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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION

YXXIV ·1998 · 2

Edited with assistance from the IIUniversitaire Stichting van Belgi811

PAEDAGOGICA HISTORICA International Journal of the History of Education

ISSN 0030-9230 Pro-Editor: Karel De Clerck

EDITORIAL STAFF

Jeroen Dekker, Groningen Marc Depaepe, Louvain

Hilde De Ridder-Symoens, Ghent/ Amsterdam Mark D'hoker, Louvain

Willem frijhoff, Amsterdam Annie Luwaert-Lambrecht, Ghent (Executive Secretary)

Frank Simon, Ghent/Brussels (Editor-in-Chief) Jeffrey Tyssens, Brussels

INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD

Richard Aldrich, London- William A. Bruneau, Vancouver-Pierre Gaspard, Paris - Ning De Coninck-Smith, Odense -

Yuval Dror, Tel-Aviv - Barbara Finkelstein, Maryland­Suresh C. Ghosh, ·ew Delhi- Dominiquejulia, Paris­Peter Kalla way, Bellville- Elmar Lechner, Klagenfurt -

LIJun, Shanghai- Czeslaw Majorek, Cracow-J ames A. Mangan, Glasgow- Tomiji Nagao, Tokyo­Antonio Novoa, Lisbon - Michael Omolewa, Ibadan -

Gabriela Ossenbach-Sauter, Madrid - William]. Reese, Wisconsin­Marina Roggero, Torino- Karel Rydl, Praha -

Geoffrey Sherington, Sydney - Pere Sola, Barcelona -Anne Staples Dean, Mexico - Ronald G. Sultana, Malta­

Heinz-Elmar Tenorth, Berlin

CSHP H. Dunantlaan l

B-9000 Gent

Paedagogica Historica, Vol11me 34, No. 2, 1998

Royal Patronage and Private Support in the ~mergence of Spanish American Universities

Enrique Gonzalez Gonzalez Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mex:ico, Mexico

During the rolonial period, at least twenty-five universities were established in fourteen ciciesji'Oin Guadalajara to Santiago de Chile. Most oflhem were founded in cities that were home to a la1ge group of Spanish or (Creole' residents and where resided a 1oyal llibunal (Real Audiencia), a bishop1ic, and a see of provincial houses of religious orders. Their size and character l'Oiied, but, all of them depended on metropolitan paradigms. In Castille, several new universities were founded bekveen the end of the 15th century and the first !zaif of the 16th century. None of them were free cO'Iporate bodies, as was the case during tlte Middle Ages. On tlze contrary, they were founded by pn.uate individuals who bound these institutions to their personal will, as their patrons. One of these patrons was the king, who created several universities, .first in tlze conquered kingdom ofGmnatla, and tl1en within conquered American dominions, and assured for himself the right of patronage. We may consider three pmods of development. The .firs~ which extends throughout the 16t11 century, three royal universities were created in the tlme archepiscopal sees: Lima (1 5 51), .~1e.>.1co (I 55 1) and Santo Domingo (I 558). These institutions were supported by tlze king and were govemed bJ• tJzeir respective Real A udiencia. The second pe1iod covers the first quarter of the 17th century to its end. Patronage was an onerous right, and the king was not in favor of supporting ne~.o uniz•ersities, so he authorised, under certain conditions, that studmts could graduate u~th uniz•ersiry recognition ji·om Dominican and Jesuit institution,<. 7his pemzission would be nullified when a public university was founded in that city. For example, Santa Fe de Bogota, Qyito Charcas, Cuzco, and Guatenzala housed one or more of these monastic universities. In the third period, from the end of the I 7tlz century to the end of the colonial period, we witness a clear process of seculatisati.on. Ne~.v royaluni.l!ersities appeared in Guatema'la, Santiago de Chile, and Guadalajara. Dwing this lime, on!J one new religious univem:ty was established (in La Habana in 1787, where there was not yet a bislzop1ic). 7hree new universities were run by the secular clergy: Huamarzga (I 677), Cuzco ( I 692), and Caracas ( 1786). At the same time, at Least ten rebgious universities were closed, some because they were shadowed by royal universities and sotne because of the expulsion of the Jesuits in I 7 67. In fact, fitrthering this process of secularisation, even universities that had been nm by the Jesuits, like Charcas and Cordoba, became public institutions bifore tlze Independence.

508 Enrique Gonzalez Gonzalu

In a previou s work, I h ave studied the origins o f early mode rn Span ish universi ties, in particular those ofSigi.ienza ( 1490) and Granada (1526). 1 The aim o f that previous research was to give a broader frame to the com plex phenomena which gave place to the emergence of more than twenty universities in the American dominionsofCastilc, b etween the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries. Now, 1 will try to establish some gen eral lines in order to explain the g reat number and diversity o f such institutions. I will start with tl1e conclusions of my former work. Then, I will make some general considerations on the reasons for the geographic distribution of the universities. Next, 1 will examine the e m ergence o f Hispanic American unive rsities, within iliree broad periods: l ) The founding of the first three royal universities, during the sixteenth century. 2) The c reation of about a dozen of universi ties managed by the re lig io us orders, during the first quarter of the following century. 3) The last p eriod, that goes from the e nd of the seventeenth century to the end of the colonial period, whe n several monastic universities d isappeared, leaving place to royal or secula r institutions. Simul taneou~ly, a small number of new institutions were c reated, m ost of the m by the secular cle rgy.

The history of those universities has b een studied in a very irregula r way.2

In most cases, the celebration of ephemerides encou raged the publication of importan t documentary sources and historical reviews, often in a laudatory tone; this eventually generated bitte r polemics b etween the chronicle rs of different universities. So, the controversy regarding primacy among the .universities of Santo

D omingo, Lima and l\•!exico produced flood s of useless penmanship. The rivalry between j esuits and Dominicans goes back to colonial days, but its con seque nces still occupy hist01ian s up to the present day. Too o fte n , only a pe riod or a n aspect

1"£1 surgimiento de universidades en tierra de conquista. El caso de Granada IS. XVI)", in A. Romano (Ed.), Uni1:mita in Europa. Le i.stituzioni universiwrie dal Medio Ero ai nostn giomi slrutture, organi<;zazione . .funzionammto (Messina , Rubettino, 1995), pp. 297-325.

1A.M. Rodriguez Cruz, Histo1ia de las Uuiursidatles Hispanoamericanas. Periodo Hispanico (Bogota, Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1973), 2 vols., has written the only comprehensive approach to the subject; she also includes the richest account of sources and bibliography. From 1987 on, M. Peset has edited three collective volumes with important contributions to the history ofHispanic American universities: Univmdades espanolasy amnicanas. Epoca colonial (Valencia, Generalitat Valenciana, 1987); Ctaustros y estudianlls (Valencia, Universit<it de Valencia, 1989), 2 vols.; Doctowj escotares. 11 Congreso lntemacional de Hi.storia de las Unit·ersidades fhspanicas (Valencia, 1998;. 2 vols. Three more volumes are to appear. Two pa rallel efforts for analyzing the bibliography of some of the Spanish American colonial universities, the ··Aetas de las segundasjomadas sobre Ia presencia universitaria espanola en America . Alcala de Henares, 26 y 27 de noviembre de 1992", in Estudios de historia socialy econ6mica dt America. II ( 1994), pp. 9-230; and l\1. Me negus & E. Gonzalez G. (Coords.), His/aria de las unit·ersidades hispanoamericanas. Mitodos_yfumtes (Mexico, UNAM, 1995).

1l1e Emergence of Spanish American Universities 509

of one particular institution is fully studied, while the rest of its history remains in the dark: for example, in many cases the only studied topics have been their foundation period, or their atti tude towards the Enlightenment or Independence mo\·rments. The universities of Lima and Mexico, the most important and inOucntial institutions, still wait for good panoramic studies. But, while Lima has lost the most important pan of its archives, and its study has been neglected during the last forty y cars, Mexico has an extremely rich documentation, and has he en the objt:ct of a lol of research during the last decade. 3 In recent years, also, the uni\·ersity of Caracas has been deeply studied by Ildefonso Leal, and important research has been done on those of Guadalajara and Chile ... ~ But unfortunately, most ofLatin American unive rsities have not been so lucky. Hopefully, the renewal of approaches experienced during the last decades by historians of European uni\·ersities will give impulse to new and richer studies on our old universities. In the meanwhile, the Historia de las zmiversidades hispanoamencanas,5 of Agueda Rodriguez Cruz, remains an invaluable companion for the study of this subject. This paper would had been impossible without its guidance.

The peninsular experience

After the creation of Palencia (l2 12-1214), Salamanca (1254) and \'alladolid (1346), no more universities appeared in the Castilian kingdoms before the end of the fifteenth century.6 Then suddenly, more than a dozen new

1ivi. Mrnegus & A. Pavon, ·'La Real Universidad de Mexico. Panorama historiografico", in Historia de la Unit·ersidad Colonial (avances de irn·esligacion) (La Real Universidad de Mexico.Estudios y textos, I ) (Mexico, UNAM, 1987), pp. 83-89, and 111-115; CJ. Ramirez, "La Real Universidad de Mexico en lossiglosXVT y XVII. Enfoques recientes'', in l'v!. Menegus & E. Gonzalez G. (Coords.), Historia de las universidades modemas ... , pp. 269-295; C.l. Ramirez and A. Pa\'6n compilated the most important articles on the Real Universidad de Mexico published in foreign countries before 1990, in Corporacion universitaria, gobiemo y £•ida acadbnica (investigaciones recientes) (Mexico, UNAM, 1996); E. Gonzalez-Gonzalez, "Los estudios sobre Historia de Ia Universidad Colonial'', in : Encuentro Academico. XX Annimsario del CESU (Mexico, UNAM, 1997), pp. '23-4 7.

fl. Leal, Cedulario de Ia Universidad de Caracas( 1721-1820) (Caracas, 1965); El claustro de Ia Universidad de Caracas y su historia (Caracas, l970-1979), 2 vols .; lA Urri.versidad de Caracas en lcs aiios de Bolivar, 1783-/830 (Caracas, U. C. de Venezuela, 1983), 2 vols.; C. Castaneda, La educaci.on en Guadalqjara durante fa colonia. 1521-1821 (Mexico, El Colegio de Mexico, 1984); S. Serrano, Universidad y nacion. Chile en <l Siglo XIX (Santiago de Chile, Ed. Universitaria, 199+l.

5Quoted in note 2. "This paragraph contains a resume of the article quoted in note l .

510 Enrique Gonzalez Gon;:.dltz

institutions emerged between 1490 and 1550 at Sigiienza, Alcala, Toledo, Santiago, Granada ... The new universities had important differences with reference to their medieval ancestors. As it has been noticed, Salamanca and Valladolid7 followed, in a broad sense, the Bolonian model. Which means, they consisted of societies ­universitates - of students coming from different nationes, in order to secure legal guaranties and several pri\;leges granted by the pope or the king. The C01l_!?;regatio of students had the right to elect the lecturers of the studium, to elect a principal or ralor, and to give itself the rules or statu fa to n.:gulate the different aspects of student life. From time to time, those common regulations were confirmed, some times adapted, by the king or th e pope. They also had a particular jurisdiction. As it \\'as the case with the Italian medieval universities, the C astilian ones favoured the study of law, both ecclesiastical and ci ... il.

On the contra1y, the new styled universities did not make serious efforts to auract foreign students, their purpose was to save the local schola rs from long and dangerous travels. Then, they started to hccomc regional sludia. At the same time, the new cen ters did not grant the traditional rights to the students such as to elect principals, lecturers and to create statuta. At best, those traditional rights suffered important cuts. As the scholars used to belong to the same land, they were subjected to the common civil and ecclesiastical laws. Those institutions were usually created by a private patron - either a rich priest or bishop - who acquired the ius patronalus on behalf of his creation. Consequently, they were modelled in accordance -at least en pn.ncipe- to the will of the founder. H e, not the scholars, had the right to give the statute for the management ofhis house: normally a college for twelve or e ighteen poor students, \\"ith a chaplain; several funds were also provided for the erection of chairs. The statu/a included the way to appoint the bursars, the chaplain, and the lecturers, as well as the procedure to elect the rector of the college among the collegae. Papal bulls granted those colegi.os-unioersidad the right lO bestO\,. the degrees of bachelor, licentiate, master and doctor. The manager of the college was to become, at the same time, the rector of the studium, open both to bursars and to external students. Normally, the chairs founded by the patron were those of grammar, arts, and theology; the study of law was sometimes formally forbidden, or played a secondary role.

With the remarkable exception of Alcala de Henares, created by cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros, the new colegi.os-universidad were relatively cheap, small and, often , rem ained precarious institutions. The founder used to provide for all the

7For Salamanca, M. Fermidez Alvarez, L. Robles C. & L.E. Rodriguez-San Pedro (Ed.s.), La Unit•ersidad de Salamanca (Salamanca, 198 7), 2 vols., with an excellent Bibliogrtifia (vol. II , pp.60 1-6411 by R odriguez San Pedro. There is also a collective survey of His to ria de Ia Uniuersidad de Val/adolid (Valladolid, 1989), 2 vols.

171t Emergence of Spanish Ame~icar1 Uniuersilies 511

expenses, present and future, ofhis rather small institution: he erected the buildings for the housing of bursars, the halls for lessons, and the chapel; at the same time, he would leave an inheritance of several properties or valued objects and, sometimes, ecclesiastical benefices in order to assure the permanent support of rolegialts and lecturers. The number oflecturers could be \·ery small: a grammarian, an anist, one or two theologians, and, sometimes, a canonist. l\'otwithstanding, this kind of institution had the same capacity to promote academical degrees than the brgu :11H.lmorc complvx univusitics like S<tl.wmnc<t a11d \'a lladolid, v.·ith their do/.ens of chairmen.

Once Sigi.icnza, the first of this colleges, started to graduate students, in J 4·90, it was followed by Alcala de H enares (1500), Santa Maria de j esus, at Sevilla (15 18), T oledo (1521), Santiago, and Granada (1526), and several more. The case of Granada gives a particular insight to understand the origins of Hispanic American universities. That kingdom, ai it is well kno,,·n, was conquered by Castilla from the- i\'loors in 14·92. The- king had secured from the- pope th<" patronage over ecclesiastical institutions, with the right to build churches, nominate bishops and priests, and to collect the tithe. Therefore, it was only natural that, when it was decided to create a college and university at Grenada, in 1526, Charles V would become its patron, due to the fact that he supported at his own expense the buildings, the sustenance of the colegiales, and the salaries of the lecturers. For that purpose, he assigned, as master of his church, a portion of the tithe collected in the three bishoprics of the kingdom. The pope confirmed the king's foundation on 1532. Granada was then the first of the royal universities erected on the Castilian dominions, but the only located in the Peninsula.

If the colegios-unil•ersidad emerged as a creation of the secular clergy, very soon, some regular orders started to erect colleges which eventually became universities; those were the universidades-conl'ento, a su·ucture which played an important role in the American dominions. The Benedictins of Salzagim-Irache started to graduate students in 1534. The college of Candia, in the kingdom of \'alencia, ruled by the j esuits, did the same from 154 7 on. The Dominicans erected the Colegi.o de Santo Tomas, at Sevilla, in 15 18, which started to confer degrees in 1539. Later on, the same order mled the uniuersidades-convento of Almagro, Avila and

.J aen, as well as Orihuela y Tortosa, on behalf of the Crown of Aragon. As the first university of America, Santo Domingo, was erected in 1538,

and was followed, thirteen years later by those ofLima and Mexico, we can say that the process of expansion of the universitary institution, which started at Sigi.ienza at the end of the >..'Vth. century, reached not only the peninsular area of the Crown of Castilla, but also crossed over the Atlantic O cean.

512 Enrique Gonz6.lu. Gonzdlez

The Geography of the Universities of the New World

During the three centuries of Spanish dominion in America, abou t 25 universities of diiferent sites and characte rs emerged, in 14 cities.u Over such long period of time, several of them suffered one or more 1·adical reforms, although it is not easy to assert if they became or not a new institution; some others disappeared before the Independence period for different reasons, such as the expulsion of the J esuits; final ly, some universi ties were created by a chan, but it wok a loug ti1 11 ~

before they became a reality, or else, the ir existence was fragile and episodic. If we pay attention to their geographical distribution , we can see that the

universities appeared in the biggest cities all over the continent and the islands, in centers with important concentrations ofSpanish population, dedicated to banking, commercial activities -both ultramarine a nd local-, manufacturing, mining and the production of agricultural goods. These were places where parents had to find accommodalion for each member of their sometimes large families. Neverthck~s,

several important and rich cities such as Puebla, Zacatecas, and Potosi never housed such institutions. It is then necessary to assert that, besides their economical and social importance, the sites where unive rsities emerged were also administrative capitals, both civilian and ecclesiastical. I n most cases, when a city combined the presence of a royal court and that of a bishopric, sooner or later a university was erected. Very often, those cities were also the administrative see of the various religious orders.

During the Spanish period, 13 royal courts (rea!es audiencias) were created in the same number of cities.9The audiencias, collegiate tribunals, were invested with the highest juridical and governmental responsibility over their territ01y. For tha t reason, they were presided by the oldest oidor, or the captain general, or the viceroy, depending on the political importance of each place. The audienrias were, in a word. the link bet" ·een the metropolitan and the local administration. Many posts and influences depended on the good relations with the oidores and their milieu.

At the same time. all the sees of an Audiencia were the head of a bishopric of an archbishopric. 10 That meant the permanent presence of se\·cral clergymen in

8Sce the table of universities at the end of this article. ~For the political administration of Spanish dominions in America, JM. Ots

Capdequi, El tstado espmiol m las lndias (Mexico, FCE, 19828), and E. Schafer. El Consejo Real

_v Supremo de las lndias (Sevilla, 1935- 194 7), 2vols., are still useful. T. Polanco Alc<inta ra. Las Reaus Audiencias en las prol'incias panamnicanas de Espana (Madrid, Mapfre, 1922).

1trr'he secular hierarchy in America has been studied by JF. Schwaller, The Church and Clergy in Sixteenth-century Mexico (Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 1987); more comprehensive: P. Castaneda Delgado &J. Marchena Fernandez, Laj(l'arquia de Ia

The Emergence if Spanish America11 Uniursities 5 13

charge ofd1c church government, which included the provision of priests for all the parish churches of the diocese, and the managing of the ecclesiastical tribunal, as well as the organization of the sacred offices in the cathedral. This church, as it is well known, was directed by a chapter of canons, and also needed several chaplains and other clergymen for the choir and the different li turgic duties. Young people ,,·ithout a patrimony were sometimes interested in that sort of functions.

The religious orders played an essential role in the so-called spiritual ... <,nquc.st Qf tl.c ~c'' \'\'orld. 11 Tn a few years, Franciscans, Duminicans, Augustinians, and - from the last quarter of the sixteenth ccl1lury on -jesuits sprcaded all over the terri t01)', establishing centralised and ve1y efficient organizations, managed from the provincial convents, placed, as well as the audiencias and the bishoprics, in the political capital cities. In those main convents, Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians used to have their own studiumgenerale for the literary training of their members in grammar, arts, and theology. Normally, their stu din were oprn to lay or to secular clergymen interested in the lessons.jesuits started to open colleges for the lodging and teaching of young people as soon as they found rich men ready to pay for the creation and support for such institut1ons. A flourishingjcsuit college was seen as an expression of the wealth and splendour of a city. 11

When the fi rst bishops tried to establish a secular hierarchy, they found the ground occupied by those powerful communities, and conflicts about jurisdiction and about preeminence between the secular and the regular clergy were one of the distinctive marks or the ecclesiastic life in Spanish America. That concurrence, as well as the rivalries between the different orders, will help us to explain the complex panorama of the American universities during our period.

Cities with important economic activity ruled by Spanish population, with an Audiem:ia as well as a bishopric, and sometimes with the head of government of religious orders were: Santo Domingo (1526 13

), Mexico (1527), Lima (1542), Guatemala (1543). Santa Fe de Bogota ( 1547), Guadalajara(l556), Charcas ( 1559), Quito (1563), Panama (1563), Santiago de Chilr (1609), Buenos Aires (1783),

Iglesia eu Indias 1~1adrid, Mapfre, 1992). 11The classical study on regular clergy, is R. Ricard, La Conquite spirituelle du Mexi.que

(Paris, 1933), a book as uscf ul as old-fashioned. 12Thejesuit bibliography on "Les Pays d'Amerique", in L. Polgar, Bibliographie sur

l'hisroire de Ia Compagnie de Jesus (1901-/980), Vol. Ill , Les Pays (Rome, IHCJ, 1986); P. Gonzalbo Aizpuru, in Hisroria de la educaci6n colonial (Mexico, El Colegio de Mexico, 1789),2 vols., gives an intelligent overview on thejesuit colleges of New Spain; with bibliography.

13The year in parenthesis is that of the definitive establishment of an audiencia on that place. Cfr. Polanco Alcantara, lAs Reales Audiencias ... , pp. 209-210.

5 14 Enrique Gon~fde<; Gon<;dle<:

Caracas ( 1786), and Cuzco (J 787). All but two of them sooner or late r had a university, and even l \ VO or th ree. The two exceptions, Panama and Buenos Aires, are good examples of the previous rule. The first of them, on the Pacific side of the Ithsmus, secured the transit of Peruvian silver to the Atlantic ocean. The city was sacked by pirates on different occasions, and, at the end, its importance as a passage decayed. The city lost defi nitively its Audiencia in ! 751. Before their expulsion in 1768, the j esuits tried several times, without success, to transform their college into

:1. university. Buenos 1\jrf's, at the mouth of the Rio dr Ia Plata, had not strategic importance before the end of the eighteenth century, because the Peruvian si lver did not reach the Atlantic through that river, but - as we already said - through Panama. Only when the British menaced that area, an Audiencia was re-crea ted in 1783, and the vice-kingdom was fou nded in l 776. T he plans to form a university were postponed un til the birth of the new independen t nation.

If most colonial capitals of audiencias hosted a university, three more cities, episcopal st>es, but without a royal tribunal, came to have one or more. Two of them Huamanga (today Ayacucho) and Cordoba, belonged to the Alto Peru, and were part of the interregional commercial system which supplied tools, handcrafts, beasts, food, to the min ing centre ofPotosi, situated in a deserticarea. 1 ~ Huamanga, an agricultural valley, and a bishopric since 1609, produced a lot of grain. Its bishop obtained from the king, in 1677, the transformation of the conciliar seminary into a university. Cordoba, the permanent see of the bishop ofTucuman, played an important Commercial role in the same mining circuit. T here, thej esuit college became, since 162 1, one of the most important universities of the sou th. Finally, the university of La H abana, created by Dominicans in I 722 - the bishop1i c was erected later, in 1787 - was an ans,ver to the requests of the Spanish population, enriched, thanks to slave wmk, by cultivation and transallantic commerce of sugar cane, tobacco and coffee.

T he S ixteenth Century: the firs t royal univers i ties

During the second quarter of the sixteenth centu1y, Santo Domingo and the surrounding Caribbean islands had lost their initial economic and political relevance. Nevertheless, a royal audience had been created there in 1526. T hen, in 1546, when th ree metropolitan churches were created for all the Indies, the city got one of them, leaving the other two archbishoprics to the emerging cen ters

11A model study of the economic and social inte1·action on tha t huge a rea at the end of the colon ial pe riod, T. Halperin Donghi, Revoluci6n )' gutnm. Fonnaci6n de una elite dirigente en Ia Argentina criolla (Buenos Aires, Siglo XXI, 1972).

7he Emergence of Spanish Ame~ican Universities 515

Mexico and Lima, the only vice-kingdoms of the Spanish dominions in America. As the Spanish inhabiLants of Santo Domingo, Mexico and Lima begun to consolidate stable commu11ities with their civil and ecclesiastical institutions, they sta rted to demand the creation of universities to the king.

The reasons alleged by the inhabitants of the three cities were , more or less, the same. At first, tlte main argument was the need of able people for Lhe christianization of the Indians. T his request raised a question: ·was it convenient to crc?.te an J ndi:m c·lcrgy? lf the answc·r was a ffi rmative, there were no pr0blcms to admit Indian students in the universities. But ve•y soon, the promoters of the exclusion won the debate. The proposed universities became, out of any doubt, a matter concerning only the Spanish population of the Indies. In strict legal terms, Indians were never excluded from the universities; as a matter off act, this was very exceptional - especially from the eighteenth century on - that an Indian was admitted to the universities. They were, by all means, "creole" institutions.

Once the exclusion of the Indians became effective, the petitions were formulated strictly in te•·ms of the interests of the Spanish population of America. E,·en the question of the evangelization of the Indians, appeared in the te1ms of a possible employment for "creole" people. A lot of young Spaniards were growing up without any job. Their idleness could be a serious danger for social peace. I f there were a university, then this people could receive literary and moral training. Secondly, many of those fellows could be prepared for ·workjng in the evangelization of the Indians. With clergymen born and instructed in the New World, the expenses of sending missionaries from the Peninsula could be saved, and the real hacienda would be spared of this expenditure. Even more, as a great number of the conquerors and early settlers were poor, the university could open the doors to them of the civil and ecclesiastical administration. By doing so, the sons of the New \·Vorld could start to gain benefit in their own homeland, and to forget about going to Spain. Thus, the university would give stability to the cities, and even prestige, as a consequence of the good behavior of the graduates. Finally, if young people did not receive university training in their own cities, they would have to go to Castilla, making long, expensive and dangerous travel, and, once there, many of them might prefer to stay ... "'

1;The requests were analogous in each city. The documents concerning Santo Domingo have been compilated by C. de Utrera, Unimsidades de Santiago de la Pa<.y de Sante Tomas de Aquino y Seminari.o Conciliar de fa Ciudad de Sante Domingo de la isla Espanola (Santo Domingo, l932); those of Lima, by L.A. Eguiguren, Histmia de la Uniuersidad. La Universidad en el siglo XVI. Vol. II: lAS Constitut:Wnes dt la u12iversidad y olros docummtes (Lima, U. de San Marcos, 1951). A more elaborated and analytic work, is that ofS. Mendez Arceo, La Realy Po12tijicia Unirersidad de !v!e.\ico. Antecedentes,. tramit.aci611 y despachos de las Rea!.es Cidulas de erccci6n

•

516 Emique Gon?.dlee Gone alee

Jf such arguments stressed the advantages which would come fi·om the existcucc of uni,·ersities botl1 for the king and for the Spanish settlers, the royal answer always ,,·as the same: they could be created as long as the reaL hacimda remained untouched. From M exico, the viceroy Mendoza replied to Charles V that the kings, his ancestors, had created hospitals, churches, ev<>n the uni,·ersity of Granada from their r<>al estate, and that such works should be supported directly b) th e- kings. lli

Finally, in 1551 the Crown agreed to the creation of two universities: Lima and Mexico. The first one was created in May, when the Dominican fray Tomas de San Martin, with powers from the city and from his Order, proposed the Dominican studium of Lima as the see for the new institution. The project implied no expenses for the king, and that was, maybe, the reason of its immediate success. Nevertheless, the royal chan specified that the university could be housed in a convent until a new order should select a more convenil'nt site (nztrelrmto que se de arden que esli. en otm parte donde mas corwe~~ga) . That second moment arrived in 15 72, when the viceroy Toledo, considering that it was better for the universi ty to stand by itself, and not under the shadow of a convent (pam lt1s mismas universid(ldes es mcis autoridad eslarpor sfy no a11·imadas at amparo de ning[m monasterio), decided to take i l a way from the D ominicans, providing an encomienda of Indians for its suppor t, and dictating some constitutions for its management. The royal university of Lima was then founded. The king, with some reluctance, finally accepted the loss for the royal finance caused by the enforcement of that encomie~~da to the new estudio geneml.17

The first known demand for a uni,·ersity in Mexic"o goes back to 1525. The financial reticences from the Crown, and political unrest created by the encomenderos, delayed royal approbation. After years ofbargaining, the viceroy Mendoza offered to giw some estancias of his own, as long as the king would provide the remaining part. The same year of 1551 , but a month later, a royal chart appro,·cd the instauration of a study and a uni\·ersity, and granted I 000 pesos from the real <'State for the salaries of lecturers. 18

(Mexico, UNAM, 1952}. I analyzed some of those petitions in ugislaci6n .Y poderes en Ia uuil,midad colonial de Mb:ico (1551-1668), PhD thesis, U niversidad de Valencia Nalencia, 1990}, 2 vols.; vol. I. , pp. 9 1 -11 -~, and pp. 11 7- 127. G. Hernandez de Alba published Docummlos para la historia de laeducaci6n en Colombia (Bogota, 1969- 1986), 7 vols. In the first one. a letter of 15 73, repeats the usual argument: ''que para Ia poblaci6n, au memo Y

conservaci6n" of the kingdom, it was necessary to create a university, p. 31. 16Mendez Arceo, La. Real_y Ponti.ficia ... , p. 108. 17T he basic sou rce documents, in Eguiguren, Historia ... , vol.ll, pp. 479-650. 1ijMendez Arceo, La Realy Pontijicia ... , passim.

The Eme~gmce if Spanish American Universities 517

The third and last royal university of the centUJ)' appeared in Santo Domingo, in 1558. A merchant had left a fund for the creation of a college and some chairs, and that was the financial basis for the third foundation. ln spite of that, the king assumed its full patronage. 1'1

ln the conquered kingdom ofGranada, the king erected a royal university, in 1526. This meant that the m·w institution was subjected to the royal patronage. As a patron, the king had three duties: to build the house for the sludium, to provide n~~omcr~ for its prrm;t rwnt economic Stlppo rt, and finally, to give a formal lega l status to the hew creation: a jutidical erection . As a counterpart, the patron had the right lO give legal rules - slalula - to his institution, and to appoint its beneficiaries. ln other words, the patron had a noticeable control over it. vVhen the university of Granada was erected, the local church already was well established, and the collec t of tithe was organized, even with a certain surplus. The king, as he had been appointed by the pope the patron of the Church of that kingdom, decided to endorse that surplus of tithe to the building and suppon of the university. fly those means, the king, taking the money from his ch urch, and not from his finan ce council (real hacienda), assured its patronage. Then, the king left all the responsibilities, legal and administrative, in the hands of the archbishop, who hecame the '"protecwr'' of the university. I t remained subject to the ordinary jurisdiction of ecclesiastical rourts.

In Granada, if the king determined that the support of the newly born institution would proceed from tithe revenues, it was due to the fact that there was tit.hc enough. And for that reason, he put the university under the episcopal care. In the New World, the secular church was not ye t well established and its revenues were not enough to sustain a uni\·ersity. For that reason, it became necessat)' to find alternative financial and administrative ways, different in the three cities, but independem from the Church. In Lima, self support arrived in 15 72. For that reason, in J\1cxicu and Santo Domingo, first, and in Lima from 1572 on, universities were put under the · .. ice-patronage of the respective "President and r\udiencia". In Granada, as well as in America, the Crown c reated the new universities by itself. The papal confirmation was required only several years later. Even if those universities styled themselves as Realy Pontijicia, they were royal in the full sense of the word. This explains why many conflicts would explode between the Aud1encia and the archbishops in order to control the institution.

ln Lima, Mexico and Santo Domingo, the king agreed to grant the same privileges given to Salamanca, but with two fundamental shortcomings: the :'\.merican universities would not et~oy special jurisdiction, and the American

1,de Utrera, Unimsidades ... , pp. 20-36.

5 18 Enrique Gon<.dlu: Gorr<;dlu:

graduates would not enjoy tax exemption . These limitations would erupt also as a source of conflicl.

An "interiin" solution: universities and religious orders

The royal university of Santiago de Ia Paz, at Santo Domingo, had a prcc<trious and co11ni~.tivt cxi:>tcltcc 011 the co11trary, Litr.a and :-.1oucu IJccamc the wishful paradigm of an unh·ersidad fomzada , or pt'tblira, or real, a ll over the continent. Many cities wrote to the king demanding a university like those, arguing that Mexico and Lima were thousands of miles far away, and represented dangerous and expensiv<" travel. The Crown did no t seem fit to make new rogations, the secular Church did not volunteered economic support to the requested universities, so the q uestjon remained indefinitely unsolved.

In the meanwhile, the pow<'rful rcligiou~ orders, in panir:ulfl r Dominicans a nd Jesuits, decided to take action. The first one obtained directly from the pope, in 1538, the confirmation of the province of Santo Domingo, and in consequence their recognition as a studium genera/e. The novelty consisted in the petition of apostolic licence to c reate a universitas, with a rector (the Prior of the convent) who had capacity to promote a ll the students, secular and regular, to the degrees of bachelor, licemiate and doctor. That bull was non presented to the Consoo de l ndias for the obtention of the royal pass. The friars started to graduate in their convent, and that fact seems to have been ignored by the metropolitan authorities during the process of creation of the royal institutio n of 1558. That paralle lism of pri,ileges would lead, lingering for the rest of their existence, to the most bitter connicts regarding primacy of the regula r over the royal university. This fact devasta ted the academic functions of both centers, to the point of annulment.1

'1

The second attempt to c reate a Dominican university ,,·as that of Lima ( 155 1-1 5 72), an experience which ended in a rather abrupt way- as " ·c hm·e seen it before-, by orders of,·iceroy Toledo, who put it under the royal control.!! His a rguments against the monastic universities were not dismissiblc. It was not easy o r convenient to start the studies of civil and canon law, and medicine in a convent, when friars rud not require o ther disciplines besides arts and theology. Secondly, universities would ha, ·e a bigger authority standing by themselves, and not

~>utltrera thought that the papal bull of 1538 was not authentic: when the Dominican Garcia-Villoslada could prove its authenticity, a bitter controversy on the primacy of American universities exploded. Rodriguez Cruz gives the Dominican point of view on the polemics, Historia . .. , vol. I, pp. 145-189, a:1d pp. 334-372.

~ 1 See note 17 .

The Emergence o/ Spanish American Universities 519

d epending on the friars. A third reason - expressed from time to time during the whole colonial period22

- derived from the fa ct that the rector, being as a friar the subjen of a particular jurisdiction, and not of the common law, it was quite problematic to ask him for leg-al responsibilities, particularly concerning financial mallet-s, so vita l for the universities.

Still, in 1580 the D ominicans ofSanta Fe obta ined a bull analogous to that of Santo Domingo, but the king did not admiL the graduation of students other than lltt: fi ian. of tlt ti t pt uviuci<tl :,t1.diwn.11

In the meanwhile, the.Jesuits were occupying the American territory with their missions and colleges. As they recognized how onerous it was for the king to c reate new unive rsities in the Ind ies and Philippines, and how necessary academic d egrees were becoming fo r the promotion o f the students to certain offices, and the difliculry to tra,·clw 1\kxico o r Lima to get degrees, they proposed to the king an imerim b ut general solution , in 16 12. In those places '''here a j esuit college would he teaching sr.udents, and the next unive-rsity were many milc>s r~way, the ~tude-no: should be graduated, either by the Company - who argued to have a papal privilege to do that in its European colleges- or, at least, by the local diocesan authorities. T hat pcrrnission should be valid only until the creation of a university in that cityY

~~for example, the 1•isi1ador general juan de Palafox expressed his opposition to the pretension of some friar:; ro become rectors of the University ofMexico. That was something .. tan estrano a su regular institute [ ... ] no ay universidad publica en toda Europa en que se \·ea una cosa tan estrana, y que el derecho les prohive lajurisdi<;i6n temporal que an de usar siendo rectores: y que ni de Ia Qurisclicci6n] ecclesiastica son capa<;es sin particula r indulto [ .. r. Letter to the Viceroy, Mexico, O ctober 10, 1645 (Madrid, Archivo Duque de l Infantado, vol. 35 (before, N° 85).

2:1de Alba, Documcutos ... , vo!. I ; Rodriguez Cruz, Hist01ia ... , vol. I, pp. 373-4 18.

2 11l1is document, of August 3 1,16 12, has no t received enough attention. Thcjcsuits proposed to the king the extension to America and the Philippines of the papal bull allowing them to graduate their students in arts and theology on those cities without a un iversity. A privilege often used by them in Europe. As the main cities of America and the Philippines were at a distance bet\veen 600 and 2000 leagues from the universities of .tvfexico and Lima, it was almost impossible for the students to travel in order to get their degrees. F or those reasons, the company '·suplica a vuestra Magestad se si1va de mandar que en el interin que se fundan universidades en el Nuevo R eina (now Colombia), T ucuman, Chile y Filipinas los estudiantes que estudiaren en los colegios que en estas panes residen, gocen de los privilcgios de poder cursar y graduararse por media de Ia compania conforme a l dicho lpontifical) privile.gio, y cuando csto tenga algun inconvenience, por los menos ganen cursos en los diehos colegios, y siendo examinados y aprobados par los examinadores que los prelados tuvieren nombrados para los concursos'! oposiciones, reciban los grados en a rres y teo.Jog1a par los maestrescuelas de las iglesias catedra les de las dichas partes··. By that means, "se excusaria Ia costa que vuestra tvlagestad tiene" sending lecturers from Spain, a nd also ·'Ia que se habria

520 Enn·que Gorz;:alu. Gon;:ale;:

The proposal was at this moment rejected, but it included all the dements which would be taken into account during the following years. As the creation of universities would be so expensive for the king, and the degrees were so necessary, and the existing uniH·rsit ics were placed so far away, the J esuit colleges had a provisional solution: they should graduate their students, directly, or through the bishopric. That privilege would cease as soon as a public univ<'rsity should be created on that place.

Une)..pl.du.!ly, the Dominicans, in stt ong concurrence wit!. the J csuits, were the first beneficiaries of such a proposal. They obtained from the king a petition to the pope in order to graduate students from their sludiageneralia, after five years of lectures, if their schools were placed more than two hundred miles away from a university. The dq,,rrees \\'Ould be bestowed by the bishop. The papal permission was obtained on 1619, being Yalid for the next ten years. The rival Order reacted, and two years later, it gained a similar brief. T he royal exeqllafur arrived almost immediately for both docnments.15 By that means, in thc third decade of the seventeenth century, thejesuitcollegcs of Santa fe de Bogota, Quito, Santiago de Chile, Cuzco, Characas, Cordoba, and- a few years later- Guatemala, begun to grant degrees. In a parallel way, the Dominicans could finally create the uni,·ersity of Santo Tomas in Bogota, after forty years of law-suits, and started to graduate. The same privilege was given to the studia of Chile, Guatemala and, later on, to Quito. During the last th ird of the centUty, even the Augustinians created universities in Santa Fe and Quito.2';

As the Audieucia of Santa Fe advised the king, in 1623, those brie(did not create unh·~'1Jidades Jom1adas, but allowed for the students of both colleges, after five years of studies, to ask the bishop for degrees. Notwithstanding, the J esuits had started to graduate anyone, creating a team of examiners and receiving money for the degrees; at the same time, they had designed a secretaty and created university statutes, exceeding the authorized terms. They even asked to the king support to

erect chairs of canon law. T he Dominicans - the Audiencia continued - were also surpassing the brief. E,·en worse, as both Orders were in harsh competition for an

de hacersi se hubicran de fun dar otras universidades''. H ernandez de Alba, Docwnmlos ... , vol. I, pp. 128-129.

~5Hernandcz de Alba, Docummtcs ... , vol. I , pp. 136-137, and 141-145; Rodriguez Cruz, Historia .. , vol. II , pp. 533-538.

'!"The Historia of Rodriguez Cruz has monographic chapters on each university-, with the edi tion of some capital sources, and full bibliographies until I 973. Due to the general character ofthis paper, the following informati0n is based mostly on her book, even if sometimes I don't assume her interpretation.

17Ie £/llergence of Spanish Amnican Universities 521

inheritance, each one overburdened the tt·ibuna ls to prevent the other to bestow de-grees.

On the Audiencia's opinion, it should be enough if Dominicans and j esuits ,v·otdd limit themselves to grant the degrees. La ter on, i fit should become necessary to ha\"l' an universidad.fonnada, it would be inconvenient to erect it in a religious college, where the only faculties were arts and theology, and there "'we no free concurrence LO the chairs amidst seculars and lay, and the different Orders. M ost illtportcuH, th:tt future university had to ~t<ty at all tinH .. ~ liiJdc:r the kiug':; pm.c.~, a:, the only lord and patron, ready to provide means for its support, at least until the university cou ld get its own rent.~;

As we can see, the paradigm of a university remained that of an instiwtion open to the different friars .. not limited LO one Order- and LO clerks and laymen, ha,·ing a ll the faculties, and placed under royal patronage and receiving public economic support. ln the meanwhile, it was convenient to allo"· both Orders to gradun tr , hu t nothing else ... l n practice, each Order m;:,de as much as possible to become a university in the full sense or the word. ln several cases, the j esuits u·ied to create faculties of law. Ve1y soon, they, and also the Dominicans, obtained the papal authorisation, not only fo r ten years, but indefini tely. So, the interim solution became, in most cases, a permanent one. On the other hand, as any university- at lea t during the ancien regime- intended to secure the control of any kind of teaching and, especially, the concession of degrees, when two of such universities were located in the same city, each Order fought, by all the available legal and illegal means, in order to abolish its rival , spending a lot of time and resources.

In a decade, or a little more, eight import cities had conquered the right to graduate their young men, a privilege before limited to Lima, Mexico and Santo Domingo. H owever, the only available degrees in most cases were those in arts and in theology. Cities like Charcas or Cordoba, where the J esuits had no rivals, developed their universi ties in provisory conditions. But the rest of them had to sufler the perennial fight for exclusi\rity among two, or even three, institutions. On the other hand, the absolu te control of each Order upon its foundation also became a source of conflict with the secular church or with the royal or municipal

~ 7Presiden t and Audiencia of Santa Fe,June 30, 1623. ··y le parece a esta Audiencia que en esta ciudad y provincia no es necesaria por ahora universidad formada [ ... ], y que cuando sea necesaria no conviene fundarla en co1egio de religion, porque sus facultades son de anes y teologia, para las cuales y las demas es bien haya libres oposiciones de otros religiosos y de seculares, que sea todo a cargo de V. Majcstad como Rey y senor y unico patron, que hade proveer de lo necesario para su consetvacion en el interin que no haya otras rcntas [ .. .]" . Hermi ndez de Alba, Documenlos ... , vol. I, pp. 145-148.

522 Enrique Gon<.dle<. Gon<.dle<.

authorities. For reasons like those, many voices cont inued to ask for a royal university.

Towards the secularization

After th<' quasi simultaneous emergence of the Jesuit and Dominican Ulli ·c1 ~it.ie~, during tt1<: first yua1 L<:l of the seventccutlt <::<.;lllUI) , LllL cn.:ati\"l. itllpdu~ of the Orders decayed. No new Jesuit universities appeared. Only the old royal university of Santo Domingo, after becoming a Diocesan Seminary, in 1703 passrd to the Company, inheri ting both the right to g raduate and the traditional rivahy with the Dominican institution. Dominicans, on their own account, in 1681. tran -formed thrir s/udiwnofQui to into the uni\·crsityofSanto Tomas, but thej esuit and Augustinian institutions were already existing. Finally, the Dominicans presided over the birth of the univc r~ity of La llaha na in 17?.1 .

On the contrary, from the second half of the seventeenth ccntu1y on, the main impulse passed to the hands of bishops and secular clergy. E\·en if the regular Orders became increasingly rich corporations, their relative weight fell down in fa\·or of the secular clergy. As it is well known, the Church hierarchy is based on the secular clergy, not on the regular one. T he o riginal preeminence of the Orders in 1\mrrica was dur to the particular circumstances of evangelization of the Indians. As soon as their task had been completed, the secular Church grew up, especially since it could organize the tithe collection . The Crown also had political reasons for stimulating the development of the secular clergy: it was easier to control them. Thr king, as patron of the Church, had the right of appointing bishops, canons and parish priests, which means, that he had the key to reward loyalties by ecclesiastical promotions, and to penalize reluctances. On the contrary, the Orders, as wealthy corporatcd bodies, could be more independen t. All along the period, the ne\\' universities used to be episcopal creations, as can be seen ,,·ith the erection of Huamanga (1677), San Antonio, at Cuzco (1692), and Caracas (1721). If La Habana stiU had a monastic university during the first quarter of the eighteenth century, this was due, precisely, to the fact that th<' first bishop of La Habana onh­arrived in 1787 ...

At the same time, other circumstances contributed tO the loss of weight or the universities held by the regulars. When Guatemala, in 1676, and Chile, in 1738, found the financial support to create royal universities, Dominicans andj esuits lost the right to graduate in both cities. The provisional legal status of the regular institutions led to their suppression once the royal universities appeared.

The Ema-gmu qf Spanish Amen'can Uniursities 523

Later on, when the Company was expelled from the Spanish dominio ns, 111 J 768, new steps were taken towards secularization, depending on the local ci rcumstanccs:

I ) At Charcas and Cordoba, ""here the Jesuit centers had no concurrence, the universities were reorganized and, after several difficulties, both were transformed imo "public" universities.

2) At Cuzco, the J esuit institution was suppresed in fa\'our of the secular ulli,·crsity of'St:.n /\n to11io. Th sam e proccs:; ha.pp<:ueJ iu ScUJto Don,ingu, when: the D ominican universi ty remained the only one.

3) The cases of Quito and Santa Fe de Bogota were similar, but with differ ent outcomes. Both cities used to have three monastic universities, managed by the j esuits, the Dominicans, and the Augustinians. In Quito, the royal university of Santo Tomas was created in I 776, with the consequent extinction of the three regular ones. Even if rhe Dominicans alleged the property over the new center -d <>,·nu·d to S;~int Thom;:~ s ;:~~ their former institution -, it did not come und c>r religious contro l. On tht' comrary, in Bogota, the efforts to introduce a public centre clashed against the successful opposition of the Dominicans, who were certain that che rising of the new royal institution would imply the death of their own. Afterthe disappearance of thejesuitand Augustinian concurrents, they finally became the only uni,·ersicy in the city.

4) Lastly, the Real Universidad of Guadalajara, in the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, inaugurated in I 792, was created as a late r consequence of the expulsion of the Company. In this case, the former properties of the Jesuit colleges of Guadalajra gave financial support to the last university of the colonial period. The extraordinary development of that city during the last quarter of the eighteenth century had contributed to overcome the monopoly of the Mexican unive rsity all O\'er the vice-kingdom of New Spain.

As we can see, even if during this period eleven universities ceased to exist for different reasons, all of them had belonged to the regular clergy, and their disappearance created space for secular or royal institutions. Some of them had quite a long duration, but their interim character led them to the extinction once new conditions allowed the instauration of" formal" universities. The cities where universities were once placed, nevel-lost their institution, but, always when possible, they eliminated the self-dcfeatingconcurrence among the Orders, and aimed to the erection of a sole and healthy public university.

524 Enrique Gon<.dlez Gonzdle;:

Some conclusions and questions

This has been a vetygcneral approach to a vast and complex problem, that of the emergence of Hispanic American uniwrsities during the colonial period. Notwithstanding that, it is possible to express some provisional conclusions and some requests, in order to suggest new and more particular research.

The king was the key factor of the complex process in order to create a university. Many American cities felt the necessity of having at home an i~tst.itutioll capable ofbestovring degrees to their offspring. They asked to the king for it. When he dismissed the proposal, it was not created at all, or, at the best, it used to reach a ve1y unsatisfactory mold, especially when two or more religious orders managed to create more than one institution in the same city.

It is a common place to speak about the importance of the- universit~·

degrees. The repeated requests of many cities ro the king in order to found universi tics reveal the higb value wl!ic h these cnt.ificatcs had in the midst of the­''creole" population of America. Were they really so important?, to get what sort of ad van rages?

If the universities seemed to be so neccssat)' and the king was not intcrl'stcd in supporting their creation, why the cities did not put the funds to do it? Because of the strict royal control of the public finances?

The cities seemed to prefer the royal universities, but, when private men de-cided to support the foundation of an educational institution, they used to erect monastic colleges rather than public uniYersities. Obviously, by doing so, they were making a pious work, investing their money in the safest bank, that of heaven! They did not have that sort of "civic" spirit, so common in the nineteenth centUt) '. Besides, we may suppose that for them - li ke for Viceroy l\I cndoza in the sixteenth century- the creation of universities was basically a royal duty.

1-tiSPANTC AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES. XVI-XVIII CENTURIES.

City Audiencia Rishopric XVItn Ccntlll)' xvutn Cenaury XVllliJ1 Centurv

SANTO 1526 1511 (D) Samo Ton~is I 538 ---- ---····---DOM INGO (R) Colcgio Univ. Sam in go

de Ia Paz 155!1. Diocesan seminarv. (J) 1703 (c,,l. 1767)

LIMA 1542 1541 (D) 1551-1572 (R) 1572 ·---·····-··--~ ---------·--··

MEXICO 1527 1530 ICRli5SI ------------------- ------------------SANTA FE 15n 1562 (D) Santo Tomas 1580 (D) Col. Univcrsidad 162~ ------------------

(J) Javeriana 1621 exl. 1767 (A) San Nicolas (1681) ext 1775

QUITO 1563 1546 (A) San Fulgcncio ······--- ---·-·------- ext. 1769. (J) San Gregorio 1621 e:--1. 1716 (D) Santo Tomas 1681 CXL 1176

CR) Sanao Tomas 1776

SANTIAGO DE 1609 156 1 (D) Del Rosario 1619 ext. 1738

CHILE CJ) San Miguel 162 1 e:-.L 1738

(Rl San Felioc 1738

cuzco 17M7 1537 (J) San Ignacio I 62 1 exl. 1767 (Sl San Antonio 1692 ----·-···-·····-···

CORDODA 1570 (Tucunt~n) (J) Col. M:l'lmo 1621 176 7 Franciscan 1800 Public

CHARCAS 1559 1559 I (J) S. F. Ja,·icr 1621 Public GUATEMALA 154] 1534 (D) 1624 CXI. 1676

(J) 1625 e•1. 1676

(Rl 1676 ····---------·--HUAMANGA 1609 CSl 1677 ---------------LA HADANA 1787 (D) 1721

CARACAS 1786 1546 (S) 1721

GUADALAJARA 1556 1548 (R) 1791

Sources: claoomtion based on A. M. Rodrig11cL Crut.,llr~lorla tl~ las u,;,•ersidoclcs 1/ispanoumerrc(Uias, Bogota, 1973.2 vols; R. Castaneda Delgado y J. Marchcna Fcrndndcz, /.a jernrquin en Ia Jglesm en l11drns, Madrid, 1992; T. Polanco Alcantara. Los /lea/<1s -lmlrencln' en /(IS Pruvrncrm· nmenconas cl~ E~pmln, Madrid, I ~92. Cines: A. Augustinian; D: Dominican: J: Jesui t; R: Ro)'al; S: Secular clergy; ext: extinguished.

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