l ly , may be open to persons inthe c u ltu ra l p o s i t io n which has been described for people o f Hawaiian background. Three p o s s i b i l i t i e s could be considered:

a) A person could e rad ica te completely a l l trace s of h is e thn ic cu l tu ra l background and by denying any re la t io n s h ip to i t merge in to la r g e r soc ie ty , or, inreverse , he may become a p u r i s t or r e v i v a l i s t who sees

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h im se l f e n t i r e l y as a person o f h i s ethnic ancestry and attempts to l i v e accord ing ly .

b) A person may se le c t ethnic a l t e rn a t io n in which he i ssometimes one, sometimes the other in terms of c u l tu ra l id e n t i t y and ac t ions . The switches are s i t u a t i o n a l l y determined and may, a t t imes, be so hard to carry through that personal d iscomfort and d i s o r ie n t a t i o n may be a real by-product of t h i s choice.

c) A blend of two cu l tu res as a mutual enrichment may bee s ta b l i sh e d in which ne i ther cu l tu ra l background i snegat ive i n i t s e f f e c t on the other in a behaviora l orp sycho log ica l sense, (p. 46)

Testimonial comments on the s i t u a t io n as i t genera l ly e x i s t s today, and on the most appropr iate course fo r the future with respect to b i c u l tu r a l ism, were o f fered by Darrow Aiona, a member of the S ta te of Hawaii Board o f Education:

. . . Sympathetic understanding of lea rn in g s i t u a t i o n s ,encouraging in ch i ld ren an i n t e r e s t in the l i t e r a r y and recreat iona l p u r su i t s , and f o s t e r in g a knowledge of the va luable a t t r i b u t e s o f our own her i tage, such as the importance of genealogies and an i n te r e s t in our own mother tongue and the high achievements o f our p r im i t ive Hawaiian soc ie ty - - a l l of these should go a long way in developing the confidence o f our ch i ld ren. A l l of us, as the true b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f both wor lds, should be able to help.

The tendency of f a r too many parents, has been to go too fa r in one d i re c t ion by denying the ch i ld ren t h e i r heri tage in the b e l i e f th a t t h i s i s the key to progress .We fa r t o o often mistake a successfu l c i t i z e n to be one who i s an academic or economic g ian t . Many are g u i l t y of f o s t e r in g t h i s notion by pushing for higher and ye t even higher academic q u a l i f i c a t i o n s .

I th ink, one of the most important a s p i r a t i o n s o f any parent fo r the c h i l d should be t h a t o f soc ia l ease in any c u l tu ra l s i t u a t io n . Thus, i f we Hawaiian people are to be a major c o n t r ib u t in g force in q u a l i t y l i v i n g , then we must perform a kind of back and fo r th padd l ing movement - - back to our own cu l tu re for i n s p i r a t i o n , and forth to t h a t o f the dominant cu l tu re for conf i rmat ion that the va luab le t h in g s in th a t soc ie ty are no d i f f e r e n t from our own.( B i l l 916, p. 61 )

As s t ra igh t fo rw a rd as b ic u l tu ra l ism may sound i n t e l l e c t u a l l y , i t does appear th a t i t can be a d i f f i c u l t t a sk fo r Hawaiians to accomplish. For example, Emmett A l u l i , a young medical doctor and Hawaiian a c t i v i s t who serves the needs of people on the rural i s l a n d of Moloka i, has described h is personal experiences and perspective:

Drawing on h i s own background as a Hawaiian in a time of awakening ethnic consciousness and a young p ro fe s s iona l educated in haole i n s t i t u t i o n s , Dr. Emmett A lu l i addressed h imse l f to the problems o f Hawaiians in a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l soc iety .

He used h i s own family h i s to ry to i l l u s t r a t e some of the i n c o n s i s te n c ie s th a t face many Hawaiians today and create a " s c h iz o id s i t u a t i o n " for them.

A l u l i described h i s family as "high mukamuka," a moneyed Hawaiian fam i ly , due to h i s g r an d fa th e r ' s a b i l i t y to hold onto h i s kuleana lands.

"My grandfather was a graduate of Yale and Michigan Law School and he was the lega l author o f the Hawaiian Homes Commission A c t , " A l u l i said. But he added i t was one o f h is g r a n d fa th e r ' s sons who, j u s t a few years ago, became one of the f i r s t condominium developers in Waik ik i.

A l u l i was born and ra i sed in the c i t y , Honolulu, and i t was not un t i l h i s adolescent ye a r s , a f t e r spending a l o t of time with h i s grandfather on Maui, t h a t he developed h i s s p i r i t u a l awareness of the land, h is aloha aina.

A l u l i sa id i t was h i s generat ion th a t has had to come to g r i p s with what makes a Hawaiian. " I 'm always a sk ing myself what i s a Hawaiian because I w asn ' t schooled per se in understanding or i n t e l l e c t u a l i z i n g what a Hawaiian i s . "

He s a id h is parents never cons idered th a t par t of t h e i r parental o b l i g a t io n and at the time h i s grandparents f e l t i t would be better i f they gave up t h e i r Hawaiian i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . . .

"You have to re a l iz e that Hawaiians l i v e in a s ch iz o id s i t u a t i o n today. I mean, r i g h t now, I ' v e got my p r o f e s s o r ' s cap on. I don ' t feel r e a l l y good about i t but I ' v e got my loca l boy ' s plum and I feel r e a l l y good about it.

" I t ' s l i k e t r y in g to put one foot in a double hu l led canoe and the o the r foot on a f i b e r g l a s s boat, y o u ' re j u s t s p l i t t i n g a p a r t , " A lu l i sa id. " I t ' s r e a l l y hard to br idge th a t b i c u l t u r a l gap and not be mediocre on e i th e r p a r t . " ( S tap le ton , 1977)

Other Hawaiian a c t i v i s t s a l s o seem to have had trouble b r id g in g the gap between cu l tu re s . For example, Stewart (1980) quoted Hauanani-Kay Trask as fo l low s :

" I wanted to get as f a r away from everyth ing Hawaiian as I could. So I went to the U n iv e r s i t y o f Wisconsin. Now tha t I 'm back, I feel l i k e I want to get away from everyth ing haole (Caucas ian). I 'm a Hawaiian." ( Hawaii Tribune-Hera ld , May 1, 1980).

Walter R i t t e a l s o expressed the view, in an interv iew fo r Honolulu magazine, th a t i t i s j u s t too confus ing to t ry to s p l i t onese l f :

HONOLULU: Would you l i k e to be governor?

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RITTE: Oh, God no. No way!

HONOLULU: But look at a l l the in f luence you 'd have aboutderterming what happens to tourism.

RITTE: The governor has to take care of everybody. WalterR i t te only worr ie s about Hawaiians. Unti l I can get r i d of my b l in d e r s , I could never work in that place.

HONOLULU: What do you mean, "your b l in d e r s ? "

RITTE: I got b l inders on. A l l I see i s Hawaiian. T h a t ' smy main focus. There 's so much there. So much. There 's no reason for me, a t t h i s point in my l i f e , to th ink about anyth ing e l se . Because i t ' s a l l there in my cu l tu re , i t ' s a l l there in my va lues that I learned from the kupuna.

HONOLULU: Do you th ink i t ' s good to have b l ind ers on?

RITTE: Oh, th e y ' re not gonna be on forever. But i f youd o n ' t put them on, you cannot handle, man. I t ' s l i k e people say: You cannot say that in pub l ic - -w hat about thenon-Hawai ians, what are they gonna th in k ? What aboutt h i s ? What about that? Before you know i t , you got atl e a s t f i v e d i f f e r e n t th in g s you gotta take in tocons iderat ion . And i t bogs you down. Hey, I take thec o n s id e ra t io n s , put 'em on the s ide . I am concerned about Hawaiians. (Lipman, 1982)

In l i g h t of the many perspect ives on bi cu l tu ra l ism and thete st imonia l statements o f Hawaiians i n d i c a t in g the d i f f i c u l t y o f t r u l y e f fe c t i v e b i c u l tu r a l educat ion, i t remains an open quest ion as to whether or not the schoo ls w i l l be able to serve the educational needs ofHawaiian youth in the area of i d e n t i t y development and maintenance. Atthe same time, though, i t i s c le a r th a t educators have begun to th inkalong these l i n e s , as the fo l low ing comments gathered by Henning in her needs assessment work ind ica te .

Ch i ldren and pre-teens cannot be expected to f u l l y in te g ra te the Hawaiian and "modern" cu l tures . Teachers should be respons ib le for ca r ry ing more of t h i s burden than they do a t present. (Henning, 1978c)

The approach o f a l t e rn a t iv e programs should be through the cu l ture . (Henning, 1978a)

Hawaii ana programs in the curricu lum provide a " t a s t e of success" fo r Hawaiian students t h a t c a r r ie s over in to the classroom. (Henning, 1978c)

Students need to understand the cu l tu ra l base for t h e i r behavior. (Henning, 1978c)

Whether a l l o f these options as well as others w i l l ever come to pass remains to be seen. However, a t the very le a s t , i t appears that some "Hawaiian S tu d ie s " m ateria l i s being and w i l l continue to be added to the pu b lic school curriculum . For example, Vobejda (1982b) reported on the expansion p lans with respect to Hawaiian s tu d ie s in the pub lic schoo ls , noting funding as one of the primary b a r r ie r s . While a t another le v e l , Clark (1978) reported the fo l low in g a f te r a speech given in H i lo by Senator Inouye: "He [ Inouye] s a id he th in k s the most important need inHawaii today i s to g ive the Hawaiian c h i ld a better image o f h im se lf through c la s s e s th a t teach Hawaiian h is to r y and cu ltu re in both elementary and high sc h o o l. "

I f t h i s i s to be a trend there are c e r ta in ly some Hawaiians who w i l l s t ro n g ly support developments o f t h i s type. Consider, fo r example, the fo l lo w in g testimony from Amelia Abreu:

I f I sound angry, I am. But not a t one p a r t i c u la rra c ia l group. I am angry because as a youth I had noid e n t it y or pr ide , and I see our youth being exposed to thesame c o n d it io n in g . The anger, f r u s t r a t io n , hope lessness,the n e g a t iv i t y o f a t t i tu d e s d irec ted toward them. I f theyare exposed to people c o n sta n t ly say ing negative th in g s about them fo r so many y e a rs , they begin to th ink i t must be so.

I f anyth ing i s to be done to c o rre c t t h i s a t t i tu d e ,education i s the answer. I beg fo r you a s s i s t a n c e inc o r re c t in g t h i s in ju s t ic e th a t has been done to theHawaiians. ( B i l l 916, p .210)

Social Science Analysis

To date the impact o f in te rve n t io n s designed to enhance c u l tu ra l id e n t i t y among Hawaiians have not been reported on. C e r ta in ly one of b a r r ie r s to any such work i s the development o f assessment procedures. One attempt in t h i s area was made in the Hawaiian Learning Program in the School of So c ia l Work a t the U n iv e r s i ty o f Hawaii a t Manoa. Students and fa c u lty a s so c ia te d with t h i s program developed a Hawaiian Knowledge Sca le which they have used in c l i n i c a l s e t t in g s as well as in some research ( e . g . , H o 'o la i ka Po 'e , 1977). However, o th e r than the one re p o rt c i te d here, no evidence of use of t h i s instrument was found.

One example of a study of the impact o f a c u ltu ra l enrichment e f f o r t d irec ted towards other groups as well as Hawaiians came from Hayes (1972). She reported th a t a "C rea t ive Express ion" program helped re t ic e n t ch i ld re n overcome in h ib i t io n s by speaking, p lay in g games, and p a r t i c ip a t in g in performing a r t s such as dance, drama, and music. She a ls o claimed some b e n e f ic ia l impact on reading performance.

At the Kamehameha Schoo ls/B ishop E s ta te , meanwhile, where the Extension Educaton D iv i s io n has generated in the neighborhood of 30 to 35 d i f fe r e n t programs s ince i t s inception in 1970— a l l o f them touch ing to one extent or another on Hawaiian c u l tu ra l s t u d ie s — eva luat ion has not y e t been a primary co n s id e ra t io n . Some o f the research th a t was done

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in d ica te s th a t Hawaiians in general often have very l im i te d knowledge of Hawaiian c u l tu ra l matters: fo r instance, Hawaiian middle grades studentswere found to know l i t t l e about Hawaiian h i s t o r y and cu l ture in a formal sense (Extens ion Education D i v i s i o n , 1976, 1977). Beyond t h i s , the most extensive eva luat ion was done r e t ro sp e c t iv e ly by The Schools O f f i ce of Program Eva luat ion and Planning (1981, Report No. 80-81:52) witha s s i s t a n c e from outs ide con trac to rs from the U n ive r s i t y o f Hawaii Soc ia l Science Research I n s t i t u t e . In b r i e f , a survey of the general Hawaiian populat ion and of a se lec ted group o f Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian community leaders was conducted in which 624 i n d i v i d u a l s in the general Hawaiian populat ion sample and 161 in the se lected sample survey populat ion responded.

The re su l t s from the Extension Education Surveys revealed that a l l survey respondents f e l t t h a t Kamehameha Schools had had the most impact in areas re la ted to Hawaiian cu l tu ra l s tu d ie s , i . e . , in in c re a s in g i n te r e s t and knowledge in Hawaiian cu l ture. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , however, both survey samples suggested that such work should be cons idered of only moderate importance in p lanning future programs. In other words, thesuggest ion seemed to be "you have done a f in e job in th i s area, now move on to other educat iona l needs o f Hawai ians." S p e c i f i c a l l y , the general Hawaiian survey sample p inpointed educational achievement, crime and delinquency, and job s k i l l s as being key areas for con s ide ra t ion in program development. The sample of community leaders , meanwhile,suggested these same three areas of focus as well as school problems, se l f - im age , and community a f f a i r s . Furthermore, i t should a l s o be noted i n pass ing th a t both survey groups saw Hawaiian language programs as comparat ively l e s s important in l i g h t of future cons idera t ions than a l l other areas of potent ia l and e x i s t i n g program development.

In c l o s in g , the fo l low in g excerpt from an ongoing study of Hawaiian cu l ture and i t s in f luence on se rv ice p rov i s ion in soc ia l /menta l health areas o f fe r s a b r ie f case study showing an ind iv idua l path to enhanced i d e n t i t y as a Hawaiian. The data presented here suggests study as well as in te ra c t io n with family members, the two often complimenting and support ing one amother.

The fo l low in g account of L e i l a r e f le c t s a gradualreshap ing of se l f - im age through knowledge:

" I s ta r te d out with mixed fe e l in g s . I went to Kam Schools and I was proud o f th a t . I studied hula - - authent ic hula — and I was proud of that. And at home my father would t e l l us Hawaiian r i d d le s and s t o r i e s , but he stopped at that . When i t came to anyth ing e l se , b e l i e f s or old customs, he would t e l l me - - over and over 'LeaveHawaiian th ing alone. You've got to grow up hao le . '

"By the time I went away to c o l le ge , I w asn ' tcon sc iou s ly Hawaiian a t a l l . My mainland c la ssmates accepted me. I had l o t s of f r ie n d s . But they beganpo in t ing our d i f fe rences in me. They thought I was unusual ly he lp fu l . I to ld them about kokua. They began to ask a l l s o r t s of questions about the way I l i ved . And fo rthe f i r s t time I r e a l iz e d th a t I was d i f fe re n t , and I l i k e dthe d i f fe rence . I began to appreciate what I l e f t behindme. So I came home to f i n i s h c o l l e g e . "

Home again , L e i l a began to study Hawaiian a t the U n ive r s i t y o f Hawai ' i jo ined Hawaiian study and so c ia l groups.

" In these groups I met others, some part-Hawai ian, who were ta k ing anthropology and archaeology. I got in te res ted in Hawaiian s i t e s and a r t i f a c t s . Most of a l l , I began to wonder what a l o t o f the o ld Hawaiian p rac t ice s r e a l l y meant. The group started to come and eat at my house.We'd s i t around the b ig dinner room tab le and ' t a l k s t o r y ' h a l f the n ight. Tutu-man [papa] would check ourpronunciat ion o f Hawaiian. Mama would t a lk to us in Eng l i sh . But fo r a long time Tutu-man s t i l l j u s t to ld r i d d le s and s t o r i e s . Nothing more. Nothing about fam i lyb e l i e f s or about h i s own r e l a t i v e s or ancestors.

"Then I got to know Tutu Pukui and began to understandwhat lay beneath the surface of Hawaiian b e l ie f s .

One n igh t , a l l t h i s understanding I had gained must have gotten to my father. I guess he f i n a l l y re a l i z e d Iwou ldn ' t c r i t i c i z e . Real ized t h a t I wasn ' t j u s t beingn ie le [nosy] . He made a b ig pot of co ffee, s a t down and s a id , "A l l r i g h t , now I w i l l t a lk to yo u . ' What f i n a l l y came out was tha t he was concea l ing some 'b lack sheep' in h is fam i ly . I th ink he had a s soc ia te d these few black sh p with a genera lized idea of h i s Hawaiian fam i ly background. But th a t evening he stopped concea l ing . A f te r that , when I wanted to know about some o ld Hawaiian custom, I could come and ask and my father would t e l l me.

"As for me, somewhere along the way, a connection wasmade. For a long while, even a f t e r I began to study the Hawaiian language and cu l tu re , I thought of myself assegmented. Part o f me was haole. That part got a graduatedegree. That par t got ahead. Another par t of me wasHawaiian. That part was helpful and f r i e n d ly and warm.But then, f i n a l l y , the two came together. They are both me."

In L e i l a ' s case, no real re jec t ion of Hawaiian q u a l i t i e s had ever ex is ted. Rather, they were in abeyance fo r a time. But what about the one who re jects with shame everyth ing Hawaiian in h i s make-up? What, s p e c i f i c a l l y , about the part -Hawai ian who, in 1 970 s a id , "You [ I ] come from a cu l tu re t h a t ' s no good. . . . Everywhere you go youget reminded that you are Hawaiian . . . tha t y o u ' r e l a z y ,th a t you d o n ' t have a bra in . . . there i s t h i s emptinessthat e x i s t s . . ."

Has that image of s e l f and cu l tu re changed?We quote the same person in 1975 a f t e r f i v e ye ar s o f

l e a rn in g about the Hawaiian cu l tu re and d i s c u s s io n with the Hawaiian Culture Committee:

"The other day I got to th ink ing about myself . What I was. What I had done. What part of me came from my haole mother. What par t from my Hawaiian father. And I c r ie d al i t t l e . Maybe because I used to put down my fa the r - - a tl e a s t in my thoughts. Maybe out of r e l i e f because I don ' thate my da rk - sk in , the Hawaiian in me, anymore. I tookt h i s long look at myself. And I decided I had accomplished some good t h in g s . That I was p retty good. That I r e a l l y l i k e d m y se l f . " (Pukui, H a e r t i s , Lee & McDermott, 1979, pp. 313-314)

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General Need Area: Cu ltura l Preservat ion

Condition 6: S e l f - S u f f i c i e n c y

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Major Need Category: Cuturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary

WHILE MANY HAWAIIANS STRESS THAT EDUCATORS MUST STRIVE TO TURN OUT SELF-SUFFICIENT INDIVIDUALS, OUTCOME SPECIFICATIONS VARY: ACTIVISTSADVOCATE SEPARATE SOVEREIGNTY WITH FULL CULTURAL REVIVAL, OR AT LEAST SECLUSION IN SUBSISTENCE ENCLAVES; MORE MODERATE REFORMERS HOPE FOR A VERY STRONG BICULTURALISM AMONG HAWAIIAN YOUTH, WITH THE SCHOOLS PLAYING THE MAJOR ROLE IN CULTURAL PRESERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF ADEQUATE LIFE SKILLS TO ENSURE SURVIVAL IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY.

Potential Educational Interventions

t S e p a r a t i s t c u l tu ra l rev iva l e f f o r t s designed to o f fe r m inor i ty cu l tu ra l youth a v i a b le opt ion to fu l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n incontemporary soc iety .

• B i c u l t u r a l / m u l t i c u l t u r a l educational programs.

Testimony

'The Hawaiian people are recovering from a catastrophe comparable to t h a t suffered by the Jews under H i t l e r , to that su f fered by the I r i s h under the B r i t i s h , that su f fe red by the Japanese a t Hiroshima and Nagasaki when the atomic bombs f e l l , and to that suffered a t var ious times by the Chinese during t h e i r f loods and famines . . . '

The above quote expresses Homer Hayes' in te rp re ta t ion of the magnitude of the so c ia l change t h a t Hawaiians have faced (Downes, 1964). He i s r e fe r r in g to the rap id decline in the Hawaiian populat ion fo l low in g Capta in Cook 's a r r i v a l in 1778; however, he went on to note th a t the depopulation of Hawaii had extremely fa r - re ach in g soc ia l im p l i c a t io n s , as he put i t : "The Hawaiians have been asked to do in 150 ye ars whatEuropean s o c ie t i e s took 1,000 to 2,000 years to accompli sh. "

The not ion t h a t Hawaiians are s t i l l recover ing from a monumental " t ransforming experiment of nature" is one that surfaces in d i s c u s s io n s of the need o f Hawaiian youth to develop " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . " This

ult imate educational outcome i s one th a t va r ie s in i t s d e f i n i t i o n depending upon the values of the i n d i v id u a l s involved. For example, even with in the Hawaiian community s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y has been taken to mean "making i t in today ' s world . . . on the same terms as everyone e l s e " aswell as " c reate a separate Hawaiian nat ion th a t can e x i s t independentlyof the w o r ld . "

Of course, Hawaiians p o s i t ion themselves a t many points along t h i s contiuum; however, there seems to be unanimity in the b e l i e f t h a t education holds the key to su rv iva l fo r Hawaiians. Darrow Aiona expressed t h i s in testimony before the Native Hawaiian study commission:

While we have gained much from education s ince 1822,we have a l s o l o s t - - or nearly l o s t - - much th a t i s o fvalue to us as a people with a unique cu l ture and heritage. And I be lieve t h a t one of the most important problems we must address ourse lves to today i s educat ion and how i t i s to serve the future o f our Hawaiian people.For I th ink we must a l l agree with the view expressed in the 1840s th a t education co n s t i t u t e s one o f the g rea t i n s t r u m e n ta l i t i e s in r a i s i n g up the people. And i f we are to r a i se our people to t h e i r r i g h t f u l ro le in t h i s community and in the soc ie ty of the modern world, our schoo ls must help our young people to achieve t h e i r goa l s as Hawaiians. (NHSC Testimony, p. 7)

The key phrase in A io n a ' s testimony appears to be the l a s t one: ". . our schoo ls must help our young people to achieve t h e i r g o a l s as Hawai ians." The Hawaiian community i s d iver se in i t s membership, and many d i f f e r e n t points o f view on s p e c i f i c i s su e s do e x i s t ; moreover, the perspect ives of the youth may not always co inc ide with those of t h e i r e lders who a r t i c u l a t e d the needs of Hawaiians (see Condit ion 7: YouthPerspect ive ) . In sho r t , there appear to be three d i s t i n c t groups: the" j o i n e r s , " the " r e s i s t e r s , " and the "bes t of b o t h e r s . " Each of thesegroups represents a d i f f e r e n t stance with respect to a s s i m i l a t i o n in to the dominant cu l tu re , and each has i t s own d e f in i t i o n of " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . "

For the " j o i n e r s " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y i s the same for Hawaiians as i t i s fo r anyone in soc ie ty : s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n d i v i d u a l s are those who canmake i t s o c i a l l y and economically in to da y ' s world without pub l ic a s s i s t a n c e or special help. In some minds, measures a long these l i n e s( e . g . , crime r a t e s , welfare a s s i s t a n ce ra te s , e t c . ) a re exac t ly the type of outcome measures th a t should be used by educators ( c f . , Kaufman & Stauken is ) , and many in Hawaii would agree. B i l l i e Beamer, for example, former Chairperson o f the Hawaiian Homes Commission, has been most outspoken about the idea that Hawaiians should not be t reated any d i f f e r e n t l y from others in the s ta te ( e . g . , Altonn, 1977); and SammyAmalu, a lo ca l newspaper co lumnist who i s a descendant o f Hawaiian r o y a l t y , has been her defender and a vocal advocate of the notion th a t "we are a l l Americans; l e t us be thankfu l ; and l e t us act l i k e i t . " For in s tance, the fo l low in g excerpt from one o f Sammy's columns expresses a point of view he has re i te ra te d on numerous occas ions:

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The Hawaiian people c e r t a in l y do not need spec ia l p rov i s ion s to protect them or to s h e l te r them. They are not naive ch i ld ren who must be taken care of and protected. They are adu l t men and women of a s to n i s h in g c a p a b i l i t y and of even more a s to n i sh in g w i l l to s t r i v e and to succeed.

Whenever my Hawaiian people have gone out to meet competit ion on i t s own terms and to s t r i v e with those terms, they have managed to succeed exceedingly we l l . I can r i g h t now name no end of young Hawaiian men and women who without any spec ia l advantages have gone out in to the bus iness and commercial l i f e o f t h i s community and have become successes. And they have done so without a sk ing for any specia l favors except to have the same access to the same r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s that a l l th e i r neighbors of whatever rac ia l ex trac t ion enjoy in common. ( Honolulu S t a r - B u l l e t i n & Advert i se r , October 29, 1978, p. B-16)

D ia m e t r i ca l l y opposed to those who advocate a s s i m i l a t i o n , ora s s im i l a t i o n with elements of p reservat ion o f Hawaiian cu l tu re , arein d i v id u a l s who env i s ion the "Hawaiian a l t e r n a t i v e . " Whether t h i sinvo lves a separate nat ion or simply the c re a t ion o f small " u to p ia s " th a t o f fe r Hawaiians a manageable, s a t i s f y i n g way of l i f e in to d a y ' s world var ie s from person to person; however, d i s c u s s io n s along these l i n e sin v a r i a b ly lead back to the core i s sue: land, and the l o s s of i t ' scontrol by Hawaiians. As Kanahele (1982c) expressed i t :

For Hawai ians, land i s the most gu t - leve l type i f i s sue and i s , there fore , c l o s e s t to t h e i r sense of i d e n t i t y . Thus, to restore th e i r lands i s to restore t h e i ri d e n t i t y ; to restore t h e i r i d e n t i t y i s to return t h e i rsense of pr ide; and to return t h e i r pride i s to rebu i ld t h e i r conf idence, (p. 29)

As noted under Condit ion 5: Cu l tura l I d e n t i t y above, emotional andpersonal adjustment changes of the type descr ibed are cons idered c ru c ia l elements in the educat iona l experiences o f a l l Hawaiians. I t i s t h i schange in a t t i t u d e , as well as the development o f s k i l l s needed to work the land, that some Hawaiians see as c ru c ia l to educat ion for " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . "

At a more moderate le ve l , meanwhile, the idea of us ing s p e c i f i c land areas th a t are appropr iate for such use as educational s e t t i n g s for Hawaiians i s reasonably popular. Steve Morse, fo r example, t e s t i f i e d as f o l 1ows:

As you have heard today, we have got some g rosseducat iona l problems th a t a f f e c t Hawaiian ch i ldren in the schoo ls , and many of them are turned o f f completely. Ihave worked for many years with these Hawaiian c h i l d -ren--many of them s i t t i n g r i gh t here. They need to getback in to the land and in to the water to learn how to surv ive , to s u b s i s t and take care of themselves, to feed

themselves. And, more and more what i s happening i s they are being d i sp laced from the land and they are being removed and a l iena ted from i t , so th a t there i s no attachment anymore. I t creates a l o t of f r u s t r a t i o n i n t e r n a l l y , I know, fo r a l o t of the youngsters th a t I work with. I t i s a problem that needs to be taken care of very soon. . . .

Jus t l e t me add that the land i t s e l f i s j u s t being used as a scenic a t t r a c t io n r i g h t now for many of the t o u r i s t s . Otherwise, i t i s not producing anyth ing. S i x t y - f i v e thousand acres o f land which once was r e l a t i v e l y product ive in growing sweet potatoes and even taro products, up in the higher e le v a t ion s , are l y i n g unproductive now. I th ink these kinds o f Federal lands could probably be included in land-based programs for nat ive Hawaiian people, ra ther than j u s t s i t t i n g i d le and serv ing as scenic a t t r a c t io n s . . . .

I th ink i t i s important tha t we get not only the a d u l t s , but these young people back in to the land, in to the water-based kinds of programs where you cannot only provide them with sustenance but, perhaps, make them a l i t t l e more s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t a l l together. ( B i l l 857, pp. 74-75)

For some t h i s more moderate option of land-based a l t e r n a t i v e education t i e s in with a general value judgement that a l l Hawaii should be s t r i v i n g to become " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , " or at l e a s t l e s s c r i t i c a l l y t ie d to outs ide i n te r e s t s and s u p p l i e r s — the "back to the land" not ion thatcan be found in many parts of the country. Developing t h i s concept, HerbKane t e s t i f i e d as fo l low s :

Th is investment should be regarded as being fo r the good of a l l H aw a i i ' s c i t i z e n s ; fo r as the w or ld ' s resources d im in ish , s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y fo r Hawaii w i l l beocme more urgent ly needed. Hawa i i ' s e n t i re economy stands or f a l l s on the pr ice of o i l , as o i l i s needed to move j e t s or sur face t r an spo r t ; and we must prepare fo r a time when i t may be most e f f i c i e n t to produce our food l o c a l l y . The t ime-proved techniques and a t t i t u d e s by which Hawaiiansso lved problems of su rv iva l must be stud ied and pract iced ; perhaps not to be im itated, but c e r t a i n l y to be emulated as a success fu l precedent which i s a resource fo r s o l v in g future problems. ( B i l l 857, p. 87)

F i n a l l y , there i s the quest ion of job s , and what graduates ofa l t e r n a t i v e le a r n in g centers w i l l be able to do fo r t h e i r l i f e ' s work.The r e a l i s t i c opt ions fo r these i n d i v i d u a l s who often have f a i r l yci rcumscr ibed s k i l l s appear l im i te d . Mike Kah ik ina, the coord in a to r ofan a l t e r n a t i v e education program d irec ted a t the specia l educat iona l needs o f Hawaiians, of fered an a n a l y s i s recent ly in an a r t i c l e by Shaplen (1982). He i d e n t i f i e d a need fo r very fundamental soc ia l changes i f Hawaiian youth are to be accomodated e f f e c t i v e l y :

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. . . Most people in Hawaii do n ' t even want to look at so c ia l problems, s t r e s s , or v io lence. Jobs are a l l in tourism, and t h a t ' s cheap labor. A l o t of Hawaiians don ' twant to do i t . They don ' t g ive a damn. Their a t t i tu d e i s' I f I go swipe a car, I can make more money than i f Iworked a month.1 I ' v e l i v e d here s ince 1954. When I came back from Vietnam, what rea l ly h i t me was the changes I saw in my younger brother--he was angry and look ing fo r t roub le. Development has kept us from ge t t in g what i sr i g h t f u l l y ours. Now th e y ' r e fo rc in g development down our th roa ts . Fam i l ie s are s p l i t t i n g up because of t h i s . Kidsnow d on ' t even know what i t means to be a Hawaiian, toapprec iate the goodness in p lants and human nature. I seethe resentment b u i ld in g up every day. I ' v e had to stop inc idents of v io lence myself. Our work here i s j u s t a kind of Band-Aid. We need a whole new approach-- l e g i s i a t i v e ,O.H.A., and the re s t of i t . We have to patch our hearts and wounds.

Social Science Analysis

Ethnographic research on the Leeward Coast of Oahu c le a r l y suggested t h a t Hawaiian students genera l ly found l i t t l e o f i n te r e s t to them in the school s e t t in g ; however, there did seem to be widespread recogn i t ion that graduat ing was important. Gall imore, Boggs, and Jordan (1974), fo r example, expressed th e i r f i n d in g as fo l low s.

Beyond the bas ic s k i l l s o f reading, w r i t in g , and computation, and a few other s k i l l s such as typ ing and i n d u s t r i a l shop, there was l i t t l e i n t e r e s t or apprec ia t ion expressed by Pumehanan young people in what the schoo ls had to o f fe r . Because they do not see any re l a t i o n between most course work and the goal of in c rea s ing t h e i r e m p loyab i l i t y , they concentrate on the general problem of s ta y in g in school, put t ing in th e i r time so that they w i l l receive a diploma, (p. 179)

F i n a l l y , The Kamehameha Schools /B ishop Estate has been a c t i v e l yinvolved in a l t e r n a t i v e education for Hawaiian youth s ince the e a r ly 1970s, and in recent years has re g u la r ly evaluated i t s programs in th i sarea (numerous reports from the O f f i ce o f Program Eva luat ion and P lann ing) . In b r i e f , f i n d in g s have ind ica ted that education of t h i s type i s f a r from easy. Students with long h i s t o r i e s o f non-attendance and of a n t i - s o c i a l behavior do not turn around overn ight. Moreover, b a r r i e r s to l e a rn in g and personal growth do not always bend to d i f fe rences between"Western" and Hawaiian s k i l l s and knowledge: i . e . , students who showl i t t l e i n t e r e s t in soc ia l s tud ies and other standard fare may a l s o show l i t t l e or no i n te r e s t in (and no evidence of lea rn in g ) in one or more areas o f Hawaiian matters such as hula, farming, f i s h i n g s , etc. Furthermore, prime in te re s t s of some youth ( " g e t t i n g stoned," " s e l l i n gdope," s te a l in g car s , e t c . ) are a problem from any cu l tu ra l perspect ive.

General Need A re a : C u ltu ra l P reservat ion

Cond it ion 7: Youth Perspective

Major Need Category: Culturally Related Academic Needs

Condition Summary:

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL BURDEN OF DEALING WITH HAWAIIANNESS MAY NOT BE A MAJOR OBSTACLE FOR TODAY'S YOUTH — THEY LIVE IN AN ENTIRELY NEW ERA OF ETHNIC PRIDE AND MULTICULTURAL PLURALISM. THEY IDENTIFY STRONGLY WITH BEING HAWAIIAN. THERE EXISTS A SENSE OF PRIDE IN HAWAIIANNESS-ENJOYMENT OF BEING PART OF AN 'E L IT E ' OR SPECIAL GROUP.

P o te n t ia l Educational In te rven t ion s:

• programs that provide cu ltu ra l in form ation and t r a in in g on an in d iv id u a l iz e d , as-needed or a s -d e s ire d b a s is .

Testimony:

The review of h i s t o r i c a l and te st im on ia l sources conducted in preparation o f t h i s report in d ica ted c le a r evidence of su b sta n t ia l generational d if fe re n ce s regard ing c u ltu ra l p reservat ion . For example, i t i s c le a r th a t in d iv id u a l s with su b s ta n t ia l knowledge o f Hawaiian p rac t ic e s and va lues were, in many Hawaiian f a m i l ie s , w i l l i n g to l e t "the o ld ways" d isappear in to o b l iv io n as t h e i r o f f s p r in g took t h e i r p lace in the American en te rp r ise . Later, Hawaiians who grew up w ith l i t t l e or no exposure to t r a d i t io n a l Hawaiian cu ltu re often developed severe fe e l in g s of personal l o s s as a r e s u l t of being cut o f f from th e ir h e r ita ge . I t was many o f these people who seem to have been most a c t ive in the recent "Hawaiian Rena issance" movement. Most re c e n t ly , though, to d a y 's youth seem to be develop ing a pride in being Hawaiian which a l low s them to re a d i ly look beyond is su e s of Hawaiian id e n t i t y and cons ider the un iversa l is su e s o f adolescence such as "what w i l l I do with my l i f e ? " ; "how can I make i t in t h i s w o r ld ? "; etc.

An example of the perspective of a young person who seems to have f e l t a s trong sense o f l o s s and in j u s t i c e in connection with the disappearance of Hawaiian cu ltu ra l knowledge and p rac t ic e s comes from G ray 's (1972) in v e s t i g a t iv e report on Hawaii. A seventeen-year-o ld sen io r a t The Kamehameha Schoo ls commented as fo l low s regard ing the p r e v a i l in g n e g le c t by educators o f matters re la te d d i r e c t ly to Hawaiians and the peer p re ssu re s a g a in s t succeeding in the educational system as i t exi sted.

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One example of a person cur ren t ly invo lved in the re b u i ld in g o f pride among Hawaiians i s Russe l l Kawika Makanani. He i s a young teacher a t The Kamehameha Schools who o r ig in a ted and taught a course on contemporary Hawaiian i s su e s designed fo r a se lected group of Honors s tudents . Kanahele (1982) reported ex tens ive ly on t h i s course in a recent p ub l i c a t ion on Hawaiian values publi shed by Project Waiaha. Makanan i ' s summary comments a t the end o f the F a l l , 1981 course are o f i n t e r e s t :

'K id s today do not seem to have the same sense of urgency to maintain t h e i r i d e n t i t y of cu l ture as we did. They don ' t have to work as hard fo r i t because i t ' s a l ready here ( r e fe r r in g to the Hawaiian Renais sance). They take i t fo r granted. And they don ' t seem to have the same kind of c u l tu ra l hang-ups about being Hawai ian. ' (Kanahele, 1982, p. 2)

Comments from Makanani ' s students support h is conc lus ion , and they suggest that the weight of h i s t o r i c a l trends on i n d i v id u a l s of Hawaiian ancestry may be l i f t i n g . For example, the fo l low ing two comments areexemplary:

'Today ' s new generat ion of Hawaiians i s not d i sc r im ina ted a ga in s t l i k e perhaps t h e i r parents were.This g ive s the new generation a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t perspective o f how they view people. A young person today, fo r example, holds no grudge a g a in s t any soc ia l group while t h e i r parents may s t i l l have a strong avers ion fo r a rac ia l group. . . .

'Many Hawaiians are becoming proud of t h e i r cu l tu re once more. In the past, Hawaiians had to model t h e i r l i f e s t y l e s and cu l ture a f t e r the haoles, butwith the rev iva l of Hawaiian cu l tu re , Hawaiians canl i v e a more Hawaiian l i f e s t y l e . . . .

'More and more non-Hawaiians want to be Hawaiian.This makes Hawaiians feel good about themselves s ince they see people of d iverse races in Hawaii tak ing up Hawaiian va lues. . . . ' (Kendall Mann, from Kanahele,1982, p . 5)

' . . . One th ing I can c l e a r l y remember (myparents) t e l l i n g me i s how shameful i t was to beHawaiian. . . I t a l l led up to one point: Don 't be aHawaiian. This reminds me so much of the T.V. show ' R o o t s . ' Those days must have been r e a l l y t e r r i b le .

'My generation i s l i v i n g a t a time when people are proud to be Hawaiian. . . I feel very lucky to be l i v i n g in the Hawaiian Renaissance. I t ' s r e a l , a l lr i g h t . For instance, before boys thought i t was mahu ( s i s s y ) to dance the hula (a lthough persona l ly I th ink i t s t i l l i s ) , but now b ig guys are dancing ( t h i s makes me shut up). . .

' I t makes me happy to see Hawaiian people being proud. I t makes me feel l i k e we're a super ior race. . . (Kahek i l i Kealoha, from Kanahele, 1982, p.4)

A number of these young students seemed to feel th a t Hawaiian values might not f ind a home in the soc ie ty o f the future, although others f e l t t h a t a mixture o f va lues would be i d e a l :

' I n general, I would say Hawaiian values are notvery v iab le today. I t i s hard to keep a l i v e onecu l tu re while having to l i v e in another. Hawaiian values s t i l l play a part in many l i v e s , but as a wholewe Hawaiians seem to be l o s i n g them. . . . ' (WintehnPark, from Kanahele, 1982, p. 3)

'Va lue systems tend to change as the cu l ture and technology of the soc ie ty changes. You c a n ' t expect to have a stone age cu l tu re with modern space age technology. They do n ' t match. I t w i l l never be p os s ib le to keep them together, f o r as you evolve you must a l s o change.

'We s t i l l have Hawaiian va lues but they are few and they w i l l get fewer and fewer. . . . As Hawaii grows in to the u l t ra - spa ce age, we w i l l see Hawaiian va lues fade away and become o b so le te . ' (Michael Nahoopii, from Kanahele, 1982, p .2)

'Today, i f Hawaiian va lues are to be perpetuated, I feel tha t they must be mixed with Western values-making them, I guess you could say, hapa haole. Mix ing the va lues of the two cu l tu re s i s important because we have to have haole va lues in order to funct ion in tod ay ' s soc iety . We have to incorporate Hawaiian and Western va lues. I feel t h a t un less t h i s i s done, Hawaiian va lues cannot be v ia b le enough to l a s t . ' (Suzzy Pang i l inan , from Kanahele, 1982, p. 2)

I d e n t i f y i n g what i s c e r t a in ly a new trend fo r Hawaiians, but one that i s not i n c o n s i s te n t with broader acceptance of ethnic d i f fe rence s with in American soc ie ty as a whole, students described the soc ia l p re s t i ge now a s soc ia ted with being Hawaiian. The fo l low ing comment i s exemplary.

'T ry in g to be Hawaiian i s one of the i n - t h in g s inHawaii. In the past, being Hawaiian was looked downupon by soc ie ty . Now people t ry to be Hawaiian in t h e i r dress, or by tak ing hula or Hawaiian c r a f t s .However, being Hawaiian in appearance. . . does notau tom at ica l ly mean you are Hawaiian. Being Hawaiian i s having the Aloha S p i r i t . I t i s being f r i e n d ly , courteous and warm to f r ie n d s , r e l a t i v e s ands t ra n ge r s . I t i s the a t t i tu de that everyone i s pa r t of a b ig 'ohana in which everyone t r e a t s everyone e l se with re sp e c t . ' (Kendall Mann, from Kanahele, 1982, p.7)

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A s i m i l a r sense o f pride has a l s o been expressed by others from the Hawaiian community. For example, a young soc ia l worker, Steve Morse, described a sense of togetherness that has developed among Hawaiians today :

'Be ing Hawaiian i s being here a long time and j u s t g e t t i n g turned on to what' s here--the people, the customs and a l l that . Ju s t the recogn it ion i s important, knowing th a t a person i s a son or daughter of Hawaii.

' I t ' s l i k e when you see a brother walking up the s t re e t . I t ' s j u s t a nod of the head, a f l i c k o f the eyebrow, a fe e l in g that somehow y o u ' r e part of something— something Hawai ian. ' ( Honolulu S ta r B u l l e t i n , January 4, 1976)

F i n a l l y , i t seems c le a r that young Hawaiians are f a r more hopeful about the future than many of t h e i r e lders and th a t they may be beginning to think rou t in e ly of h igher education and of tak ing t h e i r place a longs ide others in the s ta te in a l l f i e l d s and a t a l l l e v e l s of accompl ishment:

'The ro le of the Hawaiian in our modern soc ie ty i s look in g up. Now we can f in d Hawaiians in a l l types of jobs and careers . . . . The Hawaiian was onceconsidered l a z y , but he i s a hard worker. . . . He i s g e t t i n g the kind of education that Hawaiians o f a few years ago ra re ly got. Education, i t seems, p lays a major ro le in Hawaiians becoming product ive members of soc ie ty . . . . ' (Jonah Waters, from Kanahele, 1974, p. 7)

Since trends in t h i s general d i re c t io n are exact ly what Holt predicted in 1964 when he d iscussed i s su e s o f Hawaiian i d e n t i t y , i t may be that o lder Hawaiians are ready fo r these new developments and that they w i l l be encourag ing and helpful as the Hawaiian cu l tu re evolves fur ther w ith in the modern context in which i t seems so i r r e t r i e v a b l y locked. H o l t ' s (1964- observat ions were as fo l lows.

A l l around I see the evidence among Hawaiians ofa renewed i n t e r e s t in themselves, and the future, and t h e i r community. I see scores of handsome ch i ld ren who w i l l grow up to be l e s s the v ic t im s o f t h e i r her i tage than I and my generat ion were; and who w i l l besomewhat l e s s able to enjoy the aes thet ic l i f t weenjoyed fo r being Hawaiians; but who w i l l be l e s shampered, l e s s bound to the fragmented, but impos ing ly powerful, image of the past. (p. 20)

C H A P T E R V

C U L T U R E L O S S A N D S T R E S S A M O N G

N A T I V E H A W A I I A N S

Chapter V

Culture Loss and S t r e s s among Native Hawaiians

" Na kanaka ‘ oku'u wale aku no i kau 'uhane"

"The people d ismissed f re e ly t h e i r sou ls d ied . "

- Hawaiian say ing c i ted in Young, (1980)

Catac ly smic cu l tura l change, the kind o f change which can lead to the

l o s s of the very w i l l to l i v e , has occurred in Hawaii. E a r l i e r in t h i s

report we described the eco lo g ica l model o f Bronfenbrenner (1979) which

inc ludes the concept of " t ransform ing exper iment: " the " system at ic

a l t e r a t i o n and re s t ru c tu r in g of e x i s t i n g eco lo g ica l systems in ways th a t

chal lenge the forms of soc ia l o rgan iza t ion , b e l i e f systems, and

l i f e s t y l e s p r e v a i l i n g in a p a r t i c u l a r cu l ture or subcu l tu re " ( p . 41). The

i s l a n d s of Hawaii have been th ru s t into the modern world in a s e r ie s of

such transforming experiments. As the theory po ints out, changes a t the

macro-system leve l w i l l produce changes a t the ind iv idua l and family

l e v e l s as w e l l . I t i s the meaning of t h i s upheaval in Hawaii, i t s

im p l ic a t ion s for the d a i l y l i v e s o f modern Hawaiians, which concerns us

here. Has mass ive change caused a l o s s o f cu l ture so severe t h a t a

chronic kind of depression e x i s t s among modern Hawai ians? Could th i s

account for lowered academic performance and other negat ive outcomes for

Hawaiians?

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This has been a recurr ing theme among w r i te r s and observers o f the

soc ia l and cu l tu ra l context o f modern Hawaii. In the book S trangers in

t h e i r own land : Se l f -d isparagement among ethnic Hawaiian youth (1972),

Donald McNassor and Randall Hongo wri te:

The fear in Hawaiians o f l o s i n g ethnic i d e n t i t y i s well

known. There i s deep concern over the l o s s o f language,

t r a d i t i o n s , s k i l l s . One Hawaiian school teacher expressed

i t sad ly to us th u s , I fear the Hawaiians w i l l soon e x i s t

as a cu l tu ra l e n t i t y no more. The sentiment i s so open

and preva lent, i t does not have to be documented by

extens ive research, ( p .18)

The Hawaiian youth in t h i s study feel a sense of

a l i e n a t i o n . They feel a l iena ted from the major i ty

Japanese cu l tu re with i t s emphasis on h igher education,

a r t i s t i c achievement, bus iness entrepreneurship, and

p o l i t i c a l in f luence. They feel a l iena ted from the

corporate Caucasian e n te rp r i se s th a t surround them. That

world simply does not have any future for them in theiir

minds except as l abore rs or serv ice personnel. The

thought of one day being among upper l e v e l s of management

in one of the major hote ls or in a g r i c u l tu re i s

inconceivab le to them. They constant ly re fe r to

themselves .s people whom other groups cons ider to be

i n t e l l e c t u a l l y i n f e r i o r in academic performance,

happy-go- lucky and un inh ib i ted , dest ined to use t h e i r

hands, not to develop th e i r heads, (pp. 10-11)

I t i s these kinds of fe e l in g s o f i n f e r i o r i t y , sadness, and depression

which have been hypothesized to under l ie the negat ive s o c i a l , economic,

and educat iona l s t a t i s t i c s o f Native Hawaiians. For example, Njyron

Thompson, Trustee of The Kamehameha Schools/B ishop Estate, recently

offered the fo l low ing a n a ly s i s in interv iews with reporters :

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Based on h is experience as a so c ia l worker, Trustee

Thompson sa id he b e lie ve s that deeply ingra ined fe e l in g s

o f cu ltu ra l i n f e r i o r i t y are p a r t ly re sp on s ib le fo r

Hawaiian ch i ld ren averag ing below sta te and national norms

academical ly .

S ince (Captain James) Cook landed, there have been a l o t

of putdowns fo r Hawaiians, and you s t i l l see the dregs of

i t today. Where does i t get s ta r te d ? At b ir th . In the

fam ily (Honolulu S t a r - B u l l e t i n , May 19, 1982).

We Hawaiians are an enigma, says Myron B. Thompson. . . We

are fa sc in a te d by our h is to ry , though much o f i t i s

nightm arish . We are a compassionate people, f ie r c e ly

proud of our c u ltu ra l h e r itage , and we are outraged to see

our f r a g i l e physica l s e t t in g - -o u r t ro p ic a l waters,

mountains, a i r , f lo r a , and fauna--be ing po llu ted and

trampled to death by c i v i l i a n in -m ig ra n ts , whose numbers

have t r ip le d in the past decade. As a r e s u l t , too many

Hawaiians have a low se lf - im age , Thompson adds. Too many

funct ion in a constant s ta te o f depression . This s ta te o f

mental i l l - h e a l t h re s u l t s in so c ia l f a i lu r e , delinquency,

unemployment, and un rea lized p o te n t ia l. (Shaplen, 1982,

p .57)

Others have w ritten and t e s t i f i e d of s i m i l i a r fe e l in g s :

I come before you today as a young Hawaiian, s in c e re ly

seeking con stru c t ive ways to remedy the past and re d ire c t

the present day p l i g h t o f Native Hawaiians. The h is to ry

of the Hawaiian people shows the unjust abrogation of

t h e i r la w fu l ly co n s t i tu te d government, the unlawful

se izu re of ancestra l lands w ithout compensation, the

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s t r i p p in g away o f t h e i r sovere ignty, and the impos i t ion of

a more dominant Western cu l ture. A sad fe e l in g of

hopelessness and powerlessness fol lowed ( l a t e 19th and

20th cen tu r ie s ) . Widespread demora l ization and

d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f Native Hawaiians i s demonstrated by

present day s o c i a l , economic, and educat ional s t a t i s t i c s .

(Agard, 1979, p . 91)

The contemporary problem fac in g the Hawaiians i s a fe e l in g

of abnormal ity in t h e i r own homeland, o f being a t the

bottom of the educational and economic heap. (Ogawa,

Honolulu A d v e r t i s e r , December 20, 1971)

There i s a fe e l in g of hopelessness among most k ids .

(Henning, 1978)

The recurr ing theme, then, emphasizes se l f -d i sparagement , fe e l in g s of

inadequacy, fear of f a i l u r e as well as fear o f success, a l i e n a t i o n ,

hopelessness and h e lp le s sn ess , depression. How i s t h i s re la ted to

academic d i s p a r i t y ?

The Cu lture 1o s s / S t r e s s Hypothesis

In i t s s imples t form, the Cu lture 1 o s s / S t r e s s Hypothesis p o s i t s the

existence of a set of maladaptive behavioral p re d i sp o s i t i o n s among modern

Hawaiians. Th is syndrome i s hypothesized to re la te to the rap id and

severe cu l ture l o s s experienced by Hawaiians s ince the advent of

"western" cu l ture , beginning with the discovery voyages of Capta in James

Cook in 1778. The syndrome i t s e l f i s held to inc lude lowered school

performance among Hawaiian ch i ld ren and, thus, i n d i r e c t l y as well as

d i r e c t l y contr ibute back to negative soc ia l outcomes for Hawaiians. The

fo l low ing diagram g r a p h ic a l l y depicts t h i s causal chain idea:

FIGURE 34

THE CULTURE L O S S /S T R E S S HYPOTHESIS

MACROSYSTEM

EXOSYSTEM

M ESOSYSTEM

MICROSYSTEM

INDIVIDUALDEVELOPMENT

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-

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Im p l i c i t w i th in t h i s not ion i s a feedback loop which makes the cyc le

s e l f -p e rp e tu a t in g . That i s , without in tervent ion , one would expect

fu r ther cu l tu ra l d i s p a r i t y , fu r ther cu lture l o s s , more depress ion, and

increased soc ia l f a i l u r e over time.

In other Chapters of t h i s report we have documented some of these

concepts more f u l l y . In Chapter I I , fo r example, we showed th a t while

laudab le ga in s have been made, lowered academic performance and negative

soc ia l outcomes continue to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the Hawaiian student

populat ion. In Chapters I I I and IV we presented evidence from a wide

var ie ty o f sources showing th a t there was h i s t o r i c a l l y an unbalanced

cu l ture contact and negat ive soc ia l outcomes for Hawaiians. I t i s the

1 ink ing concept of depression which w i l l be more f u l l y examined here. We

w i l l do t h i s by cons ider ing several key quest ions ra i sed by the

C u l tu re / S t re s s Hypothesis.

1 . ) How were the h i s t o r i c a l changes of the past two centur ies

in Hawaii experienced as cu l ture l o s s by the ind iv idua l

Hawai ians?

2. ) What i s s t r e s s ? Can the experience of cu l ture l o s s

cause i t ? Can i t a f f e c t academic performance?

3.) What aspects of s t r e s s can be found among

modern Hawaiians?

The Chapter w i l l cor.Jude with a d i scu s s ion of what fur ther i n v e s t i g a t i o n

needs to be done in t h i s area.

1 . ) How were the h i s t o r i c a l changes of the past two centur ies in Hawaii

experienced as cu l ture l o s s by the ind iv idua l Hawaiian?

H i s t o r i a n s agree that profound changes have indeed occurred in Hawaii

s ince the a r r i v a l o f Capta in Cook in 1778. Soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s who study

a c c u l tu ra t ion point out that any contact between two cu l tu res w i l l

i n e v i t a b ly r e s u l t in some changes for a t l e a s t one of the cu l tu res . To

the degree th a t one cu ltu re i s perceived as more powerful or in f l u e n t i a l ,

changes w i l l favor th a t cu ltu re . U sua lly the process of change invo lves

some degree of a l t e r a t io n in both c u l tu re s - in -c o n ta c t . Even cu ltu re s in

r e la t iv e i s o la t io n change over time. C le a r ly , fo r example, "western"

cu ltu re today i s a fa r cry from th a t o f Captain Cook 's time. So the

in ference of cu ltu re " l o s s " must be c a r e fu l ly made. I t must be d i s t i n c t

from sim ple cu ltu ra l change to accomodate changing environmental

con tinge nc ie s.

The weight o f te st im on ia l data (Chapter IV ) s t ro n g ly supports the

notion th a t many aspects o f Hawaiian cu lture have indeed been lo s t .

Leaving fo r the moment the " r e s p o n s ib i l i t y " fo r the l o s s , i t seems c le a r

th a t what was f e l t and experienced by Hawaiians and non-Hawaiians a l ik e

was the system atic suppression of many Hawaiian forms, in c lu d in g

language, r e l i g i o n , va lues, economy, ru l in g system, and w a y -o f - l i f e .

Indeed, the Hawaiian populat ion i t s e l f was reduced and almost l o s t due to

introduced d isease . Some su gge s t th a t t h i s pattern was the r e s u l t of

consc ious c o lo n ia l in te n t io n s on the part of fo re ign e rs : th a t Hawaiians

were "r ipped o f f : "

The h is to ry of the Hawaiian people saw the unjust

abrogat ion o f Hawaiian national sove re ign ty , the

p rogre ss ive d isp o s se s s io n of Hawaiians from th e ir land, a

dramatic reduction o f t h e i r numbers through d ise a se , and a

p rog re ss ive d i lu t io n of Hawaiian cu ltu re . (Inouye, 1979,

p. 32)

Others po in t out th a t the Hawaiians were s t r i v i n g to make the best of

a s i t u a t io n lead in g to in e v ita b le change:

With th e i r ta le n t fo r i n i t i a t i n g and accepting change, the

Hawaiian people were ab le to adopt, w ith in a com paratively

sh o r t time, the avalanche of novel th in gs and ways

introduced by the Europeans. As the fo re ign e r exa lted the

worth of h is own ways and deprecated the nat ive ways, the

Hawaiian people were persuaded to accept ba s ic changes in

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t h e i r l i f e s t y le and as a r e s u l t l o s t confidence in the

worth of th e i r own cu l ture . (M i tc he l l , 1969)

Others simply descr ibe the process o f l o s s :

Gradual ly Hawaiians concealed th e i r p rac t ice or fo rgo t

t h e i r knowledge of much of t h e i r anc ient cu l ture. What was

remembered would be re c a l le d with inc re a s in g d i s t o r t i o n .

For when a sp e c i f i c prac t ice was d iscarded or forgotten,

there went w ith i t the enduring, often wise concept from

which the p rac t ice evolved. (Pukui, Haert ig , and Lee,

1 972, p. 303)

While there i s consensus that a major l o s s of cu l tu re occurred, i t i s

worth not ing th a t t h i s was c l e a r l y not to ta l cu l tu ra l l o s s . To some

extent t h i s i s s e l f - e v id e n t : there would be no i n te r e s t in cu l tu ra l

rev iva l today i f there were no i n d i v id u a l s with knowledge o f the cu l ture

l e f t . Why some cu l tu ra l forms were able to surv ive (chant and dance, for

example) while others were not i s a study in i t s e l f . I t should a l s o be

pointed out that the modern cu l tu re of Hawaii represents changes in

"western" th in k in g which were profoundly in fluenced by contact with

Hawaiian cu l tu re . On balance, however, i t i s safe to say that there was

more of an experience of change and l o s s among Hawaiians over the past

two cen tur ies than +here was such an experience by " f o r e i g n e r s . " I t i s

often remarked th a t others came to Hawaii from other homelands, whereas

the descendents of the inhab i tan t s of these i s l a n d s regard them as th e i r

only homeland, one tha t has been overrun.

The quest ion remains, however, of how the ind iv idua l comes to rea l iz e

or feel th a t something i s m i s s in g or has been u n f a i r l y taken away. In

some documented cases i t i s as d i r e c t as a parent t e l l i n g a c h i l d that he

or she should not learn to speak Hawaiian, imply ing th a t there i s

something wrong with a par t of that f a m i l y ' s background. In other cases

i s seems to be more of a s lowly growing perception o f something wrong.

Consider the fo l low in g ind iv idua l cases:

' I s ta r te d out with mixed fe e l in g s . I went to Kam Schools

and I was proud of that. I s tud ied hula - authent ic hula

- and I was proud of th a t . And at home my fa ther would

t e l l us Hawaiian r i d d le s and s t o r i e s , but he stopped at

that . When i t came to anything e l se , b e l i e f s or o ld

customs, he would t e l l me - over and over - "Leave

Hawaiian th in g s alone. You've got to grow up hao le . "

By the time I went away to co l le ge , I w asn ' t

consc iou s ly Hawaiian a t a l l . My mainland c lassmates

accepted me. I had l o t s of f r iend s . But they began

po in t ing out d i f fe rences in me. They thought I was

unusual ly he lp fu l . I t o ld them about kokua. They began

to ask a l l kinds of quest ions about the way I l i v e d . And

fo r the f i r s t time I r e a l iz e d that I was d i f f e r e n t , and I

l i k e d the d i f fe rence . I began to appreciate what I l e f t

behind me. So I came home to f i n i s h c o l l e g e . '

Home aga in , L e i l a began to study Hawaiian a t the

U n ive r s i t y of Hawaii and jo ined Hawaiian study and soc ia l

groups. . . .

'As fo r me, somewhere along the l i n e a connection was

made. For a long whi le, even a f t e r I began to study the

Hawaiian language and cu l tu re , I thought of myself as

segmented. Part o f me was hao le , th a t part got a graduate

degree. That part got ahead. Another part o f me was

Hawaiian. That par t was helpful and warm. But then,

f i n a l l y , the two came together. They are both me.'

(Pukui, Haert ig , and Lee, 1972, p.313)

'My daughter was so c lo se to my non-Hawaiian in - law s th a t

she thought we Hawaiians were s i l l y . She'd say to me,

"Mama, Hawaiians are n u t s . " Then I took her t o N i ' i h a u

fo r a v i s i t and she got an idea of the o ld cu l tu re . She

sa id to me, "Mama, these are r e a l l y nice people. What

happened to the people on the ou t s ide ? " I sa id , "They

(other Hawaiians and part -Hawai ians ) are mixed up. You

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mention something as wonderful as mi hi and ka la ( f o r g i v i n g

and r e le a s in g from bad fe e l in g s ) to them and they say,'Oh, leave that alone. T h a t ' s kahunai s m . ' " ' (Pukui,

Haert ig , and Lee, 1972, pp.312-313)

These represent "success s t o r i e s " in that the i n d i v id u a l s faced and

apparent ly overcame the fo rces which were tending to denigrate the

Hawaiian aspects of t h e i r her i tage . Others were not so fo rtunate:

Among the Cen ter ' s (Queen L i l i u o k a l a n i C h i l d r e n ' s Center)

deeply troubled c l i e n t s , se l f - concep t as being Hawaiian

tends to be negative. Nearly every misfortune or f a i l u r e

i s equated with being Hawaiian:

'The reason a l l t h i s trouble happens to me i s that

I 'm Hawaiian. There' s nothing good about Hawai ians. '

' I t ' s t h i s way (on welfare) with us because we're

Hawaiian. I t ' s not t h i s way with other people. '

A Chinese-Hawaiian boy in trouble with the law:

' I t ' s the bad Hawaiian in me. Why are you t r y in g to help

me? I 'm a bad Hawaiian k i d . '

' I a c t t h i s way because of my bad Hawaiian b lood. '

'We d i d n ' t g ive the baby a Hawaiian name. That way,

maybe a l l the badness of being Hawaiian won 't go to him.'

'My i n - l a w s (non-Hawaiian) th ink I 'm j u s t a s tup id

Hawai ian. ' (Pukui, Haert ig , Lee, 1972, p .308)

Perhaps no other s i n g l e event represented " l o s s " more to Hawaiians

both f i g u r a t i v e l y and in a sense re la tab le to everyday l i f e than the

overthrow of the monarchy in 1893 and subsequent annexation to the United

S ta tes of America. Most modern Hawaiians were not a l i v e then, but many

grandparents and great -grandparents were, and the s t o r i e s do get passed

along. And the fe e l in g s were very real and very strong.

About seventy years a f t e r annexation at a school house

meeting in Kaaawa, the subject of aloha was being

d iscussed by a mixed rac ia l group. A Hawaiian to ld o f h i s

experience at age seven with the P rov i s iona l Government's

po l ice force, adding t h a t the repub l ic was a po l i ce s ta te

then. He remained true to the Hawaiian government t i l l

today. (Agard, 1982, p .46)

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Concerning t h i s per iod of time, h i s to r i a n Lawrence Fuchs wrote,

The e s se n t ia l purpose o f the haole e l i t e fo r four decades

a f t e r annexation was to contro l Hawaii; the major aim of

the l e s s e r haoles was to promote and mainta in t h e i r

p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i on . Most Hawaiians were motivated by a

dominant and i n c lu s i v e purpose. . . to recapture the past.

The present and future appeared d e va s ta t in g ly bleak

to the Hawaiians, who continued to dec line in numbers due

to so c ia l d i s o r g a n iz a t ion , psycho log ica l demora lizat ion,

s u s c e p t i b i l i t y to d isease, and intermarr iage. (Fuchs,

1961 , p .68)

There were many in d iv id ua l kinds of responses to events l i k e

annexation. One was the act ive seeking o f the cu l ture of the past:

On the Windward coas t of Oahu, in the v i l l a g e of Punaluu,

v i s i t o r s to Hawaii in the 1960's sometimes met a

s t r i k i n g l y handsome man, about f i v e feet eleven, vhose

bronzed and muscular f i gu re was clothed about h is l o in s

with the t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian malo, t h i s one made of red

c lo th . David Kaapu, except for h i s coconut hat and b ig

c i g a r , was the prototype of the Hawaiian abor ig ine

described in e a r ly l i t e r a t u r e . V igorous, a l e r t ,

i n d u s t r io u s , f u l l of humor, and hosp i tab le , t h i s

phi losopher pr ince o f Punaluu brought to l i f e images of

the strong men who swam nearly naked to greet the e a r l i e s t

whalers and t rad ing v e s se l s . He was t r y in g desperate ly to

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be f a i t h f u l to the o ld ways and sa id , more with sorrow

than b i t te rn e s s , that he had been destroyed even before he

was born. (Fuchs, 1961, p .8)

Others simply hid th e i r f e e l in g s or withdrew:

By withdrawing, many Hawaiians kept the haoles from

le a rn in g how they r e a l l y f e l t . But high soc ie ty

hapa-haoles in town could not withdraw. They could only

ve i l t h e i r t rue fe e l in g s . One of these, a daughter of one

of the l a s t princes - a secret guarded from even her

c l o s e s t haole fr iends - overstated i t t h i s way on the eve

of statehood: 'Every Hawaiian holds in h i s bosom a

lon g in g for the monarchy and a deep d i s t r u s t of the

haole s, but our cause i s hopeless. What can we d o ? 1

(Fuchs, 1961 , p .82)

So, presumably, many times over in many Hawaiian households, deep

ambivalent fe e l in g became expressed through suppressed h o s t i l i t y towards

"h a o le s , " "m i s s i o n a r ie s , " and others, through subt le withdrawal from

p a r t i c i p a t i o n in soc ia l oppor tun i t ie s , through h id ing of cu l tu ra l

pra c t ic e s , through grudging emphasis on the need to become haole. There

are no s tud ie s which have measured t h i s phenomenon, but i t i s not

d i f f i c u l t to in fe r the potent ia l e f f e c t on the l i v e s of ind iv idua l modern

Hawai ians.

We may conclude, then, that the events we lump together and c a l l

" cu l tu re l o s s " have had and continue to have e f fe c t s on the l i v e s of

i n d i v i d u a l s a t a l l l e v e l s of the ecosystem. We must now ask, are these

e f fe c t s co n t r ib u t in g to educat ional problems? I f so, how, and with what

other outcomes?

2, ) What i s s t r e s s ? Can cu l tu re l o s s cause i t ? Can i t e f f e c t academic

perfonnance?

There i s a growing body of research and l i t e r a t u r e showing th a t human

beings share w ith other l i v i n g creatures an innate p h y s io lo g ic a l

mechanism designed to p rotect them from harm. Th is mechanism re a c ts to

th reaten ing external events by arous ing the organism in to a s ta te which

has been c a l le d " f i g h t or f l i g h t . " The s t re s s response, while designed

to p rotect, can i t s e l f be in ju r io u s to the organism i f excess ive and

unresolved. In other words, chronic s t r e s s can lead to many forms of

phys ica l and mental co l la p se (Se lye , 1956).

The s t r e s s concept i s not a "d ia g n o s t ic " one, but rather an

explanatory one: chronic or traum atic s t r e s s can lead to any number of

symptoms in c lu d in g physica l d isease and behavioral pathology. As such,

s t re s s i s a "n o n -s p e c i f ic " concept: in and o f i t s e l f i t does not p re d ic t

what personal system w i l l experience breakdown, j u s t th a t breakdown w i l l

occur somewhere. Because i t re la te d to the body as well as the mind, i t

im p lie s th a t where chronic s t r e s s e x i s t s one would expect to f in d h igher

in s tances of a l l k inds of d iso rd e rs . The form of the d iso rd e rs , then,

would have to be exp la ined by reference to the cu ltu re and in d iv id u a l s in

question.

C ro s s -c u ltu r a l researchers po in t out that symptomatology and the

experience o f mental i l l n e s s d i f f e r d ram at ica l ly across cu ltu re s . Some

mental d iso rd e rs are unique to c e r ta in cu ltu re s :

P ib lo k to q , or a r c t ic h y s te r ia , i s found among c e r ta in

Eskimo popu lat ions and i s character ized by anx iety,

a g i t a t io n , amnesia, and fear. Often times the v ic t im s w i l l

take o f f a l l th e i r c lo th e s and run naked in the snow.

(M a rse l la , 1979, p. 247)

In Marsel l a ’s (1979) review of the c r o s s - c u l tu r a l study of mental

d iso rd e rs , he po in ts out th a t cu ltu re has m u lt ip le e f fe c t s on both the

occurrence and expression of mental d iso rde rs . Th is i s because cu ltu re s

w i l l in e v i t a b ly d i f f e r in t h e i r d e f in i t io n s o f "n o rm a lity " and

"ab n o rm a lity , " in th e i r s u s c e p t ib i l i t y to d i f fe re n t k inds of s t re s s

inducers, and in t h e i r v a r ia t io n s in p e rso n a l ity . The rapid cu ltu re

change or cu ltu re lo s s s i t u a t io n i s seen as a s i g n i f i c a n t co n tr ib u to r to

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i nd iv idua l and family s t r e s s . S i m i l a r l y , f e e l in g s of inadequacy or low

se l f -e steem would be expectable when an ind iv idua l i s , fo r example,

t r y in g not to teach her ch i ld ren her own nat ive language but another

language instead.

M a r se l l a (1979) l i s t s seven areas in which cu l tu re s themselves have

been found to be the agents induc ing s t re s s in i n d i v id u a l s :

1 . ) Value C o n f l i c t S t re s s . C o n f l i c t i n g values

with in a given soc ie ty .

2 . ) Soc ia l Change S t r e s s . Urbanization and modernization can

challenge e x i s t i n g means o f adapting.

3 . ) Accu l tu ra t ion S t r e s s . When two d i f f e r e n t cu l tu re s come

into d i r e c t contact with each other.

4 . ) L i fe Events S t r e s s . Events such as divorce, job le s sn e s s ,

etc. vary in frequency across

cu l tures .

5 . ) G o a l - s t r i v i n g In cu l tu res fo s te r in g over ly high

Discrepancy S t r e s s . achievement a s p i r a t i o n s .

6. ) Ro le D i s c r im in a t io n Status d i s c r im in a t io n p laces

S t r e s s . pressure on lower - s ta tu s groups.

7. ) Role C o n f l i c t S t r e s s . I n d i v id u a l s in some cu l tu res have to

assume m u lt ip le , sometimes

c o n f l i c t i n g , ro les .

C le a r ly , a l l o f these types o f s t r e s s , and the over lapping between

them, have a f f l i c t e d the Hawaiians s ince the f i r s t contact with "western"

cu l tu re s . I f these kinds of cu l ture- induced s t re s se s a c t u a l l y do have

psycho -soc ia l r e s u l t s as suggested here, then one would expect to f ind

s i m i l a r pat terns among other cu l tu res who have experienced s im i l a r

a c c u l tu ra t i v e or soc ia l change events.

P e l l e t i e r (1977) presents several such cases. For example, the

e f f e c t s o f rapid soc ia l change in centra l Ind ia i s reported:

There was inc rea s ing upward m ob i l i t y fo r a number of

Ind ians l i v i n g in t h i s area. They were r e l a t i v e l y

a f f l u e n t , well nourished, h y g ie n ic a l l y oriented, educated,

and Westernized. In the l a r g e r communities, t h e i r l i v i n g

cond i t ion s were f a r super ior to those of th e i r compatr iots

l i v i n g in v i l l a g e s and c i t y ghettos where people were

overworked, underfed, uneducated, and not a t ten t ive to

hygiene. Yet i t was among the wea lth ier Ind ians t h a t such

d iseases as d iarrhea, u lc e ra t ive c o l i t i s , neuroc ircu la to ry

as then ia , and asthma were i n c re a s in g ly prevalent. They

were overtaxed by the necess i ty of a d ju s t in g to new va lues

and new circumstances, s ince they were caught between two

so c ia l systems and did not f ind secu r i t y in e i th e r one.

Their react ion s to t h i s period of excess ive change caused

them to be tense and anxious, and to e x h ib i t both o f fen s ive

and defensive p ro tect ive patterns o f behavior. Based upon

these observa t ions , Wolf f concluded that these people were

under constant s t r e s s , and th a t t h i s contr ibuted to t h e i r

high incidence of psychosomatic di sease (Wolf f , 1968).

S i m i l a r l y , Navajo Ind ians taken from t h e i r homes and

put onto reservat ions only a few mi les away su f fered an

a p p a l l i n g increase in m o r ta l i t y from tu b e rc u lo s i s a f t e r

they had moved (Moorman, 1950). Although the new phys ica l

environment was near ly ident ica l to th a t from which they

had come, and circumstances such as food, c lo th in g and

hygiene were the same or better, the soc ia l d i so r ga n iza t ion

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which re su l ted from the move overburdened the adapt ive

c a p a c i t ie s of many of these Navajos, and they became i l l .

(pp .84-85)

In the opening sect ion of t h i s chapter we noted the prevalence of a

theme c h a r a c te r i z in g Nat ive Hawaiians as having f e e l in g s o f hopelessness,

despair, inadequacy, se l f -doubt. These fe e l in g s are s t ron g ly suggest ive

of what western psychology and p sych ia t ry c a l l "dep res s ion . " The term

depression has i t s e l f been used to describe the Hawaiian cond it ion . Do

these concepts re la te to the educational needs d iscussed in the e a r l i e r

chapters of t h i s report?

I t i s c le a r tha t depress ion can be conceptual ly re la ted to lowered

academic performance, in fa c t , in the c l i n i c a l d e f in i t i o n (D ia gn o s t i c and

S t a t i s t i c a l Manual of Mental D isorders I I I , 1980) "decreased e f f e c t i v e ­

ness in school in schoo l " i s one of the key behavioral symptoms of

depress ion. There i s some debate over whether behavioral d is turbance in

ch i ld ren i s a d i r e c t m an i fes ta t ion of depression or s imply "masks" i t s

presence. For example, Hol lon (1970) offered the fo l low in g conc lus ion in

his d i s c u s s io n of poor school performance:

Depress ion in ch i ld ren has received l i t t l e a t ten t ion but i t

i s more common than i s genera l ly assumed although i t i s

often masked by other forms of behavior d is turbance. A

number of ch i ld ren i n i t i a l l y re ferred fo r p sycho log ica l

t e s t i n g because of poor school performance were found upon

eva luat ion to be s u f f e r in g under ly ing depression which was

the true source of t h e i r school f a i l u r e , (p. 263)

He a l s o offered the fo l low ing perspect ives on symptomatology and

in tervent ion:

. . . features which can be best described as depress ive

are d e f i n i t e l y ev ident in fe e l in g s of inadequacy, fe e l in g s

of worth lessness, conv ic t ion of re ject ion by others, and

g u i l t , along with he lp lessness and hopelessness which undermines

a l l e f f e c t i v e e f f o r t , (p. 258)

A s im i l a r perspect ive was presented by Friedman and Doyal (1974),

whose a r t i c l e a l so noted the ro le th a t soc ia l and cu l tu ra l in f luences can

play in the development of childhood depression.

Soc ia l and cu l tu ra l in f luences a l s o must be

cons idered fo r t h e i r p o s s ib le contr ibu t ion to the e t io lo g y

of chi ldhood depress ion. Low se l f -esteem, fe e l in g s of

h e lp le s sn ess , and u l t im ate ly apathy derived from an image

of the s e l f as he lp less in the face of s o c ia l and

environmental s t ru c tu re s assured ly must play a co n t r ib u t in g

ro le in depress ion, p a r t i c u l a r l y among c u l t u r a l l y deprived

and minor i ty group members, (p. 22)

3. ) What aspects o f s t r e s s can be found among modern Hawaiians?

In the case o f Hawaiian youth the d e sc r ip t io n s offered by soc ia l

s c i e n t i s t s with the KEEP project of students a t tend ing the lab school

c e r t a i n l y do not match the c l a s s i c image o f depress ion— the morose,

withdrawn ind iv idua l who has l i t t l e energy to expend on d a i ly

a c t i v i t i e s . In fa c t , the exact oppos ite p ic ture has been painted, as the

fo l low in g excerpt suggests :

As a group, Hawaiian ch i ldren are v igorous , s o c i a l l y

s k i l l e d , t a l k a t i v e , a f fe c t io n a te , and aggres s ive . None of

these t r a i t s are s u r p r i s i n g ; they a r i s e n a tu ra l l y from the

peer and s i b l i n g - o r i e n t e d cu l ture. But these t r a i t s as

manifested in an ord inary classroom can produce chaos;

when viewed by a f ru s t ra te d teacher, they are described in

f a r l e s s complimentary terms, such as 'rowdy, r e s t l e s s ,

i n a t t e n t i v e , l azy , uninvolved, p rovoca t ive . ' (Tharp,

1 977, page 16)

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I t must be emphasized t h a t these observat ions are not those o f the

"ord inary classroom" teacher. They point out once again how the

viewpoint or cu l tu ra l perspect ive of the observer i s of c r i t i c a l

importance in the determination o f what i s "normal" and what i s not.

The beginnings of se l f -de pre ca to ry behavior may not appear unt i l

l a t e r in schoo l ing . McNassor and Hongo (1972) po in t out tha t :

Two exp loratory s tud ie s suggest that Hawaiian ch i ld ren may

not feel i n f e r i o r in academic c a p a b i l i t y in the elementary

school. To the contrary, they show a decidedly s trong

fe e l in g of academic competence and se l f -wor th . They

cons ider 'hao le s ' and Japanese i n f e r i o r to them in terms

of being smart in school, in reading, us ing standard

E n g l i s h , us ing p idg in E n g l i sh , ar i thm et ic , P .E . , s in g ing ,

phys ica l s t rength , and so on. . . . In the s i x t h grade,

the year p r i o r to ju n io r high school, the ch i ld ren began

to express doubt about t h e i r academic c a p a b i l i t y .

(pp .5-6).

C e r ta in ly i f the behaviors described in th i s summary overview of the

Hawaiian c h i l d in school are m an i fe s ta t ions o f an under ly ing depress ion,

one would have to label them "masked," for they hardly create an image of

pervas ive depress ion.

At the same time, however, the point could be made--and i t has been,

( e . g . , Lefkowitz & Burton, 19 78 ) - - tha t developmental v a r iab le s g r e a t ly

compl icate any d i s cu s s ion of depression among ch i ld ren . For example,

behaviors th a t might be considered in d i c a t iv e of depression at one age

may be well w ith in normal l i m i t s at another. Thus, i t i s not

inconce ivab le th a t the v igorous primary students described above may,

a f te r years of teacher disapproval and other avers ive consequences,

experience f e e l in g s of depress ion t h a t w i l l in te r fe re with t h e i r school

performance.

Watson (1977), has made the point that " in te r fe rence e f f e c t s " , or to

use the more commonly recognized term " learned h e lp le s sn es s " (c f .

Seligman, 1975), can a r i s e when uncontro l lab le or "non-cont ingent"

s t im u la t ion i s neutral or even apparently he lp fu l . His research on

in fan t lea rn in g suggests tha t depress ion l i s t l e s s n e s s , and general lack

of m ot ivat ion may r e s u l t from rear ing cond i t ion s t h a t provide an

abundance of non-contingent input or experience combined with l im i te d

experiences in which behavior i s responded to co n t i ge n t ly . He ou t l ined

b r i e f l y how a growing m id d le -c la s s emphasis on " s t im u la t io n " o f babies

might produce undes irable r e s u l t s i f t h i s s t im u la t ion i s l a r g e l y

independent of i n fa n t ac t ion s .

The connection with Hawaiian circumstances here revolves around the

i s sue o f c h i l d r e a r in g p rac t ice s . For example, Sutton-Smith (1977) has

noted that peer care tak ing , apparent ly common in Hawaiian f a m i l i e s

(Weisner & Gall imore, 1977), might be reconsidered in l i g h t o f what

research has shown to be the " p o s i t i v e " (from a dominant cu l tu ra l

perspect ive) outcomes a s soc ia ted with a t ten t ive maternal care. His point

was: s i b l i n g s are probably not as s op h i s t i c a te d in t h e i r responsiveness

to young ch i ld ren as a parent might be expected to be. This r e l a t e s to

Watson 's f i n d in g s d iscussed here, and r a i s e s a quest ion for

cons idera t ion : Are s i b l i n g ca reg ive r s more l i k e l y to prov ide input and

experience on a non-contingent b a s i s independent o f the responses of

young c h i ld re n ? And i f so, might rear ing under such cond i t ion s tend to

produce "depressed, " l i s t l e s s , or d i s in te re s te d youngsters who have

l i t t l e i n i t i a t i v e with respect to school a c t i v i t i e s ?

This quest ion might be extended somewhat to ask about the longterm

e f fe c t s o f the teaching s t y l e preferred by many Hawaiian mothers. Jordan

(1 976), fo r example, found that many Hawaiian mothers use very l i t t l e

verbal d i re c t io n in in te r a c t io n s with th e i r ch i ld ren in a prob lem-so lv ing

ta sk. In s tead they tend to adopt a c o -p a r t i c i p a n t ro le in which they

apparent ly teach through l a r g e l y non-verbal modeling rather than through

a s t ro n g ly verbal shaping p rocess— the l a t t e r being the most commonly

observed pattern among Mainland Caucasian mothers. While ne i ther s t y le

i s n e c e s sa r i l y super ior , Jordan d id report that Hawaiian youngsters whose

mothers used more verbal d i re c t io n tended to perform better in school.

In l i g h t of Watson' s work, meanwhile, one might ask about the longterm

e f f e c t s on a f fe c t ive /m ot iv a t ion a l dimensions o f a teaching s t y le th a t

operates in p a r a l l e l rather than on a cont ingent or responsive b a s i s .

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Any d i s c u s s io n of s t r e s s in r e l a t i o n s h ip to family l i f e among

Hawaiians should acknowledge the existence of c h i l d abuse. The problem

has been d iscussed elsewhere in t h i s report , with the f a c t being c le a r l y

e s ta b l i s h e d that Hawaiians are overrepresented in cases of confirmed

abuse and/or neg lect . High incidence o f c h i l d abuse and neg lect has

im p l ic a t ion s with respect to s t r e s s among Hawaiian youth. In t h i s regard

R i tc h ie and R i t c h i e (1981) have offered an i n te r e s t i n g a n a l y s i s o f the

cond i t ion s Polynes ian women face in New Zealand, cond i t ions which may

p a ra l le l those in Hawaii:

For a l l these caveats, however, there i s no denying that,

according to the only e x i s t i n g a u t h o r i t a t iv e study for New

Zealand, of a to ta l of 252 cases of abuse detected in a

s i n g l e year a s ta g ge r in g 172, or 63 percent, were Maori,

P a c i f i c I s l a n d , or mixed-race ch i ld ren. Thus, of every

three cases detected, two came from an ethnic background

th a t was to some extent Polynesian. In some way, and

often w ith in one generat ion, Polynesians have s h i f t e d from

a p r o f i l e of no c h i l d abuse to one of high c h i l d abuse.

What has happened?

When Maori women become mothers in an i s o la t e d

suburban s e t t in g the s i t u a t i o n i s genera l ly more s t r e s s fu l

fo r them than fo r t h e i r non-Polynesian neighbors. A

number of years ago one of us (R i t c h ie 1964) reported very

high s t r e s s scores fo r Maori mothers in a la rge New

Zealand c i t y in 1958, when the data were co l le c te d , the

ra tes of p s y c h ia t r i c d i sorder fo r t h i s category of people

were not conspicuous ly high. Ten years l a t e r we obta ined

ide n t ic a l data fo r a fu r ther sample and again we found

evidence of high s t r e s s l e v e l s and commented th a t the need

to attend to t h i s matter was urgent ( R i t c h ie and R i t c h ie

1970). The s t r e s s , which was un d i f fe ren t ia ted and very

genera l, represented no recognizable pattern ing of scores

into the usual ca tego r ie s , such as anx iety s t a te s ,

depress ion, mental breakdown, conversion h y s te r ia , or other

neurot ic problems. So f a r as we know, ne i ther in 1958 nor

in 1968 was t h i s informat ion u t i l i z e d in community or

mental health se rv i c e s fo r the populat ion concerned.

S ince t h i s s t r e s s does not f a l l in to a recognized

pattern, i t i s p o s s ib le th a t the usual ways in which

s t r e s s i s reduced are not a v a i l a b le to Polynes ian migrant

women, or perhaps to men (though we have no evidence

concerning t h e i r s t r e s s l e v e l s ) . We postu la te that there

are patterns o f handling s t r e s s with in Western f a m i l i e s

which have not ye t developed in Polynes ian f a m i l i e s . The

Western woman converts the s t re s s a r i s i n g from the

s i t u a t i o n into which she has been forced in to neurot ic or

psychosomatic symptoms, into s t r a te g ie s and t a c t i c s in her

marr iage, in to v i s i t s to her doctor to procure more

Librium or Valium, and in c r e a s in g ly in to alcohol

dependence (Bernard 1972). The Maori or Polynesian mother

simply acts out. None of these s t r a t e g i e s are

s a t i s f a c t o r y , but s ince we see l i t t l e being done to

provide women with other and better ways o f removing

s t r e s s or coping with i t we think Maori and Polynes ian

women may s lowly adopt the same t a c t i c s as European

women. They may then d i sp l a y l e s s c h i l d abuse (or learn

to conceal i t ) , but w i l l they r e a l l y be any better o f f ?

The matter, we repeat, urgent ly needs to be researched

(Pg.195).

Alan Howard (1974), in h i s book A i n ' t No B i g T h in g , explored the

r e l a t i o n s h ip o f e t h n i c i t y to mental health and coping s t r a t e g ie s . Using

data from the Nanakuli s tud ie s ( "A ina Pumehana"), Howard re la ted several

measures o f "Hawai ianness" to measures of se l f -esteem, coping s t r a t e g ie s ,

and other soc ia l v a r ia b le s . He employed both a Hawaiian Conceptual Test

and a M id d le -C la s s Conceptual Test. Overa l l , the im p l ic a t ion s o f the

study are that those i n d i v i d u a l s who score low on both measures of

cu l tu ra l knowledge tend to a l s o score lower on measures o f se l f -esteem

and use l e s s e f f e c t i v e coping s t r a t e g ie s . Other measures of Hawaiianness

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- 417 -

(percent Hawaiian ancestry , e t h n i c i t y as described by spouse, and cu ltura l

s e l f - i d e n t i t y ) show a negat ive r e la t io n sh ip with se l f -esteem and soc ia l

competence. These would be i n d i v id u a l s who f i t the d e sc r ip t io n defined

e a r l i e r of "m arg in a l " people: people who are d i s s o c ia t e d from both th e i r

o r i g in a l and the mainstream cu l tu re . Howard s ta te s : "We in te r p re t these

data as support fo r the p ropos i t ion that knowledge o f , and pride in,

ethnic her i tage i s an important i f not c r i t i c a l element fo r the

development of soc ia l competence among contemporary Hawai ians. " (pp.

225-226)

In terms of seeking help, the a v a i l a b le soc ia l in d i c a to r data show

th a t Hawaiians are not us ing mental health f a c i l i t i e s in d i spropor t ionate

numbers (Department of Health Annual Report, 1981). Th is i s a l s o backed

up in a study of the use o f Neighbor I s l a n d f a c i l i t i e s (McDermott,

1980). Th is i s a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y a t t r ib u t a b le to the tendency to seek

help in other ways. In Nana I Ke Kumu I I , fo r example, Pukui, Haert ig ,

and Lee (1972) report th a t many Hawaiians s t i l l seek help from kahuna

pract ioners or fo lk healers before they would go to a phys ic ian or

h o sp i t a l . Ho1oponopono (a type of Hawaiian family therapy) and prayer

are s t i l l commonly used, sometimes in combination with modern medicine:

The danger th a t l u rk s today when some Hawaiians pray and

conduct ho1oponopono in s ickness i s that they turn

s p i r i t u a l enablement in to ' f a i t h h e a l i n g . ' While prayer

can c e r t a i n l y f a c i l i t a t e recovery in many i l l n e s s e s , prayer

should go hand-in-hand with medical d ia gn o s i s and

treatment. Too many Hawaiians today c a l l in only the

m in i s te r and fo rge t the doctor. More than one c l i e n t has

s a id th a t , 'My h o 'o la (healer, m in i s te r who p rac t ice s

hea l ing ) to ld me not to take the c h i l d to the doc to r . '

(pp. 141-142)

The concept of depression was not an unknown one to the ancient

Hawaiians. There are a number o f Hawaiian terms which mean or imply the

dysphoric mood s tate and se l f -deprecato ry behavior which we have seen to

be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of depress ion in i t s c l i n i c a l i n te rp re ta t ion .

( kaumaha: weight, heaviness, f i g u r a t iv e ly sad, depressed; 1u ' u l u ' u :

bent or bowed down as with weight, sorrow, t ro u b le ) . Pukui, H aert ig , and

Lee (1972) report:

We know Hawaiians of the past recognized the depressed

person. He was l oha, drooping or w i l t i n g , 'a s a branch

hangs low, beaten down, as by r a in . ' (p. 246)

We may be see ing in modern Hawaiians a form o f depression which has

no s p e c i f ic d ia g n o s t ic re fe ren t. This may even be c u l t u r a l ly unique to

Hawaiians. I t may be le s s funct iona l to t ry to f i t i t in to an e x i s t in g

d ia g n o s t ic category than to simply recognize i t as a separate but re la te d

phenomenon.

CONCLUSION

Modern Hawaiians seem to su f fe r from a new kind of depression , a

being "beaten down," but not by ra in , rather, by a sense of enormous

personal lo s s . That t h i s sense of personal l o s s could be caused by two

ce n tu r ie s o f rap id change away from Hawaiian cu ltu re and could, in turn,

p a r t i a l l y account fo r observed academic d i s p a r i t y we have c a l le d the

"Cu lture 1o s s / S t r e s s H yp o the s is . " We have used t h i s hypothesis to review

th e o r ie s and f in d in g s which can help us understand the s i t u a t io n fa c in g

modern Hawaiians.

F i r s t , we noted that a recurrent theme has character ized recent

d e sc r ip t io n s o f Hawaiian youth: the words " se l f -d isp a ra ge m e n t, " "low

se lf -e s te e m ," "h o p e le ssn e ss ," " a l ie n a t io n , " and "dem ora liza t ion " recur

r e g u la r ly . On the other hand, i t was pointed out th a t the cu ltu re lo s s

was not a complete one: th a t rev iva l of Hawaiian cu ltu re has enabled

more and more modern Hawaiians to r e -e s t a b l i s h l i n k s w ith t h e i r past.

The concept o f s t r e s s as the underly ing mechanism was shown to be a

more un iversa l exp lanatory constru ct, connecting body and mind w ith

psych o -soc ia l fo rces. The s i t u a t io n confronted by Hawaiians was shown to

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- 419

be s i m i l a r to th a t of o the r groups undergoing cu l tu ra l s t re sse s .

In attempting to define what s t r e s s i s , the concept of depression was

d iscussed. While some o f the symptoms c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of c l i n i c a l

depress ion were s im i l a r to the t r a i t s observed in modern Hawai ians,

others were not. There was not a complete match. A cons idera t ion of the

c r o s s - c u l t u r a l meaning o f d iagnos t i c c a te go r ie s , however, pointed out

th a t the c l i n i c a l d e f i n i t i o n may be c u l t u r a l l y l im i te d and thus may not

re la te completely to the Hawaiian s i tu a t io n .

In support o f t h i s concept, data showing t h a t Hawaiians are not

over-represented in admiss ions to s ta te mental health f a c i l i t i e s was

reviewed. I t was emphasized that th i s f i n d in g could have m u l t ip le

exp lanat ions , from a re luctance to seek p s y c h ia t r i c help to a lack of

rec ogn i t ion of the s i t u a t i o n as one requ ir ing help.

What can be concluded? What does e x i s t seems to be something s i m i l a r

to c l i n i c a l depress ion, but not completely the same. I t may be

c u l t u r a l l y unique to modern Hawaiians even though i t was shown to have

s i m i l a r i t i e s to syndromes a f f e c t in g other groups. I t does seem to be

embedded in a m u l t i - l e v e l explanatory system suggested by the eco lo g ica l

model. I t cannot be a t t r ib u t e d so le ly to " h i s t o r i c a l " fo rces. Neither

i s i t a purely ind iv idua l phenomenon. The most severe l i m i t a t i o n to our

understanding may be semantic: we do not have a convenient label which

completely f i t s the s i t u a t i o n . I t may thus be m is lead ing to c a l l i t

depress ion, but there i s no other s i n g le term to descr ibe i t , except,

perhaps, 1oha. I t may, then, be more e f f e c t i v e in terms of p lanning

future research and in te rven t ion s to center th in k in g around the concept

of s t r e s s : of i d e n t i f y i n g the types o f s t r e s s o r s which have a f fected and

are a f f e c t in g given i n d i v i d u a l s or groups and of i d e n t i f y i n g the kinds of

phys ica l and mental outcomes which these s t re s so r s produce.

S p e c i f i c a l l y , how can we i d e n t i f y the p a r t i c u l a r s t r e s s o r s which are most

re spon s ib le for lowered academic performance, and what can be done about

e l im in a t in g them or enhancing the c a p a b i l i t y to cope with them?

I t may be concluded, then, that the Cu lture 1o s s / S t r e s s Hypothesis

remains j u s t tha t : a hypothesis which may be most useful in gu id ing

future research and in te rvent ion for the be n e f i t of modern Hawaiian

students. There are several areas for further i n v e s t i g a t i o n :

1) What are the exact behaviors which make up the

syndrome in modern Hawaiian young people? We have seen

th a t lowered academic performance i s there, low

se lf - im age , fe e l in g s of despondency and of being a

s tranger in o n e 's own land. We know le s s about some of

the other symptoms which are re la ted to c l i n i c a l

depression: thoughts o f death or su ic id e , s le e p le ssn e ss ,

changes in appetite or weight, lo s s o f p leasure in normal

a c t i v i t i e s . These should be in v e s t iga te d further.

2) What i s the epidemiology o f the depressive syndrome?

When does i t beg in? How severe i s i t fo r how many

people? Why i s there no d isp roport ion a te representation

o f Hawaiians in mental health treatment? How much o f the

real problem i s even known about among mental hea lth

p ro fe s s io n a ls ?

3) Assuming th a t the existence of the problem i s a real

and immediate one fo r many modern Hawaiians, what kinds o f

in te rven tion s t r a t e g ie s might be most b e n e f ic ia l ? I f the

use of mental health p ro fe s s io n a ls i s s t i l l not h igh ly

valued by the community, how can in -c u ltu re healers or

others ge nera lize t h e i r s k i l l s to he lp ing more o f th e i r

own community? Or should e f fo r t s be p laced in education

r e la t in g to s t r e s s red uct io n ?

4) What of the many Hawaiians who do not su f fe r from th i s

syndrome? There i s evidence of in c re a s in g school success,

of improving economic con d it ion s, of Hawaiian leaders and

potentia l lead ers who are s u c c e s s fu l ly making t h e i r way

through the macro-system of modern-day America. How can

th e i r successes be converted to an image o f success fo r

the en t ire Hawaiian community?

Perhaps the most e x c i t in g prospect ra ised by co n s id e ra t io n of the Cu lture

1 o s s / S t r e s s Hypothesis i s th a t the future does not have to be depressing.

- 420 -

Others have made encouraging breakthroughs in changing se l f -es teem

through the c reat ive use of modern media ( e . g . , Johnston and Ettema,

1982). This i s what i s seemingly needed: to turn around a community's

point of view about i t s e l f . Many more young people today are able to

say, " I am proud to be Hawai ian." In the future, people everywhere

should be able to say, " I f you want an example of a success s to ry , look

at the Hawai ians."

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C H A P T E R VI

T H E S E A R C H F O R S O L U T I O N S

Chapter VI

THE SEARCH FOR SOLUTIONIS

The second Goal o f the Nat ive Hawaiian Educationa l Assessment P ro ject

was to locate and i d e n t i f y Nat ive American educational programs which

could e f f e c t i v e l y meet the needs o f Native Hawaiians. Another aspect o f

t h i s goal took shape during the course of the study when the Execut ive

S teer ing Committee suggested th a t the search be broadened to inc lude

l o c a l Hawaiian educational programs as well as national " e f f e c t i v e

s ch oo l s " research. This chapter documents the process and r e s u l t s o f the

p u r s u i t of these goa ls .

NATIVE AMERICAN SOLUTIONS

The reason that Native American programs were s p e c i f i e d as having the

potent ia l f o r meeting the needs o f Native Hawaiians stems back to the

h i s t o r y of Federal e f f o r t s for the education o f American Ind ians . Many

a r t i c l e s and p u b l i c a t ion s are dedicated to d e sc r ib in g and ana lyz ing the

h i s t o r y and s ta tus of the Federal ro le in Ind ian education (Fuchs and

Havighurst , 1973; Ryan, 1982; Osman, 1981 e t c ) . Rather than attempt a

complete review of t h i s h i s t o ry , only a few recent h ig h l i g h t s which

re la te to the case o f Nat ive Hawaiians w i l l be summarized.

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During the decade o f the 1960's a s e r i e s o f s tud ie s o f American

Ind ian education was undertaken. Much of the impetus for these s tud ie s

was s i m i l a r to the s i t u a t i o n in Hawaii: observat ions t h a t Indian

students were not ach iev ing at l e v e l s commensurate with other s tudents,

th a t the schools were f a i l i n g the Ind ians , t h a t many negat ive soc ia l

outcomes attended school f a i l u r e of Indian youth. The overa l l study

e f f o r t was c a l l e d The Nat iona l Study of American Ind ian Education

(NSAIE). I t took four ye a r s , between 1967 and 1971, involved e igh t

u n i v e r s i t y centers and 30 Indian communities, and was a s s i s t e d by an

Advisory Committee of 12, in c lud in g Indians and non- Ind ians. The F ina l

Report of the study co n s i s te d of 45 separate papeers. The Summary Report

and Recommendations were wr i t ten by P ro fe ssor Robert Hav ighurst of the

U n iv e r s i t y o f Chicago (1980). The Study was f inanced by the U.S. O f f i ce

of Education.

Many of the Recommendations of the NSAIE were converted in to

l e g i s l a t i v e act ion in the Indian Education Act o f 1972 (T i t l e IV, P.L.

91-319). This Act, and subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n such as the

Sel f -Detemi inat ion and Educat ion As s i s t ance Act o f 1975 (P.L. 93-638)

served to broaden the scope of the served Ind ian populat ion and to give

the Indian communities a s t ronger voice in determining the k inds of

educat iona l programs needed for them. The Ind ian Education Act a l so

created the O f f ice of Ind ian Education (O IE ) , which i s now under the

Federal O f f i ce of Education (ED). The OIE became the central focal po int

in e f f o r t s by the Nat ive Hawaiian Educational Assessment Project to learn

more about e f fe c t i v e Nat ive American Programs.

The current s ta tus o f Nat ive American educat ion in general, and the

OIE programs in p a r t i c u la r , i s extremely complex and d i f f i c u l t to

eva luate. There had been an assumption made in p lann ing NHEAP t h a t there

were many s i m i l a r i t i e s between American Ind ians and Native Hawaiians in

terms of l o s s of cu l ture and cu l tu ra l suppression. There seemed to be

p a r a l l e l s , too, in the kinds of educational problems which confront the

two groups. I t was l o g i c a l , therefore, to th ink t h a t Indian Education

Programs, some of which had been underway for a decade or more, had been

able to derive so lu t ion s which could work equa l ly well fo r Hawaiians.

In order for the NHEAP s t a f f to f ind out which programs might be

e f f e c t i v e , the o r i g in a l plan was to use a nomination system for Indian

programs and a c r i t e r ia - o f - e f f e c t i v e n e s s system s im i l a r to th a t used by

the Nationa l D i f fu s io n Network to e s ta b l i sh e ffe c t iv e n e ss .

Nominations were sought by w r i t in g to the reg iona l headquarters of

the O f f ic e of Ind ian Education and by in te rv ie w ing s t a f f members o f the

centra l o f f i c e in Washington, D.C. Th is process produced an enormous

amount o f in form ation. I t provided in s ig h t s in to the operation of the

whole program as well as the names o f s p e c i f i c programs f e l t by tte OIE

s t a f f to be e f fe c t iv e .

One of the f i r s t th in g s to become c le a r was that few of the OIE

programs had s u f f i c i e n t data to q u a l i fy fo r the kind of e f fe c t iv e n e ss

determination which had been o r i g i n a l l y planned. Second, there were so

many programs nation-w ide (1,173 a t the time o f the study) th a t a sk in g

in d iv id u a l s to make d is c r im in a t io n s among them to determine e f fe c t iv e n e ss

was not fe a s ib le . In a d d it io n , many o f the centra l o f f i c e s t a f f who were

interviewed had only recen tly assumed th e ir p o s i t io n s , fu rther reducing

t h e i r f a m i l i a r i t y with the programs. Moreover, the centra l o f f i c e had

not u n t i l recently been required to conduct s i t e v i s i t s or program aud its

on a re g u la r b a s is . At the time o f the in te rv iew s, they were

implementing a system of " r o l l i n g a u d i t s , " v i s i t i n g a c e r ta in number of

programs in each reg ion each year. Thus they were more f a m i l i a r with

those they had j u s t v i s i t e d than w ith others.

L im ita t io n s no tw ithstand ing, and through outstand ing cooperation with

OIE, a l i s t o f nominated programs was derived from these sources. Th is

l i s t included a to ta l o f 76 in d iv id u a l OIE programs. An inqu iry l e t t e r

was sent to each o f these programs, ask ing fo r fu r th e r in form ation about

program h is to ry , s tru c tu re , number o f students served, outcome

e v a lu a t io n s , etc. By the time of the deadline se t fo r t h i s report, a

to ta l o f 26 had responded. (A number o f o ther responses have a rr ive d

s ince and w i l l be included in fo llow -up s tud ie s. Table 67 shows the

reg iona l d i s t r ib u t io n o f these programs nominated and those who responded.

W ith in the time c o n s tra in t s o f t h i s study, the best that could be

done was a l i s t i n g o f the important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f those programs

nominated as e f fe c t iv e .

Table 68 g iv e s the inform ation in t h i s breakdown. The most common

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s c i te d by the programs as c o n tr ib u t in g to th e ir e f f e c t ­

iveness are the fo l low in g :

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TABLE 67

O F F I C E O F I N D I A N E D U C A T I O N PROGRAMS

- 425

-

O f f i ce o f Ind ian Education Geographic Region Number of Programs

Number of Programs Nominated as E f f e c t i v e Number o f Respondent Programs

Northwest Branch 180 22 7

Southwest Branch 300 14 4

South Central Branch 303 17 7

P la in s Branch 2 1 1 8 5

Eastern Branch 179 15 3

TOTAL 1173 76 26

GRADE LEVEL OF IN D IA N

STUDENTS SERVED

TOTAL NUMBER OF STUDENTS IN

SCHOOL D IS T R IC T

NUMBER OF IN D IA N STUDENTS SERVED

IN D IS T R IC T

PERCENT OF IN D IA N STUDENTS

IN D IS T R IC T

AMOUNT OF FEDERAL FUNDING

TO D IS T R IC T

a v e r a g e PER STUDENT EXPENDITURE

COUNSELINGPROVIDED

TUTORINGPROVIDED

CULTURALINSTRUCTION

PROVIDED

CAREER PLANNING ASSISTANCE

PROVIDED

LEADERSHIPTR A IN IN GPROVIDED

LOCALLY RELEVANT MATERIALS

DEVELOPED/PROVIDE!

SUBSTANCE ABUSE EDUCATION

) PROVIDED

N orthw est Branch K - 12 18,000 78 0.4% $14,646 $188 X X X X X X . . .

N orthw est Branch 1 - 8 -- 75 -- $14,569 $194 . . . X X . . . . . . 1 --

N orthw est Branch 1 - 12 29,959 200 0 .6% -- -- X X X X . . . . . . --

N orth w est Branch K - 12 -- 300 -- $58,859 $196 . . . X X X . . . . . . --

N orthw est Branch 1 - 12 1,699 298 17.5% -- -- X X . . . X . . .

" "

N orth w est Branch K - 12 -- 300 -- $64,678 $215 . . . X X . . . . . . . . . - - -

N orth w est Branch K - 12 210 111 52.8% $46,709 $420 X X -- — -- - - -

Sou thw est Branch K - 12 25,000 412 1 . 6% --- --- X X X — X . . . —

Southw est Branch K - 12 22,777 360 1 .6% $60,840 $169 — X — — . . . X -----

Sou thw est Branch K - 12 ------ 75 ------- $12,236 $163 X X X — . . . — -----

Sou thw est Branch K - 12 ------- 1,312 ------- ------- ------ X X X X * — . . . . . .

South C e n tra l Branch 1 - 12 3,676 200 5.4% $50,000 $250 X X . . . — — . . . —

South C e n tra l Branch K - 12 ------ 558 ------ $77,312 $139 X X X X . . . — X

South C e n t ra l Branch K - 12 ------ 476 ------ $65,951 $139 X — X X • — -----

South C e n tra l Branch K - 12 ------ 155 ------ $20,936 $135 X X X X . . . — X

South C e n tra l Branch P r e s c h o o l/A d u lt ------ ------- ------ $2,664,674 ------ X X X X X X X

South C e n tra l Branch K - 12 321 292 90.9% ------ ------- . . . X X — . . . ----- - - -

South C e n tra l B ranch K - 12 24,675 180 0.7% $28,000 $156 X X — X -----

P la in s Branch K - 12 ------ ------- ------ $215,543 ------ . . . X X . . . . . . X —

P la in s Branch K - 12 ------ ------- ------ $48,685 ------ . . . . . . X X . . . ----- -----

P la in s Branch K - 12 1,689 1,645 97.3% $323,388 $197 . . . X X X . . . — -----

P la in s Branch J K - 12 ------ 35 ------ ------ ------ X . . . . . . . . . . . . —

1P la in s Branch | K - 12 -- 725 -- ------- -------- X X — — ----- X

E a ste rn Branch K - 12 4,894 108 2.2% $11,719 $109 X X X . . . . . . —

E a ste rn Branch 1 - 12 -- -- . . . . $14,000 -- . . . X X . . . . . . -- --

E a ste rn Branch K - 12 -- 101 -- $7,312 $72 . . . . . . X . . . . . . — --

- 426 -

TABLE 68

INDIAN EDUCATION CHARACTERISTICS

-parent involvement

- tu t o r in g fo r ba s ic s k i l l s

- c u l t u r a l in s t r u c t io n ( in Ind ian cu ltu re )

-co u n se lin g

-career p lann ing a s s is ta n c e

-substance abuse education

- l o c a l l y developed, l o c a l l y re le van t m a te r ia ls

- le a d e rsh ip t r a in i g

In ad d it ion to re ce iv in g feedback from in d iv id u a l examples of

programs conducted by the O ff ice o f Ind ian Education, the in q u iry process

pointed out how aspects o f the ru le s and re g u la t io n s underly ing Federal

l e g i s l a t i o n themselves determine the shape and, to some extent, the

l im i t a t io n s o f the in d iv id u a l programs. For example, the importance of

parental involvement was mentioned as c o n tr ib u t in g in many cases to

program e f fe c t iv e n e ss . The presence of a Parent Adv isory Council i s

requ ired by the ru le s and re g u la t io n s o f the Ind ian Education Act, fo r

what are c a l le d Part A p ro jects . What t h i s means i s that al 1 such

pro jects must have parental involvement. Now, what separates e f fe c t iv e

from in e f fe c t iv e parent involvement becomes the c ru c ia l quest ion , and one

which i s exceedingly d i f f i c u l t to answer. In other words, j u s t re q u ir in g

th a t there be parent p a r t ic ip a t io n does not in i t s e l f assure program

success.

Along s im i l a r l i n e s , i t was pointed out to the NHEAP s t a f f that

Ind ian Education Act funds must be spent on Ind ian ch i ld ren . Each LEA

( lo c a l educational agency) trust survey and re p o rt on the actual number of

Ind ian ch i ld ren in t h e i r d i s t r i c t who are e l i g i b l e fo r se rv ice s . S ince

non-Ind ian ch i ld ren are not e l i g i b l e , where programs e x i s t in schoo ls

with mixed student popu lat ions the Ind ian ch i ld ren must be "p u l le d out"

of t h e i r re g u la r c la s s to attend the T i t l e IV program fo r tu to r in g or fo r

c u l tu ra l in s t ru c t io n . Since a l l o f H a w a i ' i ' s schoo ls are mixed and the

idea of a p u l l - o u t program only for Hawaiian ch i ld ren i s both unpopular

with Hawaiian communities and w ith the Hawaii State Department of

Education, t h i s kind o f underly ing program determinant would preclude a

b a s ic type of Ind ian education program in H aw a i ' i.

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To summarize, then, c l e a r l y the task of eva lua t ing ind iv idua l Indian

Education Programs for e f fe c t ive n e s s was beyond the scope of the present

study. The ind iv idua l respondent programs, however, represent a r ich

resource for fu r ther in te rac t io n and program development. I t would be

appropriate fo r t h i s to be an area fo r fur ther inqu iry and research.

LOCAL HAWAIIAN SOLUTIONS

When the a t ten t ion of the NHEAP s t a f f turned to loca l attempts to

so lve the educat ional problems o f Hawaiian students the s i t u a t i o n became

s impler and ye t more d i f f i c u l t . The l o g i c o f the approach i s

inescapable: desp i te any number o f cu l tu ra l s i m i l a r i t i e s with Native

Americans, the educational needs of Hawaiians are, to a t l e a s t some

extent, unique. Thus, unique and l o c a l l y senerated s o lu t io n s might the

ones most expected to produce p o s i t i v e outcomes. Loca l ly however, the

e n t i re context of educat ion as i t confronts the Hawaiian youngster must

be considered. E a r l i e r chapters of t h i s report have described some of

the systemic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the publ ic and pr iva te school s i t u a t i o n

in Hawaii. Many pages have been devoted to de sc r ib ing some of the

b a r r i e r s imposed by the system as well as some of the attempts to remedy

the s i tu a t io n .

B a s i c a l l y , the loca l DOE has to assume that i t s programs work fo r al 1

ch i ld re n : i t cannot work to favor one group over another. I t has

fol lowed a l l of the recent trends a t the nat iona l le ve l , r e s u l t i n g

e s s e n t i a l l y in a p lethora o f in tervent ion and compensatory e f f o r t s ,

p r im ar i ly at the elementary grades and p r im a r i l y in reading rather than

math or sc ience. Data presented in Chapter I I o f t h i s report ind ica te

that some of these e f f o r t s may be one of the reasons that Hawaiian

ch i ldren seem to be doing better on standard ized achievement t e s t s than

they were a few years ago. Nonetheless, the gaps in achievement fo r the

Hawaiians remain great.

Current ly , in a e f f o r t to keep up with the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of

experimental and "demonstration" projects and models, the DOE has created

i t s own " d i f f u s io n " o f f i c e and p lans for a system for d is sem inat ing

in form ation about proven p ro je c ts . The NHEAP s t a f f contacted t h i s o f f i c e

and s o l i c i t e d inform ation on programs regarded as successfu l a t present.

None of the programs described to the study s t a f f were earmarked fo r

Hawaiian students due to t h e i r lo c a t io n s . B a s i c a l l y these are v a r ia t io n s

on themes based on Federal funding. As j u s t one example, a program fo r

in v o lv in g parents o f K -l students was developed a t one elementary school

w ith a very high Hawaiian enrollment under funding from both ESEA T i t le

IV-C and T i t l e I I (P.L 95-561). The need addressed was to increase

parental involvement as well as students scores on a supplementary

standard ized te s t ( C a l i f o r n ia Test of Bas ic S k i l l s ) . A c t i v i t i e s included

meetings, workshops, demonstrations, obse rva t ion s , and t r a in in g in

parenting s k i l l s . The school curriculum was Anne Adams' Success in

Beginn ing Reading and W r i t in g . There are other such p ro jects statew ide.

The Kamehameha Schools Ear ly Education P ro ject (KEEP) has the dual

d i s t in c t io n of being developed s p e c i f i c a l l y fo r Hawaiian ch i ld ren as well

as being thoroughly evaluated and data-based. As such i t i s one of the

only cases o f proven e f fe c t iv e n e ss for Hawaiian ch i ld ren . KEEP 's

approach and r e su lt s have been summarized as fo l low s:

The Kamehameha E a r ly Education Program operates a

lab o ra to ry and demonstration school in Honolulu, e n r o l l in g

p r im a r i ly Hawaiian and part-Haw aiian, urban, poor ch i ld ren

in k indergarten through the th i r d grade. KEEP i s a

m u lt id i s c ip l in a r y research and development program,

in v o lv in g p sy c h o lo g is t s , a n th ro p o lo g is t s , l i n g u i s t s , and

educators. The school i s under the immediate contro l o f

researchers, and i t s purpose i s to design and demonstrate

an e f fe c t iv e school program fo r Hawaiian ch i ld ren .

The ba s ic assumption of KEEP operations has been a

tw o-cu lture model. There i s a cu ltu re o f the school and

teachers, and a cu ltu re of the c h i ld . In the Hawaiian

in stance , they do not in te ra c t to the advantage of e ith e r .

In order to design accommodations between the two, a

carefu l knowledge o f both i s required.

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Knowledge of modern Hawaiian cu l tu re was gained

through 3 years o f ethnographic, and experimental,

psycho log ica l research on Hawaiian communities (Ga ll imore,

Boggs, & Jordan, 1974; Howard, 1974), and through extens ive

s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c research with Hawaiian ch i ld ren .

Knowledge of the schoo ls cu l ture was obta ined by c rea t ing a

school and observ ing i t in ten s ive ly . That i s , we h ired a

s t a f f of teachers, with conventional t r a in in g and

experience (except that they were sympathetic to our

u lt imate r e v i s i o n i s t g o a l s ) , b u i l t conventional school

b u i ld in g (except that i t was equipped with extens ive

observationa l f a c i l i t i e s ) , and l e t a typ ica l school emerge.

We populated the school with educa t iona l ly a t - r i s k

Hawaiian ch i ld ren and were able to observe, a t f i r s th an d ,

the dramatic two-cu lture c o n f l i c t played out below our

observat ion deck. As long as the t r a d i t i o n a l school

cu l ture remained i n t a c t , the KEEP ch i ld ren did no better on

standard ized t e s t r e s u l t s than did contro l ch i ld ren in

publ ic schoo ls . A typ ica l r e s u l t was a mean 27th

percent i le on the Gates -MacGin i t ie Tests of reading

achievement.

Such r e s u l t s continued for some 4 ye a r s , despite a

vigorous m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y research program, a dedicated

and generous teaching s t a f f , and e f f o r t a f te r e f f o r t a t

educational innovat ion . Only a f t e r t h a t time were we ab le

to create an e f f e c t i v e mix of cu l tu ra l accommodations. At

t h i s w r i t in g , KEEP ch i ldren are ach iev ing a t l e v e l s

cons iderab ly above nat ional norms. C l a s s means above the

50th percent i le on the Gates -MacGin i t ie Reading Tests are

typ ica l (Jordan and Tharp, 1979, pp. 276-277)

As f a r as the p r i n c i p l e s which guide the KEEP approach to reading

comprehension, the fo l low in g have been suggested as those which are

c r i t i c a l to the success o f the program:

1. Regulation and a s s i s t ance of c h i l d lea rn in g i s

accomplished by making compatible the work contexts o f the

classroom with the work contexts o f the natal cu ltu re , and

by making compatible the soc ia l requirements of the

classroom w ith the so c ia l r e la t io n s h ip s of the natal

cu ltu re . This r e s u l t s in three sp e c i f ic c o m p a t ib i l i t ie s :

a. A compatible sm all-group classroom o rgan iza t ion .

b. Teacher use of compatible s o c ia l reinforcement

and s o c ia l contro l techniques.

c. Compatible te ach e r -ch i ld in te ra c t io n a l patterns

in the le a rn in g ta sks.

2. The goal of read ing in s t ru c t io n i s comprehensive of

text, rather than reading mechanics.

3. The goal o f 1anguage development inc ludes increased

f a c i l i t y w ith Standard E n g l ish , and increased general

1 i ngui s t i c /cogn i t i ve s k i l l s .

4. In d iv id u a l iz e d d ia g n o s t ic -p r e s c r ip t iv e in s t ru c t io n

with continuous m onitoring o f student progress.

5. A q u a l i t y - c o n t ro l system fo r teacher performance.

(Tharp e t a l , in p ress, pp. 34-35)

The underly ing p r in c ip le o f how to e ffec tu ate change in education fo r

Hawaiian ch i ld ren has been expressed by the KEEP s t a f f as fo llow s:

. . . an operationa l p r in c ip le of KEEP work should be

sp e c i f ie d — th a t which we c a l l the p r in c ip le of l e a s t

change. In c re a t in g the accomodated educational cu ltu re

fo r which KEEP aimed, we wished to e f fe c t only those

- 431 -

- 432 -

changes in e i th e r school or c h i l d cu l ture which would be

necessary to produce the good learn ing des ired by both the

schoo ls and Hawaiian parents. Neither the researchers, nor

the parents, wanted the ch i ld ren c u l t u r a l l y changed in

values, a t t i t u d e s , so c ia l r e l a t i o n s h ip s , and the l i k e ; and

c e r t a in l y a least -changed school model would be the most

acceptable to the pub l ic schoo ls which KEEP hoped to

in f luence. As a r e s u l t of these lea s t -chan ges , casual

v i s i t o r s to the KEEP school see Hawaiian ch i ld ren ac t ing

very much l i k e Hawaiian ch i ld ren ; they see a school which

looks very much l i k e the t ransnat iona l school . Only c lose

s c ru t in y w i l l reveal anything very d i f fe re n t . The

so p h i s t i c a te d educator w i l l often comment t h a t KEEP school

success i s due e n t i r e l y to sound educat ional prac t ice

c a r e f u l l y executed, and t h a t cu l tu ra l con s idera t ion s are

probably minimal in e f fec t . C u l t u r a l l y sop h i s t i c a te d

observers emphasize the Hawaiian elements in the program,

and a t t r i b u t e success to those features. In the opinion of

the w r i te r s , both a t t r i b u t i o n s are co r rec t in part. We

have attempted to employ many elements which are features

of, and grow s o l e l y from, educat ional science. We have

attempted a l so to re ta in and emphasize in the classroom

those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the c h i l d r e n ' s cu l ture which

f a c i l i t a t e th e i r le a r n in g and personal growth in the school

environment . . . The accommodated school cu l ture looks

l i k e both of the two cu l tu re s , but i s ne ither. (Jordan and

Tharp, 1979, p. 277)

Current ly the KEEP model i s being disseminated to H aw a i i ' s pub l ic

school system. I t i s a time-consuming and c o s t l y venture, s ince i t

i nvo lves working with e x i s t i n g s t a f f in DOE schoo ls , r e -o r i e n t in g ,

r e - t r a i n i n g , and monitoring teacher e f fec t iven ess . While there i s l i t t l e

doubt of the success o f the approach in the labora to ry school s e t t in g ,

the e f fe c t ive n e s s of d i s seminat ion on a wide b a s i s has ye t to be

determined.

As an educat ional research and development en terpr i se , KEEP has, in

- 433 -

i t s 11-year h i s t o r y , broken new ground in t r y in g to meet the needs of

Native Hawaiian students . The dilemma for future p lanning i s that i t i s

a l s o , as an instance of app l ied developmental research, "uncompromisingly

l o c a l . " (Tharp et a l , in press , p. 56). I t has aimed at the ear ly

elementary grade l e v e l s . I t has emphasized reading comprehension. There

are many, more educational needs ind icated in e a r l i e r chapters of t h i s

report than KEEP can or should be intended to address.

EFFECTIVE SCHOOLS RESEARCH

Fol lowing up on the suggest ion made la te in the study by the

Executive S teer ing Committee, NHEAP s t a f f corresponded with a sample of

researchers on the mainland who had been involved in what has been c a l l e d

" e f f e c t i v e schoo l s " research. Th is was not a thorough l i t e r a t u r e review,

but rather a foray in to a su b s tan t ia l body of research l i t e r a t u r e which

i s s t i l l growing. The importance fo r the current report i s t h a t i t

i l l u s t r a t e s one approach to determining d i re c t io n fo r educational

p lanning. I t a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s a p o s s ib le future research s t ra tegy to

complement the generat ion of lo ca l knowledge as described above.

Edmonds (1981) traces the current type of e f f e c t i v e school research

to the Coleman Report o f 1966. The Coleman Report had the e f f e c t of

sw itch ing a t ten t ion from access to education to outcomes of education as

measures of success. I t a l s o showed much poorer outcomes for poor and

b lack ch i ld ren than fo r white. That ch i ld ren from such backgrounds did

not seem to be capable of be nef i t in g from the oppor tun i t ie s tha t were

a v a i l a b le to them was an im p l ic a t ion . This was taken even fur ther by

Jencks and h i s a s so c ia te s in In e q u a l i t y (1972) in which they argue that

s choo l in g makes l i t t l e or no d i f ference in a f f e c t i n g l a t e r soc ia l

outcomes. Inequa l i t y i s even c lea re r in s t a t i n g t h a t i t i s the family

background which imposes the con s t ra in t s on a c h i l d which predetermine

h is or her educational future. Whether he attends one school or another

makes l i t t l e d i f fe rence , i t was argued. Edmonds was one of those

educators who took umbrage a t the notion th a t improving the schools would

make l i t t l e d i f fe rence in outcomes fo r the ch i ld .

- 434 -

Edmonds and others f e l t th a t i f schools could be i d e n t i f i e d in which

poor, b lack ch i ld re n were ach iev ing at higher than expected l e v e l s , then

th a t in i t s e l f would put to r e s t the notion th a t schoo ls themselves can

make no d i f fe rence . Further, assuming such schoo ls could be i d e n t i f i e d ,

they would provide a sample from which to draw p r in c ip le s which should

genera l ize to other schools se rv ing s im i l a r populat ions. Edmond's own

research looked at schools i n D e t r o i t and Lansing Mich igan, and included

a r e a n a ly s i s of Coleman's data. Edmonds a l so has a c t i v e l y p a r t i c ip a te d

in an attempt to u t i l i z e e f f e c t i v e school p r i n i c i p l e s in the New York

C i ty publ ic school system.

Edmonds c i t e s the fo l low in g as the f i ve most important p r in c ip le s

ch a rac te r iz in g e f fe c t ive schools in h i s research:

CHARACTERISTICS OF EFFECTIVE SCHOOLS

1. They have strong adminstrat ive leadersh ip .

2. They have a cl imate of expectation in which no ch i ldren are

permitted to f a l l below minimum but e f f i c a c i o u s l e v e l s of

achievement.

3. The s c h o o l ' s atmosphere i s o rder ly without being r i g i d , quiet

without being oppress ive, and genera l ly conducive to the

in s t ru c t io n a l bus iness a t hand.

4. I t i s made c le a r that pupil a c q u i s i t i o n of the bas ic school

s k i l l s takes precedence over a l l other school a c t i v i t i e s .

5. There must be some means by which pupil progress can be

f requent ly monitored. (Edmonds, 1981, p. 11)

While t h i s l i s t summarizes a number of other research r e s u l t s , i t i s

not the only such l i s t , nor i s i t u n i v e r s a l l y agreed upon. The Sta te o f

Michigan Department of Education has, for example, i t s own l i s t of e ight

p r in c ip le s :

EIGHT PRINCIPLES ASSOCIATED WITH IMPROVED STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT

1. The more time spent on in s t ru c t io n , the grea te r the achievement

ga in.

2. The greater the amount of parental involvement, the greater the

achievement.

3. High expectations on the part of the p r in c ip a l are a ssoc ia te d

with g re a te r achievement.

4. High teacher expectations are a ssoc ia te d w ith high achievement.

5. Higher achievement ga in s are more l i k e l y to occur in classroom s

characterized by a high degree of s t ru c tu re , with teachers who

are supportive .

6. The use of p o s i t iv e feedback or reinforcement by teachers i s

a sso c ia te d with g re a te r achievement.

7. The use of tu to r in g i s re la ted to achievement.

8. R e c ita t io n promotes g re a te r achievement ga in s .

(S ta te o f M ich igan Department of Education, Muth, 1982)

To summarize, t h i s a spect o f the Native Hawaiian Educational

Assessment P ro ject, the Search fo r S o lu t io n s , proved to be a fa r vaste r

ta sk than re a l iz e d at the ou tse t. S u f f ic e i t to say th a t there are no

educational panaceas: the Ind ian Education Act prov ides fo r many s im i l a r

kinds o f needs as experienced by Native American In d ian s , but there are

aspects o f the Act i t s e l f which would make i t le s s than id e a l ly su ite d to

the Hawaiian s i t u a t io n . The lo c a l DOE and p r iva te o rgan iz a t ion s such as

The Kamehameha Schoo ls/Bern ice P. Bishop E sta te are v igo ro u s ly pursu ing

t h e i r own answers to p a r t i c u la r needs. Some o f these are worth c i t i n g as

e f fe c t iv e fo r one or another o f the wide range of educational

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needs i d e n t i f i e d in t h i s report. F i n a l l y , e f f e c t i v e schools research

g ive s some general encouragement that e f fe c t i v e p r in c ip le s are being put

to app l ied use and can be a part of s ch oo l - le ve l in tervent ion . The

research suggests i t s e l f as a model fo r fu r th e r work to be done in

Hawaii. The NHEAP s t a f f was l e f t with two conc lu s ion s . F i r s t , no s i n g l e

plan such as the Indian Education Act i s l i k e l y to meet the unique needs

o f Native Hawaiians, ra ther, a m u lt i - f ace ted approach i s c a l l e d for,

t a r g e t in g s p e c i f i c need areas and concentra t ing on an in ten s ive

t im e - l im i te d approach. Second, a g reat deal more research i s needed in to

the quest ion of the " f i t " of Native American and other educat iona l

programs to the Hawaiian needs.

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