Quiet  encroachment  in  the  uneven  metropolitan  growth  of  Guatemala  City  

Abstract  

In   Guatemala   City,   as   the   rest   of   Latin   America   and   the   world,   the   growth   and  

development   of   the   city   has   not   been   proportional.   Historically,   ammenities   and  

utilities   have   been   prioritized   to   the  well   to   do   neighborhood   in   the   center  while  

ignoring  the  needs  of  people  in  the  peripheries.  This  situation  has  agravated  in  the  

last  30  years,  and  although  conflicts  are  not  evident  in  the  construction  of  the  city,  

the   residents   participate   in   opening   spaces   and   opportunities   for   them   through  

quiet   encroachments.   This   article   will   discuss   the   specific   case   of   the   slum   3   de  

Mayo:  Its  history  and  process  of  quiet  encroachment  in  the  city.    

1. Theoretical  Framework  

Guatemala city has a unique urban fabric. Originally conceived as gridded

city, the center of the city shifted to a zone that was conceived in the grand

manner and later complemented with the modernist ideals of efficient

planning. However, this growth is not synonym of equal progress.

Asentamientos precarios is a manifestation of the growing need of housing in

Guatemala City. However, the state’s inability to solve the low housing

demand has caused this unplanned growth to increase significantly in the last

decades. Now, Guatemala is one of the largest urban centers in Central

America.  

Guatemala City´s development has not been proportional and the government

indifference to problems of housing and planning poses a threat to equality.

Historically, well to do neighborhood in the center have been a prioirity while

neighborhood in the peripheries (and center located in “worthless” land in

ravines) have been ignored. During the 1970´s, under the influence of the

North American government, new policies and institutions were created and

developed to address problems in of housing and planning. However, these

were misused by elites that were seeking to promote a real estate market in

the city. This situation has worsen during recent years. The State´s inability to

create better public policies in conjuction with the current neoliberal processes

have only exarcerbate the growth of this informal settlements.

1.1 Conflict  or  Quiet  Encroachment?    

More   than   conflicts,   we   find   tensions   between   the   formal   and   informal   spaces   in  

Guatemala  City.  

 

Figure  1.  Anleu,    Process  of  Construction  of  the  City    

Figure   1   shows   how  Different   actors   (political,   social   and   economic)   construct   the  

city.  Social  constructions  of  categorical  distinction  contribute   to   the   inequality   that  

causes   spatial   segregation.   The   elites   in   power   reproduce   conditions   of   inequality  

that   produce   uneven   rewards   like   the   legitimacy/illegitimacy   of   property.   This  

dichotomy   conditions   certain   activities,   benefiting   a   small   group.   Tensions   arise  

between   the   two   groups   but   these   don’t   necessarily   result   in   conflict.   In   order   to  

escalate  to  conflict,   it   is  necessary  for  the  unprivileged  group  to  organize  but  his   is  

not  always  the  case.    

As  Charles  Tilly  (1999)  observes,  for  it  to  escalate  to  conflict,  it  is  necessary  that  the  

unhappiness  caused  by  the  inequality  to  be  sufficient  to  move  the  people  to  organize  

and  gather  sufficient  knowledge  to  adquire  tools  to  alter  and  unbalance  the  system.    

However,  as  Bayat  (2000,  p  545)  observes  although  conflicts  do  not  happen  openly,  

this   tensions  can  be  understood  an  pervasive  advancement  of   the  ordinary  people  

on  the  propertied  and  powerful  in  order  to  survive  and  improve  their  lives.  He  calls  

these   ‘quiet   encroachments’.     Even   though   the   system   is   not   being   altered   and  

therefore   the  way   the   city   is   constructed  has  not   change,   the  political   poor   find   a  

way   to,   consciously   and   unconsciously,   continue   in   their   quest   for   security.   And  

although   in   Guatemala   it   has   not   happened,   this   tensions   do   inevetibly   lead   to   a  

conflict.  

1.2 Guatemala  City  

The  specific  case  of  Guatemala  city  is  similar  to  the  rest  of  Latin  America.  During  the  

last   50   years,   the   city   has   had   an   explosive   grwoth.   During   the   1940’s,   the   state  

begins   to   search   for   ways   to   solve   the   problems   that   arise   because   of   this  

urbanization.  This  sets  a  framework  that  during  the  1970’s  is  used  to  create  financial  

institutions   and   construction   companies   that   are   supposed   to   address   the  housing  

crisis   of   the   por.   However,   this   is  misued   by   the   elites   to   reproduce   conditions   of  

inequality  giving  way  to  a  real  estate  market  that  only  benefits  landwoners  and  not  

the  population  with  less  resoursces.    

The   private   sector   and   the   state   have   showed  no   interest   to   address   isues   of   low  

income  housing.  The  only  available  recourse  then  is  to  invade  land  and  create  these  

informal  settlements.   In  Guatemala  City,   these  happen  mainly   in   ravines,   land  that  

has   no   major   economic   value   (due   to   it´s   difficult   access,   vulnerability   and   code  

restrictions)   and   limited   infrastructure.   However,   its   ideal   location   provides   the  

lower   sectors   of   the   population   acces   to   opportunities   that   they  would   otherwise  

not   have.   However,   since   these   informal   settlements   are   conditioned   by   the  

government,  tensions  begin  to  arise.  

This  tensions  however  almost  never  transform  into  open  conflicts.  Segregation  and  

inequality  continue,  reinforcing  social  stigmas  as  well  as  uncertainty  for  the  residents  

of  this  informal  settlements.  Even  though  only  tensions  exist,  spaces  are  being  open  

in  the  city  through  quiet  encroachment.  This  will  be  exemplified  in  the  results.    

 

 

2. Methodology  

3  de  Mayo,  an   informal  settlement  Located   in  zone  18  of  the  City  of  Guatemala,   is  

studied  under  this  framework.  As  a  general  objective,  the  purpose  of  this  research  is  

to   study   the  different   tensions   that  are  happening   in   this  particular   slum  to     show  

how   through   tensions,   and   not   conflict,   the   settlement   has   been   able   to   advance  

some  of  its  interests  in  this  process  of  construction  of  the  city.    

 

Figure  2.  Anleu,  3  de  Mayo  

A   secondary   objective   is   to   further   delve   into   why   these   tensions   have   yet   to  

produce  a  conflict   that  produces  deeper  changes   in   the  urban   fabric,   social   spaces  

and  public  sphere.    

For  the  planning  of  the  methodological  process,  two  phases  were  established.  In  the  

first  part,  visits  were  realized.  For   the   first  part,   seven  slums  were  visited  to  do  an  

initial  assessment  and  understand  the  conditions  in  which  the  inhabitants  lived.  One  

slum  was   picked   to   further   investigate   the   slum’s   history   and   conditions   in  which  

people  live.  For  this,  the  community  leader  was  interviewed.  Informal  conversations  

with  residents  from  different  ages  also  helped  in  having  a  well-­‐rounded  description  

of  the  slum´s  conditions.  

In  the  second  phase,  the  interviews  were  transcribed.  Notes  were  taken  and  the  

information  provided  by  the  residents  was  interpreted.  In  the  next  section,  the  

results  are  discussed.  

3. Resultados  

3  de  Mayo  is  an  informal  settlement  located  in  zone  18  of  Guatemala  City.  This  zone,  

usually  categorize  as  a  red  zone  (to  signify  danger),  shows  the  different  tensions  that  

arise  from  the  formal  and  informal  sectors  of  the  city.    

As  the  community  leader  informed  us,  the  settlement  began  a  little  over  20  years  

ago.  It  was  3  de  mayo  (May  3rd)  at  three  in  the  morning  when  she  and  a  group  of  

people  decided  to  invade  the  land  by  the  residential  neighborhood  of  La  Alameda.  

Ten  families  got  organized  and  invaded  this  ravine  that  was  sporadically  used  for  

corn  plantations.    

As  Ananya  Roy  observes  (2011,  p  826)  this  informal  settlements  happen  inside  the  

framework  of  the  State.    Since  it  do  not  have  any  solution  to  the  current  housing  

problem,  it  acts  tolerant  to  this  kinds  of  invasions.  This  tolerance  reaches  its  limits  

when  this  poses  a  possible  conflict  for  the  land  owner.    

Roy  (2009,  p  232)  observes  that  this  informal  settlements  have  the  potential  to  

destabilize  the  center,  however  this  has  not  happened  in  Guatemala  City.    Brazil´s  

Sao  Paulo  is  another  story  were  an  insurgent  citizenship  (Holston,  2009)  is  beginning  

to  question  the  dynamics  informal  settlements  may  play  in  the  construction  of  a  

more  democratic  city.    

Guatemala  City  follows  more  closely  the  model  of  quiet  encroachment  proposed  by  

Bayat  (2000).  And  although  there  were  moments  of  higher  tension  before  its  initial  

consolidation,  like  various  evicting  attempts  as  well  as  direct  assaults  on  the  lives  of  

the  people,  this  never  fully  escalated  into  an  open  conflict  but  rather  acted  as  

tensions  that  slowly  open  up  spaces  in  the  city  for  this  residents.    

For  example  ,  during  its  first  months,  residents  would  pay  a  small  fee  to  the  owner  of  

the  corn  crops  to  compensate  for  his  loss.  Residents  would  also  take  turns  to  keep  

an  eye  at  night  for  possible  raids  aimed  to  dismantle  the  settlement.  Initially  the  

community  shared  a  bathroom  (unconnected  to  the  city  sewage).  Eventually  a  

drainage  was  create  within  the  community  that  in  later  years  would  be  connected  to    

the  city´s  grid.  In  a  similar  fashion,  electricity  was  tapped  into  illegally.  As  Bayat  

(2000,  p  550)    observes,  this  are  quiet  encroachments  that  operate  within  the  scope  

of  a  State  that  promotes  mechanisms  through  which  the  poor  help  themselves.  

Nevertheless,  this  encroachments  begin  to  open  up  spaces  to  the  urban  poor.    

Through  institutions  like  the  National  Bank  of  Housing,  it  was  possible  to  legalize  

some  of  the  lots.  The  Department  of  Infrastructure,  Communication  and  Housing  has  

also  provided  some  retaining  walls  as  well  as  funds  for  the  construction  of  four  

vulnerable  houses.  The  municipality  now  provides  all  the  lots  with  water  and  the  

Electric  Company  provides  electricity  to  some  of  the  lots.  Although  important  

achievements  to  the  community,  this  do  not  produce  significant  changes  to  how  the  

city  is  constructed.    

 

Figure  3.  Banco  de  Vivienda.  Plan  3  de  Mayo  

There  are  other  tensions  happening  at  a  smaller  scale  that  still  have  an  effect  on  how  

the  informal  settlement  operates  in  the  city.  One  of  this  tensions  arose  from  the  

growth  and  proliferation  of  3  de  Mayo  and  other  slums.  Currently  there  is  a  rivalry  

between  3  de  Mayo  and  its  neighbor  informal  settlement  Jerusalén.    As  told  by  the  

community  leader,  this  tensions  began  when  the  municipality  decided  to  create  a  

community  center  in  Jerusalén  instead  of  3  de  Mayo.  This  community  provides  

certain  services  like  daycare,  and  although  they  are  available  to  the  community  of  3  

de  mayo,  the  community  leader  feels  as  it  was  their  right  to  do  it  in  their  

neighborhood.  Currently  she  mentions  that  the  municipality  has  offered  to    

rehabilitate  their  salon  (Figure  4)  but  it  remains  to  be  seen  as  to  wether  it  will  

happen.  The  community  is  not  sufficiently  well  organized  so  as  to  put  higher  

pressure  on  the  project.    

 

Figure  4.  Anleu  3  de  Mayo´s  Community  Center    

This  revealed  another  tension.  The  internal  organization  of  the  community  is  highly  

undemocratic.  Even  though  the  community  has  a  comitee,  the  democratic  process  is  

questionable.  This  became  evident  when  she  mentioned  that  awhile  back,  a  group  of  

ladies  tried  to  replace  her  but  through  her  contacts  with  the  municipalities  was  able  

to  keep  her  position  of  power.  As  Tilly  observes  (1999),  through  a  hoarding  of  

opportunities  inside  the  slum,  this  leader  continues  in  a  position  of  power  that  

allows  her  to  be  in  control.  

Even  though  she  stated  that  she  is  tired  of  her  position  as  leader,  she  argues  that  she  

only  continues  in  her  position  because  she  feels  a  responsibility  towards  the  

community  My  intention  is  not  to  undermine  the  community  leader´s  work.  It  is  

evident  that  she  has  put  a  lot  of  effort  into  bettering  the  community.  However,  her  

authoritarian  methods  have  jeopardize  democratic  processes  that  could  be  

beneficial  to  the  community.    

4. Conclusion  

Guatemala  city’s  context  has  cause  a  similar  but  certainly  different  development  

than  other  cities  in  Latin  America.  Originally  conceive  in  a  gridded  plan,  this  city  grew  

giving  way  to  the  Haussmannian  approach  with  which  the  city  was  expanded.  During  

the  twentieth  century,  the  city  has  an  unprecedented  growth  and  as  a  direct  

consequence  informal  settlements  begin  to  appear  in  the  ravines  located  throughout  

the  valley.    

This  is  the  direct  result  of  the  quiet  encroachments  that  although  helped  shape  the  

urban  fabric,  they  have  yet  to  take  their  place  in  the  social  space  and  public  sphere.  

Although  certainly  productive,  this  tensions  do  not  turn  into  conflict  and  therefore  

do  not  substantially  change  the  system.  There  are  two  reasons  why  this  has  not  

happened  yet.    

First  is  community  organization.  Although  there  are  wide  array  of  examples  were  the  

community  leader  has  benefited  her  community,  her  methods  are  not  democratic.  

Since  the  community  is  not  actively  involved,  they  do  not  have  the  means  to  

organize.  As  a  result,  people  do  not  collectively  mobilize  to  make  their  rights  heard.    

However,  the  major  reason  can  be  attributed  to  the  political  actor  in  power.  With  

the  end  to  perpetuate  (and  therefore  benefit)  from  the  existing  inequalities  and  the  

intension  to  avoid  open  conflicts,  the  state  and  the  elite  provide  with  some  public  

services  and  benefits.  This  however  are  a  tool  to  prevent  discontent  and  continue  

benefiting  from  existing  inequalities.    

Attempting to solve the problems of poor housing and segregation is not an

easy endeavor. To accomplish this, it is necessary to create reforms to

current policies on housing, citizenship and governance. But who will take the

lead in these changes? Is it the architects and planner’s responsibility to

create a model that might bring forward conflicts that can then produce a

restructuring of the system and how city is being produce? If this is

accomplished, the residents need to be stripped of the stigmas and begin to

participate in a social space that enables them to enter the public sphere and

therefore enforce their rights as citizens. This will allow for the creation of a

more egalitarian model of the city.

 

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