RURAL POVERTY, SERIOUS LEISURE AND SOCIAL INTEGRATION

A Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of Graduate Studies

of

The University of Guelph

by

B. LEIGH GOLDEN

In partial fulfilment of requirements

for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

March 2008

© B. Leigh Golden, 2008

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ABSTRACT

RURAL POVERTY, SERIOUS LEISURE AND SOCIAL INTEGRATION

B. Leigh Golden Advisor: University of Guelph, 2008 Dr. Donald. G. Reid

The current Welfare State and its social assistance (SA) programs are structured around

an approach to system organization that emphasizes the importance of an individual's

participation in the labour market economy. Social policy appears to be an extension of economic

policy. Using employment and/or work as the primary means for social integration has facilitated

progress in integrating individuals who are unemployed but has not been affective in socially

integrating all individuals on social assistance (particularly those at the extreme margins). Little is

known about the barriers and constraints imposed by the system on the social integration of

individuals who are unemployed (and maybe unemployable) in rural communities.

The goal of this dissertation is to describe the conditions of rural poverty and determine if

an approach to system organization that emphasizes the importance of an individual's

participation in the labour market economy, provides the only mechanism for social integration.

This dissertation seeks to establish whether an approach to system organization that emphasizes a

more flexible system (that is one providing for a pluralistic approach to resolving the problem of

social integration) would be more useful to society. With regard to a more flexible approach, the

following questions are asked: Are there other forms of meaningful contributions other than

work? And is there a heightened role for leisure to play in the social engagement of individuals

on social assistance? The outcome of this research is intended to enhance rural social policy.

This dissertation adopted an interpretivistic paradigm. A collective instrumental case

study allowed the researcher to examine six individual cases (individuals on SA) to gain insight

and understanding of the issue of social integration as well as the possibility of using serious

leisure (volunteering) as an additional strategy for fostering an integrated system. In-depth semi-

structured interviews and participant observation were conducted and the data was subject to

three layers of analysis: in-case (summary of interview themes presented in the form of

narratives); cross case (to compare similarities and difference between the six cases); and

system/structure analysis (to discover the latent and manifest function and/or dysfunction of the

current approach to system organization, social assistance and its affiliated programs).

It would appear from the analysis of data that the manifest and latent dysfunctions of the

current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs far outweigh the functions.

Negative latent functions and/or dysfunctions dominate the cases within this dissertation and the

SA experience appears to produce many outcomes that were not officially intended. The manifest

functions are not benefiting all of society as some individuals on SA need to find other means for

sustaining themselves (physically and psychologically). Furthermore, the findings would suggest

that adopting an approach to system organization that emphasizes a more flexible system,

provides for a pluralistic approach to social integration, responds to the life world, measures

productivity in terms of individual accomplishment (or individually defined accomplishments),

and develops policy from the social learning planning tradition would be of benefit to both

individual agents and society at large. Moreover, the data analysis would suggest that change to

the current approach to system organization is required.

This dissertation presents a conceptual framework for social integration that is inclusive

of individuals who are on social assistance and/or unemployed in rural communities and

prescriptive recommendations for academics, social policy makers, leisure professionals and

society at large are made.

Acknowledgements

The words of the affluent are heard by many, but there are many more whose voices go unheard.

This dissertation is dedicated to all individuals who are currently living in poverty

and especially the individual case participants who helped make this dissertation possible.

Thank you for sharing your stories so that I could share them with others in an effort to

improve rural social policy. To those individual case participants who are no longer with us,

your stories will live on in the pages of this dissertation.

Throughout my graduate studies at the University of Guelph, I had the privilege of

studying under the tutelage of Dr. Donald G. Reid. Don, words cannot express my gratitude

for the wisdom and mentorship you have imparted upon me. I could not have dreamed of

having a better advisor; you have helped me step down from the pulpit and view the world

from a more theoretically grounded and analytical perspective. Your love for theory is truly

inspirational.

I also had the honour to work with an extraordinarily esteemed thesis committee,

comprised of Dr. Ellen Wall, Dr. Al Lauzon, Dr. Susan Arai and Dr. Reid. I would like to

take this opportunity to thank all of you for your support and guidance. Ellen, you helped me

shed the "green horn", and I very much enjoyed our discussions about sociological theory,

grammar and word origins. Your kindness and generosity over the past five years will be

something I cherish always. Al, your thought provoking questions have contributed

immensely to this document. Thank you for being so patient with me. Sue, your knowledge

of qualitative methods and leisure theory were invaluable, and I believe the knowledge you

shared has significantly improved my capacity to conduct academic research. Thank you for

always being there when I needed to debrief after a rough day in the field, and I hope that I

wasn't too "bossy" throughout the process.

1

I would also like to thank the faculty, staff and fellow students of the Rural Studies

Doctoral Program, and the School of Environmental Design and Rural Development, for their

quick responses to my many e-mails, as well as their administrative assistance and ongoing

support.

I am grateful to the University of Guelph for the various scholarships I was awarded

during my doctoral studies (University Graduate Scholarships, Board of Graduate Studies

Research Scholarships, and Mary Edmunds Williams Scholarships). I would further like to

thank the Ontario Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs (OMAFRA) for the

Sustainable Rural Communities research grant awarded to Dr. Reid to examine rural poverty,

as this dissertation was a part of that research. Your financial assistance made this

dissertation possible.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to the staff at the Community Resource

Centre for connecting me with the individual case participants in "Camelot". It has been a

pleasure working with you and witnessing the amazing outreach assistance you provide.

A thank you to my current employer, The Regional Municipality of Waterloo for

their accommodation, allowing me to complete my data collection, and also to Miriam for

typing all of my interview notes; your help is much appreciated.

Jon, I would like to thank you for never giving up on me. I do not think you

understand just how much you contributed to my research. There were times when I thought I

would never finish, but your encouragement helped me see it through. You were always

willing to talk about my research, and in so doing often helped me make sense of the lived

experiences of the individual case participants in this dissertation.

To Mom, Dad, Becky (and Jacob), Donna, John, David, Joe, Anabela (and Ethan)

and the rest of my family and friends: thank you so very much for your unwavering love and

support. Words cannot describe my gratitude... and finally, elation! Thank you again.

ii

Prologue

As a social researcher, I believe it is important to situate myself in my research in

order to provide the reader with an accurate depiction of my personal motives, biases and

assumptions. I presume that the readers of this doctoral dissertation will be interested in

learning about who I am and how my interests for this topic evolved. Therefore, I have

described below aspects of myself which have influenced this dissertation.

I am a 30 year old, married, heterosexual Caucasian, female. I currently reside in

Kitchener, Ontario in a single dwelling home with my husband of nearly six years. Born and

raised in a Russell, Ontario (a rural community approximately a half hour east of Ottawa), I

grew up in a loving middle-class family with a mother and father who have been married to

each other for 35 years and one sister, ten years my junior.

I have an undergraduate degree in Recreation and Leisure Studies and a Masters in

Education, both from Brock University. I have extensive experience working with

individuals who are marginalized (individuals with disabilities, individuals on social

assistance, individuals with a history of abuse, individuals with a history of addiction,

etceteras) and I am currently employed by the Regional Municipality of Waterloo as the

Manager of Social Planning, Research and Evaluation*. As a graduate student I worked as an

NRE* student researcher with Dr. Ellen Wall which gave me insights into Canadian rural

issues. Additionally, I work with Dr. Donald Reid on several Sustainable Rural Community

Projects which alerted me to the entrenched social inequities in rural Ontario.

* It is important to note that although employed by the Region of Waterloo (within the Department of Social Services), I did not refer to my work experiences or Regional policies and practices in my research as it would have been a conflict of interest. * The New Rural Economy

i i i

In addition to working with individuals who differ from mainstream society, I am

familiar with alternative lifestyles and/or social worlds. Most people would view me as being

rather heavily tattooed; however, to my close circle of friends I am quite "normal".

For as long as I can remember, people have felt comfortable talking to me and telling

me about the most intimate details of their lives. Growing up, I felt as though this was a

curse, but as I began to get involved in social research I quickly realized that this was

definitely not a curse, but rather a gift. As a social researcher there is an enormous necessity

to create rapport with the research participants and this is especially difficult for researchers

who are interviewing individuals who would not normally trust or feel safe sharing their lived

experiences with a stranger. I was fortunate in that the six individual case participants in this

dissertation who were segregated from the rural community in which they lived openly

discussed their life situations and thus in turn I was able to capture their phenomenological

experiences.

Now that the reader has a clearer sense of who I am, I will describe the formation of

this dissertation. I approached this research wanting to examine rural poverty. From previous

research with Dr. Reid I had caught a glimpse of the severity of the issue. Frustrated by the

fact that we live in one of the most affluent countries in the world yet there are still

individuals living in extreme poverty in Canada and appalled by the ever growing gap

between the rich and poor and social inequities in our own backyard, I wanted to uncover the

conditions of rural poverty, and assess whether the current system was working.

The stories shared with me were at times devastating and I struggled to make sense of

how such conditions could exist. How could rural poverty have been invisible in our country

all this time? Did people not know its depth or did people just not care? Being an optimist, I

managed to cope by convincing myself that people must not be aware of the severity of the

financial hardship individuals on social assistance in rural communities face. The living

iv

environments in which many of the individual case participants resided where unlike

anything I had ever been exposed to and were so far from my lived reality that words could

not describe my shock. Often I needed time to process their stories and my observations and

experiences while visiting the individual case participants so that I could fairly represent

what I had seen, been exposed to or had been told.

At this point I feel it necessary to caution the reader that the stories shared within the

narratives of this dissertation are for the most part uncensored and contain colourful language

and strong statements. The events and descriptions are real and some readers may find the

content emotionally disturbing. I have shared the stories as they have been told to me so that

the reader can better understand the phenomenon. Furthermore, I use these stories to support

the fact that the current approach to system organization is not benefiting all members of

society—it is especially not benefiting all individuals who are unemployed and on social

assistance. From these stories, I argue that change to the current approach to system

organization and the programs used for social integration require change. In addition to

critiquing the current system, I propose a new approach that I believe (based on the analysis

of the individual case participants in this dissertation) would better address the issue of rural

poverty and promote socially inclusive communities. I hope that this research will inspire

further research in the area of rural poverty and inform future social policies.

v

Table of Contents

Page

Introduction 01

Canada's Shifting State 01 The Prominence of Poverty 04 Effects of Unemployment 08 Poverty in Rural Communities 09 Social Integration 13 Unemployment and Social Integration 14 Problem Statement 15 Research Goals 16 Research Obj ectives 16

Building a Conceptual Framework for Understanding Rural Poverty and Social Policy 18

Historical Perspective of Work as a Social Integration Mechanism 19 Work and Social Integration 23 Unemployment and Social Integration 27 Work, Social Integration & Rural Communities 29 Structural Functionalism 31 Leisure and Social Integration 41 Serious Leisure 50 Structuration Theory 58 Theoretical Framework 66 Summary 67

Research Methodology 68

Research Goals 68 Research Objectives 68 Theoretical Perspectives 69 Research Approach 70 Research Design 71 Data Collection 73

Site 73 Sample 74 Participant Interviews 78 Participant Observation 88 Recording Data 90 Anonymity and Confidentiality 90 Ethical Concerns 91

vi

Data Analysis 92 In-Case Analysis 92 Cross-Case Analysis 93 System Analysis 94

Limitations 95 Summary 96

Analysis of Data 97

In-Case Analysis Alice Megan Adrienne Jill Jared Amanda

Cross-Case Analysis Issues Affecting Life A Typical Day Social Supports Notions of Productivity Social Integration and Feelings of Belongingness Perception of Choice and Control in Life Meaning of Work Perceptions of Employment/Work for Social Integration Meaning of Leisure Perceptions of Leisure for Social Integration Benefits of using Leisure for Integration in Rural Constraints of using Leisure for Integration in Rural

System Analysis Alice Megan Adrienne Jared Amanda Jill Manifest & Latent Function/Dysfunction

Summary

Implications and Conclusion

Proposed Change Why Change is Needed How to Change the Current System

97 98

119 140 157 184 211 219 219 223 225 226 227 229 230 231 231 234 235 237 248 248 250 253 255 256 259 262

271

273

273 276 280

Vll

Prescriptive Recommendations for Implementation 286 Suggestions for Future Research 293 Summary 294

VI: References 295

VII: Appendices

Appendix A—Participant Profile 310

Appendix B—Participant Observation Rubric 311

VIII: Tables

Table 1—Total Population & Unemployment Rate by Province 05 Table 2—Social Assistance Rate by province 07 Table 3—Work Values throughout History 20 Table 4—Comte, Spencer, Durkheim and Structural Functionalism 32 Table 5—Conceptualizing Leisure 43 Table 6—Rewards Associated with Serious Leisure 54 Table 7—Key Terminology within the Duality of Structure 61 Table 8—Comparing Structural Functionalism & Structuration Theory 62 Table 9—Distinguishing Characteristics of Quantitative & Qualitative 72

Approaches Table 10—Family Dynamic Comparison 74 Table 11—Individual Case Analysis Summary Matrix—Alice 118 Table 12—Individual Case Analysis Summary Matrix—Megan 139 Table 13—Individual Case Analysis Summary Matrix—Adrienne 155 Table 14—Individual Case Analysis Summary Matrix— Jill 183 Table 15—Individual Case Analysis Summary Matrix— Jared 210 Table 16—Individual Case Analysis Summary Matrix—Amanda 218 Table 17—Cross-Case Analysis Summary Matrix 239

IX: Figure

Figure 1—Conceptual Framework (Current World of S A) 67 Figure 2—Issues affecting Individuals on Social Assistance 223 Figure 3—Current vs. Proposed Approach to System Organization 274 Figure 4—Revised Conceptual Framework (Proposed World of S A) 275

vm

Chapter I: Introduction

Individuals experiencing poverty in rural areas of Canada are particularly

disadvantaged and becoming more and more marginalized at a time when Canadian

society is experiencing substantial affluence. Fundamental ideas for western

democracy—namely social justice is being increasingly diminished. This contrast is even

starker given the level of wealth and poverty coexisting, especially in rural areas. In order

to remedy this situation, it is necessary to: develop a better understanding of how people

experiencing rural poverty view themselves and the society in which they live;

understand how the system is structured to determine how and/or why social integration

for individuals who are marginalized is so challenging and how and/or why the situation

is not improving; and recommend changes to the system and social policy in particular

that could lead to improvements for individuals experiencing rural poverty.

The balance of this chapter examines topics related to the three concerns

identified above (Canada's Shifting State; The Prominence of Poverty; Effects of

Unemployment; Poverty in Rural Communities; Social Integration; and Unemployment

and Social Integration) and concludes with the Problem Statement and Research Goals

and Objectives for this dissertation.

Canada's Shifting State

Canada's social assistance system appears to be shifting from a Welfare State to

something less so and this seeming transition impacts considerably on Canadian social

policy. In a traditional Welfare State, social policies are framed by a universal approach

and the state assumes the role of insurer; benefits are publicly delivered either directly or

through subsidization; the state is responsible for protecting labour from market vagaries,

1

program effectiveness is valued; and the state adopts a linear model and practices a

democratic style of performance in an effort to promote equality across the nation

(Alcock, 2004; Clarke, 2004a & 2004b; Cox & O'Sullivan, 1988; Dean, 2003; Gilbert,

2004; Karger, 2003; Mcintosh, 2004; Rodger, 2003; Stirling, 1993; van Houten, 1991). In

the current version of the Welfare State however, social policies are framed by a selected

approach; the state assumes the role of enabler, benefits are privately delivered, the state

adopts a hierarchical model and practices a managerial style of performance, program

efficiency is valued, citizens are viewed as consumers, less government involvement and

self-regulation are promoted, employment defines an individual's productivity, and the

system is exclusively closed policy networks (Alcock, 2004; Cawson, 1986; Clarke,

2004a & 2004b; Cox & O'Sullivan, 1988; Dean, 2003; Gilbert, 2004; Karger, 2003;

Lehmbrunch & Schmitter, 1982; Mcintosh, 2004; Peck, 2001; Rodger, 2003; van Houten,

1991). This new Welfare State values the private provision of services to the public

sphere. The degree to which Canada's social assistance system is shifting is not yet

known, however, a transition in the role it serves (from protector to enabler) is evident

(Gilbert, 2004).

Canada adopted a Welfare State system after World War II and built the

foundation for a social assistance system on the economic theory of John Maynard

Keynes (van Houten, 1991; de Regil Castilla, 2003) and the social policy report of

Leonard Marsh (Hick, 1998; Bliss, 1975; Marsh, 1975). During the 1950s through the

1970s, the federal government focused on building a safety net for citizens and developed

a number of social programs (for example Unemployment Insurance, the Canadian

Pension Plan, the Canada Assistance Plan, the Guaranteed Income Supplement,

2

comprehensive public education, and the public health care system) to increase the

standard of living for everyone. Canadian social policy reflected other advanced Welfare

States but took a customized approach.

The Canadian Welfare State was founded on The Marsh Report (1975) which

constructed social welfare "as both an insurance program for those who find themselves

out of work for short periods of time, but it also made provisions for those amongst us

who may be dependent on the public wage for extended periods and perhaps with little

hope of engaging in paid employment in the future" (Reid, Golden & Katerberg, in

press). Canada's Welfare State has experienced reform as the Unemployment Insurance

program was transformed into the Employment Insurance program, Welfare was turned

into Workfare, and health and social transfers and tax benefits have replaced many of the

universal programs that were fundamental to the safety net that traditionally protected the

well-being of all Canadians. Government policy in the 1990s reinterpreted the original

sentiment of the Marsh Report "to mean that social assistance programs are a substitute

for work and that the goal of government is to get as many recipients off the welfare roles

as quickly as possible" (Reid, Golden & Katerberg, in press). Furthermore, current

Canadian social policy appears to be more characteristic of the new state model as public

services have become increasingly privatized, programs are more targeted and less

universal, the notion of a two-tier health care system has been proposed, Crown

Corporations have been sold, there is a more laissez-faire style of government, and there

has been a considerable reduction in social service spending (Bronson, 1993; Burman,

1988; Lewis & Surender, 2004; Stewart, 1998; Teeple, 1993;).

3

Modern Canadian social assistance programs have an approach to system

organization that value individualism and the labour market economy and many policy

decisions are based on what is cost efficient rather than what is effective. Within this

approach to system organization, employment and work are favoured strategies for social

integration and for getting individuals off the Welfare/Workfare roles. Moving people

from the welfare roles to work does not necessarily eradicate poverty (Reid, Golden &

Katerberg, in press). Individuals who participate in the market economy are not

guaranteed quality employment and those who work in low paying jobs may find

themselves falling below the low income cut off and becoming part of what is commonly

referred to as the working poor population.

The Prominence of Poverty

The weaker the welfare state, the more vulnerable Canadians become to the

fluctuations of the market. Reductions in social service spending may further marginalize

certain segments of the population who are already disadvantaged, especially the

individuals who rely on social assistance for much of their subsistence. Today, need is

perceived as a four letter word (Yalnizyan, 1998) and the current social assistance system

is "more characteristic of the apparatus to monitor paroled ex-convicts than it is to

implement the basic philosophy of the Keynesian Welfare State as originally envisioned"

(Reid & Golden, 2005a, p.7).

In 2006 the Canadian population was 32,422,919 (Statistics Canada, 2006a) and

the national unemployment rate was 6.4% (Statistics Canada, 2006b). Table 1 provides a

breakdown of the total population and unemployment rates by province.

4

Table 1—Total Population & Unemployment Rates by Province

Canada Newfoundland and Labrador Prince Edward Island Nova Scotia New Brunswick Quebec Ontario Manitoba Saskatchewan Alberta British Columbia Yukon Northwest Territories Nunavut

Current Population

32,422,919 514,409 138,157 936,988 751,111

7,623,870 12,599,364 1,178,348 990,930

3,306,359 4,279,462

31,150 42,526 30,245

Unemployment Rate

% 6.4 15.9 10.5 8.1 9.1 8.3 6.2 4.7 4.8 3.5 4.5

No information available for the

Territories (Source: Statistics Canada, 2006a; Statistics Canada, 2006b)

Although the unemployment rates appear to be decreasing, the gap between the rich and

poor does not appear to be following this trend (as the gap appears to be widening). The

increasing gap in wealth can be attributed to the fact that many individuals who

participate in the market economy are employed in low paying jobs may find themselves

falling below the poverty line and in the realm of the working poor.

Galbraith (1984) proposes that capitalism is not without its difficulties—among

the most important difficulties is the separation between the affluent and non-affluent or

the 'haves' and the 'have nots'. He suggests that great focus is required on the

amelioration of poverty in society. The gap between the rich and poor is increasing

steadily (National Council of Welfare Reports, 2001; Yalnizyan, 1998). Canada does not

have an official poverty rate, however, Statistics Canada does provide Low-Income Cut­

offs (LICOs) to measure the number of people who spend more than the national average

5

on the necessities of life (National Council of Welfare Reports, 2001). When last

measured in 2004, 11.2% of the total Canadian population (3,479, 000 Canadians) fell

below the LICOs after taxes (Statistics Canada, 2004a), virtually earning wages below

the poverty line, which is approximately $18, 000 CDN per year (depending on the family

size and geographic location). This illustrates that even people who work live below the

poverty measure. Despite noted decreases in unemployment rates over the past decade,

the gap between the rich and poor is broadening and Canadian society is becoming

increasingly polarized. It is estimated that while the richest 10% of the population

experience 14% annual income growth, the bottom 10% see less than 1% growth

(Canadian Council on Social Development, 2003) and that 85% of the world's population

receives 15% of the world's income (Harvey, 2000). While the rich and affluent continue

to prosper if present trends continue, individuals relying on the social assistance programs

of the Welfare State (including the minimum wage) for personal security may be pushed

further to the margins of society.

Bridge and Gold (1989) argue that those who fall below the LICOs have not

chosen to be poor, rather "their poverty has been caused circumstantially and is

maintained systematically" (Bridge & Gold, 1989, p. 13). Canadian people living in

poverty are not homogeneous (Arai, Mair & Reid, 2006); the depth, breadth, duration and

persistence of poverty vary from case to case. Some individuals are homeless, some are

unemployed and some are known as the working poor (holding one or more jobs but still

falling below the LICOs) (Arai, Mair & Reid, 2006). Regardless of the conditions of

poverty, a number of Canadians identified in the after-tax low-income cut-offs find their

6

way onto social assistance (SA). In 2004, 5.5% of the Canadian population received some

form of social assistance. Table 2 provides a breakdown of the provincial S A rates.

Table 2—Social Assistance Rate by Province

Canada Newfoundland and Labrador Prince Edward Island Nova Scotia New Brunswick Quebec Ontario Manitoba Saskatchewan Alberta British Columbia

% of Population Receiving SA

5.5 9.9 5.1 6.2 6.6 7.3 5.5 5.2 5.3 1.8 4.4

*no information available for the Territories*

(Source: Statistics Canada, 2004b)

The instability of the local Canadian and/or provincial economies has impacted

greatly on social assistance rates. For example, the east coast provinces have experienced

the collapse of the fisheries as well as mine closures, Ontario and Quebec have

experienced an increasing number of manufacturing plant closures (automobile industry,

tires, et cetera), and many of the provinces have experienced agricultural and forestry

hardships (BSE, ban on soft wood lumber exports, tobacco disputes, et cetera). Generally

the social assistance rate is lower on the west coast than it is on the east coast with only

1.4% of Alberta's population receiving assistance compared to 9.9% of Newfoundland's

population. Ontario's percentage of the population receiving social assistance (5.5%) is

the same as the national average.

Disability Support (for individuals with physical and intellectual disabilities) and

Welfare/Workfare are the two most common SA programs offered by the provinces; it is

7

estimated that approximately 1,705,065 Canadians are 'on welfare' (National Council of

Welfare Reports, 2005). In Ontario, these programs are known as the Ontario Disability

Support Program (ODSP) and Ontario Works (OW), and they have a combined case load

of 672,000 beneficiaries (National Council of Welfare Reports, 2005).

Effects of Unemployment

People who do not have access to financial resources can be portrayed as deviant

members of society. Individuals on SA are among the most disrespected citizens in the

country (Bridge & Gold, 1989). "The message is clear! If you are economically

disadvantaged in Canada, it is your own fault" (Bridge & Gold, 1989, p. 12).

Unemployment disrupts all areas of an individual's social life (Reid, 1990). Although, not

all people are affected by unemployment in the same way, some common responses to

this condition include apathy, anger, anxiety, boredom, depression, dissatisfaction with

life in general, feelings of powerlessness, interpersonal problems, inactivity, isolation,

segregation, withdrawal from social activities, uncertainty about the future, unhappiness,

and lowered self-esteem and self-perception (Bridge & Gold, 1989; Burman, 1988;

Dorin, 1994; Ezzy, 1993; Frisby, Blair, Dorer, Hill, Fenton & Kopelow, 2001; Havitz &

Springer, 1993; Havitz, Morden & Samdahl, 2004; Haworth, 1997; Hill, 1978; Kay,

1989; Martella & Maass, 2000; Neysmtih, Bezanson & O'Connell, 2005; Reid & Golden,

2005a & 2005b; Reid & Mannell, 1999; Rinehart, 1987; Ullah, Banks & Warr, 1985). In

response to the financial insecurity and life instability they are subjected to, individuals

on SA often feel humiliated or embarrassed as a result of the negative stereotypes

associated with this condition (Reid & Golden, 2005a & 2005b). Unemployment

increases the chances that an individual will spend time alone and can have an effect on

8

how people structure their time (Dorin, 1994). Unemployment can also be detrimental to

one's physical health (stress levels may increase, blood pressure may increase, life

expectancy may decrease, poor nutrition or malnutrition may occur), psychological well-

being and mental health, and in a limited number of cases, unemployment may be related

to suicide or attempted suicide (Dorin, 1994; Haworth, 1997; Lahey, 1991; Martella &

Maass, 2000).

Unemployment not only affects the individuals who are unemployed, but also the

families of these individuals and the communities in which they live (Dorin, 1994).

Family relations are strained (Dorin, 1994; Hill, 1978) and children of unemployed

parents "often exhibit stress in behaviours such as moodiness, problems at school and

altered relationships with friends...often exhibit symptoms of depression and isolation

similar to those of their parents...[and] disturbances in feeding habits, minor gastro­

intestinal complaints, sleep disorders, moodiness, and problems in school" (Dorin, 1994,

p.ll) . Communities with high levels of unemployment are more likely to have rising

domestic violence, drug abuse and crime rates (Dorin, 1994). Research also suggests that

unemployment increases crime, the rate of imprisonment and the size of the prison

population, and may contribute to racism and social tension (Dorin, 1994). The effects of

unemployment are far reaching and have broad negative social consequences.

Poverty in Rural Communities

There is no universal or comprehensive definition for the term rural. Often rural is

defined as anything that is not 'urban' (Reimer, 2005; Watanabe & Casebeer, 2000)—

non cities and metropolitan areas (for example towns, villages, hamlets, et cetera). For the

purpose of this dissertation, however, the OECD (Organization of Economic Co-

9

operation and Development) definition of rural will be used—any community with a

population density of less than 150 people per square kilometre (Canadian Rural

Information Services, 2003). By definition then, rural includes individuals living in the

countryside, towns and small cities (inside and outside the commuting zone of larger

urban centres) (Statistics Canada, 2002).

At the time of confederation, most Canadians lived, worked and socialized in

rural areas (Reimer, 2005). People were born, raised and remained in rural communities.

High birth rates provided future labourers for local manufacturers and any surplus

population moved to growing urban areas (Reimer, 2005). Canada was an agrarian

society with a resource based economy dependent on agriculture and fisheries, and later

forestry, mining, and petroleum (Fairbairn, 1998). The dominance of primary production

was evident in federal politics and departments were created to ensure productivity,

govern trade and develop policies specific to agriculture, fisheries, and forestry (Reimer,

2005).

With the advancement of industrialization, the growing accessibility and

affordability of transportation, and urbanization, Canada's economy shifted from

agrarian/resource based to an industrial base. A growing percentage of Canadians

regarded industrial development as the key to a healthy economy (Fairbairn, 1998).

"This preoccupation with industry contributed to a certain neglect of non-industrial

regions, a wide spread assumption that only manufacturing or only industrial models

could support growth and wealth" (Fairbairn, 1998. p.4). Rural manufacturing and

processing activities were either moved to, or amalgamated with, urban industries and as

10

a result, more and more rural people migrated to the growing urban areas (for work,

leisure and to permanently relocate) (Reimer, 2005).

Little is known about the impact the current approach to system organization* and

the changes to the Welfare state have for individuals on social assistance (SA) in rural

communities; however, there are indications that rural communities are struggling to

provide services and assistance to all community members, including the poor. There

appear to be fewer resources, support programs, government subsidies and services for

marginal rural people, and public transportation is absent or limited in comparison to

urban Canada. The Standing Senate Committee on Agriculture and Forestry studying

rural poverty (2006, p.v) concluded:

The rural poor are, in many ways, invisible. They don't beg for change. They don't congregate in downtown cores. They rarely line up at homeless shelters because, with few exceptions, there are none. They rarely go to the local employment insurance office because the local employment insurance office is not so local anymore. They rarely complain about their plight because that is just not the way things are done in rural Canada. The rural poor are also under-researched. With few exceptions, the academic and activist communities have been preoccupied with studying and highlighting the plight of the urban poor... Some argue the rural poor are invisible

It is estimated that approximately 22% of the current Canadian population resides

in places defined as rural and remote areas (Canadian Rural Partnership, 2004; NRE2,

2004b; Reimer, 2005; Statistics Canada, 2002). Out-migration is increasing in rural

communities (Williams, 2004) and poses a threat to rural sustainability. Youth are

choosing to relocate to urban areas (Reimer, 2005) in an attempt to further themselves

(continue their education or to find employment) and escape the isolation they have

* For the purpose of this dissertation the term 'approach to system organization' refers to the way in which the social system is organized (e.g., policy, politics, practices, programs).

11

experienced most of their lives (Reid, 2003). As youth out-migration continues, the

average age of the remaining population increases as many rural communities are left

with a large senior citizen population (Williams, 2004). But we also see the migration of

poor people into rural areas because they can not get social housing in urban centers

(Reid & Golden, 2005a).

In addition to the youth, poor rural people in general are migrating to the urban

centres because rural areas are not able to provide adequate social services to all citizens.

This is especially true for those individuals who rely on public services for much of their

subsistence. As rural people continue to move to the cities, governments and policy

makers continue to overlook rural regions and promote urban industrial expansion

(NRE2, 2004b) and urban development.

Poverty is a problem that exists in both urban and rural areas; however, incomes

in rural Canada are generally lower than in urban Canada (National Anti-Poverty

Organization, 2003). The average income of rural Canadians increased in every province

during the past two decades, and in many cases at a faster rate than average urban area

incomes (Statistics Canada, 2004a). As a result, the gap between urban and rural income

averages narrowed in six provinces (New Brunswick, Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba,

Alberta and British Columbia) between 1980 and 2000 and the share of rural Canadians

living in 'low income'* brackets decreased, in relation to the proportion of urban

Canadians living at a level of low income (Statistics Canada, 2004a). This, however, was

a result of the growing incidence of low incomes in urban areas and not the declining

incidence of low incomes in rural areas (Statistics Canada, 2004a). It is likely that many

* Low Income—earning below the poverty line which is approximately $18, 000CDN per year.

12

rural poor moved to urban areas to find opportunity and resources. People who are

financially marginalized due to poverty are still however, a part of the rural population

and there is a need to look at the social welfare system in an attempt to redevelop it so

that it is better able to integrate people who are impoverished (especially individuals who

are unemployed and on SA) into the community.

Social Integration

"Being part of a community means that people have a sense of place wherein they

have the sort of social interaction that provides for feelings of connectedness" (Pedlar,

1996, p. 19). Individuals who differ from mainstream society (especially those who are

economically and socially disadvantaged) are increasingly pushed to the margins of

society, ignored, and/or excluded from important aspects of community life (Reid, Kralt

& Golden, 2005; Pedlar, 1996). Once segregated, individuals do not usually have access

to everyday resources as a result of their devalued roles in society.

Integration can be defined as "regularised ties, interchanges or reciprocity of

practices between either actors or collectives. Reciprocity of practices has to be

understood as involving regularised relations of relative autonomy and dependence

between the parties concerned" (Giddens, 1979, p.76). Thus, in reference to system

organization, the individuals within a truly integrated system feel included and do not

merely co-exist. Moreover, inclusion is the process that allows individuals of diverse

backgrounds to know and feel that they belong and are welcome in the community.

Integration will benefit a community politically, economically, and socially. Once people

are integrated and their needs are identified, policies can then be established that will

recognize all types of individual lifestyles. The process of exclusion creates unproductive

13

labour and the community's economy and social fabric will not function efficiently.

Overall, integration strengthens a community, which is inevitably important to planning

processes and system organization.

In the new state, productivity tends to be measured by an individual's

participation in the labour market with employment the favoured mechanism for social

integration. Work (paid employment) is commonly viewed as the only solution to

poverty and a job is seen as the single venue for providing many individuals with a sense

of purpose and identity. It has been suggested by many of our politicians that the job is

the best social program. It is also assumed that society will function best if all its

members are working and participating in the market economy (Francis, 1993). The

current Welfare State is constructed on a Structural Functionalist approach to system

organization whereby individuals are valued for their contribution the labour market

economy. The conceptualization of social integration that focuses on work may lead to

unemployed Canadians feeling as though they are not valued members of society. This is

of particular importance to rural communities where the job market is limited and there is

less opportunity for sustainable employment.

Unemployment & Social Integration

There are two ways to view unemployment; as individual deviance or as a

structural problem. As the latter, the problems of poverty, unemployment, and social

segregation lie within the system and not the individual (Bridge & Gold, 1989) and

therefore, if improvements are desired it is the system that needs restructuring, not the

individuals who depend on the system for much of their subsistence. Is work the only

14

mechanism for social integration or are there other mechanisms for meaningful

contribution?

Often overlooked, leisure is a social service that has the potential to assist all

participants physically, socially, psychologically, and spiritually while promoting social

integration and a sense of community (Reid, Kralt & Golden, 2005). Reid and Golden

(2005b) discuss how leisure has the potential to allow an individual on social assistance

to make a contribution to self and society; however, the specific role leisure can play in

socially integrating people who are unemployed into mainstream society could still be

further conceptualized. Although research has been conducted in the past on the meaning

of leisure to individuals who are on SA or unemployed, further research is necessary to

determine the meaning of leisure to individuals who are unemployed, the costs and

rewards of their experiences, and the potential of leisure as an alternative strategy or

vehicle for social integration in addition to the currently favoured Employment/Work

mechanism.

Problem Statement

The current Welfare State and its programs of social assistance are structured

around an approach to system organization that emphasizes the importance of an

individual's participation in the labour market economy. It appears that social policy is an

extension of economic policy. Using employment and/or work as the primary means for

social integration has facilitated progress in integrating individuals who are unemployed

but not for all individuals on social assistance. Little is known about the barriers and

constraints imposed by the system on the social integration of individuals who are

15

unemployed in rural communities. There do not appear to be alternatives to paid

employment in the system for integration into the social system.

Research Goals

The goal of this dissertation is to describe some of the important conditions of

rural poverty and determine if an approach to system organization that emphasizes the

importance of an individual's participation in the labour market economy, provides the

only mechanism for social integration. This dissertation seeks to establish whether an

approach to system organization that emphasizes a more flexible system (that is one

providing for a pluralistic approach to resolving the problem of social integration) would

be more useful to society. With regard to a more flexible approach, the following

questions are asked: Are there other forms of meaningful contributions other than work?

And is there a heightened role for leisure to play in the social engagement of individuals

on social assistance? The outcome of this research is intended to enhance rural social

policy.

Research Objectives

The research objectives were:

• To identify and understand the nuances of rural poverty for individuals on S A.

• To determine whether the current approach to system organization is working for

individuals on SA in rural communities.

• To document the perceptions of individuals on SA in rural communities as to

what constitutes a productive and integrated member of rural society.

• To understand how individuals on SA in rural communities perceive the role of

work and leisure activity in their social integration.

16

• To determine if there are benefits (to the individual and society) of using leisure

as an additional tool to work for the social integration of individuals on SA in

rural communities.

• To determine the barriers to using leisure as an additional tool to work for the

social integration of individuals on S A in rural communities.

The following chapters provide: a review of the literature relevant to the problem

statement, research goals and research objectives; a description of the research

methodology; a summary of these research findings and an analysis of these research

data; a discussion of the implications of these research findings; as well as conclusions

drawn from the overall dissertation.

17

Chapter II: Building a Conceptual Framework for Understanding

Rural Poverty and Social Policy

Addressing the research problem requires a review of several topics. Several

aspects of social theory are examined in this Chapter to locate the research problem and

address the goals for this dissertation.

The goal of this dissertation is to describe some of the important conditions of rural poverty and determine if an approach to system organization that emphasizes the importance of an individual's participation in the labour market economy, provides the only mechanism for social integration. This dissertation seeks to establish whether an approach to system organization that emphasizes a more flexible system (that is one providing for a pluralistic approach to resolving the problem of social integration) would be more useful to society. With regard to a more flexible approach, the following questions are asked: Are there other forms of meaningful contributions other than work? And is there a heightened role for leisure to play in the social engagement of individuals on social assistance? The outcome of this research is intended to enhance rural social policy.

This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the following topics: the Historical

Perspective of Work; Work and Social integration; Work and Social integration in Rural

Communities; Structural Functionalism; Leisure and Social integration; Serious Leisure;

and Structuration Theory. Furthermore, each of these topics shape the conceptual

framework of this dissertation and a visual representation of the conceptual framework is

included at the end of the chapter (see Figure 1).

18

Historical Perspective of Work as a Social Integration Mechanism

Historically, there have been a variety of work values and orientations that have

dominated in different time periods and places. A work value in essence is the meaning

of work in a particular society and likewise, work orientations are the particular meanings

attached to work by particular individuals within a society (Krahn & Lowe, 1988). The

meaning attached to work has changed over time, mainly in response to changing social

and economic developments (Krahn & Lowe, 1988). Table 3 summarizes the dominant

work values throughout history.

19

Table 3—Work Values Throughout History

Ancient Greeks & Romans

Judeo Christian

1 Protestant

Work Ethic (PWE)

i Modern

Day

Summary of Work Value Viewed most forms of work negatively. Physical labour was brutal and uncivilized. Ponos is the Greek word for work—derived from the Latin root sorrow. Mythological Gods cursed the human race with the need to work. Not all societal classes needed to work—the affluent focused on the arts, philosophy, politics and warfare, while the non-affluent performed the work (much of the physical labour was done by slaves). Ideology of work was the domination of one group over another. Influential thinkers: Aristotle and Plato. Traced back to medieval times. Hard work was the necessary repentance for original sin and the need of one's soul should take precedence over physical pleasure. Work was a form of punishment, a duty to God, and obligation to society. Influential thinkers included St. Thomas Aquinas (believed some forms of work were better than others and attempted to rank occupations in accordance to their societal value) and Martin Luther (work is the key and base of life and best way to serve God is to do your best job at work—introduced the idea of work as a calling). The affluent would convince the non-affluent that hard work was a moral obligation and as a result maintain their position of power and privilege. Born from the Judeo Christian belief. Emerged during the industrial revolution. The term was originally coined by Max Weber in the early 1900s when studying the Calvinists. Calvinists believed in predestination—entry into heaven could not be influenced by good deeds on earth because it was already predetermined by God. They embraced hard work and rejected worldly pleasures. Although hard work and economic success did not guarantee one's entrance into heaven they helped reduce anxieties about being chosen because the chosen one's had been put on earth to glorify God through their work. The PWE was later linked to other Protestant and Christian groups. It was believed that God would help those who help themselves and that the reward of hard work was eternal salvation. The PWE provided favourable conditions for the rise of capitalism—emphasizing the virtue of hard work and respectability of financial gain. Wealth was amassed through thrift, diligence, industriousness, investments, self-control, sobriety, regimentation and similar virtues. Belief system of modern capitalist democracies. A secularized version of the PWE. Freedom and equality are added secular values—equality in terms of equal access to opportunity for advancement within a competitive job market. Industriousness and diligence lead to power and wealth. Work is believed to be good but hard work is even better. Employment is an economic necessity and it is virtually impossible to enjoy a reasonable standard of living with out paid work. Wealth is emphasized as much as work—the PWE seems to have been replaced with a work-and-spend lifestyle.

(Adapted from Breedveld, 1996; Krahn & Lowe, 1988; MOW International Research Team, 1987; Stebbins, 2004; Sylvester, 1999; Reid, 1995; Rinehart, 1987; Rojek, 1995).

20

In terms of modern day work orientations, work means different things to

different people. For some, the reward of work is the paycheque and for others it is the

significance of accomplishing the task (the enjoyment, prestige, respect, and satisfaction

of their efforts) (Galbraith, 1984). Furthermore, the rewards may be intrinsic (the degree

to which a job encourages creativity, social networks, or working independently) or

extrinsic (salary, fringe benefits, job security and prestige) (Argyle, 1990; Krahn &

Lowe, 1988; Rinehart, 1987). Regardless of whether an employee identifies with their job

or paycheque, Reid and Mannell (1994) explain that the idea of work centrality has

become a fundamental ideology of industrial society (comprised mainly of paid

employment) and that members of society have been led to believe that paid work is not

only noble but the essence of life.

Since the beginning of the industrial revolution, work has been a central human

activity and provides the meaning of life for many individuals (Reid, 1995; Rinehart,

1987; Winson & Leach, 2002). Still today, a job is seen as the single venue for providing

many individuals with a sense of purpose and identity (Reid & Mannell, 1994 & 1999).

Through work, individuals gain a sense of accomplishment and self-worth while

developing and/or sustaining their identity (Reid, 1995; Reid & Mannell, 1994). And for

some individuals, work has become life's central interest (Kelly, 1996; Kelly & Godbey,

1992; Krahn & Lowe, 1988; Pieper, 1952; Rifkin, 1995; Sylvester, 1999).

According to different social researchers (e.g., Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, Emile

Durkheim, and Martin Luther), work and the division of labour serves to integrate the

individual into society and create the central source of individual satisfaction (Dawson,

1986; Kelly, 1996; MOW International Research Team, 1987). The workplace provides

21

an opportunity for individuals to congregate for social and economic purposes and has

become one of the most common places in society where people socially interact (Reid,

1995). Work also provides structure and often shapes much of the non work world

(Kelly, 1996)—a typical day is generally structured with eight hours of work, eight hours

of sleep and eight hours remaining for non-work and non-sleep activities. Work can have

both positive and negative effects on an individual: "Work can offer a sense of

accomplishment or meaninglessness; it can be a source of pride or shame" (Rinehart,

1987, p.l). The outcome of work is ultimately determined by the quality of the

employment, however, research suggests the following social psychological benefits of

quality employment: self-esteem, self-fulfillment, status, honour, sense of identity,

favourable self-image, dignity, social interactions, gratification, personal development,

opportunity to increase their skills, challenge, autonomy, social and/or psychological

well-being, organizational commitment (loyalty to the company or union), and occupying

time (Argyle, 1990; Krahn & Lowe, 1988; Morin, 2004; MOW, 1987; Reid, 1995; Reid

& Mannell, 1994; Rinehart, 1987). Unsatisfactory employment conditions on the other

hand can cause an individual to rebel or seek reforms (Rinehart, 1987) and for individuals

who are unemployed, adverse effects may occur.

The Employment/Work mechanism appears to be the current favoured social

integration strategy within the current approach to system organization. It is assumed that

society will function best if all its members are working and participating in the market

economy (Francis, 1993). In the same vein, any job is perceived as being better than no

job (Reid, 1995). This view focuses more on the economic benefit of full employment

than the quality of work or its contribution to the employee's quality of life, sense of

22

purpose, and life construction. Furthermore, this conceptualization of social integration

may exclude those Canadians who are unemployed and of working age from feeling as

though they are valued members of their communities. "People without paid work come

to believe that their lives are incomplete, lacking in self-worth and individual dignity"

(Reid & Mannell, 1994, p. 252). As Reid (1995) explains, individuals who are

unemployed may be socially marginalized, psychologically alienated and cut off from

their essential being.

Conventional wisdom holds that an individual must be employed in order to be

considered a productive member of society. Individuals who are unemployed are viewed

as having "defective traits such as laziness, low intelligence, or lack of respect for

authority" (Rinehart, 1987, p.3). Reid (1995) explains that society appears to define

productivity in terms of accumulation and that the "search for material possessions has

replaced the intrinsic personal satisfaction as the prime goals of paid labour and perhaps

the very goal of life it self (p.l 1). In essence, the individual accumulation of wealth

determines one's productivity because it is believed that an individual with plenty of

material possessions must have earned them through industriousness. Dcerd (2005)

explains that the dominant economic belief in these terms: "successful proprietorship and

accumulation of capital are the rewards of work ethic virtue" and that "striving for

excellence in employment is the highest distinction" (p.70).

Work & Social Integration

Canada's seeming shift from a Welfare State (protective) to something else and/or

a new state (enabling) has resulted in a change of focus from poverty reduction to

reducing the number of welfare recipients across the country (Clark, 2004; Dean, 2003;

23

Gilbert, 2004; National Council of Welfare Reports, 2001-2002; Reid & Golden,

2005b;Roger, 2003). Western societies have moved from lobbying around the right to

work to being made to work as an obligation (Dawson, 1986; Hutchison, 1994). In 1948

the United Nations (UN) issued the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which stated

under Article 23 (1) that "Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment,

to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment" (UN,

1948). Work is viewed as a valuable activity and by fighting for the right to work,

everyone has access to the activity if he or she chooses to participate. Therefore, the

assumption is that all citizens have the right to work and if work is unavailable, there

exists the right to income protection through the Welfare State (Hutchison, 1994; Reid,

1995). If individuals can not find work, for whatever reason, and can not financially

sustain themselves and their family, social assistance is assumed to be available.

Furthermore, the right to work prohibits the use of mandatory or forced labour (Center for

Economic and Social Rights, 2005). Today, many citizens feel an obligation to work

(depending on their work ethic) or are mandated to work if they are perceived to be of

able body and employable. 'Work', for the purpose of this research project, will be

defined in terms of paid employment.

Work in the formal economy is commonly viewed as the only solution to poverty.

In the 1990s many advanced western economic societies (for example Canada, The

United States, The United Kingdom) adopted a welfare replacement program commonly

referred to as workfare (with a work first or welfare-to-work focus) (Peck, 2001). In

Ontario, the replacement program is called Ontario Works (OW). The argument for this

shift (in Ontario, Canada and other western economies) is based on the premise that

24

welfare provides disincentives to work and it is believed that by decreasing welfare,

individuals who are unemployed will be motivated to seek work (Boessenkool, 2003).

In Ontario, as part of the move to workfare, welfare benefits were lowered, tighter

administration and screening processes were created, time limits were imposed and the

primary focus was on moving individuals off welfare and into work (Boessenkool, 2003).

Social assistance for individuals who were unemployed and able bodied would now be

contingent upon mandatory work related activities and job training (Lewis & Surender,

2004). Workfare makes the assumption that there are enough employment opportunities

in the market economy to absorb all individuals who are unemployed and on SA and that

appropriate skill and motivation on the part of the individual on SA is what is lacking

from the equation (Reid & Golden, 2005b). "Contemporary workfare politics rarely

involve job creation on any significant scale, along the lines of the old-fashioned public-

works program; they are more concerned with deterring welfare claims and necessitating

the acceptance of low-paid, unstable jobs in the context of increasingly flexible labour

markets...workfare is not about creating jobs for people that don't have them; it is about

creating workers for jobs nobody wants" (Peck, 2001, p.6). The new rules were not at all

new as they are very reminiscent of the principles of England's Elizabethan Poor Law*

written in 1601 (Stewart, 1998).

The 1601 Poor Law appointed the parish as the administrative unit of the system. The system had overseers of the poor and differentiate between the deserving and undeserving poor. Idle poor were unable to claim on the parishes' poor rate. "The 1601 Act sought to deal with 'settled' poor who had found themselves temporarily out of work... was supposed to deal with beggars whom were considered a threat to civil order. The Act was passed at a time when poverty was considered necessary as fear of poverty made people work" (Wikipedia, 2007a).

25

According to the Ontario Ministry of Community and Social Services, OW

"provides employment and financial assistance to people who are in temporary financial

need. The employment assistance helps individuals become and stay employed and

includes job search support services, basic education and job skills training, community

and employment placement, supports to self-employment, Learning, Earning and

Parenting, addiction services and earning exemptions that allow participants to earn

income as they move back into the workforce" (as cited in Statistics Canada, 2004c).

However, according to Herd (2002), OW is a compulsory work-first program; a strategy

to reduce eligibility and payment amounts, with aims to get people off welfare and into

any type of employment. In May of 1998, single mothers who in the past had received

Mother's Allowance (a state program introduced in the 1920s) were now expected to

participate in OW and mandated to seek out and apply to paid employment positions.

Poverty rates have not been affected by Workfare (Reid & Golden, 2005b)

although the unemployment rates have decreased slightly; this is mainly due to expanding

economy. Although there are more people employed, the types of jobs they acquire and

conditions of employment are not conducive to alleviating poverty. Many of today's

workers do not have full-time positions (i.e., working on contract or in part-time jobs, and

sometimes both), lack job security, are denied the right to unionize and are denied

important statutory benefits (i.e., right to refuse unsafe work, the right to minimum wage,

the right to employment insurance) (Burman 1988; Chaykowski, 2005; Law Commission

of Canada, 2005; Neysmith et al., 2005). Individuals may have moved off the welfare

rolls but they have not escaped poverty; many are now part of the working poor

population (Arai, Mair & Reid, 2006; Chaykowski, 2005; Lahey, 1991). Even individuals

26

who work a 40 hour work week for minimum wage and have no dependents can still fall

under the LICO (National Council of Welfare Reports, 2001-2002).

Jobs alone do not appear to be the best solution for getting individuals out of low-

income insecurity; research suggests that social networks that offer access to valued

resources and services (i.e., housing, daycare, education, health care, leisure, et cetera)

are more important to income security (Neysmith et al., 2005; Reid & Golden, 2005a).

According to Maslow's (1943) Hierarchy of Needs, one must first and foremost have

basic needs met before moving up the hierarchy; one's physiological needs must first be

met before one can worry about employment. "Employment for many people today is

not meaningful and rewarding, and satisfactions from other spheres of life are likely to

become even more important in the continuing quest for a sense of self-worth and

dignity" (Reid & Mannell, 1999; p. 161). Therefore, it is important to note that not all

jobs are good jobs in the sense that some jobs are unsafe, unchallenging, or may require

the employee to perform demeaning tasks or monotonous activity for low pay.

Consequently, being employed does not guarantee the individual improved quality of life,

societal functioning or sense of productivity. Work and/or employment appear to be the

favoured strategy for social inclusion in modern society; however, jobs do not always

appear to be a viable solution to alleviating poverty or for integrating all residents into

society—it appears to be a corporate solution.

Unemployment and Social Integration

Two alternatives to the Employment/Work mechanism for relieving poverty

recently proposed are a Guaranteed Annual Income (GAI) (Reid, 1995) and Reid and

Golden's (2005b) notions of a Worthfare model. According to Reid (1995), a GAI would

27

provide "a basic, yet acceptable, standard of living to everyone in society" (p.58). The

particulars of implementing a GAI would require collapsing the programs of the present

social welfare system into a pool of capital to be used to provide everyone whose income

is below an established level a basic social wage that would allow them to meet a basic

standard of living (Reid, 1995). A GAI would not be viewed as a welfare program, but

rather a legitimate income entitlement universally available to all citizens (Reid &

Mannell, 1990). Those individuals who choose to work in addition to receiving the GAI

could, but those who wished to spend their time outside of the labour market would be

guaranteed a base income and able to spend their time helping others, caring for their

families, contributing to their community or however they so choose. A GAI would blur

the gap between the employed and the unemployed (Parker, 1997).

Expanding on Reid's (1995) conceptualization of a GAI, Reid and Golden

(2005b) introduce the concept of a Worthfare State as an alternative to the Workfare

model for elevating poverty. The Worthfare model (a developmental policy approach)

argues for a "holistic conceptualization of the individual with unique and distinct needs

and abilities that are directly related to the capacity of that individual to be of value to

themselves and the community in which they live" (p.63). Furthermore, Worthfare

includes a GAI (as described by Reid, 1995) as the primary means of tackling poverty—

recognizing that not all individuals will find employment in the market economy (Reid &

Golden, 2005b). The Worthfare model suggests that through participation in non-work

and leisure activity, unemployed individuals can make a contribution to themselves and

their community (Reid & Golden, 2005b). In essence the Worthfare model would focus

on establishing a personal sense of self-worth and accomplishment. Dignity could then be

28

"achieved through poverty reduction and engagement in community activity and service"

(Reid & Golden, 2005b, p.63-64), rather than solely depending on one's participation in

the market economy to determine who is a productive member of society.

Work, Social Integration & Rural Communities

The impact of the Employment/Work mechanism for the social integration of

individuals who are unemployed is of particular concern for rural communities where the

job market is limited and there is less opportunity for sustainable employment. On

average, there are fewer jobs available in rural communities (Reid & Golden, 2005a).

With federal privatization of services (which resulted in the closure of military bases,

post offices, railway lines, et cetera) and the provincial reductions to education and health

care spending, many employment opportunities have been removed from rural areas

(Barlow, 2002; Barlow & Campbell, 1995; NRE2, 2004b; Stewart, 1998). Some rural

residents are self-employed (farming, providing day care service, et cetera), some work in

the commercial area of their rural community, some are employed in metro-adjacent

cities, some are retired, and others are unemployed. Rural individuals who are

unemployed are either forced to go on social assistance or relocate to an area where

employment is available (usually to more urban areas) (Reid & Golden, 2005b; Winson

& Leach, 2002). Furthermore, using work as a social integration strategy is exclusive to

and does not consider individuals in rural communities (or elsewhere for that matter) who

are unemployed and experiencing personal issues for whom employment is not an option.

Statistics Canada (2005) reports that Canada's urban and rural regions are at

opposite ends of the spectrum when it comes to occupational skill levels within a set of

industries, and predominantly urban regions had a higher concentration of skilled

29

workers than rural regions. At the same time, the intensity of unskilled occupations in

rural regions was considerably higher than in urban regions (Statistics Canada, 2005).

Furthermore, the share of employment at the lowest skill level was substantially lower in

urban regions than in rural regions (Statistics Canada, 2005).

Transportation is a significant barrier to accessing services and employment in

rural areas as there is not usually public transit service in most rural communities (Reid &

Golden, 2005; Reimer, 2005, NRE2, 2003). Individuals without access to a motor vehicle

or an inter-community shuttle have limited access to employment or services located

beyond walking distance. Other barriers include limited availability of subsidies and/or

assistance programs (i.e., daycare, training/education, et cetera) (Reid & Golden, 2005a

& 2005b).

Work may bring "financial remuneration, social integration, dignity and sense of

contribution to the community" (Hutchison, 1994, p. 11), however, there will always be

some individuals in society who are excluded from the work environment for a number of

legitimate reasons. Individuals who are unemployed or underemployed should also have

the right to an income, social integration, dignity and sense of contribution to the

community so that they, like all other members of society, can engage in the social

discourse. The Employment/Work mechanism for social integration is not a realistic or

equitable strategy for all Canadians. Additional strategies are needed to make the process

just and to ensure rural sustainability and/or inclusivity.

* Examples of skilled workers include those individuals in the managerial and professional skill-level groups.

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Structural Functionalism

The approach to social policy development and system organization in the

construction of the current Welfare State that has produced the Employment/Work

mechanism for the social integration of individuals who are unemployed follows the

Structural Functionalist theory. Structural Functionalism is a blending together of two

theories: Structuralism* and Functionalism*. Structural Functionalism practitioners are

not contained within one discipline; the theory's roots lie in sociology and anthropology.

Comte, Spencer and Durkheim are the three thinkers who influenced modern Structural

Functionalism thinking (Ritzer, 1983). Table 4 provides an overview of each of their

contributions.

Structuralism—views "the patterned relations (the structures) of social life as having temporal and analytical priority over individuals in the explanation of the nature and consequences of societal-individual relations" (Dickinson, 1993, p. 23). Furthermore, structuralism "defines phenomena as elements of organized totalities that can be formulated in mathematical terms" (The New Lexicon Webster's Encyclopedia Dictionary, 1988, p.983).

* Functionalism—emphasizes the organization (structure) and operation (function) of society. Furthermore, functionalism is "a sociological approach based in general on the assumptions that society needs to be highly integrated, that it is the result of progressive evolution, and that it is characterized by certain self-adjusting processes or mechanisms" (Morrow, 1993, p.45).

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Table 4—Comte, Spencer, Durkheim and Structural Functionalism

Theorists

August Comte (1798-1857)

Herbert Spencer (1820-1903)

Emile Durkheim (1858-1917)

Overview of Contribution

Positivist laws could be discovered that give rise to social life. Theory of Organicism—tendency to see analogies between biological organisms and society. While biology was the study of individual organisms, sociology was the study of social organisms. For example: families in a social world are equivalent to the cells of the human body, social classes and casts are equivalent to tissues, and cities and communities are equivalent to organs.

(Dickinson, 1993; Ritzer, 1983) Also adopted a theory of Organicism but it uncomfortably co-existed with his utilitarian philosophy. With organicism he looked at the social wholes and the contribution of the parts, whereas with utilitarianism he focused on self-seeking actors. Tended to speak of the functions that structures had for the society as a whole and contended that societies need various things in order to survive.

(Ritzer, 1983) Influenced greatly by Comte and Spencer. His work focused on societal structures and functions, as well as their relationships to the needs of society. Maintained that social institutions exist solely to fulfill specific need. Separated social cause (why a given structure exists and takes a certain form) and social function (concerned that the needs of a larger system are met by a given structure. Considered to be the Grandfather of Structural Functionalism.

(Barrett, 1984; Dickinson, 1993; Ritzer, 1983; Swingewood, 1991)

Structural Functionalism focuses on the "social system as a whole as well as the

impact of the various parts (especially social structures and social institutions) on it"

(Ritzer, 1983, p.73). The components of the system derive their meaning or purpose from

how they keep the system operative and positive contributions to its continued operation.

Structural Functionalists are generally concerned with the relationship of one part of the

system to another and the integrated functioning of all components of a social structure

(Bakker & Winson, 1993). The central question asked within this theory is what purpose

* Structural Functionalism—"A theoretical approach in sociology that views a society or system as an integrated and interdependent whole. Parts of the system function to sustain the whole in equilibrium" (Basran, 1993, p. 483).

32

or function does a specific phenomenon serve in the system? The system and its parts are

seen to exist in a state of equilibrium in that a change to one part of the system will lead

to changes in the other parts (Ritzer, 1983; Barrett, 1984). Structural Functionalism

contends that: a society is held together by a general consensus of its members; that a

stable society is made possible by the fact that actors act with shared orientations; a

society needs a shared set of clearly articulated goals and a method for regulating the

means to achieve these goals; society's survival is dependent on the socialization of new

members; actors must learn their place in society; and society runs best when all actors

behave accordingly (Ritzer, 1983). The system is reliant on the interdependent needs and

therefore, integration is defined in terms of consensus and cohesion within a Structural

Functionalism theory.

In general terms, Structural Functionalism "seeks to analyze social structures and

practices by reference to the ends or purpose they serve" (Tepperman & Richardson,

1986, p.23). More specifically, however, Parsons (1951 & 1970) explained that

Structural Functionalism operates on the following assumptions:

• Systems have the property of order and interdependence of parts; • Systems tend toward self-maintaining order, or equilibrium; • The systems may be static if involved in an ordered process of change; • The nature of one part of the system has an impact on the form that the other parts

could take; • Systems maintain boundaries with their environments; • Allocation and integration are two fundamental processes necessary for a given

state of equilibrium of a system; • Systems tend towards self-maintenance involving the maintenance of boundaries

and of the relationships of parts to the whole, control to environmental variations, and control of tendencies to change the system from within.

(As summarized in Ritzer, 1983, p.75)

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Within the field of anthropology, structural functionalists posit that a culture can be

sufficiently understood by examining the parts of the culture and how they work together

as each part satisfies a particular psychological need (Reicio, 2001). Therefore, within the

structural functionalist conceptualization of culture, individuals are not the focus for

understanding culture; rather it is their role in the larger system and the associated

function they serve.

Continuing with the discussion on function, Structural Functionalism is

particularly concerned with the functions and dysfunctions of the larger system.

Specifically, there are two types of functions: manifest and latent. A manifest function of

a phenomenon is the direct, overt, intended or obvious result of its being put into action—

"the conscious and deliberate functions of social processes" (Berger, 1963, p. 40).

Furthermore, Allahar (1986) notes that a manifest function is also one which society is

aware of. A latent function of a phenomenon, however, is indirect, occurs as a result of

the action, and is not always obvious, recognized or intended—"unconscious and

unintended" (Berger, 1963, p. 40). Additionally, a latent function of a phenomenon is

usually unrecognized by society (Allahar, 1986). It is important to note that both manifest

and latent functions can have a functional or dysfunctional result after being put into

action. "Those structures that help the system adapt to its environment are said to be

functional; those that impede such adaptation are labelled dysfunctional" (Allahar, 1986,

p.25-26). It is assumed that a phenomenon will not survive if its functions do not

outweigh its dysfunctions (Allahar, 1986).

In order to understand the manifest functions of the current Welfare State and

approach to system organization, one must fist understand the key policy pieces that

34

shape the social assistance system in Canada as well as the province of Ontario. In

addition to the Marsh Report (1975), there were a number of social policy documents

released in Canada to clarify the ever changing role of the Welfare State and the social

programs affiliated with it. Two examples are The Common Sense Revolution (from the

Province of Ontario) and Agenda: Jobs and growth. Improving social security in Canada,

commonly referred to as The Green Paper (from the Federal Government of Canada).

In 1994 the Progressive Conservative (PC) Party of Ontario released a provincial

policy document titled The Common Sense Revolution. The focus of The Common Sense

Revolution was to create 725, 000 jobs* as an antidote to the excessive use of Welfare

Policy on the part of the financially marginalized public. As such, there were five key

components to the job creation plan: cut provincial taxes; cut non-priority spending; cut

government barriers to job creation, investment and economic growth; cut the size of

government; and balance the budget (the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario,

1994).

"The bottom line is that Ontario needs jobs" (the Progressive Conservative Party

of Ontario, 1994, p.l). The document does not specify what kind of jobs, the terms of

employment, or the working conditions—there is no mention of career opportunities,

quality work experiences, or benefits associated with the new jobs. The government and

policy makers seemed only to be concerned with increasing the labour pool (moving the

unemployed off the welfare rolls and into the labour market). This charge is echoed in

statements such as "the best social assistance program ever created is a real job" (the

* Even though the focus of 'The Common Sense Revolution' is on job creation, the policy reform calls for the elimination of 13,031 jobs (13,000 public servants and 31 MPPs). However, the government and policy makers justify the job cuts because the decision will ultimately save money and presumably those individuals can easily find work in the ever growing private sector.

35

Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, 1994, p.9). The policy document's primary

focus was on job creation as the sole replacement of the Welfare system. The Common

Sense Revolution "demand[s] that government does business like a business. In other

words, in an efficient and productive manner that focuses on results and puts the

customer first" (the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, 1994, p. 16).

When examining the health care system for example, the concept of patient-based

budgeting is introduced with the distinction of 'individuals in need' and 'individuals who

are most in need'. Universal services are for all members of society, however in the new

Welfare State, concerns arise regarding the public services are available and the policing

and screening occurs to ensure that only those truly in need and/or most in need are

granted access. "We want to provide efficient government services. That means setting

priorities, cutting out fat and waste, and putting people first...We will be aggressive

about rooting out waste, abuse, health care fraud, mis-management and duplications" (the

Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, 1994,p.7).

In 1994, Human Resources Development Canada released a discussion paper

titled Agenda: Jobs and growth. Improving social security in Canada commonly referred

to as The Green Paper. The Green Paper argues that social policy reform is a necessity in

order for Canada to keep pace with a quickly changing global economy. Additionally, the

federal policy document clearly states its three objectives: (1) to get Canadians into a job

on a sustaining basis; (2) to support the most vulnerable in society; and (3) to make the

social security system affordable (HRDC, 1994).

The Green Paper moves the government into the role of enabler—away from its

traditional role of insurer. Changing the name from Unemployment Insurance (UI) to

36

Employment Insurance (EI) is symbolic of the change from the traditional Welfare State

system for social service provision. Other examples from The Green Paper that illustrate

a shift which demonstrates this change in role from insurer to enabler include:

The next generation of social programs must not just share the wealth, and protect those who are disadvantaged among us, they must actively create opportunity for Canadians and, in doing so, help drive economic growth (HRDC, 1994, p.9).

Our aspiration is to build a social security system that enables all Canadians, children and adults alike, to obtain a fair an equal opportunity to exploit their talents, lead fulfilling lives, and experience the dignity of work (HRDC, 1994, p.25).

The social security system must become a true service centre for people, providing the tools they need to move into the job market with confidence, and become self-sufficient" (HRDC, 1994, p.70).

According to The Green Paper the solution to the alleged problems associated

with the Canadian Social Assistance System is job creation. "The key to dealing with

social insecurity can be summed up in a single phrase: helping people get and keep jobs"

(HRDC, 1994, p.9). The belief is that the promotion of job training will prepare people

to enter the new labour market and get off the welfare rolls. It assumes that jobs are and

will be available and it is only a matter of training people to fill those positions.

Drawing on the policies contained within the Marsh Report, The Common Sense

Revolution and The Green Paper it would appear that the current Welfare State and its

affiliated social assistance programs have the following manifest functions:

• To provide temporary financial assistance to individuals experiencing unemployment until such time that the individual recipient is able to re-engage in the labour market.

• To reduce dependency on government and assist individual recipients in becoming independent and productive members of society.

• To encourage all members of society to be employed and contribute to the system (via paid employment and the labour market).

• To focus on results and put people first.

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• To actively create opportunity for Canadians and, in doing so, help drive economic growth.

• To enable all Canadians to obtain a fair and equal opportunity to exploit their talents, lead fulfilling lives, and experience the dignity of work.

• To provide individuals the tools they need to move into the job market with confidence, and become self-sufficient.

Latent functions can either be positive or negative. For example SA has a

manifest function of enabling people to exist in society while they improve their situation

and eventually re-engage the labour market. A latent function might be that SA also helps

recipients stay out of criminal activity and therefore society benefits. However, latent

functions can be associated with dysfunctions. Using the same example, a latent

dysfunction of SA could be that the assistance provided is not enough and individuals

resort to criminal activity to sustain themselves and their families. As a result neither

society nor the individual benefits; thus the latent function of the system is deemed

dysfunctional.

Current social policies assume that society will function best if all of its members

participate in the labour market and as a result, move individuals who are unemployed off

welfare and into the job. If an individual is not gainfully employed, then they are

perceived as not contributing to the betterment of the system or as being a productive

member of society. It would appear that Canada's current approach to policy

development is organized to support work and work principles. The primary goal of

current social policy is to get people into the labour market. Structural Functionalist

influence on social policy marginalizes and segregates individuals on SA, especially

those in rural communities where there are fewer employment opportunities and

therefore, less opportunity to become a functioning member of society.

38

Given the divergence between manifest and latent functions in the Welfare State,

Habermas' distinction between the life-world and system-world would be useful to this

discussion. Habermas* (1987) conceptualized the social world into two distinct worlds—

the life-world and the system-world. The system-world is comprised of "those aspects of

society that have been detached from man's [sic] immediate cultural context, and which

follow a more independent objectified logic. Here the crucial means of control are money

and power" (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2000, p. 116). The system-world has predetermined

outcomes and when the life-world is colonized by the system, participants go from a

process of a whole horizon of understanding, to being told what to do. "The system can

intrude on and take over the mechanisms of reaching mutual understanding, eliminating

the opportunity for communicative action that both produce and reproduce the life-world"

(Sumner, presentation handout, 2002). Within a Structural Functionalist approach to

system organization, there appears to be tension between the life-world and system-world

with primacy given to the system-world.

The primacy within Structural Functionalism on the system-world is evidenced in

planning policy that is developed from a social reform tradition (Friedmann, 1987). These

approaches are top down approaches to planning, with a primary focus on the system

(rather than the individual agents within the system). Social reform originated to guide

the world on a path to social progress and was used to study "the variety of social

controls available to the state for obtaining compliance" (Friedmann, 1987, p. 12). It is a

top down approach to planning and only within limits is it tolerant to change (Friedmann,

* The researcher is not trying to situate Critical Theory within Structural Functionalism, or compare Critical Theory to Structural Functionalism. Rather, there researcher is discussing the compatibility of Habermas' notions of the system-world and a structural functionalist approach to system organization. Of all the components/aspects of Critical Theory, it is just the tension between the life-world and system-world that resonate with the thesis.

39

1987). Within a social reform approach to planning and policy decision making, power is

"fenced off from the intrusions of politicians and ordinary citizens, who are not

sufficiently informed to be engaged in planning" (Friedmann, 1987, p. 76). Social reform

authors "affirm representative democracy, human rights and social justice" and "believe

that through appropriate reforms both capitalism and the bourgeois state can be

perfected" (Friedmann, 1987, p.76). Since the 1930's they have argued for three areas of

state intervention: protection of economic growth; maintenance of full employment; and

redistribution of income—but have become increasingly concerned with managing the

economy in what they believe to be the best interest of the public (Friedmann, 1987).

Structural Functionalism was popular in the sociology of the 1940s and 1950 but

became increasingly criticized from the 1960s to the present. Some of the major

criticisms include the fact that Structural Functionalism: limits the possibility and

understanding of social change within a society; has a static and abstract focus on the

maintenance of social order; does not acknowledge conflict between agents or within the

system; sustains the status quo; perceives agents as passive recipients of social norms and

values; fails to acknowledge power and coercion in the system; lacks precise definitions

of key terms (i.e. structure, function, system) and consensus among it researchers and

practitioners; and is ahistorical (Abraham, 1982; Tepperman & Richardson, 1986; Ritzer,

1983; Reicio, 2001). Furthermore, Structural Functionalism has been faulted for using the

organismic analogy. "All too often Structural Functionalists tend to forget that they are

dealing with an analogy and treat society as if it were, in fact, a living organism with all

the characteristics that living organisms have" (Tepperman & Richardson, 1986, p. 30). A

40

system does not have a heart beat or a pulse; rather it is the agents within a system that

are the living and breathing organisms.

Although a given social structure may be functional for some members of society,

it may not be functional for all. It would appear that the current approach to system

organization (the Employment/Work mechanism) is not providing all members of

Canadian society an opportunity to contribute to the betterment of society because the

system is set up to only recognize one type of contribution. Structural Functionalism

provides a limited picture of how to create a strong system upon which all individuals are

included and able to contribute to the betterment of society (and in various capacities).

Canada's Welfare State policies were built on the premise that individuals contributed to

the betterment of the country by paying taxes and contributing to the social assistance

system and the system contributed to the well-being and security of all its citizens—and it

is this reciprocity that is lost in the new state (i.e., reduced role of government). By

conceptualizing the system differently, alternative strategies to social integration emerge

and provide alternative practices to the Employment/Work mechanism.

Leisure & Social Integration

Capitalist societies have embraced what is still commonly referred to as the

Protestant Work Ethic (PWE) (O'Hara, 1993; Polanyi, 1944; Reid, 1995) and as a result,

the value of non-work activities and leisure may have been largely overlooked (i.e. as a

means for social integration) for its contribution to social construction. Calvinists

associated free time with idleness and leisure with sin (unless in preparation for work).

Within the PWE, leisure is deemed accepted provided it serves a utilitarian purpose.

From the foregoing, one could conclude that within the Protestant Work Ethic, leisure is

41

seen as a reward that comes from hard work and therefore only productive members of

society are entitled to reap the benefits of their efforts through participation in leisure

activity.

The PWE's ability to lead modern society into an effective, post-industrial,

information based, technological economy is beginning to be questioned (Rifkin, 1995;

O'Hara, 1993), and as a result, additional strategies to the favoured Employment/Work

mechanism to social integration could be considered. Moreover, the Employment/Work

mechanism to social integration does not appear to be working for all people. It has taken

us only so far down the social integration road, could the introduction of additional

strategies take us further? One such strategy to consider is leisure. Is there a role for

leisure to play in the social integration of individuals who are chronically unemployed

and on SA? Can leisure assist social integration in rural communities?

Leisure has been conceptualized in a variety of ways over time; Table 5 provides

a summary of the various historical perspectives of leisure.

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Table 5—Conceptualizing Leisure

Thinker

Socrates Plato Aristotle (Viewed as the Grandfather of Leisure) Ancient Rome

Calvinists Pieper Veblen Huizinger Csikszentmihalyi

DeGrazia Farina

Neulinger & Crandall

Dumazedier

Kaplan

Florida Stebbins

Conceptualization— Leisure is...

A valued possession—served a utilitarian function. A means of growth and education. Activity for inspiration and enlightenment. An end in itself. The classical perspective—leisure as the good life. Reserved for the affluent. A form of activity and/or recreation (games and athletic competition)—physical strength was valued over philosophical pondering. Social Classes did not exist and leisure was a right of citizenship. Hedonistic and pleasure seeking activity. State of mind—mental and spiritual attitude. A function of social class—The class privilege perspective. Play. A state of flow (whereby there is a balance between the challenge of the task and skill of the performer)—the optimal experience. A time-bound concept—free time. A freely chosen activity—divorced from utilitarianism or necessity. Contributed to the good life. A time for building back purpose into life—the psychological perspective. 3 inseparable parts—relaxation, entertainment and personal development. What you perceive it to be (anything voluntary and pleasant)—the holistic perspective. The Creative Class. Serious Leisure

(Adapted from Bammel & Burrus-Bammel, 1992; Bridge & Gold, 1989; Csikszentmihalyi, 1991; Farina, 1982; Florida, 2002; Huizinger, 1974; Kelly, 1996; Pieper, 1952; Reid, 1995; Searle & Brayley, 1993; Stebbins, 2004; 2001; 1999; 1992; Sylvester, 1999;).

For the purpose of this dissertation, a combination of perspectives will be

combined and leisure will be defined as a freely chosen activity that provides "the

participant with life-enhancing meaning and a sense of pleasure" (Reid, 1995, p. 14).

There are a number of different benefits associated with leisure—psychological,

physiological, sociological, cultural, environmental, and economic (Arai & Pedlar, 1997;

43

Dawson, 1986; Driver, 1992; Farina, 1982; Frisby, Blair, Dorer, Hill, Fenton & Kopelow,

2001; Henderson, 1994; Heyne, 1996; Kay, 1989; Kealy; 1991; Leitner & Leitner, 1996;

Mannell & Reid, 1989-1990; Philipp, 1997; Reid & van Dreunen, 1996;). Leisure not

only benefits the individual participating in the activity but also the community at large.

The personal benefits are far reaching as leisure can be educational (learn and develop

new skills), therapeutic, relaxing, pleasurable, meaningful, or social (Lahey, 1991;

Leitner & Leitner, 1996). Driver (1996) developed the Benefits Approach to Leisure

(BAL). This applied conceptual framework proposes two levels of leisure benefits: first-

order beneficial consequences (i.e., relaxation, diversion, fitness) and second-ordered

beneficial consequences (i.e., life satisfaction, quality of life). Furthermore, Driver (1996)

contended that first-order benefits bring about second-order benefits.

At the same time, research demonstrates that leisure has the ability to create

social transformation (Reid & van Dreunen, 1996), develop inclusive communities

(Hutchison & McGill, 1998; Arai & Pedlar, 1997; Arai, Mair & Reid, 2006), promote

social integration (Frisby, Blair, Dorer, Hill, Fenton & Kopelow, 2001; Reid & Golden,

2005a & 2005b; Arai, Mair & Reid, 2006), build community capacity (increase economic

and social capital) (Kealy, 1991; Blackshaw & Long, 2005) and oppose the dominant

work-centered paradigm (Reid, 1995; Reid & Mannell, 1999).

While there are numerous benefits associated with leisure, not all individuals are

able to participate in leisure. Conventional wisdom in society has not valued the benefits

of leisure as a way for individuals to contribute to society. A variety of conditions may

prevent an individual from engaging in a specific leisure activity (i.e., lack of money,

personal skill, and isolation). Crawford and Godbey (1987) use three categories and/or

44

types of constraints: structural barriers, interpersonal barriers and intrapersonal barriers.

Structural barriers are "interfering factors between leisure preference and participation"

such as time, money, weather, transportation, geographic location, and infrastructure

(Crawford & Godbey, 1987, p. 124). Intrapersonal barriers are "individual psychological

states and attitudes that interact with leisure preferences" (Crawford & Godbey, 1987,

p. 122) including: anxiety, depression, stress, self-esteem, religion, prior experience, and

perceived skill level. Interpersonal barriers are "the result of interpersonal interaction or

the relationship between individuals' characteristics" (Crawford & Godbey, 1987, p. 123).

These barriers stem from interpersonal relations in general and often include the lack of a

partner, circle of friends or social network. Some individuals may only experience one

type of constraint, while others may experience all three types of constraints to leisure

simultaneously (Crawford, Jackson & Godbey, 1991). The aforementioned constraints to

leisure may also be constraints to work for some individuals, especially for those on SA

as the conditions of poverty extend beyond the lack of employment.

Poverty and unemployment carry a heavy negative stigma in the face of the

dominant work ethic (Lahey, 1991; Golden & Reid, 2005a). Individuals who are

unemployed and on SA are considered to be lazy, irresponsible, worthless and deserving

of punishment—not leisure (Lahey, 1991). Leisure like work, however, regardless of

individual judgements, is a basic human right. The United Nations (UN) issued the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights states under Article 24 that "Everyone has the

right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic

holidays with pay" (UN, 1948). Furthermore, the World Leisure and Recreation

Association Charter for Leisure (1970) states "Leisure is a basic human right, (and) no

45

one shall be deprived of this right for reasons of colour, creed, sex, religion, race,

handicap or economic condition" (as sited in Dawson, 1986, p. 168). Therefore, an

individual who is unemployed has the same right to participate in leisure as other

members in the population.

Individuals who are unemployed do not have equal access to leisure and their

participation is constrained by a variety of structural, interpersonal and intrapersonal

barriers. The conditions of poverty affect every facet of life, including opportunities for

both work and leisure (Bridge & Gold, 1989). Individuals who are unemployed may have

less disposable income and as a result, many leisure activities are not accessible to them

(Bridge & Gold, 1989; Reid & Golden, 2005a; Ullah et al., 1985). In an economic

system dominated by the Employment/Work mechanism to social integration, individuals

without a disposable income will be denied opportunity in their leisure life (Bridge &

Gold, 1989).

Unemployment is not synonymous with leisure (Burman, 1988; Reid & Golden,

2005a, Reid, 1990); in fact, unemployment is more characteristic of forced non-obligated

free time, rather than leisure (Stebbins, 1999, 2001). In fact many individuals who are

unemployed and on SA feel guilty participating in leisure while unemployed as they have

been socialized to believe that the primary activity during unemployment should be

actively seeking work (Glyptis, 1989; Havitz et al., 2004; Reid & Golden, 2005a).

Leisure for individuals who are unemployed may be challenging as they "seldom feel free

to use their time as they please, and the depression and lethargy which afflict them

discourages their participation in activities" (Kay, 1989, p.415). In general, few

individuals who are unemployed and on SA find a leisure-based lifestyle (Kay, 1989).

46

Ullah et al., (1985) conclude it was possible that the presence of supportive

relationships may reduce the likelihood of some of the negative effects of and/or

responses to unemployment. Likewise, the continued absence and/or reduction of social

support may in fact increase the negative impacts and responses of unemployment (Ullah

et al., 1985). Similarly, Kay (1989) reports that individuals who are active during

unemployment appear to find the psychological effects of unemployment less severe.

Glyptis (1994) stressed the importance of removing barriers so that leisure can be

more accessible to individuals who are unemployed and that there is a need to provide

activities other than sport—service providers need to be more flexible to adapt to the

diverse and ever changing needs of individuals on S A. In the same vein, there is a need to

develop leisure programs and activities that do not have a user fee associated with them

(Bridge & Gold, 1989; Frisby, Blair, Dorer, Hill, Fenton & Kopelow, 2001; Reid, Kralt &

Golden, 2005) and more subsidized universal programs.

Reid (1995) explains his reconceptualization of productivity in relation to Marx's

exchange and use value theory. In Marxian terms, "work today is dominated by

'exchange value', while leisure activity may lie closer to the notion of 'use value' which

most differentiates leisure activity from work in a capitalist society. The use value of

activity places more emphasis on the accomplishment engendered by the effort than on

the accumulation of material reward that it produces" (p.92). In his reconceptuallization,

Reid does not advocate that people should be discouraged from work; rather that society

should acknowledge that not everyone will be involved in the labour economy.

Therefore, an individual's worth should not be measured in dollars and cents, the job they

hold, or the material items they possess. Productivity should be more than the market

47

judgment of an individual's contribution (Reid, 1995); if it is necessary to judge at all,

then an individual's contribution to the betterment of self and society should be the

measure of an individuals worth. Although productivity is often measured by one's

accumulation, an alternative conceptualization would allow society to move beyond the

favoured market concept (Reid & Golden, 2005b). Within this alternative

conceptualization one would not have to be employed in order to be considered a

productive member of society, and an individual's contribution to self and society would

have equal value.

Leisure is often "seen an appendage to work in that its meaning arises out of the

centrality of work as the dominant activity contributing to social development. Leisure is

time left over after work, and one earns leisure through one's labour" (Dawson, 1986,

p. 166). However, when both concepts are fully understood and compared, it becomes

apparent that leisure and work share a number of characteristics and benefits (i.e. social

interaction, providing a sense of self-worth and identity, and ability to make a

contribution to self and society).

Poverty and unemployment rates have caused several researchers to question the

role of paid work in industrial societies and whether poverty reduction and social

integration can be achieved by means other than the favoured Employment/Work

mechanism. Employment may no longer be a suitable strategy for socially integrating

individuals who are unemployed and on SA, or an appropriate vehicle for everyone to

achieve a sense of purpose, identity, and enjoyment. Can leisure become a central life

focus and replace work? It appears to be an effective strategy for individuals who are

retired and no longer engaged in the labour market (McClelland, 2003); could it also

48

work for individuals who are on SA? Kay (1989) explained that leisure would provide

structured activity, social contact and other benefits similar to work and therefore it

would appear that leisure has the potential to fulfil the practical, social and psychological

roles frequently assured by work. Likewise, Dawson (1989) found that leisure had

considerable positive impact on individuals who are unemployed and could provide much

of the satisfaction usually associated with work (i.e., time structure, create and sustain

friendships, alleviate feelings of isolation and negative impacts of unemployment on the

individual). Frisby et al. (2001) also found that social isolation is reduced when women

on low-incomes are connected to their communities through leisure—especially when

they were actively involved in the decision making process. Reid and Mannell (1999)

noted that leisure appeared to help reduce the negative effect of unemployment and "both

work and leisure may contribute in a balanced way to quality of life, and under some

conditions leisure may enhance work experience and even compensate for the lack of

work opportunities" (p. 157). Moreover, leisure may have a role to play in shaping the

future of society rather than being shaped by it (Reid & Mannell, 1999).

Glyptis (1989) on the other hand sees the value of leisure in the lives of

individuals, however, she believes that "even if financial irregularities are resolved, it

seems unlikely that many people in our work oriented society would be eager to adopt

leisure as a substitute for employment" (p.92). Furthermore, Glyptis (1989) is of the

belief that although many benefits are derived from leisure, it cannot become a central

life force because leisure cannot provide the same structure and purpose upon which

society has come to depend. Although Glyptis (1989) does not see the potential of leisure

49

being a substitute for work, she stresses that providing leisure opportunities for

individuals who are unemployed is still of the utter most importance.

While leisure is not work, it is not necessarily unproductive (Farina, 1982). With

few exceptions, the literature pertaining to leisure and individuals who are unemployed or

on SA largely deals with urban communities. There is also a demand and need to study

leisure in the rural context in order to provide inclusive policy that recognizes and

provides for the unique differences and requirements of both urban and rural

communities. Although individuals on SA in rural and urban communities may

experience similar constraints to work and leisure, the impact of those constraints and

benefits of leisure is not yet fully understood.

Serious Leisure

Robert Stebbins (1982) first introduced the concept of Serious Leisure into leisure

studies. By definition, Serious Leisure is "the systematic pursuit of an amateur, hobbyist,

or volunteer activity that participants find so substantial and interesting that, in the typical

case, they launch themselves on a career centered on acquiring and expressing its special

skills, knowledge, and experience (Stebbins, 1992, p.3). The term career is not limited to

employment and/or occupations, as Stebbins (2001) clarifies that "careers are available in

all substantial, complicated roles including especially those in work, leisure, deviance,

politics, religion, and interpersonal relationships" (p.3).

Serious Leisure is generally compared and contrasted with casual leisure. Casual

leisure is hedonistic in nature as activities are generally short lived, require little or no

preparation or planning, and the outcome is immediately gratifying and intrinsically

rewarding (Stebbins, 1997a). Types of casual leisure activities include play, relaxation,

50

passive entertainment, active entertainment, sociable conversation, and sensory

stimulation (Stebbins, 1999; 2001; 2004). For Stebbins (1997a), casual leisure is

perceived to be problematic because it is consumptive and often involves non-productive

leisure activities.

Serious Leisure is perceived to be more beneficial to the wellbeing of the

individual participant and society at large (Rojek, 2000) because it "is a form of leisure

participation which is productive and allows the individual to develop a sense of career

from their free time activities" (Blackshaw & Long, 2005, p.248). Specifically, Serious

Leisure is characterized by six distinctive qualities: (1) participants feel the need to

persevere at the activity; (2) participants find a career in the activity; (3) participants

make a significant personal effort based on knowledge, training or skill; (4) participants

receive a number of durable benefits; (5) participants often identify strongly with their

chosen pursuits; and (6) participants tend to develop a unique ethos or subculture from

their involvement (Stebbins, 2004; 2001; 1999; 1997b; 1992).

There are three basic types of Serious Leisure: (1) Amateurs—usually found in

art, science, sport or entertainment and inevitably linked to professional counterparts; (2)

Hobbyists—classified as collectors, makers/tinkerers, activity participants (non­

competitive, rule-base pursuits), players of games and sports (where no professional

counterpart exists), and liberal arts enthusiasts; and (3) Volunteers—participants engage

in volunteering (Stebbins, 2004; 2001; 1999; 1992; 1982). Volunteering was the form of

Serious Leisure that will be of particular interest to this research project and was the

primary focus of this section of the chapter as volunteering has long been seen to be

among the most worthy and satisfying leisure activities (Dawson, 1986).

51

Definitions of volunteering vary and range from a more narrow focus of "any

unpaid work performed for or through an organization" (Kincade, Rabiner, Bernard,

Woomert, Konrad, DeFriese & Ory, 1996) to a broader focus of informal acts of kindness

performed for neighbours or relatives (Parker, 1992). Regardless of how broad or narrow

the focus of the definition is, Arai (1997) identified four dimensions that are common to

most definitions of volunteering: (1) freedom of choice—the volunteer has the freedom to

choose whether or not to participate; (2) remuneration—little or no reward is given to or

expected by the volunteer; (3) formal or informal structure—the setting in which an

individual volunteers can be formal (for an organization) or informal (for a neighbour or

relative); and (4) beneficiaries of the volunteer service—the individuals who benefit from

the volunteer service can have a broad (strangers) or narrow (family) focus. In his

definition of the third basic type of Serious Leisure, Stebbins adopts Jon Van Til's (1988)

definition of volunteering:

Volunteering may be identified as a helping action of an individual that is valued by him or her, and yet is not aimed directly at material gain or mandated coerced by other. Thus in the broadest sense, volunteering is a non-coerced helping activity that is engaged in not primarily for financial gain and not by coercion or mandate. It is thereby different in definition from work, slavery, or conscription (as sited in Stebbins, 2001, p.5).

Stebbins (2001) clarifies that in order for volunteering to be considered a basic type of

Serious Leisure, volunteering is restricted to where the volunteer can find a career,

participation is continuous and the help provided is substantial (not just a one-time

donation of time, money, service). Career volunteers are often found in the following

seven types of organizations: health, education, social/welfare, leisure, religious, civic

52

and/or community action, and political (Stebbins, 1999). Serious Leisure volunteers* can

simultaneously pursue their leisure interests and make a substantial contribution to the

organization with whom they are volunteering, the people they are assisting, and the

community at large; however, their primary reason for volunteering is self-interestedness

and "they remain mostly unaware of the broader social ramifications of their actions"

(Stebbins, 2001, p.42).

Volunteering is not considered to be leisure and/or Serious Leisure if participation

is mandated or the individual only agrees to participate under pressure from an authority

figure (Stebbins, 2001). Therefore, mandatory volunteering components of high school

curriculum or workfare programs should not be considered forms of leisure as volunteer

participation in a predetermined amount of hours is a prerequisite for obtaining a high

school diploma and one of the options for receiving welfare in provinces that have

adopted a workfare program. Both forms of mandatory volunteering are enforced in

Ontario; high school students are required to complete 40 hours of compulsory

"volunteer" community service in order to graduate and individuals on OW who are not

working part-time or in skills training or education programs are expected to volunteer in

order to receive their social assistance cheque at the end of the month. These volunteer

programs appear to be more a kin to the community service hours completed by

individual who has been convicted of a crime and is repaying their debt to society, rather

than a means of leisure.

Stebbins (1992; 1999) initially identified eight benefits associated with Serious

Leisure: (1) self-actualization, (2) self-enrichment; (3) enhancement of self-image; (4)

* Not all volunteering is considered serious leisure as some individuals casually volunteer and some individuals volunteer for the greater cause.

53

feelings of belonging; (5) self-expression; (6) self-renewal; (7) feelings of

accomplishment; and (8) lasting physical products. More recently, Stebbins (2001; 2004)

has revised the list and divided the now ten benefits into two different types of rewards:

personal and social. Table 6 presents the ten rewards associated with Serious Leisure.

Table 6—Rewards Associated with Serious Leisure

PERSONAL REWARDS Personal enrichment (e.g., cherished experiences) Self-actualization, or self-development (i.e., developing skills, abilities, knowledge, acquiring experience) Self-expression (i.e., expressing skills, abilities, knowledge already developed) Self-image (i.e., known to others as a particular kind of Serious Leisure participant) Self-gratification (i.e., combination of superficial enjoyment and deep fulfillment) Re-creation or regeneration, of oneself through Serious Leisure after a day's work Financial return from a Serious Leisure activity SOCIAL REWARDS Social attraction (e.g., associating with other Serious Leisure participants, with clients as a volunteer, participating in the social world of the activity) Group accomplishment (e.g., group effort in accomplishing a Serious Leisure project; sense of helping, being needed, being altruistic) Contribution to the maintenance and development of the group (e.g., sense of helping, being needed, being altruistic in making the contribution)

(Source: Stebbins, 2004, p.64).

As noted (in the introduction chapter of this dissertation), common responses to

unemployment include apathy, anger, anxiety, boredom, depression, dissatisfaction with

life in general, feelings of powerlessness, interpersonal problems, inactivity, isolation,

segregation, withdrawal from social activities, uncertainty about the future, unhappiness,

lowered self-esteem and poor self-perception (Bridge & Gold, 1989; Dorin, 1994; Ezzy,

1993; Frisby et al., 2001; Havitz & Springer, 1993; Havitz, Morden & Samdahl, 2004;

Haworth, 1997; Hill, 1978; Kay, 1989; Martella & Maass, 2000; Neysmtih, Bezanson &

O'Connell, 2005; Reid & Golden, 2005a & 2005b; Reid & Mannell, 1999; Ullah, Banks

& Warr, 1985). The benefits associated with Serious Leisure may be an antidote for the

54

negative effects of unemployment on the individual. Consequently, participating in

Serious Leisure while unemployed, may very likely have the ability to reduce the

negative social, psychological and physical impacts of unemployment on the individual.

This is of particular importance for rural communities where there may be limited access

to and availability of employment opportunities.

Not only do participants benefit from Serious Leisure, but communities benefit as

well. For example, Serious Leisure generates a variety of social worlds, each offering a

profound sense of belonging and participation for the different members; contribute

significantly to communal and societal integration; and has far reaching positive effects

on the general welfare and well-being of the community (Stebbins, 1997b, 1999).

Moreover, the benefits associated with Serious Leisure appear to be an even match for the

negative effects of unemployment on the community (increased violence, crime,

recidivism, rate of imprisonment, size of the prison population, substance abuse, racism

and social tension). Therefore it would appear that by implementing changes to social

policy that would enable individuals who are unemployed to participate in Serious

Leisure as an alternative to the Employment/Work mechanism for social integration there

is the potential to reduce the negative social, psychological, physical and cultural impacts

of unemployment on the community while at the same time making a positive

contribution to self and community. Again, this is of particular importance for rural

communities where there may be limited access to and availability of employment

opportunities; the incorporation of additional strategies for social integration may in turn

increase the health of the individual as well as the sustainability and/or inclusivity of rural

communities that are presently in a state of uncertainty.

55

The collapse of industry and sudden unemployment (for example the closure of a

large automotive plant in Southern Ontario) negatively impacts a community (Winson &

Leach, 2002) and creates two concerns. The first is economic, but the second (and often

overlooked) is social-psychological—'what do I do today if I can't go to the factory'?.

Stebbins' (1982, 2001) notions of Serious Leisure (especially volunteering) are

relevant ideas within Reid's (1995) revised understanding of productivity. Defining

productivity in terms of accomplishment would recognize Serious Leisure's potential role

in the social integration of individuals on SA in rural communities as an alternative

strategy to the conventional wisdom provided by the Employment/Work mechanism.

Furthermore, Serious Leisure, especially volunteering, has the potential to become a

central life interest because it shares many principles with work (commitment, ethos,

rewards, et cetera). Stebbins (2001) explains that Serious Leisure is a dignified and

worthwhile activity that can be pursued as a supplement or replacement to work because

it is "capable of serving as a powerful central life interest with an appealing identity and

lifestyle of its own" (p.76). Reid (1995) prophesized that it is quite possible people will

find their sense of purpose in life from their participation in Serious Leisure as opposed to

work. This prediction is well grounded because Serious Leisure offers a major lifestyle

and identity for its participants and can therefore assist an individual's life construction*

similar to work (Stebbins, 2001). The ability of Serious Leisure to assist individuals with

life construction may be even more important for individuals without employment

because it can offer what Reid and Golden (2005b) refer to as a pre-work structure to life

* Life construction is a term that is commonly referred to but rarely defined. For the purpose of this dissertation, life construction will refer to an individual's construction and perception of self—activities and responsibilities they identify with and want to be identified by—similar to Goffman's (1959) notions of the presentation of self—living each day as actors on the stage.

56

construction. However, Serious Leisure does not have to be a replacement to the

Employment/Work Mechanism for social integration, rather it can be an additional

mechanism to assist those individuals who choose not to work, who are unable to work,

or who do not yet have the skills necessary to enter the workforce—suggesting the

opportunity for choice within the system, rather than substituting one vehicle for another.

Although research has been conducted in the past on the meaning of leisure to

individuals who are on SA or unemployed, further research is necessary to determine the

meaning of Serious Leisure to individuals who are unemployed, the costs and rewards of

their experiences, and the potential of Serious Leisure to be used as an alternative strategy

for social integration in addition to the Employment/Work mechanism. Unlike casual

leisure, Serious Leisure may have the capability to improve the overall well-being and

quality of life of individuals who are unemployed (Stebbins, 2001). Therefore, Serious

Leisure may be a viable alternative to the Employment/Work mechanism to social

integration; however, a Structural Functionalist approach to policy design that focuses

solely on work does not appear to be an appropriate facilitating theory. "If a structuralist-

functionalist view of social processes is taken, leisure can be seen simply as a reflection

of the underlying social order and status quo" (Reid & Mannell, 1999, p. 161). Therefore

Serious Leisure and Structural Functionalism do not appear to be compatible. Serious

Leisure appears to share many properties of work; however, that does not negate that

their activity contributes directly to the economy. Serious Leisure (and other possible

non-work mechanisms for social integration) recognizes the individual within the system

and the duality of the system. Structural Functionalism focuses on all individuals

contributing to the system by engaging in the work force where by little attention if any is

57

paid to the individual or their life conditions provided they are contributing. If they are

not contributing (i.e., unemployed) attention is focused on getting them participating

again as quickly as possible. Serious Leisure could be an additional choice mechanism

for social integration for individuals who are unemployed within an alternative approach

to system organization whereby individuals can choose their own life construct.

Structuration Theory

Out of the criticisms surrounding Structural Functionalism, evolved an alternative

way of conceptualizing system structure. Anthony Giddens developed Structuration

Theory (as know as the Theory of Structuration) in an effort to restore the primacy of the

agent (Swingewood, 1991). Giddens (1979) explains that the theory was developed to fill

a void in the social sciences; the lack of a theory of action. At the time of its creation,

there was a large base of literature covering the purpose, reason and motives of action,

however, these theories did not pay attention to issues such as institutional analysis,

power and social change which are central to the social sciences (Giddens, 1979).

Giddens (1982) defines Structuration Theory as:

A schema for coping with some of the most deeply embedded dilemmas of social theory. The Theory of Structuration is based upon the following claims: that social theory (which I take to be relevant equally to each of the social scientific disciplines: sociology, anthropology, psychology and economics, as well as history) should incorporate an understanding of human behaviours as action; that such an understanding has to be made compatible with a focus upon the structural components of social institutions or societies; and that notions of power and domination are logically, not just contingently, associated with the concepts of action and structure as I conceptualize them (p.29).

Structuration Theory suggests that human agency and social structure are in a relationship

together whereby the acts of the individual agents reproduce structure (Rogers &

Gauntlette, 2003). Structure is conceptualized as "generative rules and resources drawn

58

upon by actors in the production and reproduction of systems of interaction. The key idea

linking production and reproduction is that of the duality of structure, by which I mean

that structure is both the medium of generating interaction and at the same time the

reproduced outcome of it" (Giddens, 1977, p. 14). The constitution of individual agents

and structures represent a duality, rather than a dualism (two independent sets of

phenomena) (Giddens, 1984). Individual concepts of an agent's identity, everyday

activities and experiences (micro-level) are no less important than politics and society

(macro-level); both levels of structure are intertwined (Rogers & Gauntlette, 2003).

Giddens (1982) argues that human beings must be treated as knowledgeable and capable

agents and that they are more than bearers or modes of production (in reference to Marx)

or cultural dopes (in reference to Parsons). Structuration Theory recognizes the

importance of resistance and the possibility of changing the structure. Furthermore,

Structuration Theory emphasizes the importance of individual agents effecting the change

and being involved in the change process. The system is not stagnant.

Integration is a key element of Structuration Theory and Giddens (1979) defines

integration as "the degree of interdependence of action, or systemness, that is involved in

any mode of system reproduction. Integration can be defined therefore as regularised ties,

interchanges or reciprocity of practices between either actors or collectives. Reciprocity

of practices has to be understood as involving regularised relations of relative autonomy

and dependence between the parties concerned" (p.76). Therefore, integration (according

to Structuration Theory) is not synonymous with cohesion or consensus as it is in

Structural Functionalism. Giddens (1979, 1984) further identifies two different types of

integration: social integration and system integration. Social integration is concerned with

59

systemness on the level of face-to-face interaction and the reciprocity between actors

(relations of autonomy and/or dependence) (Giddens, 1979, 1984). Meanwhile, system

integration is concerned with systemness on the level of relations between social systems

or collectives and the reciprocity between groups or collectives (relations of autonomy

and/or dependence) (Giddens, 1979, 1984). Moreover, "the systemness of social

integration is fundamental to the systemness of society as a whole. System integration

cannot be adequately conceptualized via the modalities of social integration; nonetheless

the latter is always the chief prop of the former, via the reproduction of institutions in the

duality of structure" (Giddens, 1979, p.77).

In our society, is there a role to be played by individuals on social assistance? Or

by individuals who are unemployed? Within his view of Structural Functionalism,

Parsons (1951, 1970) believed that social systems consisted of interconnected roles and

the role is what connects the personality of the individuals to the structure of the social

system. Key to this conceptualization is the focus on system rather than the individual

and/or agent. Although Giddens (1979) does not reject the notions of role all together, he

does reject the "idea that social systems can usefully be understood as consisting of roles

or their conjunction; and the associated thesis that role, to quote Parsons, is the primary

point of direct articulation between the personality of the individual and the structure of

the social system" (p. 117). In comparison, Giddens places emphasis on and balances the

agent and/or individual with the system and/or structure. Within Structuration Theory,

social systems are constituted of reproduced practices (not roles) which have to be

regarded as the points of articulation between individual actors and structures (Giddens,

* According to Giddens (1979) face-to-face interaction "emphasizes the significance of space and presence in social relations: in the immediacy of the life-world, social relations can be influenced by different factors from those involved with others who are spatially (and perhaps temporally) absent" (p.77).

60

1979). If an individual's role is not the focus within an approach to system organization,

then individuals who are on SA or unemployed would be able to be included and have a

choice of practices or choice of roles through which practices are exercised or executed—

the Employment/Work mechanism would not be the only vehicle for social integration.

Table 7 clarifies the terminology central to the Structuration Theory (and in particular,

the duality of structure): structure(s), System(s), and Structuration.

Table 7—Key Terminology within the Duality of Structure

The Duality of Structure

Structure(s) System(s) Structuration

Rules and resources, or sets of Reproduced relations between Conditions governing the transformation relations, actors or collectivities, continuity or transmutation of organized as properties of organized as regular social structures, and therefore the social systems practices reproduction of social systems

(Source: Giddens, 1984, p.25)

Unlike Structural Functionalism, Structuration Theory recognizes the possibility

of change and leaves the organismic features to the individual actors within the social

system as systems do not have reason or needs (Giddens, 1979). Within Structuration

Theory, there is room for an individual and/or agent to create a different system or

modify the existing one (i.e., challenging the rules and norms of society and rebelling).

The primary difference between Structural Functionalism and Structuration Theory is the

emphasis on the agent in the latter; however, Giddens (1977) further summarizes the

differences between Structural Functionalism and Structuration Theory in Table 8.

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Table 8—Comparing Structural Functionalism & Structuration Theory

(Structural-)Functionalist Theory Structuration Theory

Basic concepts: A. system B. structure C. function / dysfunction D. manifest / latent functions

Explication A. System = interdependence of action, conceived of as homeostatic causal loops

B. Structure = stable pattern of action C. Function = contribution of system 'part' in promoting integration of system Dysfunction = contribution of system 'part' in promoting disintegration of system D. Manifest function = intended (anticipated) contribution of action to system integration Latent function = unintended (unanticipated) contribution of action to system integration Distinction also in principle applicable to dysfunction

Basic concepts: A. system B. structure C. structuration D. production and reproduction of society

Explication A. System = interdependence of action, conceived of as (i) homeostatic causal loops ; (ii) self-regulation through feedback ; (iii) reflexive self-regulation B. Structure = generative rules and resources C. Structuration = generation of systems of interaction through 'duality of structure'

D. Production and reproduction of society = accomplishment of interaction under bounded conditions of the rationalization of action

Additional concepts: E. Social integration / system integration F. Social conflict / system contradiction

(Source: Giddens, 1977, p. 122)

By placing more emphasis on agency, Structuration Theory frees society (even

individuals on SA) to use a number of tools available to individuals in order to be fully

integrated into society. Structuration Theory creates the possibility for leisure to be

recognized (specifically Serious Leisure) as an additional social integrating mechanism in

addition to the Employment/Work mechanism as the theory is not only interested in the

individual agent's contribution to the whole but rather the duality of the system and

agent. Structuration Theory balances power between system and agency and in doing so

62

promotes individual development as well as system development. Individual agents have

potential to access all tools available to them, rather than being limited to the preferred

Employment/Work mechanism to social integration as would appear to be the case with

Structural Functionalism. Structuration Theory creates a conceptual space for

recognizing the importance of non-work activities such as Serious Leisure—leisure can

build the capacities of the individual to be more influenced by the Structuration Theory

model. This is of particular importance for rural communities where the access to an

availability of employment opportunities and valued resources are limited.

In contrast to Habermas' (1987) conceptualization of the system-world, the life-

world* is a symbolic realm, and can only exist when mutual agreement takes place. "The

lifeworld is the intuitively present, in this sense familiar and transparent, and at the same

time vast and incalculable web of presuppositions that have to be satisfied if an actual

utterance is to be at all meaningful, that is, valid or invalid" (Habermas, 1987, p. 131).

Within a Structuration approach to system organization, Habermas' (1987) life-world

appears to be a model for organizing a social world that would allow for a more flexible

system that would provide for a pluralistic approach to social integration. Furthermore,

Habermas' distinction between life-world and system-world "can provide a framework

for the interpretation of many kinds of social phenomena" (Sumner, 2001, p.6) and by

examining the contrasting social worlds one might be able to understand and interpret the

social integration of individuals on SA in rural communities.

Of Friedmann's (1987) four main macro approaches to planning, Structuration

Theory appears to approach planning and develop policy from a social learning tradition.

* The researcher is not trying to situate Critical Theory within Structuration Theory, or compare Critical Theory to Structuration Theory. Rather, there researcher is discussing the compatibility of Habermas' notions of the lifeworld and Giddens' Structuration theory.

63

Social learning is considered to be a departure from social reform in that it "focuses on

overcoming the contradictions between theory and practice, or knowing and acting" and

it is believed that "knowledge is derived from experience and validated in practice, and

therefore it is integrally a part of action" (Friedmann, 1987, p.81). Unlike social reform

where decisions are made from the elite perspective, social learning affirms that

knowledge "emerges from an ongoing dialectical process in which the main emphasis is

on new practical understanding" (Friedmann, 1987, p.81). Most importantly though,

social learning begins and ends with action (purposeful activity) and its process is

dependent on political strategy (tells us how to overcome resistance), theories of reality

(tells us what the world is like), and the values that inspire and direct action, in addition

to action itself (Friedmann, 1987). Change is embraced within the social learning

tradition. Action is taken to change reality, and knowledge is derived from change.

Within the social learning approach all individuals are considered actors and the term

actors and learners are synonymous. Therefore, within a Structuration Theory approach to

system organization it would appear that planning and policy are developed from a social

learning tradition in that primacy is given to all individual agents within the system

(rather than the system itself) and policy is developed from 'the ground up'.

Furthermore, Reid's (1995) reconceptualization of productivity would be

compatible with Structuration Theory in that an individual agent's productivity would not

be contingent upon his or her participation in the labour market and accumulation of

materialistic objects alone. Therefore, individuals who are unemployed would be seen as

productive members of society and would gain an additional vehicle for social

integration. Individuals would be provided with multiple options for development and all

64

vehicles to social integration would be equally valued. The system's organizational

approach would be structured in such a way that the conditions for which individuals are

marginalized in modern society would be minimized as Structuration Theory addresses

the issue of inequality. Conceptualizing the system within a Structuration Theory

approach would not necessarily remove all margins; however, it would provide access for

individual agents to be included in the larger society. It would appear then that a

Structuration Theory approach to social planning and policy design is advantageous for

the social integration of individuals who are unemployed, as Structuration Theory would

support the use of alternative strategies for social integration such as Serious Leisure. In

using leisure as a vehicle for social integration (in addition to the Employment/Work

mechanism), the sustainability of rural communities and the integration of individuals on

SA in rural communities might be positively advanced. In short, Structuration Theory

would place more influence on human agency and demonstrate to policy makers the

worth of leisure and other possible mechanisms as additional strategies for social

inclusion. Within a Structuration approach to system organization, the intent is not to

replace one mechanism with another, the intent is to have a system that recognizes the

individual agents within the system and to introduce choice into the system—the

opportunity for individuals to choose the type and capacity of contribution and a system

that supports individual choices. It would appear that Serious Leisure (and more

generally leisure) may have a role to play within such a system. It would also appear that

using Serious Leisure as an additional strategy for the social integration in rural

communities would provide individuals on SA and unemployed choice and an additional

65

opportunity when often the resources are limited and the current system offers little to no

choice.

Conceptual Framework

Based on the literature reviewed throughout this Chapter, it would appear that the

current approach to system organization is consistent with Structural Functionalist theory

in that the social assistance programs respond to the system-world (embracing the

Employment/Work mechanism for social integration and delivering its services from a

Workfare model). Figure 1 provides a visual representation of this dissertation's

conceptual framework and a summary of how society operates at the present. The circle

encompassing the system-world and Structural Functionalism is significantly larger than

the circle encompassing the lifeworld of individuals on social assistance because the

system-world takes primacy over the lifeworld within the current Welfare State and

approach to system organization. Likewise, the circle encompassing the lifeworld of

individuals on social assistance is significantly smaller than the circle encompassing the

system-world and Structural Functionalism because the current Welfare State and

approach to system organization excludes some individuals who do not conform to

societal expectations (do not participate in the labour market economy). There is

currently little to no emphasis on the individual and/or agent within the context of

structure.

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Figure 1: The World of Social Assistance

Conceptual Framework The World of Social Assistance

The Life-World Of Individuals OnSA

'Social integration is difficult and impossible for some individuals.

Individual and social pathologies exclude engagement.

The System-World

Structural Functionalism

TheSA System (Workfare)

Responds to System World not Life-World.

Employment/Work mechanism is the sole strategy for social inclusion. Social inclusion/exclusion are based on work. Commodification & accumulation dominate social value system. Planning Policy is developed

on Social Reform model. Limited choice within the system. System contribution is dominant.

Summary

This chapter provided a detailed discussion of the literature and social theory

pertaining to the research problem, goals and objectives. Specifically, the following

topics were discussed: the Historical perspective of work; Work and Social integration;

Work and Social integration in Rural Communities; Structural Functionalism; Leisure

and Social integration; Serious Leisure; and Structuration Theory. Furthermore, each of

these topics shaped the conceptual framework of this dissertation that will guide the

research.

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Chapter III: Research Methodology

This dissertation is an examination of individuals who are unemployed and on S A

and living in a rural town that will be referred to as "Camelot" for the sake of

confidentiality. Included in this chapter is a discussion of the research goals and

objectives, research design, theoretical perspective, research approach, data collection,

data analysis, limitations of the research and a rationale for each decision pertaining to

the research methodology.

Research Goals

The goal of this dissertation is to describe some of the important conditions of

rural poverty and determine if an approach to system organization that emphasizes the

importance of an individual's participation in the labour market economy, provides the

only mechanism for social integration. This dissertation seeks to establish whether an

approach to system organization that emphasizes a more flexible system (that is one

providing for a pluralistic approach to resolving the problem of social integration) would

be more useful to society. With regard to a more flexible approach, the following

questions are asked: Are there other forms of meaningful contributions other than work?

And is there a heightened role for leisure to play in the social engagement of individuals

on social assistance? The outcome of this research is intended to enhance rural social

policy.

Research Objectives

The research objectives were:

• To identify and understand the nuances of rural poverty for individuals on S A.

68

• To determine whether the current approach to system organization is working for

individuals on SA in rural communities.

• To document the perceptions of individuals on SA in rural communities as to

what constitutes a productive and integrated member of rural society.

• To understand how individuals on SA in rural communities perceive the role of

work and leisure activity in their social integration.

• To determine if there are benefits (to the individual and society) of using leisure

as an additional tool to work for the social integration of individuals on SA in

rural communities.

• To determine the barriers to using leisure as an additional tool to work for the

social integration of individuals on SA in rural communities.

Theoretical Perspective

This dissertation adopts an interpretivistic paradigm.

"From the interpretivist point of view, what distinguishes human (social) action from the movement of physical objects is that the former is inherently meaningful. Thus, to understand a particular social action (e.g. friendship, voting, marrying, teaching), the inquirer must grasp the meanings that constitute the action. To say that human action is meaningful is to claim either that it has a certain intentional content that indicates the kind of action it is and/or that what an action means can be grasped only in terms of the system of meaning to which it belongs" (Schwandt,2000,p.l91).

In essence, interpretivistic research searches for an understanding of how the world

operates (Creswell, 2003) and attempts to make sense of and/or interpret the meaning

others hold about how the world operates and/or functions. Interpretivism research relies

on participants' perceptions of the study situation to determine the emergent themes and

the meaning associated with the situation. To understand a particular social action, the

researcher must understand the meanings that constitute the action (Schwandt, 2000).

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Therefore, in an interpretivistic study the role of the researcher is to position themselves

within the research and acknowledge how their interpretations will be influenced by their

personal (race, gender, education, socio-economic status, et cetera) experiences and

world view.

An interpretivistic paradigm was appropriate for this dissertation because it

provided an understanding of what being unemployed and on SA in a rural community is

like in addition to being sensitive to the world view of the individuals in that situation.

Interpretivism is similar in nature to Max Weber's notions of Verstehen (intuitive

understanding), which in essence is the sole purpose of qualitative research.

Research Approach

An instrumental case study relying on qualitative research was used in this

dissertation. In general, a case may be a person, group, organization, incident, event, or

geographic unit (Stake, 2000; Neuman, 1997; Paton, 1990) and therefore a case study

takes an in depth look at a specific situation over the duration of a specific time span or

throughout a specific event or process (Creswell, 2003). Therefore, a case study is a

technique used by researchers to study individuals in their unique setting or situation in

an intense and detailed manner (Salkind, 2000). Moreover, a case study involves

"systematically gathering enough information about a particular person, social setting,

event or group to permit the researcher to effectively understand how it operates or

functions" (Berg, 1998, p.212). An instrumental case study allowed the researcher to

determine the conditions of rural poverty for individuals on SA and whether or not the

Employment/Work mechanism to social integration is effective in socially integrating

them into their rural community.

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Within an instrumental case study, a particular issue is studied in order to

"provide insight into an issue or to redraw a generalization. The case is of secondary

interest, it plays a supportive role, and it facilitates our understanding of something else"

(Stake, 2000, p.437). The case is still examined in depth, its contents scrutinized and its

ordinary activities detailed in order to help the researcher pursue and understand the

external interest (Stake, 2000); the case becomes a vehicle to better understand the

broader issue (Creswell, 1998). The cases in this dissertation were the individuals on SA

in the research site and the broader issue or phenomenon examined was the process of

social integration. As more than one case will be examined, the collection of instrumental

cases will form a collective case study. For reasons of confidentiality, the research site in

this study will be referred to as Camelot.

The instrumental case study allowed the researcher to examine the individual

cases (individuals on SA in Camelot) and in doing so, gain insight and understanding of

the issue of social integration and the possibility of using leisure as an additional strategy

for fostering an integrated system.

Research Design

A qualitative approach to data collection and analysis was used in the design of

this dissertation. Qualitative research can be defined as "an inquiry process of

understanding based on distinct methodological traditions of inquiry that explore a social

or human problem. The researcher builds a complex, holistic picture, analyzes words,

reports detailed views of informants, and conducts the study in a natural setting"

(Creswell, 1998, p. 15). Differing from quantitative research, qualitative methods use

words to describe and explain human behaviour and relationships. More specifically,

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Table 9 presents the distinguishing characteristics of quantitative and qualitative

approaches to this research.

Table 9—Distinguishing Characteristics of Quantitative & Qualitative Approaches

Question

What is the purpose of the research?

What is the nature of the research process?

What are the methods of data collection? What is the form of reasoning used in analysis? How are the findings communicated?

Quantitative

To explain and predict To confirm and validate To test theory Outcome-oriented Focused Known variables Established guidelines Static design Context-free Detached view Representative, large sample Standardized instruments Deductive analysis

Numbers Statistics, aggregated data Formal voice, scientific style

Qualitative

To describe and explain To explore and interpret To build theory Process-oriented Holistic Unknown variables Flexible guidelines Emergent design Context-bound Personal view Informative, small sample Observations, interviews Inductive analysis

Words Narratives, individuals questions Personal voice, literary style

(Source: Leedy, 1997, p.106)

"Qualitative researchers study things in their natural setting, attempting to make

sense of or interpret a phenomena in terms of the meaning people bring to them"

(Creswell, 1998, p. 15). Moreover, in qualitative research, the researcher is perceived as

the primary research instrument because the bulk of data collection is dependent on the

researcher's personal involvement in the setting (participant interviews or observations)

(Leedy, 1997). Qualitative research was the most appropriate method to gather the rich,

in-depth first hand accounts of the individuals on SA who participated in this

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dissertation's personal experiences with unemployment and social integration in their

rural community.

Data Collection

Site

Camelot is the pseudonym assigned to the rural community in which the cases in

this dissertation were sampled. Camelot is located within the province of Ontario and is

predominantly English speaking. According to the 2001 Census Data Camelot has a

population of 2,713 residents and a population density of 10 people per square kilometre

(Statistics Canada, 2001). The average age of residents in Camelot is 36.4 and largest

population demographic is the 25-44 years of age cohort comprising 24.9% of the total

population (Statistics Canada, 2001). This percentage is lower that the average for the

province of Ontario (30.8%), however, it is significantly higher than the other age cohorts

within Camelot.

When last measured in 2001, Camelot's unemployment rate was 2.4% which was

considerably lower than the provincial average of 6.5% at the time (Statistics Canada,

2001). The primary labour force in Camelot is agriculture and other resource-based

industries (34%) and 40% of the population work from home. This percentage is

considerably higher than the provincial averages which are 3% and 7% respectively

(Statistics Canada, 2001). All median family incomes in Camelot are lower than the

provincial average (Statistics Canada, 2001).

The majority (64%) of adults living in Camelot aged 15 and older are married and

the number of married men and women are equal (Statistics Canada, 2001) suggesting

that the majority of registered marriages are between members of the opposite sex. Table

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10 provides a more detailed breakdown of the family dynamic of Camelot in comparison

the province of Ontario.

Table 10—Family Dynamic Comparison

Total number of families Married-Couple Families Common-Law Couple Families Lone-Parent Families

Of the 45 lone-Parent Families Female Lone-Parent Families Male Lone-Parent Families

Camelot #

745 640 55 45

35 10

%

85.9 7 6

77 22

Province of Ontario #

3,190,990 2,406,340 298,540 486,105

401,240 84,860

%

75.4 9 15

82 17

(Source: Statistics Canada, 2001).

Camelot was selected as the research site for this dissertation for the following

three reasons: (1) the community adhered to the chosen definition of rural (population

density of 10 people per square kilometre); (2) the researcher had an established

relationship with the Community Resource Centre which provided services to individuals

on SA in this and other surrounding rural communities; and (3) the community was

within commuting distance of the University of Guelph, which allowed the researcher the

opportunity to visit the site frequently during data collection and analysis.

Sample

Participants were purposively sampled for this dissertation. Purposive sampling

(also known as theoretical sampling) is defined as "selecting groups or categories to study

on the basis of their relevance to your research questions, your theoretical framework,

your analytical practice, and most importantly the explanation or account which you are

developing" (Mason, 1996, p.94). The logic behind purposive sampling is to select

participants that will enable the researcher to make meaningful comparisons in relation to

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the research goals, objectives, theory and the type of explanation she wishes to develop

(Mason, 1996). Purposive sampling was an appropriate strategy for this dissertation

because unique cases that are especially informative and include members of a difficult-

to-reach population were selected (Neuman, 1997).

Qualitative research samples are usually smaller than quantitative samples "for

practical reasons to do with the costs, especially in terms of time and money, of

generating and analysing qualitative data" (Mason, 1996, p.96). Stake (2000) suggests

choosing one or a small number of cases that you can learn from. It is the researcher's

experience that working with individuals on SA requires a substantial commitment and is

physically and emotionally taxing. Furthermore, these data collected from the cases

studied are rich in detail and consumes a considerable amount of time to analyze.

Six in-depth cases were developed in order to better understand the issue of social

integration of individuals on SA in rural communities. Although individuals on SA are

not homogeneous, to reduce the heterogeneity of the sample to better ensure case

manageability, case selection criteria was established. The criteria on which cases were

selected were as follows:

• individuals were not working in the market economy—unemployed;

• Individuals were eligible and receiving some form of social assistance—Welfare,

ODSP, CPP, CPPD, Widows Allowance, et cetera.

• individuals were living in Camelot or the surrounding 'outskirts';

• individuals were single, separated, divorced, or widowed;

• individuals were English speaking;

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• individuals had a relationship with and were known to staff at The Community

Resource Centre; and

• Staff from The Community Resource Centre believed the individuals were willing

to participate in the research.

In past research projects, the outreach coordinator for the Community Resource

Centre acted as a gatekeeper and agreed to do so again for this dissertation. The

gatekeeper contacted eleven individuals on SA that met the basic case selection criteria

and explained the general premise of this dissertation to them. If individuals were

interested in learning more about the research, then the gatekeepers asked if they could

share the participant's contact information (first name and telephone number) with the

researcher.

Verbal consent was received from eleven potential participants. Once participant

information was assembled, the researcher attempted to contact eight of the eleven

prospective participants by telephone. Of the eight prospective participants, one had

moved out of Camelot, one's telephone number was no longer in service, one never

answered the researcher's telephone calls or returned messages left, one was on

employment insurance (EI) and did not think he would be a suitable case for the

dissertation, and one was interested in participating but declined as he was too busy

caring for a terminally ill family member. The other three participants (Amanda, Jared,

and Adrienne) who were initially contacted by telephone agreed to participate.

Three prospective participants (Jill, Alice and Megan) did not have a telephone

and lived in remote parts of Camelot. The gatekeeper spoke with Jill during one of her

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regularly scheduled visits and stopped by Alice and Megan's farm house to ask in person

if they would participate. All three individuals agreed to participate.

During the initial contact with the prospective participants, the overall focus of

the dissertation (including the goals and objectives) as well as data collection procedures,

issues of confidentiality and anonymity, and ethical considerations were explained. If the

individual was willing to participate, arrangements were made for the first researcher-

participant interview. All six agreed to participate following the initial contact.

Of the six individual case participants (five female; one male), three participants

were on OW (Jared, Jill, and Amanda), one had been on OW but was now on ODSP

(Megan), one was on ODSP (Alice), and one had been on ODSP but was suspended

because it was determined that she already received too much assistance (Adrienne) and

is now receiving widows allowance and a disability pension. At the commencement of

the study, participants had been on SA anywhere from three months to three years,

although one participant explained that she had been on and off assistance for over five

years (but she was not certain of the total time she had been on assistance) and another

explained that although she had only been on OW for the past nine months, she had

previously been on Mothers Allowance years ago when her children were younger.

Monthly incomes ranged from $525 to $969 with the individual case participants on

ODSP were earning the most and the individuals on OW were earning the least. The

average monthly income was approximately $722. Individual case participants ranged in

age from 25 to 58 with an average age of 47.6. Although all participants were single,

three were widowed (Amanda, Jill, and Adrienne), one was unofficially living common

law with her boyfriend (Alice), one was living at home with his mother and step-father

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who were on ODSP (Jared), two had dependent children living with them (Adrienne and

Amanda), and four were pet owners (Alice, Jill, Amanda and Megan) who had caregiving

responsibilities and/or dependent that were not children—three of whom had more than

one animal dependent. All of the individual case participants were smokers; however,

Jared was the only one who did not smoke while in my presence. Five of the individual

cases participated for the entire duration of the collection of these data. Amanda was the

only participant who was unable (for psychological and emotional reasons) to participate

beyond the first interview. Details of the barriers preventing Amanda from participating

will be discussed in more detail in the following chapter.

Participant Interviews

The primary means of data collection were in-depth face-to-face semi-structured

interviews with key informants. Semi-structured interviews are flexible and adaptable

(Howe, 1988) and relatively informal in style (Manson, 1996). These interviews are

conversational in nature and have been referred to as conversations with a purpose

(Burgess, 1984). Rather than a structured list of questions, the researcher will have a

range of topics, themes or issues to discuss as interviews will follow a thematic, topic-

centred, biographical or narrative approach (Mason, 1996). Interview themes are

discussed in more detail later in this chapter. According to Denzin (1989), "a good

interview is simply putting into practice what every good conversationalist knows how to

do. An interview, that is, should be conversation, a give-and-take between two persons"

(p.42).The interview process was designed to engage the participants so they would be

reflective and forthcoming with information and insight.

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The interview process allowed for more open-ended questions and participants

were encouraged to elaborate on their responses to ensure they are properly understood

(Brym, 1998). If the purpose of interviewing is to "find out what is in and on someone

else's mind", then the purpose of open-ended interview questions is to not plant things in

someone's mind "but to access the perspectives of the person being interviewed" (Paton,

1990, p.278).

This interview format allowed the researcher the opportunity to interact naturally

with the research participants and focus on the hows and whats of the participants' lives

(Fontana & Frey, 2000). Furthermore the semi-structured interview technique allows the

researcher to "describe personal outcomes or the meaning and role of leisure in the lives

of the subjects as expressed in their own terms and from their own perspective" (Howe,

1988, p.305). Mason (1996) recommends researchers use qualitative interviewing as a

data collection strategy if:

• Your ontological position suggests that people's knowledge, views, understandings, interpretations, experiences, and interactions are meaningful properties of the social reality which your research questions are designed to explore;

• Your epistemological position suggests that a legitimate way to generate data on these ontological properties is to interact with people, to talk to them, to listen to them, and to gain access to their accounts and articulations;

• Your view of the ways in which social explanations can be constructed lays emphasis on depth, complexity and roundedness in data, rather than the kind of broad surveys of surface patterns which, for example questionnaires might provide;

• You wish to conceptualize yourself as active and reflexive in the process of data generation, rather than as a neutral data collector, and you are going to analyse your role within the process;

• Rather than more pragmatically, the data you want may not feasibly be available in any other form, so that asking people for their accounts, talking and listening to them and so on, is the only way to get at what you are interested in;

• You may indeed wish to use qualitative interviewing as just one of several methods to explore your research questions;

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• You may have a particular view of research ethics and politics which means that you believe interviewees should be given more freedom in and control of the interview situation than is permitted with structured approaches, (p.39-42)

All of the above points articulated by Mason (1996) apply to this research and are

reasons for choosing to use interviewing as the primary data collection strategy.

Therefore, it was to the researcher's advantage to use in-depth semi-structured thematic

interviews in an effort to accomplish the aforementioned research goals.

Each of the individual cases participating in this dissertation were offered the

opportunity to participate in a form of Serious Leisure (volunteering) in an effort to

determine the benefits and constraints of using leisure as a social integration strategy in

their rural community. Each participant was asked what volunteer interests they had and

if they would seek out a similar volunteer opportunity and pair up with a rural service

agency/non-profit organization of their choosing in Camelot. The gatekeeper compiled a

list of agencies and/or organizations in Camelot that were looking for volunteers for the

research to share with participants if they expressed interest. The participants were

responsible for contacting the rural service agency/non-profit organization and making all

volunteer arrangements. Furthermore, each participant was encouraged to volunteer at

least once, although ongoing and/or regular participation would have been optimal for

analyzing the role of leisure and/or Serious Leisure in the social integration process.

Occasional and/or one-time volunteering may be a form of leisure for the participant;

however, it does not qualify as Serious Leisure. The researcher's preference was for

participants to volunteer for at least one hour, once a week for one month as volunteering

for that amount of time would ensure the participants had an opportunity to fully

experience the benefits as well as any constraints of using Serious Leisure (volunteerism)

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as an additional social integration strategy. The research also originally believed that one

hour, once a week for one month would be a manageable commitment for the people on

SA participating in this dissertation.

After re-examining the concept of participant volunteering, two different

volunteer opportunities were in fact offered to the individual case participants: 1)

volunteering in the community (social); and 2) volunteering in this research project

(psychological). As previously mentioned, five individual case participants (Jared, Jill,

Alice, Megan, and Adrienne) completed the data collection portion of the research and

therefore participated in the psychological volunteer opportunity. As for the social

volunteer opportunity, only three officially sought out volunteer opportunities within the

community (Jared volunteered at the literacy centre, Alice volunteered as a driver for the

Community Resource Centre, and Jill went through the application process to volunteer

at the thrift store); however, Jill did not end up volunteering at the thrift store for reasons

that will be discussed in the following chapter. While only two individual case

participants officially sought out new community volunteer opportunities, three

participants were already offering a social service to the community at the beginning of

data collection and/or continued offering the service during the data collection portion of

the dissertation. For example: Adrienne cooked meals for neighbours, for the workers

replacing the shingles on her roof, and for the people using her property during hunting

season. Jill was helping to clean and do inventory at the corner store in exchange for food

when the study began but was let go due to financial constraints midway through the data

collection process. Jill later offered assistance at the Community Resource Centre's

satellite office on a few occasions towards the end of the data collection process. Amanda

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was the chair of the tenant's association at her social housing complex and volunteered

lifting boxes for the elderly volunteers at the local foodbank.

In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with the individual case

participants. The researcher's original plan was to interview participants at least three

times before their [initial] volunteer experience to collect background information,

establish a level of trust, and to discuss the initial meeting with the volunteer coordinators

from the respective rural service agency/non-profit organization. Then if the research

participants chose to volunteer more than once, additional interviews would be conducted

during the volunteer experience. The researcher would conclude the process by

interviewing participants twice after their [final] volunteer experience or at the end of the

data collection process, which ever came first.

The number of interactions* with each participant varied and ranged from ten to

fourteen, with twelve being the average number of interactions; however, the number of

actual interviews (either in person or over the telephone) ranged from one to nine with an

average of six interviews per individual case participant. Because the level of

participation amongst individual cases varied, the number of interviews and/or

interactions varied; however, the same interview themes were explored with each of the

five individual cases who participated for the duration of the study. Those who

volunteered in a community and/or social setting were interviewed during and after their

volunteer experience; while those who did not volunteer in a community and/or social

setting where still interviewed before, during and after their participation in this research

project.

* The word interaction is used here as this number includes all contact with individual case participants (e.g., interviews, telephone conversations, and quick visits).

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The original plan was also to interview the volunteer coordinators from the

respective rural service agency/non-profit organization at which each individual case

participant volunteered. For example, volunteer coordinators would be interviewed once

prior to the volunteer experience (but following their initial meeting individual case

participant), once following the final volunteer experience, and preferably once during

the volunteer experience if the individual case participant chose to volunteer more than

once. However, this did not transpire. Of the individual case participants who officially

volunteered or made an official attempt to begin a new volunteer experience in a

community and/or social setting, two of the individuals (Jared and Jill) did not want the

organization to know that they were on SA. Both had told the organizations that they

were currently unemployed and adjusting to their new situation (both being new to

Camelot, Jill being a recent widow, and Jared being a new college graduate). Despite the

fact that both Jill and Jared were on OW and could have received credit for their

volunteer contribution, both opted not to tell their volunteer coordinators that they were

on SA in an effort to avoid the negative stigma attached to welfare. Both were firm in

their decision and in respecting their wishes, the researcher decided to not pursue the

volunteer coordinator interviews.

Informal conversations took place between the gatekeepers and the researcher on

a regular basis, either in person, over the telephone or through e-mail. Individual case

participants (whether they were still participating, whether or not they had found a

volunteer placement, and whether or not either of us had an update to share) as well as

the progress of the dissertation and the data collection process (but not the detailed

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information collected in each interviews though) were discussed during these informal

conversations between the researcher and the gatekeepers.

Data collection took six months and spanned from August 2006 to February 2007

inclusive. Knowing the geographic area and Camelot's reputation for winter weather, the

researcher chose to start data collection over the summer, continue through the fall

months and wrapped the process up in the early winter. Six months was the appropriate

amount of time to establish a trusting relationship with each of the individual case

participants, for each participant to explore their volunteer options within Camelot and

the surrounding area and for them to choose whether or not they were going to volunteer

in the community, and for me to interview participants and explore each of the interview

themes with them in depth. From February through to March 2007, the researcher took

the time to wrap up the data collection process by slowly withdrawing my self from the

individual case participants' lives (visiting and calling less frequently, explaining after

each week that there will not be many more interviews and/or visits needed, explaining

the next steps of my dissertation and that their role is almost done, et cetera) in an effort

to find closure with each of the participants. At the commencement of the data collection

process, commitment was made to provide participants a copy of the research findings

upon completion of the dissertation.

There is no standard qualitative interview length. Ultimately the length of any

given interview will depend on the interview format and the respondent's personality

characteristics. It is common for interviews to last an hour in length (Neuman, 1997) and

past interviews with individuals on SA lasted anywhere from one to three hours (Reid &

Golden, 2005a & 2005b). Interviews with the individual case participants in this

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dissertation lasted anywhere from one to four hours depending on the interviewee and the

ground to be covered in each interview, with an average time of 1.75 hours per interview.

A list of interview themes was created for the interviews with the individual case

participants. The interview themes acted as a guide to ensure consistency, and served as a

checklist in an attempt to guarantee that all relevant topics were discussed (Paton, 1990).

The guide was designed to explore and answer questions specific to the research problem,

goal and objectives (Gubrium & Sankar, 1994). The interview themes were organized in

such a manner that the interview process started with a few general questions (mainly

demographic and descriptive in nature) and gradually more specific questions relevant to

the participant's current experience and/or situation. The following interview themes

were explored during the interviews with the individual case participants*:

1. Current issues affecting the lives of individuals on social assistance (SA) in Camelot;

2. Breakdown of a typical day; 3. Social support in the lives of individuals on SA in Camelot; 4. Notions of productivity (general definition and personal application); 5. Notions of social integration and feeling of belongingness within their

community; 6. Perception of choice and control in their life; 7. Meaning of work; 8. Perceptions of the Employment/Work mechanism used for social integration; 9. Meaning of leisure; 10. Perceptions of leisure as a social integration strategy; 11. The benefits of using leisure as a social integration strategy in a rural community;

and 12. The constraints of using leisure as a tool for the social integration in a rural

community.

* Interview themes 1-4, 7 and 9 are adopted from Reid and Golden's (2005b) research.

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The above interview themes were developed to guide the interview discussion,

operationalize the research goals and objectives, and add structure to the collection,

reporting and analysis of data.

All participants completed a participant profile so a record of participant contact

information as well as basic demographic information was established. Refer to

Appendix A for a copy of the Participant Profile.

Some interviews were conducted at the participants' homes and others at the local

coffee shop where any refreshments were paid for by the researcher. Individual case

participant preferences determined the location of each interview. In respecting the

privacy of individual case participants, pseudonyms were assigned to all individuals, staff

and/or personnel, the rural community, and all community organizations.

Handwritten notes were taken during all interviews and later typed. No audio or

video record was made of the participant interviews. The researcher decided to refrain

form audio taping participant interviews because in her previous experience working with

individuals who are financially marginalized and SA that individuals are apprehensive to

divulge personal and intimate details about their lives when being audio recorded for fear

the information on tape could be used against them at a later date. Therefore, in an effort

to establish trust (which is of the uttermost importance when interviewing vulnerable

individuals such as the individual case participants in this dissertation), the researcher

opted to ask the participants' permission to overtly take notes during the interview

sessions. For the most part the research used short form and acronyms when recording

notes during the interviews and would regularly pause before moving on the a new

86

question to ensure key phrases and points had been captured. The researcher had five

years experience taking notes in this manner and has become quite skilled at it.

It was the researcher's intent to have the individual case participants verify the

accuracy of the information captured in the interviews by reviewing the typed interview

transcripts before beginning analysis. However, when the researcher asked the

participants at the beginning of data collection if they would be able to review the

transcripts and/or interview notes once they were typed to verify the details, none felt it

was necessary. One participant (Jared) expressed interest in receiving a copy of the notes

from his interview so he could use them in his life documentary, however, did not feel it

necessary to validate these data. To further attempt to ensure accuracy of the information

collected during the participant interviews, the researcher regularly asked the individual

case participants for confirmation of the information recorded and/or documented during

the interview. For example the researcher would read back long responses to double

check that message she had heard was the message the individual case participant had

intended to send. In presenting these data, the research has included direct quotes

throughout the analysis chapter; and there are a number of lengthy quotes included in the

individual case narratives. The researcher has refrained from placing the long passages

from the interviews within quotations as they may not be 100% verbatim; however, the

participant quotes and interview passages included throughout this dissertation were

verified during the interview process and are an accurate depiction of the individual case

participants' perceptions and responses.

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Participant Observation

Participant observation also provided a rich data source and was used as an

additional means of data collection. Participant observation is the researcher's

observations of a specific instance, interactions, event, et cetera and more often than not,

the researcher will become a part of the situation being observed (Leedy, 1997).

Mason (1996) recommends researchers use qualitative observation as a data

collection strategy if:

• You have an ontological perspective which sees interactions, actions and behaviours and the way people interpret these, act on them , and so on, as central...you may be interested in a range of dimensions of the social world, including daily routines, conversations, language and rhetoric used, styles of behaviours, the active construction of documents and texts in certain settings and so on;

• You have an epistemological position which suggests that knowledge or evidence of the social world can be generated by observing, or participating in, or experiencing 'natural' or 'real life' settings, interactive situations and so on;

• Your view of the ways in which social explanations can be constructed—in common with advocates of qualitative interviewing—lays emphasis on depth, complexity and roundedness in data, rather than surface analysis of broad patterns, or direct comparisons of 'like with like';

• You are highly likely to conceptualize yourself as active and reflexive in the process, not least because of the premium placed on the experiential nature of this form of data generation;

• Your assessment is that the kind of data you require are not available in any other forms or ways;

• You may use observation as one of several methods to explore your research questions;

• You may feel it is more ethical to enter into and become involved in the social world of those you research to gain understanding, than to attempt to 'stand outside' by using other methods, (p.61-63)

All of the above points apply to this dissertation and are reasons for choosing to

use observation as a secondary data collection strategy. Therefore, it was to the

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researcher's advantage to use participant observation to accomplish the aforementioned

research goals.

Observational techniques are often paired with participant interviews "to note

body language and other gesture cues that lend meaning to the words of the person being

interviews" (Angrosino & de Perez, 2000, p.673). Participants' behaviours and means of

non-verbal communications when meeting alone and/or in the privacy of the

interviewee's home were observed and noted. When meeting with participants in public

places, the behaviours and means of non-verbal communication of the research

participants as well as the general public (wait staff, other customers, et cetera) were

observed, recorded and later analysed. Specifically, the following four types of non­

verbal communications were recorded (a) proxemic communication (the use of space to

communicate attitude); (b) chronemics communication (the pacing of speech and the

length of silences in a conversation); (c) kinesic communication (body movements and

postures); and (d) paralinguistic communication (variations in volume, pitch and quality

of voice) (Fontana & Frey, 2000). Details about the individual case participant's physical

appearance (neatness, dress, hairstyle, et cetera) were noted because although they may

be classed based assumptions, "they express messages that can affect social interaction"

(Neuman, 1997, p.362). All of these points of observation were included in an

observation rubric and used to help organize these data collected (in addition to the

researcher's fieldwork journal). Refer to Appendix B for a copy of the Participant

Observation Rubric.

The social information, feelings and attitudes (Neuman, 1997) of the individual

case participants and the people who live in Camelot that interact with the individual case

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participants in public places were recorded. This provided rich data capture as the cases

not only include what was said during the interviews, but also what occurred and/or

physically transpired.

Recording Data

"Regardless of the circumstances, researchers ought to (a) take notes regularly

and promptly; (b) write everything down, no matter how unimportant it may seem at the

time; (c) try to be as inconspicuous as possibly in note taking; and (d) analyze their notes

frequently" (Fontana & Frey, 2000, p.656). Notes were overtly taken during the

interviews, expanded upon immediately following the interviews, and revisited again a

few hours following the interviews, in an effort to recall as much information as possible

and reflect on the interview while its details were still fresh. For individuals who are

unemployed and on SA, a lack of privacy is an ongoing issue (Reid & Golden, 2005a &

2005b), therefore to respect participants' privacy and encourage them to speak more

freely, interviews were not audio or video tape recorded.

A fieldwork journal was kept throughout the research process. The journal was

used to record interview notes, observations, and reflection, as well as initial

interpretations and analysis.

Anonymity & Confidentiality

In order to maintain confidentiality and anonymity, only the researcher had access

to these raw data. All research participants and sites were assigned pseudonyms. All data

collected and all written findings referred to the participants and sites by their assigned

pseudonyms. The researcher had sole access to the participants' real names and when not

being used, all data was kept in a locked filling cabinet in the researcher's home office.

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These data will be stored for a period of five years, after which time it will be shredded

and destroyed.

Ethical Concerns

"Qualitative researchers are guests in the private space of the participants' world.

Their manners should be good and their code of ethics strict" (Stake, 1994, p.244). An

Application to Involve Human Participants in Research and a subsequent change request

form was submitted to the University of Guelph's Research Ethics Board. Ethical

clearance was received on July 13, 2006.

"It is imperative that great caution be exercised to minimize the risks" (Stake,

1994, p.244). Full disclosure was an important element of this thesis and all participants

were informed of the purpose of the project prior to beginning any interviews. Permission

was given to take notes during the interview sessions and participants were made aware

that the researcher would also make reflection notes following each interview.

Verbal informed consent was received from each of the individual case

participants. Seeking verbal consent from these participants was preferred over written

release because of the mistrust many individuals on SA have for the system and the

appearance of a quasi-legal document could act as a barrier to participation.

The researcher briefly reviewed the purpose of the research project with all

individual case participants and received verbal consent before beginning each interview

throughout the duration of the project. Participants were reminded that their participation

was voluntary and that they could refrain from answering any questions they preferred

not to answer, discontinue an interview at anytime, and/or withdraw from the research

project at anytime without consequence.

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Data Analysis

There will be three layers of analysis performed in this research project: (a) in­

case analysis; (b) cross-case analysis; and (c) structural/system analysis.

In-Case Analysis

Case analysis involves, "organizing the data by specific cases for in-depth study"

(Paton, 1990, p.384). In-case analysis allowed the researcher to better understand the

individual cases. Analysis of the individual cases included: (a) Reading through the

handwritten notes collected during participant observation and interviews, the

construction of margin notes, and formation of initial codes; (b) Description of the cases

and their context; (c) Categorical aggregation and establishment of patterns of categories;

(d) Direct interpretation and development of naturalistic generalizations; and (e) the

presentation of these data in narrative form (augmented by tables and figures) (Creswell,

1998).

Thematic analysis was conducted where by open and axial coding was applied to

these data. It should be noted however, that although coding techniques traditionally

associated with grounded theory were employed, this is not a grounded theory study.

Open coding is the "process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing,

and categorizing data" (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p.61). Open coding was performed

during the first pass through of data collected, whereby initial themes were located and

assigned labels as the first attempt to condense the large amount of data into categories

(Neuman, 1997). In essence, open coding is line-by-line coding (Charmaz, 2000) that

allows for bringing the themes to the surface from deep inside these data (Neuman,

1997).

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Axial coding consists of "a set of procedures whereby data are put back together

in new ways after open coding by making connections between categories" (Strauss &

Corbin, 1990, p.96). Main themes and/or categories in these data as well as their

properties and/or patterns were identified (Neuman, 1997). Axial coding helped to

strengthen the emerging theories by making them more complex and precise (Charmaz,

2000).

The initial codes used during the in-case analysis were consistent with the

interview themes; however, additional codes emerged as the analysis progressed. The

approach to analysis is discussed in further detail in the following chapter.

Cross-Case Analysis

The interview themes explored with each of the individual case participants

interviewed were compared to determine similarities and differences between cases.

Cross-case analysis was conducted in order to determine whether or not generalizations

from the individual cases could be made in an effort to explain the phenomenon of rural

poverty and best practices for the social integration of individuals who are unemployed in

rural communities.

A conditional matrix was used during the analysis of data to develop and visually

portray the socio-cultural, historical and economic conditions affecting the phenomena

(Creswell, 1998). A conditional matrix is a way of organizing, thinking about, and

presenting qualitative data (Paton, 1990). Moreover, the matrix allowed me to map the

"conditions and consequences related to the phenomenon or category" (Charmaz, 2000,

p.516). The researcher developed a matrix similar to that used by Reid and Mannell

(1992) and Reid and Golden (2005a & 2005b) in their work on employment and leisure

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and individuals who are unemployed respectively. This approach to organizing and

presenting these data sharpens the explanations and predictions about the phenomena in

the study (Charmaz, 2000).

System Analysis

A third layer of analysis in this dissertation was the critical analysis of the

individual case participants' perceptions of social integration in rural communities and

the current system in place. For the individual case participants, the system refers to both

the social assistance program on which they rely for their financial sustenance (e.g. policy

makers, government offices, program staff, et cetera) as well as society at large. The

individual case participants' perceptions of the system were analyzed to further

understand the nuances of rural poverty, determine whether the current approach to

system organization (Structural Functionalism) is working for individuals on SA in rural

communities, and understand how individuals on SA in rural communities perceive

themselves within the system. Individual case participants' testimonies as well as

personal observations were used to analyze the system.

In addition to the individual case participants' perceptions of the system, an

analysis of the manifest* and latent* functions of the current Welfare State and it affiliated

social assistance programs was conducted to determine whether or not the larger system

and current approach to system organization (which follows the Structural Functionalist

theory) are functional or dysfunctional* for individuals on SA in rural communities. As

* A manifest function of a phenomenon is the direct, conscious, deliberate, overt, intended or obvious result of its being put into action. * A latent function of a phenomenon is indirect, unconscious, unintended, occurs as a result of the action, and is not always obvious or recognized. * "Those structures that help the system adapt to its environment are said to be functional; those that impede such adaptation are labeled dysfunctional" (Allahar, 1986, p.25-26).

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identified in Chapter 2, it would appear that the current Welfare State and its affiliated

social assistance programs have the following manifest functions:

• To provide temporary financial assistance to individuals experiencing unemployment until such time that the individual recipient is able to re-engage in the labour market.

• To reduce dependency on government and assist individual recipients in becoming independent and productive members of society.

• To encourage all members of society to be employed and to contribute the system (via paid employment and the labour market).

• To focus on results and put people first. • To actively create opportunity for Canadians and, in doing so, help drive

economic growth. • To enable all Canadians to obtain a fair and equal opportunity to exploit their

talents, lead fulfilling lives, and experience the dignity of work. • To provide individuals the tools they need to move into the job market with

confidence, and become self-sufficient.

The system analysis will draw in these data collected from the individual case

participants in this dissertation to identify the latent function and dysfunctions of the

Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs and determine whether or not

the systems functions outweigh its dysfunctions.

Limitations

The possibility of Hawthorne Effect* could be considered a limitation of this

research by some. An artificial condition was introduced into the lives of the individual

case participants in this dissertation; however, it is not believed to be the Hawthorne

Effect. Although it may be true that most of the individual case participants would not

have volunteered had they not be involved in my research project, whether they would or

would not have volunteered without my intervention is not the focus of this dissertation.

Rather, the focus was on exploring the volunteer experiences and meaningfulness for

'Hawthorne effect—"improvement in performance resulting from the interest expressed by researchers and knowledge that the activity is being measured" (The New Lexicon Webster's Encyclopedia Dictionary, 1988, p.444).

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individuals on S A in rural communities and what happens during and/or as a result of the

volunteer experience.

The sample size might also be perceived as a limitation by some; however,

although there were only six individual case participants in this research, these data

collected were rich in detail. Furthermore, the sample size was realistic considering the

complexity of the individual cases. Individual case participants were dealing with

multiple issues and had the research sample been larger, the researcher would not have

been able to devote the attention to each participant necessary and therefore the overall

quality of the research would have suffered.

The most notable limitation of this dissertation would likely be the researchers

position within the research—researcher bias. The researcher found it difficult trying to

maintain and balance critical distance while developing close relationships and expecting

individual case participants to share intimate details about their lives. Furthermore, the

researcher found it difficult throughout the research process to step away from the role of

an advocate and focus on being an academic; but with the help of her advisor and

committee, she was able to report the facts and remain theoretical.

Summary

This chapter included a discussion of the research goals and objective, research

design, theoretical perspective, research approach, data collection, data analysis,

limitations of the research and a rationale for each decision pertaining to the research

methodology. The following chapter will present these data and discuss the research

findings.

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Chapter IV: Analysis of Data

This chapter incorporates findings from the interviews conducted with the six

individual case participants and is organized in three sections—In-Case, Cross-Case, and

System Analysis. The findings are presented in three sections as each section pertains to a

different layer of analysis. Each of the layers and the reason for conducting each layer of

the analysis are discussed in detail in the respective sections below.

In-Case Analysis

Included in this section is an in-depth description and analysis of the six

individual case participants' and the interview themes explored within each case. In-case

analysis was conducted to address the research goal and the following objectives:

• identify and understand the nuances of rural poverty;

• to document the perceptions of individuals on S A in rural communities as to what

constitutes a productive and integrated member of rural society;

• to understand how individuals on SA in rural communities perceive the role of

work and leisure activity in their social integration; and

• to determine if there are benefits and barriers (to the individual and society) of

using leisure as an additional tool to work for the social integration of individuals

on SA in rural communities.

Each individual case is presented in the form of a narrative and is followed by a matrix

that summarizes the in-case analysis (see tables 11-16).

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ALICE

Alice is a fifty-seven year old female currently living in the social housing

complex in Camelot. However, for the majority of the study period she rented an older

farm house in ill repair on the outskirts of Camelot where she was roommate to Megan

(another individual case participant in this dissertation). Alice is legally separated from

her husband and considers herself to be single, despite the fact that Peter (her boyfriend—

off and on again for past six years) lives with her. Peter is legally prohibited from the

farm property Alice rents until the spring of 2007 as a result of a restraining order the

court mandated against Alice's will. Alice does not have children but considers her four

cats to be her dependents. She grew up in Toronto, but has lived in or on the outskirts of

Camelot for most of the past two years. Before moving to Camelot, she lived in a

neighbouring rural town and this is where she met Peter. She owns an older mini-van that

is in relatively good condition considering its age. The only means of contacting Alice is

by her pay-as-you-go cell phone which is only turned on between 8pm and 6am.

Depression has been an issue for most of Alice's adult life; she was diagnosed as having

bi-polar and has been on ODSP for the past twenty-six months. Alice's monthly income

is $959 and after paying $425 for rent (her half of the $850 monthly payment), she is left

with $534 to cover all of the utilities (Megan does not pay for any of the utilities),

groceries, veterinary bills, gas, van maintenance, and all other necessities of life. Peter is

also on ODSP as a result of an intellectual disability and helps Alice with the bills

whenever possible; Peter pays his brother a few dollars a month rent to ensure that Alice

and Peter legally have two separate dwellings. It would appear that individuals on SA are

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necessitated to share accommodations whether they want to or not out of the need to

circumvent the rules to align with "normal life" or mainstream society.

All of the interviews with Alice took place in the kitchen of her farm home. Alice

and Megan both live in the same farm house. Alice lives on the main floor and Megan

lives on the second; they share one bathroom and kitchen. Alice's space is tidy and she

was often observed doing dishes, tidying up the kitchen, and clearing debris from the

table and chairs. At the beginning of data collection, the common areas were not

necessarily clean but tidy. As the collection of data progressed, most of the house became

cluttered and dirty. Alice, Peter and Megan are all heavy smokers (a pack or more per

day) and smoke in the house. The windows and doors were always closed during

interviews and at times there was literally a cloud of smoke hovering in the kitchen.

Despite Alice's efforts to keep the house tidy, her living environment was cluttered,

unclean and invested with fleas (probably a result of the six cats and two ferrets living in

the house).

When asked if she would like go to the local coffee shop for the interviews, Alice

stressed that she felt far more comfortable discussing personal details at home. And when

asked if she would like to discuss personal details at home and then go out for a coffee (in

an effort to observe her social interaction with other Camelot residents) she replied "/

have coffee here...and I prefer instant over brewed coffee any day". It would appear that

Alice was not only geographically isolated but socially segregated as well. Although it is

not clear whether Alice's isolation was by choice, it seemed as though socially interacting

with others with whom she was not already acquainted was a source of stress and

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something she preferred to avoid—possibly a way of exercising choice within the current

system.

Alice explained that she "ended up broke from being bi-polar" and it was a

combination of her "medical condition and being totally broke" that led her to be on

social assistance. Over the course of these data collection and analysis processes, it

became clear that financial constraints were something new for Alice. She mentioned

several times that she used to own apartment buildings and condominiums in Florida, had

a cottage in the Muskokas, travelled regularly, drove a luxury vehicle, and purchased

property for leisure. And on one occasion she stated that she and her husband and both of

their parents were "financially stable - comfortable even...Everyone worked and invested

in property or business". Before she started taking medicine for her bi-polar, she would

spend a lot of money during her highs without realizing the impact of her purchasing

decisions. When she was experiencing a low she was unable to complete some of the

more routine activities of daily living such as getting out of bed, meal preparation, or

going to work. Alice believes that her mental health is what led to the separation from her

husband. Upon separation, assets and property were equally divided between Alice and

her husband; however, Alice explained that she has since had to sell the assets and has

spent the money.

When asked to identify the key issues currently preventing her from being

integrated into mainstream society, Alice explained that it is her mental and physical

health, as well as financial constraints that limit social integration. In addition to being bi­

polar, she also has osteoporosis which limits her mobility. She is currently on medication

for the bi-polar and feels as though there is a bit more stability in her life; however, she

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still experiences some of the symptoms and is now learning how to cope with the various

side effects of the medication. Alice is worried because the long term effects of the

medication she has been prescribed are unknown. Over the course of the six months of

data collection, Alice had a cold, the flu, bronchitis, and pneumonia. Alice's physical and

mental health seems to restrict her ability to socially interact with others.

Staying on budget is difficult for Alice as she is still adjusting to the ODSP pay

schedule (one cheque per month). "It is impossible to stay to a budget. By the tenth to

fifteenth of the month I run out of money and have to put the brakes on everything". Lack

of finances limit Alice from doing things she enjoys (i.e., playing Euchre at the local

community centre); although Alice has a van, transportation (specifically the cost of fuel)

is still an issue limiting her ability to interact with others. Alice explained on the first day

of the interviews that she has a rule, unless it is an absolute emergency,

/ need two or three reasons in order to move that van...I wait until I have a list of things to do because I cannot afford to make a special trip for one thing only. If I know we are going out I will make sure we get everything we need while we are out. With gas so expensive, I absolutely need at least two if not three reasons to take the van out-doctors appointment, library, visiting friend, groceries, they are all done on said day if I have my way.

It would appear that the search for funding is a full-time commitment for Alice.

For example, during the study she was going to the free legal clinic because she was

disputing the issue of ploughing the 0.8km driveway from the road to the farm house (the

landlord currently charges her $20 for each ploughing and the Landlord Tenant Act says

it is the landlord's responsibility); as it was getting cooler and winter was approaching

she was calling around to see if there were subsidies available for heating (the farm has

oil heating and the minimum purchase is a half tank which costs $400); she was searching

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for a better cellular telephone plan (she owns a cell phone and was searching for the

cheapest pay-as-you-go rates); she was trying to find a less expensive veterinary*;

applying for the ODSP start up fund to cover the cost of her move to the social housing

complex; and trying to figure out how she would get December's rent* from Megan

(Alice paid the landlord first and last month's rent in full before Megan moved in and

therefore Megan should pay Alice but ODSP pays Megan's rent directly to the landlord).

Alice also explained that she does not like living with Megan and feels as though

Megan prevents her from being integrated into mainstream society (especially her ability

to invite company over to her home). "/ do not currently enjoy living with a roommate or

sharing my house, but right now it's a situation of convenience". Alice complained

excessively throughout the data collection process about Megan's clutter and passive

aggressive personality. She explained that there is huge tension between Peter and Megan

and that they can hardly say two words to each other without starting to argue. Alice

reported that their close friends will not even come to the house anymore as they "cannot

stand to be around her [Megan] or her mess and I don't blame them". It would appear

that having a roommate who is "socially awkward" restricts Alice's ability to have people

with whom she is already acquainted visit her at home.

Alice explained that on a typical day she wakes up between 6 - 8 a.m., watches

the morning show on television and catches the weather while having her morning coffee

and cigarette. Alice will have a to do list for the day and explained that:

* Alice explained she loves her cats but does not think she can afford future veterinary bills for this cat if he does not get better soon.

* Alice paid the entire December rent because it was paid up front when she moved into the farm two years ago. Megan owes half but it went to the landlord instead of Alice and now Alice has to wait for the landlord to return the cheque to ODSP and then they can pay Megan and she can pay Alice

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each day will usually have some kind of mission. Whether it is borrowing videos from the library to watch at home with their three day rental, or cleaning the house, or tidying up a room, or doing groceries, appointments, going to the resource centre, or free legal clinic.

She is pleasant and socializes with Megan when they are in the same room and spends a

considerable amount of time with Peter and most of her day is spent within her home. In

the evening she will watch television or read as her television viewing is limited by

reception (no cable). She will usually eat two meals a day (brunch and dinner) and Alice

usually goes to bed between 11:30pm - 12:30am (depending on whether or not she

watches Jay Leno). Once a month Alice and Peter drive an hour and a half to the closest

Indian Reservation to buy tobacco and tubes (cigarettes and tobacco are significantly

cheaper on the reserve than in the store). Alice emphasized that as soon as her monthly

cheque comes in, one of the first things she does is buy a roll of quarters for laundry. This

behaviour would suggest that personal hygiene and cleanliness are important to Alice.

Although it is difficult for her to keep the house clean and tidy while living with Megan,

she ensures that she has budgeted money each month to do laundry. It would further

appear that Alice wants to ensure she physically appears 'normal' in her presentation of

self to mainstream society, especially in lieu of the fact that her living environment is not.

By washing her sheets, it further ensures that her personal space where she is most

vulnerable and intimate is clean and tidy, thus providing her with some sense of control

over her living environment.

When asked to identify the major social supports in her life, Alice immediately

listed a number of working professionals (staff at the drop-in centre in a metro adjacent

city, the resource centre, the free legal clinic, and her family doctor). When asked if she

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had any friends or family in her support system she reported she has four good friends in

a neighbouring rural town who are also on social assistance. One couple lives in Camelot.

She met them through an old roommate; however their schedules are not entirely

compatible. Three cousins live in a city approximately an hour and a half east of Toronto.

She spoke to them twice in the last five years. There is also Peter her partner in life. It

would appear that Alice is not only geographically and financially isolated from

mainstream society, but socially isolated as well. Aside from her cats towards which she

was very maternal, Alice was not observed socially interacting with anyone except

Megan and Peter. When interacting with Peter she used simple language and was very

polite. She often looked to him for affirmation on stories she shared, especially when

speaking about her relationship with Megan. Peter would make her morning coffee, roll

her cigarettes, and take Alice her pills. She would request Peter's help when giving

medication to one of her cats. When Peter was in the room she was reluctant to discuss

her past and focused her discussion around critiquing the system and her struggle to make

sense of it. It seemed as though Alice felt the need to have Peter validate the state of her

current situation, but did not appear comfortable discussing her past in front of him.

Possibly this is because Alice sees her past as a different life and if people who love and

care for her now knew who she used to be (how she lived and all the amenities/assets she

had), they might view her differently or judge her. But if the people who love and care for

her now do not know where she came from or how she got to where she is now, they will

just love and accept her for who she is and who they know. Alice is adjusting to her new

situation and if she does not have to discuss her past or make others aware of it, then she

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does not have to justify difference or change; and by not discussing her past, she does not

have to acknowledge the past.

Alice was also very polite when interacting with Megan but did not speak fondly

of her when she was not present. She explained that "having someone live in your space

and sharing my space with someone else is difficult for me". On one occasion a verbal

altercation between Megan and Alice was observed. Megan accused Alice of stealing

from her. Megan was cursing and being verbally aggressive towards Alice and Alice just

remained seated and calm. Alice was shaking after her altercation with Megan and Peter

came in to comfort her. Peter told her that Megan has to move out because they can not

take anymore of her yelling and screaming and outbursts. When asked during the

interview if she or Peter moved any of Megan's things or if they threw anything out in an

attempt to reduce some of the clutter, she neither confirmed nor denied the accusation.

Rather she responded by stating "I couldn't lift or move any of her stuff and I wouldn't".

When Megan asked Alice about moving and stealing her stuff Alice replied "what am I

supposed to have stolen and when am I supposed to have stolen if. On both occasions,

Alice neither confirmed nor denied stealing, throwing out, or selling any of Megan's

things. After this altercation, Alice found out that her application to social housing was

accepted and she would be moving at the end of December. Alice informed Megan that

she and Peter were moving by leaving her a letter on the kitchen table in an effort to

avoid another altercation. Alice and Peter did not disclose where they were moving at any

time with Megan as they do not want to have any further contact with her once they move

out. Alice's actions would suggest she decided to take the path of least resistance in an

effort to avoid confrontation. The letter also allowed Alice the opportunity to inform

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Megan of her choice of action and not to have to discuss it. Although this technique can

be viewed as a form of avoidance, the method of delivering the news shifted the power

dynamic in favour of Alice. Furthermore, Alice's choice to relocate to an undisclosed

location provided her with another opportunity to break free from her life with Megan

and begin another new life. This appears to be a pattern in Alice's life; a periodic strategy

to start over and have a new beginning at life.

Alice spent a considerable portion of each interview talking about Megan, and her

scavenging, her multiplying clutter, her comings and goings and appeared to be more

interested in providing me with an update on Megan than herself. This may have been a

deflection technique to avoid divulging personal information about herself, but

nonetheless, Alice stressed regularly that Megan's behaviour was "not normal" and

insisted on reporting Megan's social ineptness. It would appear that Alice felt a sense of

normalcy by pointing out Megan's abnormalities; by comparing herself to Megan, she

was able to convince herself and others that she is more like mainstream society than

other individuals on SA like Megan.

Alice was soft spoken and enunciated her words clearly during the interviews. She

usually wore comfortable and causal clothes (jeans and a sweater or jogging pants and a

sweatshirt) and was always waiting at the door for the researcher. During the interviews,

she usually sat at the kitchen table kitty corner to the researcher approximately two or

three feet away. Alice smoked cigarettes and drank coffee throughout each interview. She

got up from the table regularly to get more coffee, feed the cats, go to the washroom, get

more cigarettes, find her glasses, get her pills, point out some of Megan's clutter, or get

Kleenex; each interview it was for a different combination of items but she got up from

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the table several times during all but one interview . The fidgeting may be a possible side

effect of her medication rather than a lack of interest in the conversation as she would

continue talking as she moved around the house. When speaking about Megan she would

lean in and whisper so that Megan would not overhear what she was saying. If Megan

was in the room she would often interrupt Alice; Alice would stop talking and wait until

Megan was done before continuing where she left off. Alice explained that she does not

feel it is necessary to "talk over others or compete for attention". This behaviour seems

to indicate an introverted perspective and passive/non-confrontational personality type.

Perhaps Alice refuses to talk over others as a way of determining whether or not the

person she is having a conversation with is truly listening to her or values what she is

saying enough to continue speaking with her despite the interruption. Or perhaps Alice

lacks the confidence to redirect the conversation.

According to Alice, being a productive member of society involves "getting work

done". She was asked to clarify whether or not a productive person must be employed

and she replied "no you do not need a job to be productive. It can be work or it can be

planting a community garden or volunteering at a senior's home. Actually there are

people with jobs who aren't productive". Alice further explained that, she is a productive

member of society because she usually has, "an agenda in mind for what I want to do

each day...like make coffee, feed the cats, change the litter, make breakfast, plan for

dinner, and organize house". She emphasized that productive individuals are committed

to the tasks they do and it is important to finish what you start; Alice reaffirmed that she

makes a concerted effort to finish whatever she starts. This reaffirmation seemed as

* This day she was very ill and had all items she might need during the course of the interview at the table when the researcher arrived. She did run out of coffee midway through but called into the other room and asked Peter to come and refill her cup.

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though it was another attempt by Alice to appear mainstream and make sense of her

current situation.

Despite living on the outskirts of Camelot for the past two or more years, Alice

does not feel as though she knows anyone in the community except the librarians. She

does not feel as though she belongs or is connected to the community. Her friends from a

neighbouring rural town suggested she go to a church in Camelot when she first moved

there to meet some new people and get better connected to the community. Alice has

never gone to a church in Camelot because she does not feel comfortable; "/ am

embarrassed to go to church because I do not want the person next to me to judge me ".

Alice appears uncomfortable with her current circumstances and has become accustomed

to being isolated. "My role in the community is not something I think about. I lived in

Toronto in an apartment building for years and didn't even speak to my neighbours. Here

[Camelot] / expect to be served in the store but don't worry if I fit in or nof'. It would

appear as though this is a justification for her isolation (i.e., she was not integrated when

she was a part of mainstream society, so it is normal for her to not be integrated now

while on SA). When she is able to afford it, she and Peter will go to the community

centre and play euchre or drive to Camelot or the neighbouring rural town to visit with

friends (if they are available). Isolation has become Alice's comfort zone and it seems as

though she is uncomfortable interacting with others with whom she was not previously

acquainted or people in the service industry.

Alice explained that it seems as though she has very little power or control in her

life. She feels as though she is always fighting the power structure—"with the landlord

about property maintenance and the ODSP office regarding entitlements". Alice believes

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that her power is constrained by her lack of financial recourses—"power is money in this

day and age". As for her perception of choice, Alice explains that there is

not a lot of choice in my life. I have to cover the basics and see what is left. Really not much choice as to how I can pay my bills and where I live is restricted by what rent I can pay. I have to rent, I can't purchase my home. What I buy is limited by what I can afford and usually it's the cheapest.

Alice further explained that medical complications prevented her from having children,

but she chooses to care for her cats and even though unexpected vet bills completely

throw off her budget she chooses not to neglect her pets. Additionally, her mental health

prevented her from working a nine-to-five job, but she is choosing to participate in this

research project and volunteer as a driver for the community resource centre. For every

issue/situation that Alice explained she does not have control over, she followed with a

choice she has made that she did have the power to make. It would appear that

establishing a balance between what she does and does not have control over is a means

of conveying and ensuring normalcy in her life. Perhaps this is another coping

mechanism for her.

For Alice, her chores are her work. She used to be employed but explained that

working created too much stress on her body and mind. Osteoporosis limits Alice's

physical mobility and endurance and requires her to take regular breaks and rest.

Additionally, the "emotionally monotonous work isn't too bad but if I'm not interested my

mind wonders and I slow down. Then I get stressed trying to catch back up or I could

hurt myself if I'm not paying attention". She reported that examples of work in her life

now include housework, vacuuming, washing dishes, taking care of the bills and meal

preparation. Alice was observed washing dishes and preparing lunch; however, it would

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appear (based on the conditions of her living environment) that although she included

examples of other household chores in her examples there are other barriers preventing

her from completing these tasks on a regular basis.

When asked what her perceptions were about the Employment/Work mechanism

used for social integration, Alice simply stated that:

using work as the preferred social integration strategy is silly. Everyone is different and need different avenues to interact with others. Weren 't these people who make the rules the rest of us have to follow warned not to put all their eggs in one basket when growing up.

Alice is unemployed but still wants to be socially integrated without the embarrassment

and stigmas associated with social assistance. It appears that an approach to system

organization that emphasizes the importance of an individual's participation in the labour

market economy is not working to integrate Alice into her community.

For Alice, leisure is the "stuff I do I enjoy that I don't make a living at although

some people can make a living doing what they love but not me". Additionally, "leisure

can be individual or social and is done at your convenience". Examples within this

personal definition included reading, watching television, playing cards, having coffee

and/or visiting with friends, and travelling (when she was able to afford to). Furthermore,

Alice explained that an abundance of free time does not necessarily mean an abundance

of leisure—"/ have more time for leisure now that I'm unemployed but do not have the

means. Now I have to find leisure I can afford and there is not a whole lot out there that I

am aware of. Within an approach to system organization that values participation in the

labour market economy, leisure is viewed as a reward and has become increasingly

commodified like many other things in modern society. Therefore, individuals like Alice

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who are unemployed while having an abundance of free time are limited in their access to

leisure. It would appear that leisure for Alice is defined as meaningful activity.

Although Alice admitted that she had not previously thought about using leisure

as a social integration strategy, she thought that it would be a viable strategy; "Leisure

could be another option for those who are unable to work...another basket if you will".

Alice wanted to participate in the community volunteer portion of this research

project but was unsure where she could volunteer that would not be too strenuous or

expensive. The community resource centre was recruiting volunteer drivers and she

thought it would be great to be able to help others in need of transportation. She already

had a van and that the community recourse centre reimburses mileage at thirty-nine cents

per kilometre. Alice seemed interested in being a volunteer driver for the local resource

but it took several months for her to connect with the appropriate staff from the

community resource centre. She only has a pay-as-you-go cell phone and would call and

leave messages at the community resource centre at night, they would call her back

during the day and leave a message on her cell phone, she would check her messages

during the day but wait to call them back until after 8pm when it is only one cent per

minute to use the phone. It would appear that being economically challenged sets her on a

different schedule than the rest of mainstream society. Alice stopped by to the community

resource centre once or twice when she was in the neighbouring rural town but when she

did, she was unable to meet with the community resource centre staff as they were either

out of the office or with other clients who made appointments. Alice did not have time

between errands to wait and speak with a staff member but left a message each time.

I l l

Community resource centre personnel would call Alice back but again they would get the

cell phone answering machine.

In the midst of playing phone tag with the community resource centre, Alice also

had to buy a new tire for her van, try and settle the drive way plowing issue with the

landlord, and double check that she would not get penalized by ODSP for volunteering

and mileage reimbursement. Alice viewed these chores as essential prerequisites to

volunteering as a driver for the community resource centre. It would appear that there are

costs associated with volunteering and restrictions to individual development.

Alice eventually went to a payphone in Camelot and called the community resource

centre. She spoke with resource centre staff who sent her the volunteer application

package. Alice completed and returned the application to the community resource centre

immediately. Within days of returning her application package Alice did her first run. By

the end of the research project she had done five runs (given rides to five different people

in need) and December's cheque was ready for pick up the next time she was in the

neighbouring rural town. Alice explained that she is "really enjoying the social

interaction and being able to help out others". She has the time when driving to chat and

get to know the other clients. She has given Amanda (another individual case participant

in this dissertation) a few rides now and has grown quite fond of her. Alice and Peter

have gone over to Amanda's house once or twice for coffee and they have invited her

over to theirs as well. Amanda also lent Alice a vacuum cleaner to try and keep the cat

hair under control in the new apartment. New social networks are developing; however,

these networks appear to be forming out of necessity, possibly as a coping mechanism

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and/or means of bartering. Alice is trading services for goods. These networks may still

lead to friendships, but these networks are still isolated from mainstream society.

Alice was a bit frustrated because the community resource was having some

scheduling difficulties, but she took a proactive approach and tried to help rectify the

problem—"Because I enjoy it so much [volunteering as a driver] and want to continue, I

have given them a copy of the times I am available for the coming month". The

experience was overwhelmingly positive and Alice was at a loss for criticisms—"/ can't

think of anything negative about the experience. I am really enjoying myself.

When asked to describe her involvement in this research project, she explained that

meeting with the researcher was "a pleasant break from routine" and that it was "nice to

know that there are people like you trying to improve the system and trying to take a

different perspective than what's been accepted as the norm". When asked whether she

would describe her participation in this research project as work or leisure, Alice

explained that it was neither.

It's research. I'm participating in the study so I guess I'm volunteering. I'm not getting paid so its not work. It's not leisure because you're not a cat I'm petting, or a book I'm reading, or a program I'm watching on TV or the other things I consider leisure. We met regularly and it's enjoyable and important but not within my definition of leisure.

When asked to describe what some of the benefits of using leisure as a social

integration strategy in a rural community may be, Alice explained that it would present an

additional strategy. Additionally she commented that "/ think it [volunteering] is a means

of self improvement, a means to get away from your regular surroundings, and a way to

give yourself a change of scenery and interaction with other people". For Alice,

volunteering would allow individual who are unemployed the opportunity to be

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integrated into mainstream society. Personally Alice explained that with the volunteer

driving, she has made a commitment but the obligation is of her own volition.

It's not a full time job or even a part-time job for that matter - they just call and ask if I can help out by giving someone a drive who does not have a car and needs to get to a doctor's appointment or something a few days in advance and if I am available and feeling up to it then I do it and if I am not then they call someone else. Even if I can't help out one, two or even three times, they will keep checking in and wait until I am ready and able to do it again.

Furthermore, participating in this research project provided Alice with an opportunity to

be heard. She explained that by being an individual case participant, she felt like it

allowed "me to have a voice...all be it a small one your whole critique of the system and

your research". It would appear that volunteering in this research project was

empowering for Alice. Having choice within the system and an approach to system

organization that emphasizes flexibility provided for a plural approach to social

integration and provided a sense of empowerment.

When asked to describe what some of the constraints to using leisure as a social

integration strategy in a rural community would be, Alice explained that no matter what

tool or tools are adopted there still might be catastrophic life events that prevent people

from easily being socially integrated (poor health, care giving, or living conditions). Alice

was pre-occupied with gaining the necessities of life, her financial stability, and her

health so she was unable to focus on social integration (regardless of the strategy for

achieving it). The lack of finances and financial stress (not having money to replace the

spare tire on her van, plow the drive way if it were to snow, or purchase more time for her

pay-as-you-go cell phone) also acted as a barrier for Alice. And although it was not a

specific constraint for her, Alice explained that after volunteering as a driver for the

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community resource centre she is now aware of "just how many individuals are living in

rural communities without transportation". Through her volunteer participation, Alice

has become aware of the conditions of rural poverty and barriers to social integration; is

now aware that she was not alone in her isolation and that there are a number of other

individuals on SA, who like her, are also isolated. Furthermore, Alice was able to assist in

reducing the level of social isolation for others as well as herself through her volunteer

participation.

Alice liked living at the farm house but much prefers living in the social housing

condominium to which she recently moved. She enjoys the fact that she is still living in

the rural community but appreciates being less isolated than she previously was at the

farm house. The new condominium is located within the social housing complex but

Alice pays market value rent ($680 plus the cost of hydro). When the data collection

portion of the study concluded, Alice and Peter were getting settled in the new condo and

were still unpacking. Alice explained that there are a lot of conveniences living in the

new environment—

Oh the living environment is much better. The laneway isn't .7km, so I do not have to hike to get the mail when I'm ill or in pain and there are no extra snow blowing fees. I think the hydro will be more expensive but won't need to set aside $300 every time I need oil. And that was only the cost for a half tank. There will be no Megan or other roommates aside from Peter and that's my choice. I do not have to cut the grass.

At the end of the interview process Alice mentioned that she has met Amanda (one of the

individual case participants in the research project) and they have visited once or twice.

Alice now drives Amanda to her appointments in the neighbouring rural towns and

metro-adjacent city. Alice and Peter have started playing cards with some of the other

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neighbours in the social housing complex and plan to start attending card night at the

local community centre or legion. Leisure has been a means for social integration (i.e.

volunteering and playing cards) and Alice's comfort zone for social engagement has

increased. She has acquired new social integration skills, confidence and experience that

have helped to reduce the barriers that previously segregated her from attending leisure

activities with mainstream society in the past.

Since moving to the social housing complex, Alice has been back to the farm once or

twice to get her mail. Alice apparently does not want to go back to the farm house to get

her mail but has not had time to switch all of her mail over to the new address and is

updating her address with each company as the mail comes in. Alice is happy to no

longer be living with Megan, but still talked about her considerably during her last

interview.

Alice explained that her immediate short term goals were to:

Recover from some of the moving expenses. I had to put down a $300 deposit for hydro. The cat's been sick. I had to pay U-Haul. ODSP paid back the hydro deposit but I'm still trying to recover from other expenses too. My birthday is this month so I also has to pay for the e-test but the van passed so that is good, and I has to renew the plates and do the license renewal. It has been one thing and then another.

As for her long term goals, she would love to be able to save up and have enough money

put aside that she could put a down payment on a mobile home but explained that right

now this is less of a goal and more of an idea she is toying with. What seems more

realistic to Alice is striving for financial stability or survival—

/ try to look at least six weeks ahead and make sure I can pay my bills for at least the next six weeks. I'm not a day to day kind of girl but I know that I have to plan a wish list and real list. The real list is the priority. If the real list gets completed, then move to the wish list. But I

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usually don't get to the wish list because it all depends if money permits - and because money usually doesn 't permit I can't plan too far ahead.

Alice's circumstances would suggest that her short term goals appear to be realistic given

her current situation; however, her long term goals do not seem attainable within the

current system. Her creation of long term goals help her to strive to complete them and

their creation offers Alice a dream and a sense of normalcy for having that dream.

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Table 11: Summary Matrix of Alice Age Marital Status Dependents Shelter & Living Arrangements SH= Social Housing Pets SA Duration Monthly Income Rent Transportation Health Concerns Current Issues Affecting Life

Breakdown of a Typical Day

Social Support

Notions of Productivity

Coping Mechanisms Notions of SI & Feeling of Belongingness Perception of Choice & Control in Life Meaning of work Perceptions of Employment for Social Integration Meaning of leisure

Perceptions of Leisure for SI Volunteer Experience Benefits of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

Constraints of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

57 Single 0 Roommates w/ Megan. Unofficially lives w/ boyfriend. Lived in free market rent farm house—outskirts of Camelot. Moved into SH in last month of data collection 4 cats ODSP 26 months $959 $425 plus utilities Owns an older van Smoker. Bi-polar. Daily medication. Financial constraints. Difficulty adjusting to being on SA. Roommate. Geographically isolated. Health. Embarrassed about living conditions. Only a pay-as-you-go cell phone. Wakes up early. Coffee & Cigarettes. A lot of time spent in her home & with her boyfriend. Daily mission/major task. Limited social interaction—mostly boyfriend & roommate. 1 road trip/month to buy cigarette from reserve. Working Professionals (family doctor, staff @ CRC, legal clinic, drop in centre). Boyfriend, 4 good friends, & distant cousins. "Getting work done". Does not need to be paid work. Believes she is productive. Medication. Care-giving. Comparison. Does not know anyone in Camelot. Remote & isolated. Wants to be served but doesn't worry about fitting in. Constantly fighting authority for entitlements. Feels restricted. Not a lot of choice. Tasks & chores. Full-time job searching for help &support. It's silly. Everyone is different & therefore different strategies are needed. "Stuff I do that I enjoy". "At your convenience". Have more time but less means. E.g., reading, watching TV, playing cards, coffee with friends. Provides another avenue. Volunteer driver for the CRC. Participant for research project. Self improvement. Escape from regular surroundings/change of scenery. Social interaction with others. Additional strategy. Empowerment. Difficulty connecting with community organization. Winter weather. Care-giving. Lack of finances & financial stress. Living Conditions. Roommate. Communications resources (no landline telephone). Poor health.

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MEGAN

Megan is a forty-nine year old single female, who for the majority of the study

period rented an older farm house in ill repair on the outskirts of Camelot where she was

roommates with Alice (another individual case participant in this dissertation). Megan

has two adult daughters who are independent and have families of their own; the eldest

lives in British Columbia and her youngest lives approximately three hours away (in

South Western Ontario). She considers her two cats and two ferrets to be her

dependents. Megan was born in Holland and her family immigrated to Canada when she

was a young girl. Her parents divorced shortly thereafter, and Megan and her siblings

were split up and temporarily placed in foster care. Megan has difficulty remembering the

details of her past, but does recall main events. She is very transient, has lived in a

number of different cities within Canada (most of which have been in Southern Ontario)

and has also been homeless on more than one occasion. At the commencement of the data

collection process for this dissertation, she had just moved in with Alice. Toward the end

of the data collection process, Alice had moved out and Megan was still at the farm house

trying to convince the landlord to let her stay and continue to pay only her half of the

rent. As the data collection process wrapped up, contact with Megan was lost. She does

not have a telephone (there was no landline at the farm and she did not have a cellular

telephone during data collection and analysis) and made all her necessary calls from the

drop in centre in the metro-adjacent city.

Megan is a scavenger* and is clinically diagnosed with Obsessive Compulsive

Disorder (OCD). She moved to Camelot to get away from scavenging as there is not as

*The colloquial term for scavenging is garbage picking and/or collecting.

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much garbage in the rural area. She has an older model mini van that appears to be

adapted to, and shows evidence of her scavenging activities (removal of rear seats and

debris throughout) and since moving to Camelot, she finds herself driving to the

neighbouring urban metro-adjacent city regularly so she can scavenge.

Megan recalls being on Mother's Allowance for years while her children were

younger, but within the past decade she was on and off OW for five years and has been

on ODSP for the past two years. Megan's monthly income is $965* and after paying

$425 for her half of the rent, she is left with $540 to cover groceries, vet bills, gas, van

maintenance, and all other necessities of life.

All interviews with Megan took place in the kitchen of her home. Megan lived

with Alice for the majority of the data collection process of this research project where

they shared the rent on an older farm house in ill repair on the outskirts of Camelot.

Megan lives on the second floor, however, they both had access to the bathroom and

kitchen which were located on the main floor. At the beginning of data collection, the

common areas were not necessarily clean but tidy. As the collection of data unfolded, the

majority of the house became cluttered and dirty. Megan's living conditions were

cluttered and unclean and her home was infested with fleas (probably a result of the six

cats and two ferrets living in the house). As Megan, Alice and Alice's boyfriend Peter all

smoke indoors, the air quality in the farm house was poor.

The researcher asked several times to see Megan's portion of the farm house, but

upon every request she would have a reason why it would be best to wait until the next

interview—"/ am still unpacking'''; "the cat is not well and I do not want to invade his

* She receives a meal supplement in addition to the standard ODSP payment because she is on a restrictive diet.

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space"; "I've been reorganizing and things are all over the place...not appropriate for

company". Megan is very private about her possessions and living space and does not

share personal details with others as she has a general lack of trust for all people.

When asked if she would like go to the local coffee shop for the interviews,

Megan explained that it just made sense to meet at the farm if the researcher was already

there to meet with Alice. Despite explaining that the researcher could meet with Alice at

the farm and then go out to a coffee shop with Megan, she said "/ don't always feel well

and would prefer to meet at home where I am more comfortable and can literally get up,

change and come downstairs". The researcher offered to pick Megan up a coffee before

the interview, but she explained that she was a tea drinker and preferred to make it herself

because that way she would know what was in it. Megan experienced social anxiety from

interactions with people with whom she was not previously acquainted and preferred to

live in isolation because she did not trust others.

Megan is currently going through menopause and during several of the interviews

commented on the difficulty she was experiencing with aging. She would often wear

several layers of clothes and peel off layers as the interview progressed and then layer up

again. She would complain how cold the house was, turn up the heat and then get a hot

flash and strip down to a tank top. In addition to experiencing menopause, Megan was

also undergoing testing for Hepatitis B. Her ex-boyfriend with whom she was still

sexually active after the break-up had recently tested positive; Megan was pretty certain

she too would test positive but seemed reluctant to go back to the doctor for the results.

The researcher raised the issue once after she mentioned it, but Megan suggested the

results were not yet available and she never discussed it again. Megan gets regular

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migraines, has difficulty remembering things, and has suffered from depression her entire

/ suffer from depression. I have been depressed for years. Ever since I was a pre-teen. I think that's my problem, or at least one of the big ones. It's the most debilitating thing, my mental health that is. All together I've only been garbage picking since 1989 but when I think back, I've been depression all my life. I am sure I had to be happy at some point, but I can never seem to find anything to pick me up.

Megan's depression and scavenging have resulted in her being admitted for treatment at

the psychiatric hospital in the neighbouring metro-adjacent city on more than one

occasion.

The doctor's characterize the scavenging as obsessive compulsive, however,

Megan did not agree. She views scavenging as a lifestyle; it is her work, her leisure and a

means for coping with the daily stressors in life. She spoke excessively about

scavenging—what it was, what it means to her, why she does it, scavenging and the law,

how it gets her into trouble.

/ am on ODSP because I am obsessive compulsive. I scavenge and collect things from the garbage and store them in the house and then someone calls the fire department and I get evicted... other people call it garbage picking but I don't like that term because I'm not taking garbage. People throw away good stuff and one person's garbage is another person's treasure...Scavenging differs from dumpster diving because with diving you have to get into it and out of the dumpster. Most of them [dumpster divers]do it once the stores are closed, over night when it is dark...I am diagnosed with OCD but to me its pleasurable. I enjoy it and its not a mental illness. I'm stopping things from going to the landfill that don't need to go the landfill. It may have become obsessive because I have so much and storage becomes a problem but no more so than someone who watches TV and has certain scheduled programs... For me a good find is anything antique or made out of metal. I used to like glass things but it beaks too easily. I like permanence. I always have. It is probably because my childhood was so non-permanent with moving from Holland to Canada and then being in foster care and moving from a nice rural town to the big city and it just continued from there...The law around scavenging is

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different in each city. When you put the garbage at the curb it no longer belongs to you; it belongs to the city. Well technically. It also belongs to the police because they work for the city or at least this is the by-law in most cities in Ontario...I was charged in London for filling my yard. They considered it combustible and cited other little by-laws but I was actually charged in Sarnia for scavenging...it would have gone on my permanent record. Not that I really care but in the end they charged me $60. I was shocked. I had never been charged before. Usually I pretend I didn 't know it was illegal.

When asked what other issues are currently affecting her life and her social

integration into mainstream society, Megan explained that everything in life is

complicated and finds it difficult to complete tasks. "/ did high school, got pregnant,

moved, went back to school, finished high school but stayed because it was free, got into

college and University, but never finished anything. I always ran into problems". She

also explained that the expectations her family have placed on her in the past have made

it difficult for her to live the life she has always wanted for herself. She views herself as

an artist and has always wanted to do art (print making, sculpting, painting, et cetera).

Her father and brothers, however, have always expected her to "grow up and get a real

job" or to conform to the traditional gender role of a woman. Megan feels as though there

are always strings attached to any of the assistance she has received, be it from her family

or the state. She recalled what happened after one of her bouts of homelessness:

my dad bought me a house but the deal was that I had to work. I didn't just want a job. I wanted a career. I didn't know what I wanted to do exactly so I tried everything but never settled. He eventually kicked me out and took the house...I am sure he was trying to teach me a lesson but needless to say, my dad's an asshole.

Furthermore, Megan mentioned several times during the interview process that she has

deep feelings of abandonment, lack of trust for the system and others, a history of abuse,

and a lot of issues with housing instability and homelessness. For Megan, Poverty and

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social isolation from mainstream society extends beyond the lack of a pay cheque. It

would appear that a job would not alleviate all of the issues segregating Megan from her

community.

Nutrition has been an ongoing issue for Megan and she receives an additional

six dollars per month nutrition supplement from ODSP so she can buy food for her

restrictive diet. Bleach is one of the agents that cause her migraines, and as such Megan

avoids any food with bleached flour. Despite the nutrition supplement, Megan stated that

it was, "difficult to get myself to eat well. It is easier to smoke and drink coffee".

Although I understood the point she was trying to make, I found the statement odd, as

Megan had explained on several occasions that she is not a coffee drinker and will only

drink a certain kind of tea. It is not clear if she was making a blanket statement and using

coffee synonymously with tea or weather she was making reference to the past when she

used to drink coffee (if she ever used to drink coffee). Despite smoking, Megan appears

to be very conscious about health risks and discussed the negative impacts of such things

as pharmaceuticals and food additives with Alice and during interviews.

Megan enjoys having sex and finds it relaxing. Although Megan finds casual

sex enjoyable, her promiscuity got her discharged from the army (militia).

/ was in the Army for eight months... I met a friend there who I thought was a real friend...I met this guy and we decided to have sex...the next day I got reprimanded for having sex. They said I was being promiscuous. The only person I told about it was my friend...my friend turned out to be a spy and reported me for having sex.

Furthermore, Megan continues to have occasional sexual relations with her ex despite his

hepatitis status but insists he uses a condom to reduce the chances of contracting the

disease (although she thinks she may already have it). She explained that they broke up

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because they only thing that was good about the relationship was the sex and access to

marijuana—"he is dumb as dirt, but even dirt has purpose". Megan does not know how

to relax and explains that the only time she "was able to turn the voice off in my head,

and I'm not schizophrenic, it's my thinking voice, was this amazing sex with this guy".

Perhaps Megan relaxes a bit each time she has sex or has sex in hopes of finding the same

euphoria she did that one day. Either way, it would appear that Megan uses sex as a

coping mechanism in life. It would also appear that Megan uses marijuana to help relax

and cope with her daily stressors. She believes there is nothing wrong with smoking

marijuana because it is natural and it is legal back home in Holland from where she

emigrated. Unfortunately though, Megan attributes her memory loss and short attention

span to her many years of smoking marijuana.

The older I get the worse my memory is, but this could be because I smoke a lot of pot or because I'm going through menopause...but it is probably the pot. I am getting paranoid. I think someone is stealing my gas at night when my van is parked and I am missing stuff...don't know if someone is stealing from me or I am just forgetting what I've done and where I've put things.

Megan frequently spoke about people stealing from her and it may be instinctive for her

to accuse someone else of stealing rather than being forgetful because of her history with

abuse and betrayal, and the general mistrust she has of others as a result of her lived

experiences.

When asked for a breakdown of a typical day, Megan explained that she is still

new to Camelot and has not yet established a routine. She further added that even after

she has lived in Camelot for a while, she is still not sure that routine will be established as

she believes there is "nothing typical in my life". That being said she proceeded to

explain that the time of day she wakes up or goes to sleep depends on whether or not she

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is picking garbage that day. When garbage picking she is up at 4:30 a.m. so she can beat

the garbage trucks that come between 6 and 7 a.m. During the day she will go to the drop

in centre for a few hours in the metro-adjacent city, go to one of the soup kitchens for a

meal, spend time with her animals, unpack, try and organize her personal affairs and

newly scavenged items, chat with Alice, and hang out and smoke marijuana with her ex-

boyfriend.

Megan describes herself as being a loner and very reclusive and not feeling

welcome or a sense of belonging in the community.

/ have always been a loner but not necessarily by choice...I think I'm a good person. I try to be. I've done bad things but I regret the... I have few friends but I've been screwed over so much in the past that it's safer and easier to just keep people at an arm's length. ..I'm really a loner and I like to do my own thing...I go to people who offer help but when I need help, its not available...I find men are always willing to interact but in the end they usually only want to get into my pants. It is because of previous relationships I don't trust a lot of people. A lot of times people say one thing and do another. People stick around when it's convenient for them and then they just fuck off. People always try to change me. They want to help but they take over and have to be the chief. They come in and rearrange my life and personal items and then they want me to sell my stuff... I'm not aggressive and its very easy for me to be bullied. I've been bullied all my life, all through school, and still now and I don't ever see an end in sight.. .1 don't know anyone here and don't really want to.

She was asked if she had other friends in the scavenging community and she

explained that "most scavengers are loners - one friend here who scavenges but others

are shy and do it late at night and you don't see them...I meet a lot of people but I don't

have a lot of friends". When asked who she regularly interacts with, Megan listed the

staff and patrons from the drop in centre and housing complex where she used to live in

the metro-adjacent city, at the top of her list. She said she also interacts with Alice and

Peter because she shares a house with them but does not consider them friends. She visits

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her ex-boyfriend daily as he is one of the only people she knows who still smokes

marijuana. Megan added that her best friend died many years ago when she was eight

months pregnant and she has not been able to make friends easily since then. She mostly

associates with patrons (men) at the drop in centre and will occasionally see her two

friends Georgia and Debbie but noted that distance has been growing between them since

she moved to Camelot and is not living at the affordable housing complex in the metro-

adjacent city anymore. Megan's other friend rejected her because Megan's depression

was "bringing her down". With her involvement in this research project, Megan added

the researcher to the list of people she now sees on a regular basis and gets an opportunity

to talk to. It would appear that participating in a more flexible system that provides for a

plural approach to social integration would offer a variety of new opportunities for people

like Megan to be socially engaged with members of mainstream society.

During interviews, Megan was soft spoken and occasionally mumbled. She

usually wore comfortable and causal clothes but multiple layers. During the interviews,

she usually sat at the kitchen table kitty corner to the researcher (at an approximate

distance of two or three feet). Megan pauses regularly and often goes off on tangents. It is

difficult to get her to answer the questions as something in her initial response will trigger

her to loose concentration. She will start to answer the question and then ends up talking

about something completely different. This is possibly the result of prolonged marijuana

use. Interviewing Megan was very frustrating at the beginning of the interview process,

but she could be brought back into focus and reminded of the question. Megan was very

blunt when speaking and tended to cuss regularly. She smoked, rolled cigarettes, and

drank tea throughout each interview. On one occasion she could not remember where she

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left her cigarettes and was beginning to panic. Alice (who was in another room in the

house) could hear Megan cussing and offered Megan one of her cigarettes. Megan

accepted but then asked to go through Alice's container of rolled cigarettes to find the

exact one she wanted. Peter rolls most of Alice's cigarettes and Megan thinks he rolls

them too fat and therefore they are too tightly packed and too hard for her to smoke.

Megan prefers her cigarettes loosely packed. Once she went through Alice's rolled

cigarettes (inspecting each carefully for fullness and consistency) she finally settled on

one. Before lighting the cigarette she played with it - rolling it in her hands and

squeezing some tobacco out of the end and on to the table to loosen it up. After about 15

minutes of choosing and adjusting she eventually lit her cigarette and smoked it. It is

unclear whether this behaviour was a symptom of her OCD, actions associated with

nicotine withdrawal, or a lack of trust.

There was no opportunity to observe Megan socially interacting with anyone

other than Alice and Peter. Megan was generally very chatty, but commented that she did

not feel comfortable talking about her past or personal issues with Peter (Alice's

boyfriend) present in the room. She did not mind discussing intimate details of her past

with the researcher or Alice present but did not feel at ease when Peter was present.

Although all interviews were intended to be one-on-one, because Peter, Alice and Megan

all lived in the same house, they would on occasion walk into the kitchen where the

interviews were conducted to get something to eat or drink and want to stay and talk (or

listen).

Although on most occasions Megan was very polite and cordial towards Alice,

there was at least one occasion where Megan was verbally aggressive toward her. On this

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occasion, Alice was sitting with the researcher waiting for Megan to come downstairs to

the kitchen. Alice was done her interview but she did not want the researcher to have to

sit alone in the kitchen and wait for Megan. After about ten minutes of waiting, Megan

came down the stairs. Her plaid flannel shirt was buttoned up but her cardigan and coat

were open (layered as usual but looking dishevelled). Her hair was down and uncombed

(usually brushed and back behind her ears) and she appeared flustered. She walked into

the kitchen, abruptly said "Hi Leigh" and waved with a smirk on her face. She placed her

tea cup in the sink with force (directly behind where Alice was sitting), turned and

walked directly from the kitchen to the bathroom and slammed the door behind her.

While Megan was in the bathroom, Alice began to tell me about a discussion she and

Megan had earlier that morning about some of Megan's stuff that had 'gone missing'.

When Megan came out of the bathroom the researcher asked if everything was OK and

she said 'Wo Leigh everything is not OK\ The researcher told her if she did not feel up to

the interview today that they could reschedule for a better time. Megan replied by saying

she was moving. The researcher asked, today? To which she replied "/ don't know I just

know I have to get out of here". Alice interrupted "Aren't you going to meet with Leigh,

she's been waiting for you for a good fifteen minutes now"? Megan said "I'm sorry but I

have more important things I have to take care of this morning". The researcher

suggested postponing the interview until next week. Megan said she did not know where

she would be next week but she had the researcher's business card and would call when

she got around to it and suggested that the researcher could check in at the drop-in centre

in the metro-adjacent city. Alice asked "what's the matter" and Megan got very agitated.

She sat on the chair across from Alice (facing the researcher) and as she took off her

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slipper and put on her shoes she said "people have been going through my stuff. I moved

off the street to get away from thieves and I end up moving in with them. People always

try and screw me. No matter where I go I get screwed". Alice remained silent (she later

explained there was no point trying to talk to Megan when she was mad because she

never listens anyway). Megan stood up and stood directly across from Alice and said "/

know yous [Alice and Peter] did it. You stole from me. I have things I know were here a

few days ago and they're not here now. What, did you take it to the pawn shop?" Alice

replied by saying "what am I supposed to have stolen and when am I supposed to have

stolen it"? Megan said "fuck this - I'm out of here" and then stormed out the front door

onto the porch, but before leaving she turned back and looked at Alice. Through the door

she yelled "you have a serious fucking problem Alice and you need help". She pointed

her finger the whole time at Alice while yelling "You are fucking sick. You 're sick" and

then stormed out. It would appear that Megan's social skills and conflict resolution

strategies are not well developed as she is prone to lashing out and has an explosive

temper. This behaviour may be a result of her prolonged isolation, past experiences with

betrayal and distrust for others, her mental health, or a combination of several of the

aforementioned issues.

At the next interview following the altercation between Megan and Alice, Megan

explained that she was still missing the things that were missing at the last interview but

was not certain what happened to them (whether Alice and Peter stole them, or whether

she misplaced them).

I pack up stuff and forget about things but not really. I generally know where most things are but I smoke pot and tend to forget where I put stuff. When something goes missing my immediate reaction is to accuse someone else and think someone took it because I have been screwed over so much in the past

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that I just assume that's what happened again...I have been exposed to so much disrespect its unreal. I've been picked on for God knows why and I do not understand why people dislike me, bully me, pick on me...I feel like someone's always out to get me. Even my brothers would rat me out when we were kids. When they caught me smoking or found out I was having a relationship with an older man they'd run to my dad and tell him but I'd keep their secrets and help them.

She commented that "things aren't great but they're better''' and that she was

planning to stay for the winter. Her body language was different and she seemed more

reserved and less chatty.

The following interview, Megan informed me that she had to find a new place to

live and that Alice and Peter were moving out. Alice left Megan a letter to explain all

their irresolvable issues and gave notification of her upcoming move. Megan read the

entire letter during the interview. In the note, Alice commented that she was writing a

letter rather than speaking to Megan face to face because she wanted to make sure she

was able to get all of her thoughts across without being interrupted or without Megan

"losing it". When asked how she was feeling about the whole situation she said

I'm not impressed... I got mixed emotions about them moving and wanting me to move. They told me in a note and I was mad and didn 't want to hear anything they have to say about me, so I left it on the table. I only recently read the rest...a lot of personal attacks in the letter but I just can't even deal with them.

Megan and Alice had not spoken about the move and Megan did not see the value in

discussing it after she read the letter because Alice made it quite clear that the decision

was made and it was non-negotiable. Megan believes she has limited control and choice

in her life and feels as though a lot of bad things happen to her. She commented that she

feels powerless within the system and when dealing with landlords and various

authorities. "J try to educate myself so I can empower myself and get what I'm entitled to"

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but as Megan later commented, even after educating herself on various processes or

policies, she still does not feel as though she has very much control or power in life. And

in terms of her perceived level of personal choice in life, Megan commented "Choice ? I

don't know. I feel like I've been ship wrecked. I don't have education, no career, kids

have moved on, been homeless, going through menopause, on assistance, forced to move.

Choice?' It would appear that Megan's experience with SA has not been empowering,

nor has it provided her with the skills necessary to become socially integrated let alone

ready for the workforce.

Megan is unsure where she will go. She would love to move in with one of her

daughters (location wise, she would rather move to British Columbia but that is not

affordable and relationship wise, she is closer with her daughter who lives a few hours

away in Southern Ontario). Her relationship with both daughters has been unstable in the

past and at times they have gone for several years without seeing or speaking to each

other. Isolation appears to be a coping mechanism for Megan; a strategy to avoid conflict

so she does not have to deal with issues she views to be unpleasant or uncomfortable.

When asked to explain her notions of productivity, Megan explained that in order

to be a productive member of society one is required to

produce something, to be active. A productive member of society contributes and can contribute in a variety of ways like economic, social or others. I believe a productive person would be environmental conscious, educated but not necessarily formally, dedicated, hard working.

Megan further explained that she knew this definition likely differs from that of

mainstream society because people have "been engrained to act, behave and do a certain

things''' but she did not mind if her definition differed because she explained that she has

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never been one to conform to societal norms. When asked whether or not she thought she

was a productive member of society based on the definition she had just provided, Megan

replied

I'm not productive. I'm pretty lazy. I don't do anything. I scavenge, and collect things and then have a ton of things that I don't know what to do with, so I either have to sell it or give it away. Or the authorities come and take them because of fire hazards - they took my etching plates and without my etching plates I do not feel much like an artist.

Megan is currently not participating in the work force and believes that much of the

discrimination she is faced with is a result of her not having a job. "7 get totally rejected

from society. They see me as a lazy bum because I don't work but it's always stressed me

out to work and conform to societal norms...a job is boring". Megan further explained

that there is a difference between a job and a career whereby a career is "something you

can go further in and enjoy immensely. You got to want to do what you're doing".

Although she did not specifically say that the act of scavenging was work, Megan

explained that her current work in lieu of paid employment is sorting and organizing her

personal possessions and scavenged items.

When asked what her perceptions about using employment or work as tool for

social integration, Megan clearly stated that "work can help some people but not

everyone" and that this strategy "can work for some people but has never worked for

me". Megan views herself differently than the rest of society:

I've always seen myself as an artist and an individual. I don't do well with nine-to-five, five days per week, but I have done it before and I was miserable. What's more important working to keep everyone else happy or your own peace of mind on quality of life!

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She explained that she has never wanted a job but always wanted a career;

something art or environment related. She emphasized that a job alone is not enough, "A

dead end job that you hate won't get you far in life. One's personal health and happiness

is far more important". Megan insisted that the employment strategy for social

integration does work for some people but additional strategies are needed for those

whom work is not an option or a viable means to social integrations. Metaphorically

speaking, "You can't have one tool and expect it to fix every job or use if for every job".

For Megan, learning and expanding her knowledge base is leisure. During one

interview she commented that "/ always wished I was rich so I can be a perpetual student

so I can study all the time. Education is wisdom and if you don't know much, you can't do

much. I want to learn to develop and grow. The more I know, the more I want to know. I

love philosophy". In addition to learning, Megan also enjoys watching television and

reading; occasionally she also enjoys socializing with others, "I'm a loner but I do like

socializing sometimes. Although it can get stressful." Megan was asked if scavenging was

a form of leisure to which she replied "scavenging is exciting. Its like a scavenger hunt

and boosts my adrenaline. [While scavenging] nothing else matters. I love it". While

hunting for treasures, she must look out for dangerous items that she might encounter

while searching through the garbage but has been pretty lucky in the past. She

commented that she often encounters gross things like soiled garments, spoiled food,

mold, broken glass, and sanitary napkins but will not go through the garbage if it is too

dangerous. The only thing that scares her about scavenging is finding needles in the

bags; "/ have found needles but never been stuck, Most needles have been diabetic

needles. You need to have the right touch or you can hurt yourself. Megan is a veteran

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scavenger and as a result of her experiences believes she has good instincts; she trusts her

instincts to keep her out of harms way when scavenging.

When asked to articulate her thoughts on leisure as a social integration strategy,

Megan had difficulty conceptualizing what it would look like and articulating her

thoughts. What was clear to her however was that leisure or anything else would be an

alternative and by providing choice there was a greater chance of integration for who

work and/or employment was currently not an effective strategy. She gave the example of

artists and their contribution to society.

Artists aren't rich and true artists don't work other jobs nine-to-five. Being an artist is a way of living. A lot of people don't respect art or artists but we wouldn't have any buildings or furniture without artists. So without artists where would people work? A lot of artists don't get paid or make any money until they are dead. Even my brother and his wife came to one of my art shows years ago and of all the pieces he only liked one but told me he'd never buy it because art isn't worth anything - its all in your imagination. I should have been an inventor. My imagination and vision would have allowed me to be awesome and help a lot of people and be rich. But every time I wanted to do something like the glass recycling, elephant farm, art, mechanics, something has stopped it from happening. I've kind of always seen myself as an underachieves As an artist my art just comes to me and every time there is any pressure I get blocked.

Although Megan went off on a tangent from the original question, a point was

made. Artists and others who do not conform to societal norms make a contribution to

society but their contribution is not valued as much as it should be. By using leisure as a

means of social integration, possibly artists and other non-conformists like Megan would

have an opportunity to make a contribution with their art and have that contribution be

valued in and of itself.

Megan did not participate in a community volunteer experience. At the beginning

of the research project she expressed interest in volunteering (either as a driver for the

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Community Resource Centre with Alice or planting trees), however, she never did decide

which volunteer avenue she would like to pursue or make any connections with the

community contacts affiliated with either of the volunteer opportunities she expressed

interest in. It would appear that many of the same barriers that prevent Megan from

working or being socially integrated into mainstream society also prevented her from

volunteering (both in Camelot and the metro-adjacent city).

For Megan, the constraints of using leisure as a tool for the social integration in a

rural community are similar to those associate with using work or most any other vehicle

for social integration;

I'm not reliable, I procrastinate, my scavenging and the compulsion to store and keep everything, my mental health, social anxiety. I've always had troubles with groups and much prefer to have one or two close friends but even more so I'd like to be alone. I'm not stable and I've always done my own thing. I want to stay put but the longest I've ever been in one place in my entire life was 8 years but it's usually only for a few months to a year...but it varies. I am compelled to scavenge. I can't stop but want to stop. I think it's because I've always wanted a house to call my own and a place to keep my stuff without having to always pack up and move.

Although Megan did not participate in a community volunteer experience she did

meet with me over the course of six months and agreed to be an individual case

participant in this research project. When asked whether she would explain our interviews

as work or leisure she thought they seemed to be more leisure like because

They have been relaxed and not too formal, and I enjoy it. It's not work because you are amiable and easy to talk to...my overall impression is that you 're nice, open person and enjoy talking to you. I hope that by talking to me and Alice and others that you get a wide selection of data to report on rural poverty and the issue of welfare by being on assistance. I wish I could have said more but I get side­tracked easily. I wish we had more time to spend chatting. You meet people and they are either good or bad, except some are a bit of both. You 're good.

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Megan was asked if she would view her participation in the research project as

volunteering and she said yes; "Yes! I'm volunteering my time to talk, we're not getting

paid and because I'm enjoying it." She followed up her comment with "too many people

volunteer for the appearance but I think you have to volunteer and do something you

believe in, something you value or something that is good for you". Megan commented

on more than one occasion that she thought participating in the research project was a

way for her to self reflect and share her story so that others can learn and benefit from it

(in the long run). For Megan, the overall benefits of using leisure and/or volunteering as a

social integration strategy in a rural community would be the social interaction, the

enjoyment and pleasure derived from the experience, and the ability to reflect on her past.

The last interview with Megan was conducted shortly before Christmas. All

interview themes had been explored. Alice and Peter moved out at the end of December

and Megan was left to make a decision about her living situation. She explained that she

had four options: to stay at the farm house and pay the entire rent by herself (which she

said was financially impossible); to stay at the farm house and get a roommate (which

she said was not something she wanted to go through again because it was a lot of hassle

finding someone and then living with them); to move (which she said was on short notice

and in the week or two she had been looking, she could not find anywhere); or stay in the

farm house until the landlord evicted her (she had been down this road before and was

not afraid of being homeless because it would not be the first time and at least she would

have a roof over her head for a few weeks which could buy her time to explore other

options - she was just worried about moving all of her stuff and the landlord confiscating

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her things). Despite several attempts to contact Megan, contact was lost and the

researcher is unaware of her current location.

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Table 12: Summary Matrix of Megan Age Marital Status Dependents Shelter & Living Arrangements Pets SA Duration Monthly Income Rent Transportation Health Concerns

Current Issues Affecting Life

Breakdown of a Typical Day

Social Support

Notions of Productivity

Coping Mechanisms Notions of SI & Feeling of Belongingness Perception of Choice & Control in Life

Meaning of work

Perceptions of Employment for SI Meaning of leisure

Perceptions of Leisure for Social Integration Volunteer Experience Benefits of Leisure for SI in Rural Community Constraints of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

49 Single 0 Roommates w/ Alice. Free market rent farm house—outskirts of Camelot. 2 cats. 2 ferrets Was on OW—Now on ODSP Off and on for past 5 years—on ODSP for past 2 years. $965. Receives additional meal supplement for restrictive diet $425 (utilities included) Owns a older Van Smoker. Going through menopause. Obsessive Compulsive Disorder. Paranoia. Depression. Migraines. Possibility that she is Hepatitis B positive. Daily medication. Scavenging. Forgetfulness. Transient. History of eviction and homelessness. Deep feelings of abandonment. History of abuse. Poor nutrition. Lack of trust for others & the system. No telephone. New to Camelot. No routine. A lot of time spent scavenging. Goes to the drop in centre. Chats with Alice. Eats at the soup kitchen. Visits & smokes marijuana with her ex-boyfriend. Tea & Cigarettes. Working professionals & patrons at the drop in centre & housing complex she used to live in. Ex-boyfriend. Acquaintances from drop in centre & former place of residence. Poor family relations. "Contributes to society—economically or socially". Educated, environmental & hardworking. Does not need to be employed. Does not believe she is productive. Scavenging. Seclusion. Smoking marijuana. Sex. Does not like interacting with new people. Depression drove friends away. Reclusive. Identifies as a loner. Limited power within the system and with landlord. Tries to empower self through education. Feels shipwrecked. Does not have much choice. Should be more than a job. Wanted a career that was enjoyable. Job's are boring. Scavenging is her job work. Good for some but not for everyone. Does not work for her. Restrictive. Health & happiness are more important. Relaxing or exciting. E.g., scavenging, learning, reading, watching TV, good sex. More realistic for people like her. Provides additional opportunity. Flexible. Room for creativity. Participant in research project. Social interaction. Enjoyable experience. Ability to self-reflect.

Compulsion to scavenge. Mental health. Social Anxiety. Lack of stability (financial and locational). Independent/loner. Forgetfulness. Considers herself to be unreliable & a procrastinator.

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ADRIENNE

Adrienne is a fifty-eight year old female currently living in a family owned farm

house on the outskirts of Camelot. She is widowed and has three sons. Her eldest son is

independent, lives in Toronto, and has a family of his own. Her youngest and middle son

both live with her. Her youngest son travels between Camelot and Toronto regularly to

look for work and to visit friends and family. He is suffering from depression as a result

of the loss of his father and has had difficulty securing employment. Adrienne's middle

son has an acquired brain injury, is on ODSP, is a college graduate, and requires some

assistance performing the activities of daily living. Adrienne is the power of attorney over

her middle son's finances.

She is Italian and immigrated to Canada when she was a teenager. Adrienne is

fluent in English and Italian and speaks with a strong Italian accent. Shortly after being in

Canada, she met her husband, fell in love and got married. They lived in Toronto and had

the farm house she now lives in as a summer cottage. After her husband died, Adrienne

could not longer afford the up keep of both properties. She tried renting out the farm in

Camelot and living in Toronto but it was still too expensive. She ended up selling the

house in Toronto and moving to the farm in Camelot. According to Adrienne, the renters

had caused extensive damage to the farm house. Adrienne could not afford the cost of

repairs so she 'sold' the farm house (which was already paid in full) to her sons in

exchange for the cost of the repairs and the right to keep living in it.

Adrienne has severe osteoarthritis and is currently suffering from post traumatic

stress disorder as a result of losing her husband. She had applied for ODSP and received

payments for a month or two before being suspended for allegedly receiving too much

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money from the government on a monthly basis. She is currently on Widows Allowance

and receives a portion of her husband's Disability Pension. Adrienne's monthly income is

$800 and although she does not pay rent, she is still responsible for paying all the bills

associated with the house in addition to being the care-giver for her two sons. Although

Adrienne is on SA, health benefits are not included in the assistance she receives and as a

result does not receive compensation for dental, medical, or prescription medications. Her

middle son, however, does have health coverage because he is on ODSP.

Unable to afford the cost of repairs to her home, she must rely on friends and

family members to do the work and ask her sons to pay for projects that require the

expertise of a professional tradesperson. Adrienne's home is very clean and tidy. She is a

smoker and smokes within her home; however, the house does not smell of smoke.

Adrienne keeps a pot of water and vinegar boiling on the stove to keep the house

smelling fresh and smoke free. The decorating is very minimal; however, the kitchen and

dining room were more elaborate than other rooms in the house. Her dining room table

will sit ten people and on a few occasions there was a second table set up that would

easily sit another six to eight people. Her kitchen and dining room are the areas of the

house in which Adrienne takes the most pride as these are the rooms used to entertain and

provide care for friends and family. Adrienne has many gardens on the property and she

grows enough fresh fruit, vegetables, and spices in one season to last the entire year. She

preserves everything to last through the winter (all kinds of vegetables, spaghetti sauce,

olives, apple sauce, pickles, et cetera). Her entire basement is a cold cellar where she

store the jars of preserves. She makes her own bread, cheese and meat and said "if I get

everything done before the snow comes, I only need to buy flour, milk and eggs to make it

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through the winter". When she is not feeling well her sons work the gardens but when

she is feeling well she finds that she spends most of her days outside in planting, tending

to the garden, and harvesting crops.

The staff at the community resource centre explained that she always insists on

cooking when they visit. They warned the researcher not to eat before going to the

interviews as Adrienne would have a big Italian meal waiting for her and would be

offended if the researcher did not eat it. True to the resource centre staff's prediction,

Adrienne insisted on feeding the researcher before she would officially answer any of the

interview questions. She would casually chat with the researcher over breakfast and/or

lunch but she would not allow the researcher to get out her note pad and pen until after

the meal was over. During the first interview with Adrienne she explained that she gets

pleasure from feeding friends and family and that food is a big part of her culture. She

also explained that cooking for others is her way of making a contribution to society and

makes everything from scratch. Adrienne also makes preserves from her garden and

insisted on more than one occasion that the researcher take some home. She would not

allow the researcher to help tidy up after meals and one occasion while the researcher was

helping the clear the table said "if you do not stop and sit down I am gonna hit you". She

laughed as she slapped her hand on the counter.

During one interview Adrienne had a crew working on her roof and was feeding

them lunch (apparently she had been feeding them lunch the entire week). Later the

researcher found out that even after the roof was completed, the workers still stop by

once a week for lunch. Adrienne explained that she likes feeding them and having the

company. During the fall, a number of Adrienne's family visited from Toronto to hunt on

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her property. She feeds them all breakfast and lunch and in exchange they each give her a

portion of what they kill (rabbit, turkey, deer, et cetera). In doing so, Adrienne is able to

gain a sense of purpose from caregiving and is able to trade her services for goods.

Furthermore, caregiving appears to be Adrienne's connection to mainstream society and

her primary means of social interaction with others.

When asked to identify the key issues affecting her and preventing her from being

integrated into mainstream society, Adrienne explained that she has osteoarthritis and

gets very stiff. The doctors say that she should be in a wheelchair but she is determined to

prolong being reliant on a wheelchair as long as possible. She does not like to take her

medicine because it makes her very dizzy and tired but sometimes has to when the pain is

too much to bear. In addition osteoarthritis, Adrienne has additional health concerns: she

has high blood pressure; doctors found a lump on her breast and at the base of her neck

and are not yet sure if they are cancerous; she is awaiting surgery for her rotator cuffs and

does not know if it is because of her osteoarthritis or cancer; and she has been in the

hospital a lot lately.

Adrienne experiences from depression and is still in shock from the loss of her

husband. She is aggravated with the paper-work she is required to complete after losing a

loved one. She is having difficulty adjusting to the consequences of losing a spouse—

"you have to be more responsible, have to pay all of the bills, care for my boys and their

families...it is a huge adjustment. I lost my partner". In addition to the shock and

depression, Adrienne has also lost a significant amount of weight since the death of her

husband (approximately 100 pounds), and now suffers from panic attacks (she worries

about trespassers and her families' safety).

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In April 2006, her youngest son was driving and they got in an accident and she,

her youngest and middle son were all injured. It has been a long recovery. She gets very

tired now but is always busy and explains "/ use my willpower to get the strength to

continue".

Transportation is another issue for Adrienne as there is only one car for the family

and her youngest has it in Toronto when he is there working. Her middle son has a bike

and will ride into town to pick up groceries and/or necessities for her when needed.

Adrienne is a very independent woman and is having difficulty adjusting to her

new life circumstances— being widowed, deteriorating health, financial insecurity, new

living environment, and requiring assistance in general. "It is very tough getting by and

taking care of my boys on such a limited income".

For Adrienne, there is no such thing as a typical day. Each day is dependent on

her health and whether she takes her medication. If she takes her medication, she

explained, '7 sleep in. Get up from the bed to the chair to another chair to the bathroom.

Slow starting. I stumble around groggy. I take awhile to get up kind of like I'm hung over.

I feel weak. I don't like to take my meds". But if she doesn't take her medication, she is

up early (i.e. 4 a.m.) and keeping busy.

/ shower, come downstairs, turn off alarm, have a coffee, take my meds...my pain killers, and the rest will depend on my mood and my health. I either go outside, start cooking, cleaning, bake a cake, make homemade pasta. In the summer I'm outside all the time. I visit with friends and have people stopping by all the time. I Spend more time in the home in the winter but still go for a walk and visit with my neighbours.

Adrienne explained that she does not sleep a lot but averages about five to eight

hours a night. During the day she is limited as to what she can complete but explains that

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"first I do what I have to do and then I hit the bed - now if I have to rest I rest. I will

prepare meals for company, go to appointments, visit friends and family, whatever is

necessary". She explained that as much as she enjoys visiting other people, most of the

time people stop by and visit her because they know she does not always have a car and

they know that she is often alone with her one son who has an intellectual disability and

they want to check in on her. When not socializing, Adrienne enjoys watching the news

on the television, and leaves the Italian channel on for background noise. She also enjoys

reading books and magazines in both English and Italian.

When asked to describe her social network, Adrienne explained that she is well

liked and there are a lot of good people in her life. She identified her family doctor, her

psychiatrist, and her bone specialists as key supports in her life. But her social support

comes from family, friends and neighbours. She stressed "/ get by because of my boys".

Her eldest son tries to help out financially as much as possible (i.e., paid to have the roof

replaced and pays for her prescriptions, lets her live rent free). Her youngest son

physically helps with chores and home improvement as much as possible when not

working or staying at his older brother's house in Toronto and is currently unemployed.

The middle son has an intellectual disability but tries to help Adrienne however he can

(i.e., picking vegetables, carrying heavy items, biking into town for groceries).

Adrienne has one sister in Canada and she still visits with some of her husband's

family, although she explained that it is hard being around them because she misses her

husband more when she is with them. She has a lot of good close caring friends and

concerned neighbours—"My neighbours are good kind rural folks. They will check on me

to make sure I'm OK. My neighbours and friends are good people and we look out for

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each other. We call to check in regularly". Adrienne believes that you get out of life what

you put into it and commented on more than one occasion that "you get what you give

and I give a lot to my friends".

During the course of the study Adrienne was not observed socially interacting

with many other people. She did feed the roofers, however, she did not engage in much

discussion with them. The interaction was limited to Adrienne serving them lunch, small

talk about the weather outside, and her telling them to be careful and to let her know if

they need anything else. The roofers sat at the dining room table and chatted among

themselves (not even acknowledging my presence or Adrienne's middle son who was

also at the table eating lunch) and Adrienne made frequent trips back and forth from the

kitchen to the dining room with more food.

Adrienne has a thick Italian accent and is difficult to understand. When she gets

excited she speaks even faster and on a number of occasions the researcher had to ask her

to repeat herself and double check what she had said. In the beginning when she would

say things like "don'ta make a me mad" or "sit down or Vma going to hit you" it was

unclear whether she was joking or being serious, but it quickly became evident that

Adrienne has a great sense of humour and is a very funny woman. It is possible that she

uses humour as a way of communicating the importance of respect and caring for others.

Adrienne always wore casual and comfortable clothes that were dark in colour (t-shirts

and stretch pants with flip flops). She appeared to be very plain, she did not wear make

up, minimal jewellery (earrings, one necklace and her wedding rings), and her hair was

cut in a bob and often worn back in a short pony tail.

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All interviews took place in the dining room. Adrienne would sit across from the

researcher. When responding to questions, she would use a lot of metaphors and/or

colloquial expressions but would miss a word or begin to use the expression and end up

explaining it instead. The researcher had to refrain from trying to fill in the blanks,

guessing the metaphor Adrienne was trying to use, or finishing her sentences when she

was explaining the sayings.

According to Adrienne, if you know how to do things and do them well then you

are productive—"a productive person is doing good stuff. And you can see. Maybe he is a

good business man or done something very good". Because Adrienne used the pronoun

he in her description of productivity, the researcher asked her to clarify whether or not

both sexes could be productive. Adrienne explained that yes, both men and women can

be productive. Furthermore, she added that:

we all need money so we need a paid job. You also can do charity or volunteer work or reach up and help physically or financially. You can be a good person doing non work things because a productive person helps those in need like the elderly or people with disabilities.

Although for Adrienne, productivity is not contingent on employment, she believes one is

expected to work if they are able. And when asked whether or not she viewed herself as

productive she responded:

/ definitely think that I'm productive - definitely. I have helped my middle son, other children, my husband when he was sick. I shall do things with my middle son, my other boys, the neighbours, other family members. I worked my whole life and now I can't work at a job but I shall work as a mom. A mom who raises her kids right deserves the world of respect - a medal at the end of the day.

When asked about her notions of social integration and feeling of belongingness

within her community. Adrienne replied:

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/ don't feel like I belong in Camelot. I like a lot of people but being part of the community means doing things with them. I do not like to go to the Legion. A lot of people socialize there. My culture doesn 't believe in the same things as others and I don 'tfeel comfy there. Not many Italians go there. We [Italians] get together and do our own things.

Adrienne further explained that she does not go to the Legion or other places within the

community because of safety issues. She believes it is not safe for a single female with

disabled child to be out socializing in the evening around strangers or alcohol. "At night

I do not go out and I lock everything up. There is a lot of crime up here now, a lot of drug

busts, break and enters...I do not feel safe out late at night". Adrienne owns several guns

(hunting rifles and shot guns) that her family use for hunting but Adrienne commented on

more than one occasion that she feels safe knowing there are guns in the house and her

boys know how to use them—both for hunting and in case their safety was ever

threatened. Although she does not feel overly connected to the people living in Camelot,

Adrienne clarified that she feels as though she very much belongs and is integrated within

her culture and/or the Italian community and wishes there was more opportunities to

socialize with other Italian people. "As the Italian population grows [in Camelot] / think

we can start a club so we can get together with like-minded people who enjoy the same

things and preserve our culture". The only social interaction that Adrienne has with other

community members, aside from visiting with her neighbours (who live on the farm

across the highway from her) is when she goes to church; however, she does not attend

regularly—"/ go to the Catholic church when I have a car. There are two [Catholic

churches] in Camelot at opposite ends of town. I used to walk to church in Toronto but

have to drive here. Catholic population is growing quite a bit and I try and get to church

whenever I can". Attending church appears to be an opportunity for Adrienne to interact

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with mainstream society and other people of the Catholic faith who share common values

and beliefs. Her ability to attend regularly however is limited by her lack of access to

regular and reliable transportation.

When asked to explain her perception of choice and control in her life, Adrienne

explained that she feels as though both are limited.

All my life someone else has been in control. I have no money and my riches are my children. Everything I have I worked hard for. The government has tried to close my file so I don't get what I'm entitled to. You have to be lucky and in terms of money and I haven't been lucky. I need help now and the government wont' help me. I worked as long as I could, I'm widowed, I'm disabled, I have a disabled son but I don't get enough help. If I learned to be crooked and cheat I might get ahead but I won't do that... We moved to Camelot because it was the only other option. I made a bad investment with a family member. I owned one house in Toronto and one here in Camelot. I had to sell my house in Toronto to pay off debts when my husband passed... My brother-in-law won the jackpot in 649 and gave us some because he knew what happened with other family member and wanted to help but was really only offering it as a loan with five percent interest. I used it to buy another house in Toronto, rented out the farm, but things didn 't work out so I had to sell the one in Toronto, and we moved to the farm...Started renovating but its expensive and we don't - I don't have the money as my oldest son has to help me. I cannot afford any luxuries. I just want to live comfortably - but that's been hard...I helped my son when I could and when we had money and now he can help me. I just want to be treated fairly and get what I'm rightfully entitled to.

Adrienne has suffered a lot of losses. Her mother passed when she was only five

years old, she was sent to boarding school at a convent with nuns, she returned home as a

teen, her father had remarried, her older sister moved to Canada, she followed her sister

and immigrated to Canada, got married, lost her father, had children, lost a baby, her

middle son developed a brain injury, her husband fell ill and then she lost her husband.

Adrienne feels as though she has had no choice in many of the major events that have

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happened in her life; however, she realized one day that she has the power to control what

happens in the event of death—"/ have everything in writing so that if I died my family is

taken care of. I decided and choose what happens. I have planned for everything and

signed properties over, left instructions for who and how to care for my middle son. I

have made the choice and I have decided'. It would appear that having the power to

choose what happens after death has been empowering for Adrienne and a way for her to

make a statement and/or rebel against the dictates of the system.

Adrienne takes pride in all that she does and enjoys working.

When I worked it was the best time of my life. While at work I forget about all life's problems. I took my work very seriously and had so many friends at all of my jobs. When I was quitting last job they begged me not to leave. At break or lunch we laugh, and joke and talk. We 'd share lunch and snacks. I hung out with other smokers and got along with most everyone everywhere I worked.

Adrienne worked a number of different manual labour jobs and often did piece work. She

often worked seven days a week to provide for her family as she was the sole provider for

many years after her husband was seriously injured on the job and was not compensated

until after a lengthy court battle. Adrienne even returned to work full time two weeks

after giving birth because her family could not afford for her to be off work. Adrienne

explains that she did whatever was in her power (in good and in bad) to make sure her

kids were taken care of—"nothing but the best for my children...college, university, cars,

clothes, whatever they need\ Whether employed or not, Adrienne appears to have a

strong work ethic and providing for her family has always been her primary

responsibility. She identifies as being a provider and/or caregiver to family and friends

and gains a sense of purpose and self-worth through her work and her ability to provide.

Adrienne explains that work was once her job, but now it is care giving.

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/ work for family. I take care of my youngest and middle son that live with me. I take care of my married son and his family. They come and hunt here and I feed them. They go away and I watch their children. They all go away and I clean their home top to bottom. I love to care for them because it makes me feel - it's my purpose - who else would be there for them - I'm their mother. My youngest son is in a depression and needs me. And my middle son is disabled and needs me. I'm therefor them as mother, friend, confidant. I am there in ways a social worker can't be.

Adrienne explains that you have to like what you are doing and she loves taking

care of her family, friends, neighbours, and others in general. When asked about her

perceptions of employment as a mechanism for social integration, Adrienne stated

/ don't agree you need a pay job to be included and accepted because you can have a non-pay job or non-pay work and be just as included as everyone else or more so. Look at me. Everyone tells me I'm a fantastic mom and did a great job with my kids. I have lots of friends, a big extended family. I did work in a pay job but now I can't because of my health and I feel like I am no different socially than I was before.

Furthermore, she added that "being a mom should be the highest paying job because you

are always busy, most responsibility, and you are raising the future...but you have to do

it well. Value family first and foremost. My kids will always need me and I will always be

therefor them and vice versa".

Adrienne understood leisure to be "what makes you happy" and for her that is

making a contribution to betterment of others—care giving. She explained that through

leisure "you see the value of life". With her children she financially provided for them

when she could but now she mostly provides for them emotionally (listening, talking,

coaching) and physically (cooking, cleaning). For Adrienne, leisure is the social fabric

"that brings the family together. All our interaction makes us closer. Leisure, care giving

and family interaction, is beneficial to my family and the community because what my

kids learn gets passed on and shared with the rest of the community". She explained that

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she not only cares for her family but also for others in Camelot (her neighbours, the

roofers, staff from the community resource centre, et cetera), her extended Italian family,

and anyone in need—"anyone I can help. Any of my boys' friends or their families.

Anyone". Care giving (and therefore leisure) appears to be Adrienne's connection to the

community (however this may be defined). "/ believe that it costs nothing to be polite

and nice to others and even though what goes around comes around, I do not do it for

any reasons but to try and help someone less fortunate". On several occasions, she

mentioned that no one ever taught her how to cook; she is self taught but her secret is that

she cooks with her heart—"J gain a sense of pleasure from cooking for others".

Therefore, using leisure and/or Serious Leisure as a social integration strategy would be a

more effective strategy for promoting social integration within a given community.

Adrienne wanted to participate in the volunteer portion of the study but did not

feel as though she would be able to make the commitment at this time in her life.

Adrienne has volunteered in some capacity or another during much of her adult life, but

her volunteering is now limited by her health. She feels isolated at the farm and living in

the rural community, and uses care giving as a vehicle for social interaction and a means

for integration, especially by caring for the neighbours, roofers, and community resource

staff. Although Adrienne did not officially participate in the volunteer portion of this

study by engaging in a new volunteer experience, she did continue to care for her friends,

family, neighbours and other community members on a regular basis and therefore, did

inadvertently participate in Serious Leisure (according to Stebbins' broader definition of

the term). When asked to describe what some of the benefits of using leisure as a social

integration strategy in a rural community may be, Adrienne explained that helping others

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provides her with a sense of purpose, pride, self-worth and an opportunity for social

interaction.

Adrienne participated in the entire data collection portion of the study and met

with me regularly over the course of the six month study period. When asked to explain

what she believed the benefits of participating in the study were she said

Usually I don't talk about my life and it's been nice getting talk. We talk about the good and the bad. You listen and we can share and converse. I'm very private and I'm surprised I can open up with you because I won't with most anybody. I think you are a great girl and I wish you were closer cause I'd feed you every day. It has not been difficult discussing difficult issues because you listen and it makes me feel human.

It would appear that Adrienne viewed her participation in this research project to be

empowering, however, what does it say about the current system when her description of

the benefits of participating in a flexible system that provides for plural approaches to

social integration is that it made her "feel human". Is this to suggest that the current

system is dehumanizing; and if so, can a system that is dehumanizing to individuals who

are unemployed be considered effective?

Adrienne also saw a benefit of her participation in the research project as being an

opportunity for her to share her story and by sharing her story she might help others

understand what it is like to live in poverty in a rural community. She said she was only

participating because she agreed with the purpose of the research and that the research

was not trying to judge her or change her—"you have a good heart because you want to

help people through your research...if you can teach and help others you've served a

purpose. If you can reach others and better their life then that is commendable, and I

think I know that's what you're trying to do". When asked whether she considered the

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interviews and her participation in the study to be more like work or leisure, Adrienne

stated:

The meetings have been helpful. It's made me realize a lot about myself and my life and that has been enjoyable. So then I'd say its more leisure like. You don't ask why things happen in life but I know for some reason you were brought into my life or I was brought into yours and I consider it a blessing. We get to talk, I cook for you, we eat, you listen and I enjoy your company.

A follow up question asked her whether or not she viewed her participation in the project

to be a form of volunteering and she said "definitely I think this is volunteering. I enjoy it

and I could open up with you. We met regularly and shared. It was a weekly or monthly

commitment and it was enjoyable".

When asked what could be the possible constraints of using leisure as a tool for

social integration in a rural community, she explained that there are a lot of barriers in her

life right now; namely, financial instability, lack of transportation, having dependant

children, family commitments, as well as her physical health and psychological health.

Adrienne enjoys care giving and helping others from her home but explains the barriers

are presently far too great to volunteer outside of the home.

When asked to describe her plans for the future, Adrienne explained that she is

just taking life one day at a time. Adrienne believes that she is better off than other people

on social assistance because she has such a loving and supportive family and truly

believes her family are the way they are because she has always made an effort to be

there and help them over the years. She does not think she would have been able to make

it through the past few years if it was not for her family. She thanks God every day that

she has such good people in her life. It would appear that a system that allows for plural

approaches to social integration would be more effective than the current system for

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individuals like Adrienne. Being socially integrated and having a strong social network

seem to position Adrienne closer to the margins of mainstream society than other

individual case participants in this dissertation.

Table 13: Summary Matrix of Adrienne Age Marital Status Dependents Shelter & Living Arrangements

SH= Social Housing Pets SA

Duration Monthly Income Rent

Transportation Health Concerns

Current Issues Affecting Life

Breakdown of a Typical Day

Social Support

Notions of Productivity

Coping Mechanisms

58 Widowed 2 Lives with her 2 youngest sons—1 of whom has a cognitive impairment.

Family owned house and farm—outskirts of Camelot. No pets. Suspended from on ODSP—Now on Widows Allowance and Disability Pension Approx. 3 years Approx. $800 Does not pay rent as family owns the farm/property. Pays utilities. 1 family vehicle—mostly used by her youngest son Smoker. Osteoarthritis. Bad side effects from medication. Depression. Panic attacks. Huge weight loss (~1001bs). High blood pressure. Work related injury (pain in arm & injured rotator cup). Lump found in breast and base of neck. Tires easily. A lot of test and hospital visits. Daily medication. Difficulty sleeping. Grieving the loss of husband. Financial constraints & adjusting to new financial situation. Trying to renovate the home she lives in after renting it out for years. Suspended & appeal declined for ODSP. No health benefits. Inconsistent access to transportation. Health. Does not sleep well when not on medication but sleeps too much when on it. Day depends on mood and pain. Spends a lot of time outdoors (April-October) in the garden. Spends a lot of time cooking, doing preservatives, and freezing food. Visits with family & neighbours regularly. Watches TV or reads in the PM. Sons. Family. Close friends. Neighbours. Italian community. Working professionals (family doctor, psychiatrist, bone specialist). "Doing good things". Making a contribution to society— Financially or physically. "Helps those in need". A paid job is expected of those who can work. Believes she is productive. Care-giving. Cooking. Social Interaction with friends & family. Medication & sleeping when necessary. Relocated to rural farm house where the good memories were.

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Notions of SI & Feeling of Belongingness

Perception of Choice & Control in Life

Meaning of work

Perceptions of Work for SI

Meaning of leisure

Perceptions of Leisure for SI Volunteer Experience

Benefits of Leisure for SI in Rural Community Constraints of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

Does not feel a sense of belonging in Camelot. Cultural barrier. Feels unsafe at farm house (has an alarm system, riffles, shot guns, et cetera). Will go to the Catholic church when she has transportation. Feels connected with a few neighbours. Feels like she belongs in the Italian community (esp. in neighbouring rural community and Toronto). Belonging through caregiving. Does not feel in control of life. Chose to plan what will happen after she dies. Chooses to make her children her riches in life. Strong work ethic. Has worked a variety and multiple manual labour jobs in her past (nursing home attendant, janitor, food preparation, tailor, factory production line worker, et cetera). Enjoyed the social interaction & escape employment provided. Current work is care-giving and cooking for others. It works for some but not for everyone. Do not need a paycheque to be socially included. Contribution to society should not be limited to work. What makes you happy. Making a contribution to the betterment of others. E.g., cooking, volunteering, social interaction, care-giving. Provides a sense of purpose. Additional contribution. Participant in research project. Preparing meals for neighbours, roofers, hunters, immediate family, extended family, et cetera. Long history of volunteering. Reaches those excluded/not working. Provides a sense of purpose and belonging. Empowering. Financial limitations & instability. Poor health. Lack of physical energy. Transportation. Dependent children/family commitments/care-giving responsibilities.

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JILL

Jill is a fifty-two year old female and a recent widower. Her husband (Jackson)

passed away approximately a year before the commencement of the study; however, prior

to his death Jill and Jackson rented a house in the neighbouring metro-adjacent city.

Shortly after he passed away, Jill became very reclusive, began drinking heavily and fell

behind on her rent payments. She was evicted for failing to pay her rent (owes $2000 in

back payments) and was intoxicated at the time the sheriff came to escort her from the

property. In accordance with the Landlord Tenant Act, the contents of her home became

property of the landlord and she was only able to take what she could carry. Jill did not

gather all of Jackson's personal belongings when being evicted and does not have his

personal identification. As a result of not having his birth certificate and other legal

documents, she is unable to get a death certificate and thus in turn unable to file for

widows' allowance. Staff from the community resource centre has worked with lobby

groups and coalitions in the neighbouring metro-adjacent city to get access to the

documents, however, the landlord will not cooperate. Jill was homeless for a short period

of time before moving to Camelot.

Jill has been marginalized from society for most of her life. She has been in and

out of prison (primarily a result of shop lifting, assault, drug possession, and dealing

drugs) and was forced to place two of the three children up for adoption while

incarcerated. The one son she was able to keep, is now an adult and lives on his own in

the neighbouring metro-adjacent city. She was with Jackson off and on for twenty-seven

years (married for seventeen years) and during their marriage he spent more time in jail

than living at home. Jill and Jackson's major source of income came from dealing drugs.

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Jill was an intravenous drug user of speed and cocaine for the majority of her adult life

and had been drug free for twelve years at the beginning of the study; however, midway

through the research project she relapsed (could not afford cocaine while unemployed

and on SA and began using crack and crank). Jill was a heavy drinker when Jackson was

alive and became an alcoholic after he passed away. She did not drink for the majority of

the study but resumed drinking when she relapsed and began using drugs again. Jill is

Hepatitis B and C positive as a result of sharing intravenous drug needles and has

suffered severe kidney and liver damage as a result of the drinking and drug use. Being

unemployed does not appear to be the only issue constraining Jill's social integration into

mainstream society.

Jill was on Mother's Allowance in the late 1970s (when her son was a baby) but

was able to financially sustain herself through illegal activity while married to Jackson.

She is currently on Ontario Works, her monthly income is approximately $525 and after

paying $300 for rent, she is left with $225 to pay for all the necessities of life. During the

course of the study, however, Jill's monthly OW cheque was either withheld or her status

was suspended for failing to comply with one rule or another. Once she complied or won

the appeal her status was reinstated. This experience is consistent with a Structural

Functionalist approach to system organization in that the system's SA programs are

designed to get unemployed individuals off the welfare/workfare roles.

For the majority of the study period, Jill was living in a storage trailer on the

outskirts of Camelot; however, toward the end of the study period she moved into a social

housing complex in rural neighbouring town. The storage trailer in which Jill lived was

located in a remote area on the outskirts of Camelot (approximately eighteen kilometres

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from town) behind a house in which her landlord lived. The trailer had no insulation, no

running water or washroom facilities, no heat, no fridge or stove, no overhead lights, no

laundry facilities* and the electricity was spliced from the main house and fed by

extension cords. She would connect her lamp, microwave and television (antique black

and white television she found at the free store) to the extension cords. The trailer had

one hollow door (as evidenced by the hole in the bottom corner) with no lock or weather

stripping, two windows (single pane), and was approximately eight feet wide by fourteen

feet long. The landlord is an alcoholic and when awake and sober would allow Jill entry

into the main house to shower or use the toilet. The majority of the time the house was

locked and Jill would have to use a bucket as a toilet; dumping it behind the trailer when

it became full and rinsing it out with bleach (when she could afford it) and rain water. Jill

is a smoker and smokes in the trailer; the two windows do not open so she must leave the

door open (no screen) to air out her living space when it becomes too smoky. Jill's shares

her living space with Pacino (a six year old female Ikeda Shepard). Despite the limited

space, Jill's trailer is relatively clean and tidy.

When first evicted from the house she rented with Jackson in the neighbouring

metro-adjacent city, Jill did not have anything—"/ had no blankets, no pillows, no towels,

just a mattress on the floor and the clothes on my back. I needed to get things but didn't

have money and it is still difficult but slowly I am acquiring a few basic necessity items".

The conditions of poverty extend beyond the lack of employment and Jill appears to be

lacking the stability necessary to gain employment; basic survival rather than searching

for employment seem to be of the utter most importance.

* Jill uses a bucket and catches rain water to wash her clothes in and then hangs them in the trees to dry when there is not too much sap on the branches

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Jill had no telephone and would have to use the payphone at the corner store to

place calls to her case and/or employment worker, family or friends. There was also no

phone in the main house as the landlord has missed paying the bill on several occasions

and it was eventually disconnected. Without regular access to a telephone and living in

such a remote and secluded area, it was very difficult for others to contact Jill. Her case

and employment workers did not understand why she would not have a telephone

(despite her explaining that there is no way to connect a telephone to her current place of

residence and also that she could not afford the monthly bill, let alone the initial connect

fee) and would not make alternative arrangements for contacting her. Decisions would be

made regarding her case and/or status without consultation with her because OW staff did

not have a telephone number where she could be reached, so if she did not go in to speak

with them or drop off her monthly statements, she would not know her monthly cheque

had been held or her status suspended until it was too late. She would go to the payphone

to call either her case or employment worker (depending on the situation) and they would

say, "didn't you get our messages we left on your machine" or "didn't you get the notice

in the mail". She would explain her situation again, they would then explain the

infractions and what is required before they could issue her a cheque or reinstate her

status, and "two or three weeks later a letter would show up" notifying her of the original

infractions, at which point the issue had already been taken care of.

When asked to identify the key issues affecting her and preventing her from being

integrated into mainstream society, Jill explained that learning to adjust to her new living

situation and coping with the changes that have occurred in her life over the past year

have been the most debilitating forces in her life. Jill was very embarrassed about having

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to go on social assistance and was ashamed of living in a storage trailer. Jill expressed on

a number of different occasions that she needed to move and that she did not care where

she moved to anymore as she just wanted some where warm, clean and safe.

/ desperately want into social housing and don't care where I get in. The trailer is cold, there's no water, no heat, and the landlord is a drunk and is on another bender. He's had the house locked up and hasn't left it for 3 days; hasn't even answered the door when I'm knocking and it's been 3 days. I haven't showered in 3 days. I've been leaving another bucket outside to catch rain so I can have enough water... I will not make it through the winter out here.

Although moving into social housing was her preference, Jill commented that she was not

opposed to moving into a shelter or a hostel (temporary housing) for a few months until a

social housing spot became available.

I've been contemplating packing up a few things and leaving. Just leaving. I don't know where I'd go but I know I can't stay here. It's inhuman to have to live this way and being homeless doesn't seem that bad when you already have no money and risk eviction for the second time in one year. Seriously Leigh, I had to go down to a neighbours to get my jug of water filled because the landlord has had the house locked up because he's drinking again. I haven't showered now since Friday [5 days ago] and I only got to shower then because Blake brought the landlord a cheque for rent. Well now that he has the $300 rent money he has the house locked out, drinking his cooking sherry because he's a drunk and he is drinking. I couldn 't even shower before my physical on Monday and I'm out of water again today.

At the beginning of the study Jill was nervous about "moving into town" (into

Camelot or one of the surrounding communities) because she was afraid she would lose

the social connections she has worked hard to make and possibly even relapse into a life

of addiction, as drugs and alcohol are more accessible in town. However, as time

progressed, she decided it was necessary to move in order to survive—she felt too

secluded and was worried about her personal safety and well being. Midway through the

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study period Jill completed the application for social housing; her only condition was that

she needed to find a place that would allow her to keep her dog. Community Resource

centre staff told her that once she got into social housing, they could work out a plan

together so she could keep busy and meet some "good people that could help her stay

clean and sober". Staff also brought Jill the paperwork to complete so that she could file

for a new copy of her husband's death certificate and eventually file for widow's

allowance.

Jill also found it difficult trying to survive on the amount of money remaining

after paying rent. Jill visits the foodbank monthly but explained that:

you can only go once a month and the amount of food they give you is only enough to sustain you for one week, not one month. You get two vegetables, two macaroni or one bag of pasta and sauce, one can of fruit, one bread loaf, two cans of soup, one margarine, one box of cereal, one jar of peanut butter or rice, one box of crackers. No milk, no eggs, no cheese, no bagels or buns, nothing.

She also frequents the local thrift stores and free store in an effort to find a few articles of

clothing for the changing seasons and basic household items (e.g., dishes and utensils,

blankets and pillows, boots, mittens and scarves). Despite many efforts, Jill was unable

to manage on a $200 per month budget and made an arrangement with the owner of the

corner store (the corner store is located one kilometre from her trailer). Jill would work

a few hours a week at the store (cleaning, unloading the delivery truck or stocking

shelves) in exchange for groceries, cigarettes, and other necessities (shampoo, deodorant,

toothpaste). This was a barter arrangement and Jill was not paid cash or work regular

shifts—she would help out whenever she was needed and whenever she felt up to it. Jill

enjoyed helping out at the store as it allowed her an opportunity to socialize with others

and provided a sense of purpose in her life. A few months into the study period the store

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owner told Jill that she could not longer help out at the store. When Jill asked the store

owner the reason for his decision, he explained that his wife does not like him spending

so much time with her. Jill was devastated. "Now I've lost my connection to the

community. I won't be able to get extra food and free items from the store. I won't be

able to help my boss or the other staff. I am very upset. I worthless without being able to

help out at the store". Jill tried to get the store owner to reconsider on two or three

different occasions, but his wife did not change her mind. Jill commented

/ have done nothing but help them out. I have never made any advances or been inappropriate. I wear baggy old clothes and hardly ever get to shower. How can she be jealous of me? She has no reason to be. Yes I am nice, but that is it. I was hoping she would calm down and come to her senses but it doesn't look promising... She just hates women. ..stupid bitch.

A few years ago Jill was in a bad motorcycle accident and never fully recovered.

She has a lot of pain in her limbs and back and doctors have prescribed her Oxycottin in

an effort to help manage the pain. Her accident injuries, combined with other health

issues (Hepatitis, diabetes, a hernia, depression, and substance abuse) have prevented her

from working. "/ can definitely work a few hours a day but I am unable to work thirty-

five or forty hours a week, every week". Applying to work is a mandatory term of the OW

program; however, Jill's family physician has written a letter to her case worker

exempting her from this obligation. Moreover, her physician has written her a letter to

support her application for ODSP. Jill's current life circumstances are too overwhelming

to introduce another full time commitment such as fulltime employment.

In addition to the aforementioned issues affecting her life and integration into

mainstream society, Jill is limited because of the lack of transportation. "/ love the

country and rural area but do not like not having reliable transportation or my own car".

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Jill has a bicycle she uses for getting from her trailer to the store, however the bicycle is

small (intended for children) and not suitable for driving eighteen kilometres on the

highway to get from her trailer into Camelot, let alone from her trailer into the metro-

adjacent city (a forty-five minute car ride away) for other services. Jill stated that she has

a difficult time getting a ride to appointments and meetings* in the metro-adjacent city,

"especially when I'm not given at least twenty-four hours notice to make arrangements'''

(as is often the case with her OW case worker).

When asked to describe a typical day, Jill explained that she generally gets up

early in the morning as she does not sleep well at night and often has "sad dreams".

Once up she gives "hugs and kisses to Pacino" and gives thanks to God. "/ look outside

and thank God for nature. I say my prayers and gather thoughts about me so I can think

positively and have a good day". After her meditative time, she will drink her coffee and

smoke cigarettes while watching the weather report on television.

I pray for sun so that I'm not stuck in the trailer all day and so that I can go to the store and work. I need to do something purposefully. I don't like sitting idle. I need to go out and contribute something because it makes me feel worthwhile so I go to the store and do whatever is required there.

If she is unable to help out at the store she will try and spend as much time outside as

possible and often takes Pacino for a walk through the forest or by the lake. "/ stay

outside until it's dark, even in the winter. If the sun is out, I'm out". Once dark, Jill will

go inside, have something to eat and either read, watch television or play cards (likely

solitaire although she did not specify) before going to bed. Most of her time is spent alone

* Jill's family physician, case worker, employment worker and legal aid office are all in a neighbouring town or the metro-adjacent city.

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with Pacino and when she is depressed she will spend a lot of time napping or sleeping

during the day.

Jill does not have a lot of friends, despite the fact that she does have a lot of

acquaintances. Before being widowed and moving to Camelot, Jill and Jackson were very

social, had a group of close friends and would visit with family regularly. "/ used to be a

social butterfly. Go for coffee. Has a good circle of friends and close family but nothing

now". Jill now lives a life of seclusion and does not want friends and family to know "just

how bad it [her life] is". She is embarrassed about her current situation and explained that

she feels worthless when talking with old friends, but feels special in her new community

and around the people at the store—"they don't know me or know where I've come from

or what I've come from. They just know me from the store and for the contribution they

see me making". Jill does not let people in her new community know that she is on SA,

she just explains she is recently widowed and unemployed and looking to help out

however she can. When asked who her specific social supports were, Jill avoided the

question and replied with:

I'm feeling like I may need some grief counselling. I have never not been social. The isolation is ridiculous because I'm avoiding everyone, even my own son. I am worrying about my depression. I have been on the same meds for depression because I lost everything in a fire 20 years ago and I have been on same dose all along and think I might need a new dose.

When the question was revisited, Jill explained that her outreach worker from the

community resource centre and Lucile (a seventy-five year old woman who works one

day a week at the corner store) "are the only people I talk to about my life and about

anything". When asked if there was anyone else that she could think of that she would

consider a social support in her life, she added Pacino to the list explaining that her dog is

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her confidant and is always there for her. She did not list her son as a social support;

perhaps this is because she is embarrassed by her current situation and has chosen not to

share the details with her son or perhaps they have issues between them that prevent this

type of intimacy.

Jill expressed that there were definite barriers to social interaction now; since

being on OW there are issue constraining integration that were not there in the past.

Look at me. I haven't been able to even get my hair cut or the roots dyed...I look out of place. My appearance. I clothes I have are limited. I have not food to bring to a pot luck. What do I bring? Hmmm, something from thefoodbank? And when people ask what do you do? And I say during the day? And they say yes. Hmmm let's see. I don't work, I'm not a stay at home mom, I don't volunteer. How do you say I just sit around and do nothing all day?

Jill's concerns are consistent with the system's orientation toward a structural

functionalist approach to organization. Many conversations at social gatherings revolve

around work because the current system is structured to value one's participation in the

workforce. Also she is continually hassled because of the Structural Functionalist

system's mechanisms for social integration.

In terms of her appearance, Jill was a simple woman (not necessarily by choice

but by life circumstance). Her hair was blonde with greying roots, shoulder length and

she generally wore her hair down. She sometimes wore glasses when she was tired or

when reading. Her hands were callused and her nails were always painted—the polish

was often chipping or wearing off, but it was always the same shade. Jill was never

observed without scrapes and cuts on her legs (which she explained were usually

acquired when walking Pacino through the forest or playing outside) or chapped lips (and

on more than one occasion she had a cold sore on the left corner of her mouth). Jill had a

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very limited wardrobe but often layered her clothes to keep warm; while at home she

usually wore her splash pants and a baggy sweatshirt and while doing errands in the

community she usually wore jeans and turtleneck or sweater.

After the first two interviews, Jill asked the researcher if she would drive her into

town or the neighbouring metro-adjacent city at the end of the interviews to do her

errands. The researcher agreed, knowing that Jill lived in a rural and remote location and

did not have access to transportation or a telephone, and would be unable to access the

necessary services in town (e.g., banking, faxing paperwork to her case and/or

employment worker, getting groceries, picking up her prescription from the drug store)

without assistance. Jill only asked for a ride into town and insisted she would find her

own way home. Over the course of the study Jill was observed socially interacting with

volunteer staff at the foodbank, thrift store and free store; paid staff at the community

resource centre, Tim Horton's, and her doctor's office; her co-workers and boss at the

corner store; and one or two acquaintances in passing.

No matter who Jill was interacting with, she clearly enunciated each and every

word. She had a deep but friendly sounding voice; however, despite the enunciating she

sometime sounded rough. The sound of her voice might be attributed to many years of

smoking. When interacting with people she was familiar with Jill was energetic, friendly,

candid, and affectionate. She would share personal details about her life (stories, photos,

tattoos, letter, legal documents) and was not afraid to express her feelings or cuss when

frustrated with her current situation. She would establish and maintain eye contact when

interacting with people she was familiar with and took an interest in learning about the

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lives of other people. Jill appeared very respectful and the people with whom she was

familiar appeared to have a mutual respect for her.

Jill would hug the researcher at the beginning and end of each interview. She

would often pause before answering an interview question to gather her thoughts and

reflect on the question. Her responses were definite and there was no hesitation in her

reply. When Jill would speak about her case worker or being on SA in general, her tone

would become harsh (angry sounding), her pace and volume would increase, and she

tended to cuss more. Her manner would suggest that she did not see the case worker as

someone to be of assistance but one who was representing the system that viewed her as a

delinquent.

When interacting with strangers or people she was not as familiar with, Jill was

soft spoken, polite but not as talkative as usual—often waiting to speak until she was

spoken to. She would make eye contact when speaking but looked down or away when

the other person was speaking to her. She did not confront the server at Tim Horton's

when they got her coffee order mixed up or when the receptionist at the community

resource centre was curt with her; but she was upset and made her feelings clear when

speaking with the researcher after the fact. When asked why she did not say something at

the time, she explained that she did not want to cause a scene or draw attention to herself.

This behaviour suggests that she does not see herself as having the same rights as others.

Although not ever wanting to cause a scene, Jill was observed bartering or trying to make

deals with people in the thrift stores and foodbank and when trying to make a deal. Jill

appeared to be more assertive when bartering than any of the other times she was

observed socially interacting with strangers. Bartering usually occurred at the foodbank

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where Jill would try to trade items she did not like for other items (e.g., a bag of pasta for

two more rolls of crackers or canned vegetables for instant soup). On one occasion, Jill

noticed that there was a bottle of honey (considered a luxury item and not a necessary

food staple) on the back shelf and immediately asked if she could have it. The volunteer

staff member told Jill that they were not allowed to give it out because it did not fall

within the pre-approved list of necessary food staples (because of its sugar content) and

that it is only on the shelf because it just came in that morning and they had not yet had a

chance to dispose of it. Jill explained that rather than get rid of the honey, they should

give it someone who needs it and would use it. The staff volunteer thought for a moment

and before she could reply, Jill said:

Please? I have nothing and could never afford to buy honey in the store. It is here and I could use it. Why not just let me have it. I will even trade you my peanut butter for it. You could just look the other way and I could make that honey disappear and nobody would have to know about it What do you say? Please?

The staff volunteer saw Jill's point, gave her the honey and let her keep the peanut butter.

Jill was so happy, she smiled and thanked the woman repetitively. The bartering and

negotiation appeared to come naturally to Jill, and appears to be a life skill she has

acquired as a means to survival.

When interacting with acquaintances passing by, Jill was friendly and polite but

brief. She mainly said hello, told them it was great to see them and apologize for not

being able to talk as she was on her way to an appointment and then tell them to have a

good day. She appeared distant and did not divulge any personal information. On one

occasion Jill told me that it is too hard speaking with people from her past (acquaintances

in particular) because they want to talk about Jackson or know where she is living and it

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is too hard for her to share that information with them. She also expressed concern that if

she were to start hanging out again with these individuals from her past the temptation to

fall back into a life of drugs and alcohol would be too great.

When asked about her feeling of belongingness within the community, Jill replied

/ don't like to let anyone know just how bad things really are. I don't tell friends because I don't want the pity. I think I am settling right now and not giving myself what I need or deserve. Right now all I do is go down to the store, ride my bike, hang out with Pacino - haven't accepted what has happened and do not have to move on because right now its just me and my dog. If I keep busy and don't talk about it then I don't have to deal with it.

She articulated several times during the research project that she felt alone, isolated,

excluded, secluded and depressed.

Jill's notions of productivity expanded beyond the realm of employment or simply

having a job. She described a productive member of society as being "someone who

works either doing something purposeful within the community or if someone has a job

they should be courteous and try and help others - make someone's day better by doing

their job". Jill thought that she was a productive member of society but wishes she could

further contribute and believes she is less productive now that she is on OW.

Ya, I'm not as productive as I'd like to be because right now I feel I'm only being productive because I'm friendly and help others as much as I can in the community. I'd like to have more of a regular input or do something that really makes a difference.. .for now I am doing what I can.

A week or two following the discussion about productivity, the researcher met Jill

at the corner store. When leaving to walk back to her trailer Lucile yelled, out "take it

easy hero". Jill just laughed and said "ok thanks'". When asked what Lucile's comment

meant, Jill shared with the researcher that there had been an accident (a van collided with

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a telephone pole) across the road from the store a few days prior and Jill was the first to

arrive on scene. With the help of witness, she rescued the driver and two children from

the van. Jill explained "that is just what you do when someone is in need and you are in a

position to help. I just did what came natural, nothing heroic". Voluntarily responding to

an emergency situation without reservation and potentially saving the lives of three

strangers is the act of a Good Samaritan and Jill's behaviour was a definite contribution

to society.

When asked about her perception about the amount of control and choice in her

life, Jill explained that she does not feel as though she has any control since being on

OW:

You have no choice with welfare. You do what they want you to do or they'll suspend your cheque. I do not feel I have any choice in my life right now. I receive $536.00 per month, can't choose where I live, how I live, whether I can have my pet I've had for six years, the conditions I live in, what I eat. When you're only allowed x number of dollars for rent per month you live where you can afford.

I asked Jill whether or not she felt as though she had any power within the system to

make decisions and she explained that you hand over all power when you go on OW:

I feel like I am expected to be submissive and the only reason I am not more submissive is because the anger comes out of me and I rebel to prove a point that my case worker can't control me. I will suffer and let him hold my cheque for four or five days because I refuse to be controlled by him, but that is me. I feel sorry for other people in the system who don't understand what they are doing, don't have the street smarts, or have dependants to provide for. Every month at least once a month my case worker tells me I have to do something, submit something he can't find on file instead of actually opening his eyes and going through my file. There's always something and I can't always take care of it right away. I don't have transportation, regular access to a phone, a fax machine, photocopier and some times I don't even have the quarter or money needed to make the copies, send the fax, get the $2.50 for copies of

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the bank statement, doctor's notes, bus fare or gas money for a ride. It's a cycle; you need the forms to get the money but you need the money to get the forms.

Jill admits that the rules for OW are clear, however, they are not easy to follow as they do

not consider the individual having to follow them. She does not like having her cheques

held or having to apply to have her status reinstated when her case gets suspended, but

feels as though rebellion is her only means by which she can maintain some control in her

life. From my discussions with Jill, it would appear that she has been a rebel most of her

life and refuses to conform to societal rules that do not consider the individuals they are

applied to. Furthermore, Jill's rebellion appears to be a coping mechanism and in the case

of refusing to submit to her case worker, a way to maintain her pride.

Jill has an eclectic work history. She participated in both the formal and informal

labour markets. Within the formal labour market, she has been employed as counsellor

for troubled teens, a medical secretary and retail associate. Within the informal labour

market, Jill earned a living by selling drugs, "boosting and selling stolen goods", and

writing fraudulent cheques. Jill emphasized that no matter what she did, she was always

working to help others and "never stole or took advantage of people, just businesses and

companies that are definitely not in need". Jill understood work to be synonymous with a

job, but her focus around work was not the monetary reward that came from one's

participation but the contribution to society. She explained that her health prevents her

from working full time and restricts the type of work she is able to perform, but she

would like to do something (even if just for an hour or two a day, a couple days a week)

because she misses the social element associated with work.

/ really miss working and helping others. I miss having a job to do, working with the public, doing good things for others. When you

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work you are being self sufficient, self supported, you are contributing to society in return to what has been given to you, you contribute to the pension plan and the future. Work has never really been a job its been more than that. Let's say volunteering for example. You are expected to be at a job during standard hours to get your cheque but sometimes you need to focus on basic needs at that time. With volunteering the hours are often more flexible and you can do it when you are able. Still a commitment and contribution, just more flexible.

Jill also commented that working (paid or unpaid) allows you a sense of pride because

you know you are contributing to society and helping others; however, being unemployed

within the current system is stigmatized.

Not having a job makes it difficult to interact with others because 'where do you work' is one of the first questions you are asked. When you say I'm on social assistance, it is an instant barrier. Basically, the only people that have the time of day for you are service providers, other people on social assistance or people who were once on social assistance and can relate. To remove that stigma for me personally would be to allow me to volunteer my time with flexibility around my life in a situation or a placement that I choose and that I would feel comfortable discussing with my co­workers why I'm there and who I am. Rather than in an office with business people, in a place where I'm comfortable and feel I belong because if I am comfortable and confident then I can be more productive.

Having the flexibility to contribute to society in a manner in which she feels comfortable

and in a capacity that is complementary to her health and overall well being, is essential

to the meaning of work for Jill. Therefore, a system that endorses the Employment/Work

mechanism for social integration stigmatizes those who are unemployed and

contributions outside of the labour market are perceived as less important.

Jill understood the term leisure to mean "relaxing—almost meditative. A time to

appreciate the little things in life". Examples Jill included were biking and going for

nature walks with Pacino. Jill also mentioned that her leisure has changed since being on

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OW as her financially instability limits the activities she can participate in or how

frequently she can participate:

Leisure used to be camping or going out for chicken wings, or to play pool, have coffee, go out for dessert on a sunny day, sit on a patio, go to the drive-in, go for a motorbike ride before my accident, go for a drive, going and visiting friends and family that live out of town, bowling, going to outdoor festivals. But it cost too much to do any of this now. I can't even afford a coffee. You can't go to the events without one cent or by yourself.

Since being on OW Jill has had to find activities she can do that are free or have very

little cost associated with them. She spends a lot of time outdoors when the weather

permits; however, has little leisure in her life that is social, especially after being told that

she was no longer able to work at the corner store. On Jill's list of leisure activities

participated in before going on OW were social activities. Consciously or not leisure was

being used as a vehicle for social integration.

When asked what her perceptions were of using leisure as an additional strategy

for social integration, Jill stated:

leisure has potential. By letting an individual decide how they want to contribute and be productive, like volunteering at the Camelot hospital thrift store for me would be leisure and combined with the work like component, would allow me to integrate with other members of the community. There might be days I can't face the world so I shouldn 't be forced to do anything. The system should be flexible and allow me an element of choice. I should have the option of multiple choices you know like I can't work this week from nine-to-five but I can do this. Each person is different. Some people might be there to take advantage of the system but everyone shouldn't be categorized as the same. Leisure could be an additional choice. You can get a lot of the same life skills, if not more because if I'm truly interested in what I'm doing then I'll share more and do better at it. Being comfortable in what you are doing and removing all negative and forced behaviour seems to me to be a much better approach to social interaction.

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Jill's description of leisure as a tool for social integration included volunteering and her

mention of the commitment and work-like principles associated with volunteering align

with Stebbin's notions of Serious Leisure. Furthermore, her description of the benefits

associated with having choice within the system and the benefits derived from having a

choice in one's contribution aligns with the Structuration approach to system

organization.

Jill uses forms of purple recreation (i.e., drugs and alcohol) as well as seclusion

and rebellion as psychological coping mechanisms. At the beginning of the study Jill had

been drug free for two years, however, midway through the study period Jill had a

relapse. The researcher met with Jill the day after the relapse. Jill looked as though she

had not showered for quite some time, her clothes were dirty, her glasses were broken,

her skin was pale and she looked noticeably thinner. When asked what happened she

explained (while fighting back tears), "I don't know how to tell you this so I'm just going

to come out and tell you". She started to cry. "My September cheque came in on Friday

and I decided I would go out for a beer that night. Unfortunately one beer wasn 't enough

and I ended up going on a bender and I am just getting home now [Tuesday]". When

asked how much she had to drink and she said

A few beers but when I was at the bar I bumped into some people we [Jackson and her] used to party with and they asked me if wanted to do some Coke [crack cocaine]. / thought a few lines wouldn't hurt so I went back with them to their place to do some coke, but they weren 't snorting it, they were smoking and shooting it. One thing led to another and I got caught up in the fun and forgetting the terrible month I had just had and couldn 't stop.

She was shaky, fidgeting, scratching her arms and rocking back and forth while sitting on

the couch.

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/ went to the bank and made a $400 withdrawal [September's cheque that had been held for a month had just been deposited] and went back and smoked $400 worth of coke [crack cocaine rocks] and then went back to the bank machine a second time and withdrew another $400. I didn't think I had that much but October's cheque was deposited early, as if, the one time it's early.

Jill had not paid her landlord September or October's rent before spending the money.

"When I realized the trouble I was going to be in as a result of my action I decided that I

wanted to overdose and not live anymore, but no matter how much I smoked and loaded

into the pipe it wasn't enough". Jill explained that she did not want to fight anymore and

believed that she had nothing to live for. She told the researcher that she was ashamed of

her actions because it had been twelve years since she had done drugs and that she was

angry with herself (afraid her husband in heaven would be mad and/or disappointed with

her). Her outreach worker from the community resource centre was called and came out

immediately. Jill was asked if she would like to go to the psychiatric hospital in the

metro-adjacent city for a voluntary stay to access some help and counselling but she did

not want to leave Pacino. She said the only thing that stopped her from doing drugs this

time was the thought that her dog was alone at home* and that the landlord might send

her to the Humane Society. Her outreach worker reiterated that if she changed her mind

he was only a phone call away. Jill also mentioned that as the money started to disappear

they (her old 'friends') started to treat her differently and that with no more money she

was of no use to them. She came to the sad realization that the people she had partied

with were not her friends, they were just using her.

Despite her relapse Jill stressed that she still wanted to "get my life together and

volunteer at the hospital thrift store" and asked the researcher to promise that she would

* Jill called a neighbour up the road to look after Pacino while she was away. She told the neighbour that an emergency had come up and she will not be able to come home for a few days.

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keep meeting with her despite the relapse because she looks forward to the meetings. The

researcher assured her that they could continue to meet for the duration of the research

project as long as Jill was still willing to participate. Jill explained that her goal is to be

able to take care of her basic needs so she can start volunteering and help others because

she is grateful for all the help she has received.

The next few days Jill slept a lot as her body went through withdrawal. During the

few interviews following the relapse, Jill apologised profusely for disappointing the

researcher. The researcher told her that she was not a disappointment and if she chooses

she can work her way through this too and she could chalk the whole thing up to another

learning experience. Jill explained that she was sorry but she did not know what else to

do—"I just lost the will to live and wanted to escape from everything I had been forced to

deal with this past month, these past few months". It would appear that Jill is

preconditioned to revert to the behaviours that are most familiar as a means of coping

when feeling overwhelmed or depressed.

Further to the aforementioned psychological coping mechanisms, Jill sells a

portion of her prescription pain medication at the end of each month as a means of

financially coping. Near the beginning of the study period, Jill explained that she was

trying to cut back on the amount of pain medication she was taking because she could sell

the leftover pills towards the end of each month to make additional money because the

doctor would refill her prescription at the beginning of each month. Jill is on Oxycottin

for the pain she suffers from as a result of her motorcycle accident; Oxycottin has a street

value of five to seven dollars per pill. As the market for purchasing prescription drugs on

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the street corner is limited in Camelot, Jill has one regular customer who she sells 30 pills

at four dollars per pill the last week of every month (totally $120 per month).

At the beginning of the research project Jill had wanted to volunteer at the

Christian free store; however, shortly after the project began the store closed. Jill had

wanted to volunteer at the Christian free store because she wanted to give back to the

community and the people who helped and continue to help her. Jill explained that she

feels a need to volunteer because:

/ want to get connected with the community. I want to know what's happening in my community. I don't think I'm capable of holding down a full time job but want to contribute -for free. I want to show the community and myself that I'm a worthwhile individual, improve my self worth, a way for me to contribute and better myself and others, welcoming myself back into society again. Instead of the community supporting me I can help by giving to others.

When Jill found out about the Christian free store closing she was dismayed. She enjoyed

being able to use the service and spend time with Marnie (the Christian free store owner).

Marnie was happy to learn that Jill wanted to volunteer and told her that the Camelot

hospital thrift store was looking for volunteers. Jill was pleased at this opportunity and

explained that:

This connection will help me and all money goes to the hospital. It is a moral contribution and it will help myself while I help others. I am making a positive choice rather than a negative choice. It's away from drugs and alcohol and I have a family connection to hospital thrift stores.

The following week Jill went to meet Ethel at the Camelot hospital thrift store. Jill

had a good interview; however, following her meeting with Ethel, Jill explained that she

does not think it is going to work out because Ethel requires a police background check

and she was pretty sure that Ethel and the women at the hospital thrift store would not

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like what would turn up on the police report. When asked if she wanted to talk with Ethel

about her background before she returns the paperwork Jill said that she would rather just

not subject herself to the humiliation of sharing her 'rap' sheet with a senior citizen.

Furthermore, she explained that the police check would either come back "OK to

work/volunteer" or "not OK' but because her charges are from fifteen years ago or more,

hers should come back "Ok to work/volunteer", although she had not been pardoned for

the crimes for which she was convicted. Jill's behaviour was different than usual but the

researcher did not pursue the issue further. When leaving the hospital thrift store Jill told

the researcher that she was very excited about getting started and being able to volunteer

and would take the form back to Ethel as soon as possible. Jill never returned the police

background check form to Ethel; and she never did volunteer at the hospital thrift store. It

would appear that Jill experiences the same constraints to volunteering and leisure as she

does employment.

Jill did participate in the psychological volunteer component of the research

project and met with the researcher regularly to explore the interview themes and

complete the interview portion of the research project. She mentioned on several

occasions that she looked forward to the interviews and her time with the researcher. She

further explained that she hopes that by sharing her story, her lived experiences and

hardships within the system, she could possibly help others—"even if it just makes a little

bit of difference". Jill believed the research interviews were more a kin to leisure than

work because she was not getting paid, although there was a commitment and

contribution, the capacity in which she participated was flexible. On one occasion Jill got

teary-eyed reminiscing her past and explained, "reflecting on the past, and analyzing the

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present, and contemplating the future is good for me. I need this ". It would appear that by

meeting with the researcher, Jill was able to reflect on her life and use the researcher as a

'sounding board'.

When asked what she believed the benefits of using volunteering or leisure as

social integration strategies in a rural community like Camelot were, she personalized the

question and reflected on her previous experience at the corner store as well as her

opportunity to volunteer at the hospital thrift store. Jill explained that for her,

volunteering would provide an opportunity to develop a sense of identity and purpose—

"When asked 'what do you do', I can tell people I volunteer". Furthermore, Jill explained

that when volunteering or helping out at the store she most enjoyed the social aspect

associated with the tasks. Living in a rural and remote location, Jill feels secluded and

isolated—"Volunteering would give me community connections, you know, friends, part-

time work, networking". For Jill, volunteering provides a link to the community. She was

particularly looking forward to volunteering at the hospital thrift store because the

majority of the volunteers at the thrift store are older adults and she would be able to

benefit from the intergenerational interaction—"/ would be able to meet other

volunteers...work with other females and older women...I could meet people who could

help me adjust to being a widow". Moreover, Jill explained that the benefits of using

volunteering or leisure as a vehicle for social integration in rural communities such as

Camelot would not only be beneficial to the individual volunteer, but the other

volunteers, people accessing the service the volunteer was assisting in providing, and the

community at large—"by volunteering I would be able to make a contribution and help

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other...people coming to the thrift shop, the other volunteers, and people in the

community would benefit from me helping out...it would be so great".

Conversely, Jill explained that she believed the lack of available transportation

and the stigma of being on social assistance (especially OW) are the two biggest

constraints of using volunteering and/or leisure as tools for social integration into a rural

community. Even if leisure could provide a vehicle for social integration, it would appear

that the financial support offered through the OW program and her ability to access the

necessary resources still constrain Jill from being integrated into mainstream society (i.e.,

with no transportation she cannot get to or from the leisure activities, and with no

disposable income she cannot purchase clothing or basic hygiene products that would

assist her in appearing similar to those in mainstream society).

Jill received priority placement on the social housing wait list and moved into her

new apartment (located in a neighbouring rural town, still within the same county as

Camelot) the week of November 21st. Her new apartment was next door to one of the

community resource centre satellite office. Jill did not yet have a telephone but had made

arrangements with resource centre staff to use their telephone (people could call the

satellite office and leave messages for Jill and staff would forward messages on to Jill).

In discussing the move Jill explained that she was doing well and loved her new

apartment. She had already made friends in the building—"/ enjoy being able to interact

with other human beings on a regular basis...I do not miss the isolation of the trailer one

bit". Further Jill stressed that the cost of utilities were included in the rent and she can

now enjoy:

Taking one or two relaxing baths each and every day. I don't miss having to empty the pee bucket after every trip to the bathroom. It's

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warm, the door locks, I have real electricity, running water, appliances, I have a fridge and a stove, rooms with doors and Pacino got to stay with me because the apartment building is pet friendly. I love being able to walk everywhere and I get to visit with the staff at the resource centre a few times a day.

She added that she was looking forward to the next interview and could not wait to line

up a new volunteer placement*. Arrangements were made for the next interview, however

the interview never took place.

Despite many attempts, the researcher was never able to meet with Jill once she

moved into her new apartment. The researcher went to the apartment twice (the first visit

was scheduled but the second was not) but Jill was not there. Her neighbour told me that

he has not seen her in weeks. At the end of these data collection and analysis portions of

the research project staff at the community resource centre had also lost contact with Jill

and her son had contacted the police to file a missing person's report. Unfortunately,

Jill's current location is unknown. During an early interview Jill commented "if I want to

disappear and just fall off the face of the planet I could and there is definitely more than

one way I could to go about if—although the meaning at the time was unclear, it would

appear that Jill has disappeared.

* The hospital thrift store is in Camelot and Jill's new apartment is in a neighbouring rural town (approximately 30km away from Camelot).

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Table 14: Summary Matrix of Jill Age Marital Status Dependents Shelter & Living Arrangements SH= Social Housing Pets SA Duration

Monthly Income Rent

Transportation

Health Concerns

Current Issues Affecting Life

Breakdown of a Typical Day

Social Support

Notions of Productivity

Coping Mechanisms

Notions of SI & Feeling of Belongingness Perception of Choice & Control in Life

52 Widowed 0 Lives alone. Lived in a storage shed on the outskirts of Camelot—no heat or plumbing. Moved into SH in last few months of data collection ldog OW 9 months—was on Mothers Allowance in the past when her son was younger. $525 $300 for the storage shed (splices hydro via extension cords. Limited access to clean running water) Rides her bicycle. Hitchhikes or puts in a request for a free ride from the CRC for all out of town appointments or OW meetings. Smoker. Hepatitis A & B positive. History of substance abuse (drug & alcohol). Relapsed during study. Stress. Depression. Hernia. Diabetes. Pain in arms & legs from a motorcycle accident. Doesn't sleep well when stressed & sleeps a lot when depressed. Daily medication. Has been homeless & was at risk of becoming homeless throughout the study. Relapsed into drug & alcohol addiction. Tried to overdose during the study. No telephone. Poor living conditions. Social Isolation. No transportation. Grieving the loss of her husband. Financial constraint. Regularly suspended from OW. Health. Embarrassed about being on OW. New to Camelot. Previous prison sentence. Up early. Spends a lot of time with her dog. Outside as much as possible (weather permitting). Tries to interact with others as much as possible when not depressed or using drugs. Coffee & cigarettes. Watches TV in the evening. Plays cards. Goes to bed when it is dark. Working Professionals (Staff from the CRC & satellite office). Lucille from the corner store. One good friend in Camelot. Pacino (her dog). Making a contribution. Helping others. Do not need a paid job to be productive. Not as productive as she was before OW—but believes she is still productive. Substance use. Sleeping. Selling pain medication for extra money. Bartering. Lonely. Remote & Isolated. Excluded. Secluded.

Chooses who she tells about being on OW. Pride is all she has left. Constantly told what to do. Virtually no choice while on OW. Expected to be submissive but feels compelled to rebel.

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Meaning of work

Perceptions of Work for SI Meaning of leisure

Perceptions of Leisure for SI

Volunteer Experience

Benefits of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

Constraints of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

Making a contribution. Helping others. Eclectic work history—traditional jobs and criminal activity. Stigmatizes those who are unemployed. Relaxing. Meditative. E.g., biking, being outside, watching farm animals, helping others. Provides choice. Opportunity to give back, feel a sense of worth & make a contribution to self & society. Participant in research project. Helping out at corner store & CRC satellite office. Hospital thrift shop volunteer experience not pursued because of police check. Social interaction. Community connection. Contribution/help others. Keep busy. Self worth/identity. Away from drugs & alcohol. Flexible for those unable to work full time. Empowerment. Difficulty connecting. No transportation or phone. Difficulty committing. Financial constraints. Stigma of OW. Limited wardrobe. Depression. Substance use.

JARED

Jared is a single twenty-five year old male and a recent college graduate with a

diploma in environmental recreation. Unable to find a career upon graduation, Jared

applied for social assistance. Unable to afford to live on his own while on assistance,

Jared relocated to Camelot and moved in with his mother and step-father who are on

ODSP and live in the social housing complex in Camelot. Jared grew up about an hour

away from Camelot, spent the past three years living an hour east of Toronto while

attending college, and has not lived at home since he left for college. He is having a

difficult time adjusting to the new community and his new living arrangements. It

seemed as though Jared's moving out offered him independence and moving back home

and into his mother's house took away that independence; however, financially it

appeared to be the only viable solution for him. Jared appeared conflicted. Moving home

was regressive but it could prove to be progressive if he is able to better himself

(financially and emotionally) so he can work toward moving out and regaining his

independence with new skills.

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Jared has been on Ontario Works for the past four months. His monthly income

was approximately $550 and after paying his mother $400 for room and board, he was

left with $150 to cover all other necessities of life. Jared preferred to meet at the local

coffee shop. All interviews were conducted there. The researcher never observed Jared's

living environment. Jared preferred to meet at a public place than at his home. He

explained that although there were generally a lot of people around at the Tim Horton's

no one would care what was being discussed and he could speak freely. Jared explained

that he liked meeting one-on-one and did not want to expose the researcher to his family

or his living environment—"moving home is not something I am proud of but something I

had to do. I am very private and do not want people to see how I am living...the house

doesn 't get cleaned unless I clean it... there are other people living there and I don't want

to inconvenience them". It would appear that Jared's presentation of self to the researcher

and others did not include his family or living environment. Perhaps by removing those

features from his presentation of self, he believes that people will not bias their

judgements of him based on issues out of his control. He will have a better chance of

being accepted, included into mainstream society and perceived as normal without

disclosing the details about his living environment or family.

When asked to identify the key issues affecting his life and those preventing him

from being integrated into mainstream society, Jared explained that the debt he incurred

as a result of going to college was a huge issue and his financial instability made him feel

as though he was "always playing catch up" and "never able to get ahead in life". Other

issues included the lack of transportation, adjusting to his new living environment

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(moving in with his mom and in a rural community) and life condition (being a college

grad and unemployed), as well as dealing with the stigma associated with being on OW.

/ get taken for granted—undervalued because of my socio-economic status. My Parents can't help financially because the generation before didn 't help them. This cycle of poverty is a huge hindrance. I do not have the financial backing. I do not have the social networks in place. I've got the skills but there are social norms and expectations hindering me. I am on OW, living in social housing with my mom and trying to apply not to a job but a professional career. Right now I feel undervalued because I CAN help but I am not given the chance because of my [socio-economic] situation. I was in college for three years and when school ended and I couldn't find a job, I had no savings and wasn't able to find any job let alone a career, had multiple interviews but no one would hire because they questioned my commitment working for Canadian Tire at $8.00 an hour if a career job came about. So I left town because I was too far in debt and started to feel like a sponge living off others. Living off the government seems less harsh because they are there to assist others. Plus they are the root of what prevents guys like me, someone who has come from nothing, got educated, has dreams for what life can be like and wants to make a difference from getting ahead... I have accepted the fact that I can't find a job, let alone a career but I am trying to not devalue myself in that.

At times it was difficult to understand the meaning of what Jared was saying. In

one breath he would explain how he resented the fact that he could not find a career after

college, had to go on OW and move in with his mother because he had no other means to

support himself, and is marginalized because of his socio-economic status. But in the next

breath he would explain how he is "kinda happy being broke because it keeps you trying

and money is not the most important things in life" and that by moving home he will have

a bit more stability to find himself and make a contribution in life. One minute he was

distressed at being on OW and the next he thought it was liberating and freeing. Perhaps

Jared was still adjusting to his new life circumstance, but throughout the interview

process he appeared conflicted in his beliefs—embarrassed for being on social assistance

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but happy that he is able to dedicate his time to bettering himself and others around him.

He appeared proud that he is able to spend time building and repairing family relations

and documenting his life through his writing but embarrassed that he was unable to

independently make a living at it. When asked a question Jared would begin to answer it,

then analyze what he said and then either reiterate his original position or change his

position after talking it through out loud. He also commented on a number of occasions

that he spent a lot of time thinking about the interview questions long after the interview

was over. He noted that many of the interview questions, or thoughts the questions

sparked, had been a muse to his self-exploration and topics explored in his writing.

Jared has never been diagnosed with depression; however, he admitted that his

current life circumstances had influenced his mental health. He believed that his passion

for writing kept him sane. He emphasized that he would rather be poor and writing than

rich and unhappy:

My mind works in its own way and I strive to come to terms with myself. I have trouble sleeping and it doesn 't matter if it has been a good day or a bad day. Some days are extreme and I had to learn how to integrate my moods into a normal way of life. My mental health is more important than stretching myself for a pay cheque, in fact mental health is most important. Moving home and going on OW has positively affected my mental health. I entered this situation with a few things in mind and OWhas helped me put things in perspective. I have some freedom to find grounding and I can make good conscious decisions that are more likely to have positive outcomes...ya. Ya?

For Jared, a typical day consisted of a lot of self reflection. If he did not have an

obligation, he was in no hurry getting out of bed in the morning. He would often lay in

bed thinking for an hour or two before getting up which was usually sometime between

10am and noon. Once up, he drank some coffee, smoked a few cigarettes, listened to

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some music and contemplated what he wanted to do that day. He would usually write in

the morning or early afternoon in an effort to:

tap into my creativity and document my life. I want to document and understand the growth and difference in my life from previous day. My writing keeps me focused on being a better person so I am ready to be integrated into society and the work force. I need to believe in myself to have the confidence to do things.

After writing he "stop[s] to listen to life's music a few hours each day" and "try

and spend some time with nature". Most days Jared spent time talking with his mother,

step-father and brother. In the evening he watched TV or played video games. When

breaking down his typical day, he did not once mention anything about eating, bathing or

chores and the only certainty regarding his activities of daily living were that he spends a

lot of time thinking and writing:

My days are based on me and my writing. I go from journal to computer. I spend more time spent indoors lately although I do shoot hoops or bike but not as much as I'd like. I am not yet accustomed with Camelot and rural community life and not set up the way I want to be to do that. Although my degrees are in forestry, parks, outdoor recreation, it is not my focus right now. I need to find that beauty elsewhere right now. Spending time with earth is easy. Spending time with people is difficult and involves more than ourselves. People are egotistical, demeaning, and there is a risk of being devalued in what you think is right.

According to Jared, a productive member of society "has the will to achieve their

goals". However, he quickly added that "people often assume that a productive member

of society is a business man, or they think of productivity in a business context, but this is

not so for me". Jared wanted to give an example to further articulate his point and in

doing so explained that he saw the researcher as a being productive because of the

research she was doing and the will he believes she has to complete it; however, for

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Jared, his brother is not productive because "he cannot create a situation wherein which

he can be productive. He doesn 't understand himself, he undervalues himself and he

thinks he is worthless". After giving his examples, the question as to whether or not he

viewed himself as a productive member of society was put to him. Jared took a moment

or two to think before answering and then said"

Me, I find myself to be very productive but it might be misinterpreted because it's different than what others conceive because you can't see my productivity. I work by myself. I set my own goals and achieve them. I figure things out about myself, learn and integrate these findings into my life and that's what makes me productive. For me it's private. You don't see a writer's productivity as much as construction workers because the house I'm building is on the inside.

To further clarify Jared was asked if an individual needed to have a job in order to be

productive. In his example he has discussed the difference between two professions. He

immediately responded with:

No you do not need a job to be productive. My job is my life. People are already working on living their lives; employment should just be an extension of what you are already working on in your life. Work should be an extension of what you feel or believe rather than what you are told you should do or to fill a quota.

Jared's definition of productivity is descriptive of an approach to system organization that

emphasizes flexibility and provides for a pluralistic approach to social integration rather

than the current approach that emphasizes the importance of an individual's participation

in the labour market economy.

Jared explained that he is still considered a newcomer to Camelot and does not know

a lot of people yet and has not yet found his place in the community, although he is not

sure he even wants to be a part of the community. He explained that he would like to

spend time with people who are around the same age but has not yet found anyone. Aside

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from his mother, step-father and brother, Jared has a long time family friend, Jackie who

he cares for greatly. Jackie lives in a rural town about one hour north of Camelot and is

like a second mother to Jared because she looked after him when his mom moved to

Camelot so he could stay and finish High School. Jared does not get to see Jackie very

often but cherishes the little time he does get with her. He has also begun spending time

with one of his neighbours Amanda (who is also a participant in this research project)

when she is feeling well. He finds Amanda to be very interesting and enjoys talking and

having coffee with her but does not yet consider anyone in Camelot to be a true friend.

He explained that he had a lot of friends back in the town where he went to college and

misses them very much, but because he already has friends he is not looking for any new

ones here in Camelot—"if it happens, it happens but right now it is more important for

me to focus on my writing". Furthermore Jared explained that he finds he gets lost when

he starts hanging around with new people and wants to know himself better (not

necessarily finding himself as much as he is creating himself) before he gets close to any

new people or develops any new relationships, especially ones with the opposite sex.

When focusing on one thing in life I find it hard to maintain relations with other people. For every benefit I find there's a sacrifice. I find I do not have enough energy to balance everything. Right now it's hard to maintain long distance friendships because I'm trying to focus on my personal growth. The balance will come when I'm more comfortable with my growth.

During one interview Jared mentioned that he believes he is socially integrated in

the community because he is involved as much as he wants to be at this time; however, at

a later interview he explained that being on OW limits his interaction with others and his

ability to become fully integrated with mainstream society. He explained that he does not

want to be stigmatized for being on OW, but emphasized that he is different from the

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other people living in his social housing complex and prefers to be segregated from them

because they have too many problems:

Being on OW affects social acceptance but I try to transcend that. I am working to become a part of the community but still on the fringes. I haven't had the time yet. There more connections to be made. Time in a community and will to want to be included are most important. OW embarrasses me but I do not let it control me. It's a stigma. People are stereotyped. Once you get down its hard to ever get a chance to get out. Others can't see all the things I'm trying to do. Other people are ignorant and will overlook my will because I'm on OW but I hope they won't misinterpret me. It's embarrassing when you are stereotyped this way. I was very minimal with who I told about OW. School ended, college friends moved away, no job, money, problems began. I didn 't want friends to worry and stress because I don't worry or stress. You don't want them to look at you different, so I didn't share with many. I do not want to be typified or treated different. It is a transitional stage so why dwell on it. I know its no big deal but others do and expect you to conform to normality. I do not want being on OW to hinder me in the future with networking. Anything to do with money should be private; money is just a means to an end. When people ask where I'm from or live, I tell them I don't really live here, I'm staying with my mom. This is probably paranoia [on my part] but I do not want to feel lesser or devalued. For the most part folk at the social housing complex are friendly but I have no desire to get know others. Most are stuck in a perpetual cycle; so many problems that they need to sort them out before being ready and able to be integrated into society. They're stuck on problems they're dealing with. There is just too much negativeness that I don't want to involve myself in that.

Toward the end of the research project Jared explained that he chooses to be

distant because he believes that people do not genuinely share their emotions and feelings

and he reserves sharing so he does not get hurt. He further explained that he chooses to be

celibate and does not take love lightly because he has been hurt in the past and does not

want to experience that kind of hurt again—"sharing personal and intimate details of my

past makes me vulnerable and so being private is a safety mechanism". This was an

assertion to observations made during previous interviews with Jared. During the six

months of data collection, Jared was only observed socially interacting with a young

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woman who worked at the Tim Horton's in Camelot. Her name was Annie and she also

lived in the same social housing complex as Jared. The researcher's impression was that

she had a crush on Jared; during the first observation she was behind the counter at Tim

Horton's and saw Jared as soon as he walked in. She smiled from ear to ear, said hello to

him and giggled. Jared simply said "oh hi Annie". During the interview, Annie stopped

by the table to talk and ask questions several times—once while sweeping, then while

mopping, then while wiping tables, and again while checking the garbage. Each time

Jared made small talk with her but that was it. She asked if he was going out during the

coming weekend, or if he had any plans that night, but Jared would just say things like,

"maybe", "I am not too sure yet" and "7 will have to wait and see". Jared later explained

that Annie had expressed interest in him but he told her she was wasting her time. He

explained that he did not want to move to Camelot in the first place and did not want to

get attached to anyone while he was there because he did not know how long he would

stay and did not want to hurt anyone or be hurt by anyone if he had to leave. He further

explained that he enjoyed hanging out with Annie but had to limit his interaction with her

because it was not fair for her. He did not want to lead her on by hanging out with her

because he knew she clearly wanted more than a friendship from him.

Early in the research Jared appeared nervous; however, as the collection of data

progressed, he seemed more relaxed, although he still fidgeted a lot during the interviews.

While speaking Jared would lean in towards me, and then lean back out and often stretch

after he had finished speaking and/or thinking about one of the interview questions. He

had a deep voice but was soft spoken, clearly enunciated each and every word and had

little fluctuation ever in his tone, pitch or pace—his spoken voice was always calm and

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he took many pauses when speaking and thinking about the various questions posed

during the interviews. He almost always made eye contact when speaking with me, often

used hand movements when speaking and regularly played with his hat (moving it up and

down but never taking it off). Jared almost always wore jeans, a t-shirt, sweater and either

sneakers or brown walking shoes. His clothes were baggy and relatively fashionable and

he always wore his hat and hemp necklace. He had dirty blonde hair and blue eyes. He

was clean shaven with a small goatee. His clothes always appeared to be clean but had a

strong smoke smell. Jared is a smoker, although he was never observed smoking.

Whenever Jared replied to a question, he usually included a personal analogy.

Often these analogies would result in a comparison between Jared and his brother, with

his brother being his "antithesis. A follower. With no originality, no originality, no

creation of original self. I asked Jared why he often compares himself to his brother and

he said it is his daily reminder to push himself to do better. He has tried helping his

brother in the past but has never been successful and this is even more frustrating to

Jared. Furthermore he explained that he compares himself to others to measure his

growth. "/ am not exactly sure what I want or where I want to go but I know for certain

that I don't want to go back to where I was psychologically and emotionally and I know

what I don't want to become someone like him [his brother]". Jared's constant critique of

his family members (especially his brother) are not only motivating factors for self-

improvement, but perhaps also a means for him to gain a sense of normalcy and present

himself as being more like mainstream society than other individuals on SA. In essence,

Jared's comparisons and critiques of others on SA and his family is a coping mechanism.

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When first asked about the amount of choice and control he had over his life,

Jared responded "I feel as though I'm in control of my life. I can safely say more than

most people"; again making a comparison to others to assess his personal situation. He

emphasized that he chose to work for four years after high school before going to college

because he wanted to make sure that he knew what he wanted to do with his life before

enrolling in a post-secondary education program. Unlike most high school graduates,

Jared wanted to make sure he was not just going to college to conform to societal norms

but because there was a program he was interested in and would benefit from. He added

that he is where he is in life because he has chosen to be there and that anyone else could

be in the same place, but likely are not because they made different choices:

You are what you are now because of where you came from and what you wanted and did yesterday. You, we are transient and can do anything we want. I do not want to glorify myself but I know what I want. Someone else could be doing what I'm doing but I am choosing to do them. I am choosing to rebuild relationships, better myself, gain knowledge, and not be consumed by money.

However, after explaining that he is where he is because of the choices he has made,

Jared proceeded to articulate how he chooses to give up control of his life to fate and

believes in destiny:

I have more trust and faith in my life and life itself than most people - give up myself for causes to benefit the earth. If you pursue every option you put things in fates hands - out of your hands now and what ever comes forth is what is your fate. There is a reason for everything. Each one thing only comes along because the previous was reached. If you believe everything was meant to happen then it is automatic destiny. You make decisions on what will happen based on what should happen. I give up control of my life to destiny. The more you give up your life to it [fate] the more you can be the work of the hand of destiny - it is only there if you want it. A lot of problems people face are a result of them trying to control their own lives - force themselves to conform to societal norms and they never end up where they should.

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Although Jared made it very clear that he feels as though he is in control of his

life and chooses to allow fate and/or destiny to direct his path in life, he did admit that

other factors constrain his freedom of choice; the most constraining factor being his own

self doubt and insecurities.

Things appear worthless because I feel worthless at times in the past. I am always in a perpetual state of lostness, grasping at clues ". But he explains that he is working to improve his perception of self and that "choice is a catalyst for change.

For Jared, having the power to make choices in his life is of the utmost importance; "/ do

not like being forced to do things or divulge everything. I do not like being pressured"

and when being pressured or forced into a situation, Jared mentioned that he has a

tendency to rebel or resist. Despite his self doubt and insecurities, Jared reiterated that "I

still have a lot more freedom than others".

For Jared, work meant more than a job:

Fun for me is learning and an experience for me to enjoy and to help my productivity; being able to create something else. I think what I am doing now is work but others associate work with a job or employment. But for me work is living and developing my life. For me its creative, writing, drawing and does not have to be done but I choose to do them. Laundry and chores are necessities not work; things that need to be done to survive. This I am not good at but I cannot stress about that.

He further explained that he does not just want a job; rather he would like a career. He is

very proud of his education and the fact that he has a college diploma. Jared stressed that

he is on OW because he chooses to be on OW but that it is not something he is proud of

but it provides him the assistance necessary to focus on other aspects of his life requiring

his immediate attention, including but not limited to, self-development, improving family

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relations, and making a voluntary contribution to the community. "Being on OW

shouldn't be a position you are comfortable with. You should want to do better and

achieve more - doesn't necessarily mean a foot job - could be a more personally

fulfilling than obligatory".

Jared was going to a local organization that helps with resume and cover letter

writing. He has designed a new resume that he thought was promising. He spent many

weeks looking for employment in his area of interest and expertise. There was nothing

available that was related to his schooling. He did however apply to work at a local

manufacturing plant in Camelot; according to Jared he was interested in the stability that

factory work could provide and the opportunities the pay cheque might create. He had

several interviews at the manufacturing plant and thought it went well; but in the end did

not get the job. He explained that is was not the job of his dreams, but "as far as it goes it

is as good as it gets around here". In retrospect, Jared commented that he liked going

through the interview process and found it complemented his self-exploration and was an

opportunity for personal growth—"you don't know how you are going to react until you

are there. Work and process of finding work allows the opportunity for you to challenge

yourself; to be respectful and gain respect". Moreover he explained that he didn't really

even want the job, but felt obligated to work at a job. By not getting the job, he is able to

"continue with my own development because that is more important. Getting the job and

getting money is more important to other people. It would get me off OW but I wouldn 't

be as happy and may get trapped and not be where I want to be in six months". Jared

elaborated on what he meant by being trapped and he clarified that although he was not

sure where he wanted to be in six months time, he did know that he did not want to be

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living in social housing, working night shift in a factory and facing layoff that is

commonly associated with factory work.

For Jared, job searches are an ongoing requirement of the OW program; despite the

limited market in Camelot. He has started looking for work outside of his community but

transportation is a barrier. Jared is not opposed to relocating sometime in the future;

however, as part of this research project has made a commitment to volunteer at a local

non-profit organization and would like to see his commitment through, despite the

researcher reiterating that he is under no obligation to continue with the project or his

volunteer placement with the community organization. Jared believed his work in lieu of

paid employment to be personal growth and development and he uses his writing as a

vehicle for that growth and self-exploration and/or discovery.

When asked about his perceptions of the Employment/Work mechanism used for

social integration, Jared explained that he can understand how it works for some people:

People associate with each other easily at work because they are both stuck therefor seven to eight hours per day together. To deal with that they group together to make it more fun. There is a bonding experience that happens on the job site; a bond built on a shared workload. They have to respect each other or they will suffer if not everyone contributes equally... Friendships from work are strictly platonic. I think they are worse off because its not real social integration. They are not there [at work] to interact because they want to but because they have to for the pay cheque.

Although Jared acknowledged that the Employment/Work mechanism could

socially integrate some individuals, he felt hat people work because they feel compelled

to in order to survive within a system that values employment over everything else.

"People who are working are doing it because they think they have to. It is socially

ingrained in them. They work to accumulate cars, houses, to provide for their kids and

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their future. They are not doing it for themselves. It's a big perpetual cycle".

Furthermore, he added that the current work/employment model is not appropriate for all

people because it is socially exclusive rather than inclusive and that subscribing to such a

system is not without its detriments:

People work all week and hit the beer store or LCBO to help cope/escape from work week. This model is NOT working. Beside the unhappiness of many people with their jobs, the key thing that shows it is not working is in seeing how many people are trying to create their own jobs, the rate of failed businesses, the number of people trying to integrate home life with work life. Everyone wants to be an entrepreneur; the entertainment industry is prime example. These combined the two worlds and they are respected for that so much so they have become the political influence in many situations.

Jared does not want to fall victim to the detriments of the Employment/Work

model for social integration and is proud of the fact that he is taking time to make a

contribution to himself and society—"/ have an opportunity to effect change; not just

filling a job at a factory but doing my work and helping me and helping others. I think

different than most people about money. It doesn 't motivate me and I don 'tfear it. The all

mighty dollar doesn't rule the world'.

Jared understood leisure to be the activities done in free time and the ''''exercising

of one's current situation". He further added that leisure can be an escape or stress

reliever and used basketball as an example when explaining his personal definition of

leisure:

I feel as though it [basketball] saved me. It's a counterbalance to all of the things happening in my life that I don't understand. Basketball allows me to escape that; time slows down while I am playing. The release I get from it, from built up stuff, positive release of energy. Without basketball the stresses of the world would take me over. Winter kind of sucks. Don't do as much then; more socializing in the winter and more alone time, but basketball and shooting hoops, hiking, walking in summer.

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In addition to playing basketball and shooting hoops, Jared explained that smoking

marijuana was another coping mechanism or means of escaping the stressors of daily life;

however, he explained that when he smokes pot it is to help him relax and think and he

does not do it very often because it is expensive and illegal.

Although Jared was aware of the difference between work and leisure, he believed

that a lot of the activities in his life were a combination of both work and leisure. ''''For me

personally, work and leisure have a lot of overlap but for many others they are separate

entities. People are too quick to compartmentalize things into one or the other". Jared

used his writing and self development as examples of where work and leisure overlap in

his life. He is currently working on five different books, however, has not yet finished

one as he is having difficulty articulating his development:

/ am trying to teach myself how to do it. Being a writer is about more than pigeon hole writing in one or two hour a day; being a writer is a lifestyle not a job. Learning is fun. My work is my leisure. Enjoyment is feeling like myself, happy because I'm found. I feel blessed when I realize my inner gifts and am able to use them. My writing is the central focus of each and every day. I'm either physically writing or thinking about writing and preparing myself to write. Sometimes I sit down and write but its not ever good but I can reflect and learn from the process. It's hard, you can't just sit down and do it in a set schedule. If I make myself unavailable to the thinking and reflection then I can't do it. You have to go through the small steps, think it out, come to an epiphany and move on to the next step. Most people do not have time to let the natural order flow - they start planning their being. I distance myself from others because I am so close with my thoughts and feelings. I'm an outsider but I think a lot of people feel that way because this is not our final destination and we know or at least I know this life is temporary and I have to keep walking so I can get home - the next life will be peaceful, we '11 come together and unite and share more. We are all just students of life.

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When discussing his writing Jared would often go off on tangents and inevitably

compare himself to others and/or connect his main points back to fate, destiny or his

religious beliefs. Although Jared enjoys thinking about life, writing and reading, he does

not read much philosophy as he finds it influences his own thinking too much and prefers

his revelations to be unbiased.

When discussing the possibility of using leisure as a social integration strategy,

Jared's immediate response was "in an effort to be anti-establishment, you create an

establishment"; however, he proceeded to explain (in detail) his desire to create a Utopian

society.

Ever since I was a kid I wanted to reject the norms and societal dictates. I wanted to start a new culture, new civilization and new place. I wanted to buy an island and made a community of people I could trust and respect. Each person would have a role but they would be doing what they want and what is in their heart, rather than filling the role society needs to be filled or dictated. By people being passionate they will make a better community. You need to be free to learn what you desire. In reality and here in modern day people need to join together and work on communal projects and then go back to their work; they would do better. You can start the island idea in a city and it could work. People doing what they love and believe in. There would be no crime on the island. It could happen on a small scale and then you could educate others. We should be all one community...Knowledges that would come out of the island would be an example of how freedom brings about things that can benefit the world. A community of people doing what they believed in; the island would be a beacon to the rest of society.

Jared's description of the Utopian society reminds the researcher of Richard Florida's

(2002) notion of a creative class. The question was revisited to see whether or not Jared

could further articulate his perceptions of using leisure as a strategy for social integration

(in addition to the Employment/Work mechanism) at a later interview, and at which point

he simply stated that "yes. It would definitely work. People would wake up every morning

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and be a part of society". Jared believed that a system with alternatives would allow

people to make meaningful contributions, and various contributions of their choosing.

Jared chose to participate in the community volunteer portion of the research

project. At the beginning of the project he told the researcher that volunteering was

something that has interested him for some time; however, he wanted to find a place to

volunteer where he could make a meaningful contribution and where he could personally

benefit and add to his existing skill set. He researched his volunteer options and decided

that he would like to volunteer at the local literacy centre. Immediately upon deciding

where he wanted to volunteer he connected with the centre's director, completed the

mandatory training and security clearance, read the volunteer manual cover-to-cover, and

was assigned a student. Jared was paired up with a grade six boy (Jason) with a grade

three literacy level and was responsible for working with him for one to two hours a

night, one night a week for six weeks in an effort to further develop his literacy skills.

Once Jared had received his assignment, he called the researcher. He was excited about

the whole situation and could not wait to get started. When asked what he was hoping to

gain from the experience, he replied:

Personally I think volunteering could make me happy and I would meet new people and it would help me in doing what I want to do... I don't see how volunteering can be a negative experience. It will be challenging but that will likely make it more rewarding. I want to help, inspire, motivate others; by working with someone and teaching him to read, I am equipping him with a tool to complete his dream. I too am hoping to get a positive sense of self confidence and empowerment.

Although connecting with the volunteer agency was easy, connecting with his

assigned client (Jason's mother) proved to be a difficult and frustrating task for Jared.

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The literacy centre informed the client that they had assigned Jared to be Jason's tutor

and received permission to forward their contact information on to Jared; however,

several weeks went by before Jared ever spoke with Jason's mother. He called and left

about a dozen messages on the answering machine to set up a meeting and arrange a

weekly time for Jared to meet and/or work with Jason. Jared eventually called the literacy

centre's director to see if she would be able to contact Jason's mother to see if she was

still interested in the service. Almost two months after first being assigned to tutor Jason,

Jason's mother returned Jared's call. Initially Jared was so excited about the volunteer

placement, but as time passed and he had not heard back from the client, he began to

question the whole process.

/ was really motivated to apply myself in that area but I'm getting discouraged. I had to commit for six months in order to volunteer with the Literacy Centre but it has taken me 1 and a half months to try and connect with the family I was assigned. It is very discouraging and I'm wondering if it is even worthwhile; but I made the commitment to the director of the literacy centre and the centre itself so I am going to see my commitment through.

Once connected with Jason's mom, she apologized for taking so long to get back

to Jared, but had lost his telephone number and was very busy. Jared's excitement

returned but he was nervous about beginning to tutor. It was a new role for him and he

wanted to ensure that he did a good job. "/ got some training from Literacy Centre but its

open to what Jason needs to learn and the goals and objectives set up with Jason's mom.

I want to be professional but also make it fun for Jason". Jared arranged with Jason's

mom to schedule a few extra classes to help Jason catch up and they decided that they

would meet once a week for two hours as a minimum and more if needed and if Jason

desired. Jared would meet with Jason at the Literacy Centre and would go early so that he

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would have time to set up and prepare for session. Throughout his volunteer placement

(which continued even after the research project ended), Jared insisted on making

learning fun so that Jason could feel a sense of pride and accomplishment by improving

his skills. When asked what this experience means to him, Jared replied:

For me I see this volunteer experience as an opportunity to follow through on a commitment that I feel is important; be selfless and help others accomplish their goals while I benefit from the fulfillment from enabling someone else. Jason is a good learner and he takes it upon himself to improve. He has a desire to catch up and wants to be equal with his peers. It's inspiring. It makes me want to help him all the more... This experience reinforces what I already knew about myself; the volunteering allows me to exhibit it. I knew I could be a leader and mentor but it feels good to get to do it.

Jared appeared to be enjoying the volunteer experience. He would relate that after

each tutor session Jason would want to hang out with Jared and that Jason would ask him

to go and watch him play hockey. Because Jason's mother is so busy she had asked Jared

whether he would mind walking Jason home after the tutor sessions. Jared agreed as he

enjoyed hanging out with Jason and teaching him about life and fostering a love for

learning. Jared expressed that he has a lot of respect for Jason and his desire to learn and

thinks that Jason has respect for him as well because he introduced him to a couple of his

friends on the walk home. Jason does not have any older siblings and looks to Jared as an

older brother. During their walks home Jason would often ask Jared questions or for

advise about things happening at school. Jared explained that he enjoys helping Jason and

told Jason that he can call him anytime if he needs help with anything. Perhaps the

relationship Jared is developing with Jason is similar to the one he desires to have with

his own brother. Furthermore, the volunteer experience appears to have empowered Jared

and has provided him with an opportunity to be accepted, included and valued by

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mainstream society; and with Jason, Jared has been able to be a mentor and assist in the

development and well being of another person.

When asked whether or not he will continue with the volunteer placement after

the six month commitment is over, Jared explained:

In the beginning Jason expressed above average enthusiasm, took initiative upon himself. Now his enthusiasm is rivalled directly by his ADD and his inability to stay focused. I can tell he's learned something but he still has a lot of catching up. He needs someone to work one-on-one for the next two or three years. I do not think I can make that commitment; my life is too transient. If I lived here in a house and had a job I'd totally take him under my wing and see it through but I can't right now I don't think. I'll continue through to April to complete the six month commitment but I will have to re­evaluate things at that time.

During his volunteer placement, Jared was invited to a volunteer dinner at the

Literacy Centre. He explained that he had a lot of fun, was given a gift certificate and

won a door prize. "/ didn 't know anyone but everyone was really friendly and got to know

people". In addition to socializing with Jason and his mother, Jared has also had the

opportunity to socialize and network with other members of 'mainstream society' through

additional opportunities provided by the volunteer placement. The volunteer experience

had been empowering in that Jared was able to be included in mainstream society,

socialize with other members of his community, and effect change (both in his personal

development and by assisting Jason with his literacy development) through his

participation.

Throughout the research project, Jared was applying to various jobs within

Camelot and the surrounding communities (mandatory part of being on OW). Jared knew

that he wanted to volunteer and commented on more than one occasion, that even if the

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dream job (a career) were to land in his lap, he would do everything in his power to see

his volunteer commitment through. "Want to still volunteer even if I get a job. It might be

difficult but it's important to me". At one point during data collection and analysis, Jared

was interviewing for a job at a local factory. He told friends and family that he was not

sure he could take the job because it would interfere with his life's mission and his

volunteering. His friends and family did not agree with Jared's attitude and the priority he

was giving to things outside of work, and this frustrated Jared:

The people I told about volunteering and the job automatically put the job before volunteering. They thought it [the job] was more important but to me both can be equally important, if you want them to be. I made a commitment to volunteer at the Literacy Clinic and want to uphold that commitment and my involvement in this study.

In addition to participating in the community and/or social volunteer portion of

the research project, Jared also participated in the psychological portion of the research

project and completed a series of interviews over a six month period. When asked to

describe the meaning of participating in the research project he explained that he enjoyed

sharing his experiences because it made him think, which in turn helped him reflect on

his past and focus the direction for the future. He commented that he would reflect on the

discussions from the interview for days. Additionally, Jared enjoyed meeting because he

was able to think out loud and work through things after the interviews; the interview

questions challenged him to reflect on his current situation, his past, and his perceptions

of society. Jared explained he appreciated being involved in this research project because

it had been an opportunity for him to discuss important issues and allowed for personal

development and reflection. He hoped the information gathered in the interviews would

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help explain the greater phenomena and the benefits of providing choice within an

exclusive system:

/ am happy to have a voice and express concerns and issues people in my current situation experience. I enjoy being able to offer my voice to benefit others in my situation. This is not a benefit to me because these experiences came from hardships but by sharing them, they may be able to benefit society. A benefit of participating in the study is personal reflection. I think I would have done volunteering without being involved in the research project but it motivated me a bit more to do something I wanted to do.

When asked whether his participation in the research project was more like work

or leisure, Jared replied that it has principles of both:

Participation in this study has been work rather than leisure because you are doing a study on humanity and I have to offer the most accurate portrayal of my situations as possible. It is not easy and has been difficult—to discuss pain and difficult situations but also the reflection that comes with it. It is also leisure like in a way because it has been fun because learning and reflecting has been fun but there is a definite work component - not peer pressure and no salary but my participation has had more work like principles - commitment preparation, hard effort...

Jared's description of his experience participating in the research project has many of the

characteristics associated with Serious Leisure. When asked whether or not he would

consider his participation in the research project to be a form of volunteering Jared said

yes. "Participating in your study that was definitely volunteering. Before I met you I

wanted to offer my opinion and it was kind of serendipitous that I met you. It was a job

but I volunteered to do that job.. .It was a job but it was fun ".

When asked about the benefits of using leisure as a social integration strategy in a

rural community, Jared explained that for him a definite benefit was gaining experience

and acquiring more skills that would assist him in finding a career, as well as making

social contacts within the community and networking. Although Jared could have used

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his volunteer time at the Literacy centre toward his mandatory work/volunteer hours with

OW, he chose not to as he did not want the stigma of being on OW to affect his

opportunity to make a commitment to self and society. When asked about work, he told

the director of the Literacy Centre and Jason's mom that he was a recent college graduate

looking to acquire new skills and an opportunity to make a commitment to his

community.

When asked to describe the potential constraints of using leisure as a tool for

social integration in a rural community, Jared explained that for him, even though he

initiated the process and made several attempts to get the process going, having to rely on

other people was frustrating and discouraging. In general he added that "another potential

constraint is trying to balance what you have to do (work for money) and what you think

you should be doing (volunteer, self-development and getting career skills)".

Jared did not speak about his family much; however, he did make it clear that he

is not like any of his family members and that he is trying hard to improve the

relationship he has with his immediate family members. He expressed that he generally

feels unsupported and misunderstood. He explained that he loves his family but feels

very disconnected and it frustrated him that his mom and brother have no desire or

motivation:

Mom always says you can do anything you want in life but never saw me through the process or offered support. I had no example to see how to succeed growing up or still today. In a lot of respects I was more responsible than mom at twelve and I can remember wanting to leave at that age - and nothing has changed with them today. I'm not trying to be pompous or act like I am the only one who knows something or can do something to better society. My family thinks I think I am a know it all but I just want to make a difference and help the cause and in order to do so I need to better myself and further my skill set.

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At the beginning of the research project Jared thought that being on SA and OW did not

hinder his life much at all and that it was a means of support so he could "better myself

emotionally and be more emotionally stable...rid myself of things that hinder my

enthusiasm and confidence...re ground and re-center". However, toward the end of the

research project, he worried that being on SA/OW might hinder his progress and trap

him. He reminded himself that he will achieve his goals and continue his life's mission.

"/ don't think about welfare's [OW] role in this process [self-development] because

when I think about it scares me because I've seen it hinder so many other people. I just

acknowledge it and set it aside. It's a fact. But I use the time I have now to positively

affect my life". Jared explained he had dreams of bettering himself and society but they

are hard to plan out and make into concrete goals because he lacks the financial resources

because he is on OW, lacks transportation, is in a rural community with no car, and lacks

the necessary emotional supports from his family as they do not understand his dream

and he does not have any friends in Camelot. "Things are stressful. Everything I want to

do exceed my means and when these things come up it highlights other things in my life.

It is hard to balance monetary value against worth of human beings". Jared is afraid of

making too many connections and laying roots because his time in Camelot is indefinite

but yearns for social interaction and intellectual stimulation within his peer group.

When asked specifically about his plans for the future, Jared replied:

/ don't know. I've been trying to figure it out. This process of meeting and volunteering has been helping me build my confidence and experience... I had to work to get my motivation back and I'm getting there again. Now its time to start concentrating on myself-can I pick up a second volunteer placement now? Are there other opportunities? My brother is gone back to his own place so there are less distractions. I can still build our relationship but it'll be better if

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there is space between us; me helping him offends him and his clutter and disorganization distracts me.

Jared would like to go to school but will have to wait until he pays off some of his debt

before he can afford to formally continue his education. In the meantime Jared would like

to re-evaluate his skill set and acquire new skills through volunteering so that he can

better himself and possibly create a paying job for himself:

The skill set I've developed, invested in, acquired does not pay the bills. That skill set has been important in my development but has not lead to a career. I'm acclimatizing myself to all these different things so I can coordinate these skills to create a job around those skills. I want to create a new job out of existing jobs so I can put my skills to use but that job doesn't seem to currently exist. Ideally I want to create a job that will allow me to coordinate with various community development programs and create a higher day to day quality of life for people and the environment.

Finally Jared explained that he will continue to choose to hand his life over to

destiny and allow God to guide him:

/ think I'd be overcome with anxiety if I didn't have faith in God. I'm trying to give up control and let God guide me; slowly I've been doing this over the past years but my faith levels are high enough that I can put my trust in him to guide me...when I'm at school I have an opportunity to explore my ideas and articulate my vision. The further removed I am from education and learning I begin to lose my vision and without my grounding in religion I would be completely lost.

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Table 15: Summary Matrix oijared Age Marital Status Dependents Shelter & Living Arrangements Pets SA Duration Monthly Income Rent Transportation

Health Concerns Current Issues Affecting Life

Breakdown of a Typical Day

Social Support

Notions of Productivity

Coping Mechanisms

Notions of SI & Feeling of Belongingness

Perception of Choice & Control in Life

Meaning of work

Perceptions of Work for SI

Meaning of leisure

25 Single 0 Lives with his mother and step-father in SH.

No pets. OW 3 months $550 $400 to mom (room and board included) Within walking distance of most local amenities. Must call a taxi or put in a request for a free ride from the CRC for all out of town appointments or OW meetings. Smoker Debt & financial constraints. Moved back home with mom. Feels undervalued. Embarrassed about being on OW & living in SH. Stigma associated with SA. Transient. Lack of stability. Unemployed. Only known poverty. Trying to motivate brother. Lack of Transportation. New to Camelot. Does not sleep well. No hurry getting up in am if no obligation that day. Coffee & cigarettes. Listen to music. Complete any daily tasks. Spend a lot of time writing & documenting his life. Some physically activity (biking or shooting hoops) on occasion. Minimal social interaction beyond immediate family. Most time spent indoors. Mother. Brother. Jackie (friend & additional mother figure). 1 or 2 neighbours. Friends from college (live 3-4 hours away). "The will to do.. .the will to achieve goals". Do not need a job to be productive. Believes he is productive. Writing to document his life. Comparison. Smoking marijuana. Shooting hoops. Seclusion/social withdrawal. Faith/Religion. Still adjusting to new community & living environment. Does not know anyone his age. Distances himself from others to focus on writing. Feels very much in control. Chose to go on OW. Currently choosing to focus on self. Self-confidence, self-doubt & feeling lost are constraining forces. Believes control should only be given up to destiny and/or God. NOT synonymous with employment/job. Work is living, learning & self-improvement. Living & developing his life. Writing to document his life. Wants a career—not a job. Forced integration & social interaction. Socially ingrained in people. A coping mechanism for some. Not working for all of society as a whole. People work to accumulate. Time spent on enjoyable activity. Escape/stress reliever. E.g., writing, listening to music, basketball/shooting hoops, bike riding.

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Perceptions of Leisure for SI

Volunteer Experience

Benefits of Leisure for SI in Rural Community Constraints of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

Has potential. Rejects the norm & societal dictates. Cautions—in an effort to be anti-establishment, you create an establishment. Reading tutor at the Literacy Centre. Individual case participant in research project. Enjoyment. Challenging. Rewarding. Helps others. Builds one's knowledge base. Ability to self-reflect. Difficulty connecting with key stakeholder. Transient. Lack of stability. Lack of trust in others. Embarrassed about being on OW. Limited resources. OW stigma. Lack of transportation.

AMANDA

Amanda is a forty-five year old female currently living in the social housing

complex in Camelot. She is widowed and the single parent of teenage daughter. Amanda

is a recovering heroine addict and has been clean and sober for twenty years. She grew up

in the Toronto area but has lived in Camelot for most of her adult life. She is currently on

Ontario Works and has been for the past year; she had applied for ODSP but was denied

and is in the midst of appealing their decision. Amanda's monthly income is $538.13 and

after paying $103 for rent, she is left with $435.15 to cover utilities, groceries,

medications not covered by the OW benefits plan, and of all the necessities of life for her

and her daughter. Amanda was unable to continue participating in the research project

after the first interview (a detailed explanation will be presented later in this narrative).

Amanda and her family lived in the social housing complex for approximately

sixteen years; her husband was physically disabled and on ODSP and Amanda has been

unemployed for the past five or six years. After her husband passed away, Amanda and

her daughter moved into a new unit two doors down as they no longer required the

wheelchair accessible unit they had been living in. Her home was clean. The house was

very empty and aside from one calendar there were no pictures or colour on the walls;

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every wall was a neutral grey-white. All of her OW paperwork was in one file folder and

all her medical paperwork was in a second file folder that she had pulled out for the

interview and were sitting on the table. There was very little in the home. Amanda and

her daughter are both smokers and the house smelled of cigarette smoke; however, she

kept the window and back door open during the interview to air out the house. During the

interview she sat at the kitchen table.

When asked to identify the key issues affecting her life and preventing her from

being integrated into mainstream society, Amanda explained that financial restrictions

and/or lack of government support is an extremely debilitating issue in her life. Amanda

explained that, "money is a very large issue, or the lack thereof holds us from doing

everything".

Other important issues are the lack of transportation, poor health, overcoming a

history of abuse (physical, emotional and substance), and grieving the loss of many loved

ones. Last year, within a five week period, Amanda lost her husband, mother,

grandmother, and sister, as well as her brother, his pregnant wife and their two children

(her nieces). Amanda is currently suffering from post traumatic stress syndrome as a

result of the losses and she reported suffering from an emotional breakdown; daily

symptoms are completely debilitating and include migraines, anxiety attacks, asthma,

lower back pain, depression, weight loss (has now lost 205 pounds), and difficulty

sleeping. As a result of her poor health, Amanda is currently taking a lot of prescription

drugs; however, despite having a drug plan as part of the benefits coverage with Ontario

Works, her migraine medication is not covered and only half the dosage of her anti­

anxiety medication is covered (the plan will cover a half milligram but will not cover

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lmg, and therefore she must take twice as many pills). Amanda does not have any teeth;

she lost most of her teeth as a result of the drug use and others were knocked out when an

ex-boyfriend physically abused her. She has a pair of dentures but cannot wear them

because they do not fit properly anymore and she cannot afford to get a new pair—OW

has refused to cover the cost associated with seeing a denturist and getting proper fitting

dentures. It would appear that being unemployed is not the only issue affecting Amanda's

social integration into mainstream society and other extenuating circumstances are in

effect.

She visits her general practitioner and neurosurgeon monthly, has weekly

appointments with her community mental health worker and psychiatrist, and attends

weekly group therapy sessions. Amanda's physicians have supported her claim that she is

unable to work as well as her request and appeal to be moved from OW to ODSP;

although Amanda's request for ODSP was denied, she is currently exempt from the OW

requirement to apply to work on a regular and ongoing basis. Amanda does not have a

vehicle and must request a volunteer driver from the community resource centre for all

appointments out of town (including her monthly meeting with her case and employment

workers at the OW office). If there are no volunteer drivers available for the day or time

of her appointment then she must pay for a taxi.

The primary social supports in Amanda's life, aside from her daughter would

appear to be medical and mental health professionals. As she has recently undergone a

devastating loss of several friends and family members, it will likely be a matter of time

before she builds a new circle of friends. During the interview Amanda mentioned that

she did not like what Camelot was becoming but was reluctant to move because her

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daughter's friends were all still there; "Camelot has huge drug problems...was the 'meth'

capital...lots of crack too. I do not want to move to because my daughter has stability

here...been here with all the same kids...there's sense of community for her". It is not

clear whether or not Amanda felt a part of the community before the loss of her friends

and family, but she did mention that she was the chairperson of the tenants association at

the social housing complex and volunteers as needed at the local Food Bank—"I just

carry boxes off the truck so the seventy year old girls don't have to do it". However, she

also mentioned that she does not like crowds of people and suffers from social anxiety as

a result of incident she experience as a teenager—

don't like crowds. I was at the CNE and got snatched, drugged and raped and held for three days at age thirteen. I don't like crowds or rides and became addicted later on at sixteen or seventeen. I started playing, smoking and snorting. I couldn 't stop. I used needles until I was twenty-seven.

Amanda also added that as a result of her anxiety she would work in banks and

other buildings as a janitor at night while the offices were closed and no one was there.

Aside from a brief work history, we did not have time to discuss Amanda's notions of

employment or leisure as a social integration strategies, or productivity.

Amanda explained that she feels as though she has little to no control in her life.

There are a few things that she would like to do; however, she feels as though there are

too many barriers in the way to overcoming them. One day she would like to speak at

workshops and training sessions about her victory over addiction in hopes of inspiring

others who might be on the road to recovery—"they need to know if I can do it, they can

do it". She also really likes children and mentioned that she would love to be a foster

parent. Amanda had expressed interest about the possibility of fostering a child but was

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told that she cannot do it while on OW because of spatial constraints (a separate bedroom

is required for each child and she is currently living in a two bedroom house/condo with

her daughter—would need a three bedroom house but cannot get that much space while

on OW). "My dream situation is to get transferred to ODSP so I can foster a child. I've

been approved to foster but can't while on OW. I can get three bedrooms if on ODSP

with a letter from Children's Aid". But Amanda later commented that she thinks applying

to be a foster parent may have hurt her chances of getting approved for ODSP as the

persons assigned to review her case may think that if she is okay to foster a child then she

should be okay to work. When asked how that made her feel and she quickly stated that

"fostering is different and not as strenuous or as hard on my physical and mental health

as physical or manual labour".

Amanda was observed socially interact with her daughter and a few young

children playing outside. The encounter observed between Amanda and her daughter was

very brief. Amanda's daughter came into the kitchen, asked to borrow a lighter, gave her

mom a kiss and said goodbye as she was heading out with a friend. Amanda asked her if

she would come back and say hello to the researcher, her daughter came back into the

kitchen area, waved, smiled and said hello. Amanda jokingly said to her daughter that just

because she was in a hurry and on her way out the door was no reason to forget her

manners. Her daughter apologized, told the researcher "it was nice meeting you" and told

her mom that she would not be late and "feel better soon". Amanda said thank you to her

daughter and yelled after her "love you, have fun and stay out of trouble".

At the end of the interview Amanda left the house to do an errand. Outside of her

unit there were a few kids playing. While walking across the parking lot one of several

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little girls yelled out "I love you Amanda" and she called back "/ love you too baby girl".

Then all the other kids yelled "Hi" and Amanda yelled hi back. Then the kids yelled

again, and Amanda yelled back. And then the girls ran across and followed Amada into

the laundry room and were talking with her. It would appear that Amanda feels safe

and/or unthreatened by children and their innocence. Furthermore, it seems as though she

enjoys the attention and interaction; conversing with children is likely one of the only

means of social interaction she has outside of her appointments with the various medical

professionals she sees weekly, aside from her daughter.

Amanda wore a baggy t-shirt and stretch pants. She had explained that none of her

clothes fit her anymore as she has experienced a significant amount of weight loss. Her

hair was down (blond, ear length) and appeared to be bleached. Her voice was very raspy

and deep, however, she was very soft spoken. She cussed occasionally; mostly when

discussing her past (experience with social assistance, drug addiction and her physically

abusive ex-boyfriend). She was very open and appeared to trust me; she showed me her

cheque statements from OW and her letter from ODSP refusing her appeal to be

transferred from OW.

The second interview scheduled with Amanda was cancelled. She left the

message immediately following her meeting with her community mental health

counsellor. It was brief and simply stated that she would be unable to meet with me

because her community mental health worker does not want her to take on any new

responsibilities and to only focus on her mental health at this time. Amanda asked that the

researcher stay in contact as she would like to participate at a later date if her health

improved. The researcher spoke with Amanda on several occasions following the first

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interview and attempted to call her once a month to check in and see how she was doing.

Some weeks she was feeling better and other weeks she was not doing well at all. If she

was feeling better, she was never feeling good for very long. She mentioned on several

occasions that she would like to ease back into the project with the understanding that she

may never be able to complete the community volunteer portion of it; however,

something always prevented Amanda from participating. It would appear that she had

other basic needs (health - physical & mental) that were necessary to address.

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Tab Age Marital Status Dependents Shelter & Living Arrangements Pets SA

Duration Monthly Income Rent Transportation

Health Concerns

Current Issues Affecting Life

Breakdown of a Typical Day

Social Support

Notions of Productivity Coping Mechanisms Notions of SI & Feeling of Belongingness Perception of Choice & Control in Life Meaning of work Perceptions of Employment for SI Meaning of leisure Perceptions of Leisure for SI Volunteer Experience

Benefits of Leisure for SI in Rural Community Constraints of Leisure for SI in Rural Community

e 16: Summary Matrix of Amanda 45 Widowed 1 Lives with her teenage daughter in SH.

1 cat & 1 dog OW—applied for ODSP but denied and now appealing the process. Approx. 1 year $538.13 $103 plus utilities Physically unable to walk to most local amenities. Puts in a request for free rides from the CRC or pays a neighbour for all out of town appointments & OW meetings. Smoker. Post-traumatic Stress Syndrome. Migraines. Anxiety. Depression. Staph infection from breast reduction. Huge weight loss (2051bs). Denture pain. On Fentanyl for pain. Some difficulty sleeping. Possibility of Hepatitis B. Daily medications. Lack of financial resources. No transportation. Health. Grieving the loss of 8 family members within the past year. Single parent. Living in SH. Recovering heroine addict. Appealing ODSP decision to decline her application. History of physical & sexual abuse. A lot of weekly appointments. Routine oriented. Schedule organized around appointments and health. Does not sleep well. Daughter. Working Professionals (physician, psychologist, psychiatrist, counsellors, outreach worker, staff from CRC). Few family members left in her life as a result of tragedy/

Medication. Therapy.

E.g., reading, interacting with the neighbourhood children.

Chair of the SH tenant association. Lifts boxes for the elderly volunteers at the foodbank.

Social anxiety. Poor health. Transportation.

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Cross-Case Analysis

The following section includes a cross-case analysis whereby the interview

themes are compared across the six individual participant cases. Similarities and

difference are noted between the cases and a summary of the cross case analysis is

provided in a matrix at the end of the section (see Table 17). Cross-case analysis was

conducted in order to determine what main themes were present across the individual

cases,

i) Current Issues Affecting Life

Individual case participants ranged in age from twenty-five to fifty-eight years of

age. Five of the individual case participants were female and one was male. Three of the

individual case participants were recently widowed (with in the past year) and the other

three were single; although one (Alice) who self identified as single was technically

living common law with her boyfriend. All of the individual case participants with the

exception of Jared (the only male in the study) had human or pet dependents. It was very

difficult to find male participants for the research project that fit the case selection

criteria. It would appear that there are more women on social assistance who fit the case

selection criteria than men and that the women on SA living in rural communities are

responsible for caring and/or providing for others. Furthermore, it could suggest that

there are more transient males on SA and that SA is harder for them the access.

The five female case participants all reported mental health issues (e.g., post­

traumatic stress disorder, bi-polar, obsessive compulsive disorder, paranoia, anxiety,

depression) and other health concerns (e.g., post accident pain, osteoarthritis, headaches,

menopause). All five women were on daily medication for their health. Megan and

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Amanda both have a history of physical and sexual abuse. Jill and Amanda have histories

with drug and/or alcohol addiction. Adrienne and Amanda have experienced extreme

weight loss (100 pounds and 205 pounds respectively) in the past year. While Jill has

hepatitis A and B, Megan and Amanda have reason to believe they may be hepatitis

positive and are awaiting test results. All six individual case participants are smokers and

have smoked for many years. This would suggest that there are a variety of physical and

mental health issues affecting the social integration of individuals on S A into mainstream

society and that lack of employment is not the only barrier they face.

In addition to health concerns, individual case participants identified other issues

currently affecting their life. One of the most debilitating issues raised by case

participants was financial constraints. All of the individual case participants with the

exception of Megan specified financial constraints as being a primary concern in their

life; however, when exploring other interview themes financial constraints were

discussed as barriers to integration by all case participants. Jill and Megan both have a

history of eviction and homelessness and both were faced with having to relocate during

the research project. All six individual case participants were on fixed incomes and

experienced difficulty operating on a limited budget; Alice, Adrienne, Jill and Amanda

emphasized that financial constraints complicate their health issues further and contribute

to the already high levels of stress and anxiety in their life. It is important to note here

that financial instability is not the cause of the aforementioned case participants' poor

health; however, they are contributing factors.

All of the individual case participants were trying to adjust to new life

circumstances; Alice, Adrienne and Jill were trying to adjust to their new financial

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situation, the rules for being on SA and having to depend on SA for their financial

sustenance; Megan, Jill and Jared were new to Camelot and were trying to adjust to their

new community; Amanda, Jill and Adrienne were trying to adjust to recently being

widowed; and Jared was trying to adjust to moving in with his mother and step-father

after living on his own for the past two years. Alice, Jill and Jared were all embarrassed

about their current situation and felt stigmatization being on SA. As such they were very

reluctant to share their current life situation with others; Alice, Jared and Jill all

withdrew (to varying degrees) from their previous social circles as a result of the

embarrassment they experienced. Social isolation was an issue affecting the lives of

Alice, Jill and Jared; however, for Jill and Alice, geographic isolation further

compounded the barriers to social integration currently affecting their lives. Access to

resources was a further barrier for all six individual case participants; Jill and Megan did

not have a telephone; Alice had a pay as you go cellular telephone (reception and 'talk-

time minutes' were limited); Jill, Jared and Amanda did not own a vehicle and had

limited access to transportation—often relying on the benevolence of others to get them

to and from appointments; Adrienne's family had one car that was shared, however, it

was primarily used by her son.

Distinct difference was noted between the cases in terms of the issues currently

affecting their lives. Issues limiting their ability to be socially integrated into mainstream

society included:

• Alice's roommate (Megan); • Megan's scavenging, deep feelings of abandonment, and lack of trust for others

and they system (although this is similar to others on OW having their cheques withheld for non-compliance);

• Adrienne's suspension and declined appeal for ODSP and the subsequent lack of health benefits or prescription drug plan;

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• Jill's monthly suspension from OW and extreme living conditions (storage trailer);

• Jared's mandatory application to employment and external pressure from friends and family to 'get a job'; and

• Amanda's overwhelming loss of eight family members in the past year and her declined application to be transferred from OW to ODSP.

It would appear that poverty and social marginalization are not only the result of

financial instability but also a result of an individual's living environment and life

circumstances. Therefore, when considering strategies for alleviating poverty or social

integration, it should be noted that there are extenuating circumstance beyond the lack of

a pay cheque contributing to an individual's need for social assistance and

marginalization from mainstream society.

Figure 2 provides a visual representation of the issues currently affecting the lives

of individuals on SA in rural communities in this research project. In borrowing from

Crawford and Godbey's (1987) three categories and/or types of constraints, the

researcher has grouped the current issues affecting the social integration of individuals on

SA into the following three modified categories: interpersonal, intrapersonal and

structural/system issues affecting social integration. Each category is represented by a

circle and the researcher chose to situated each of the categories of issues affecting social

integration in overlapping circles because the issues affecting social integration for the

individuals on SA in this dissertation are interconnected, and do not occur in isolation.

Although some of the individual case participants experienced more barriers to social

integration than others, each participant's integration was constrained by a combination

of issues. It would appear that there is a relatively even distribution of interpersonal (7),

intrapersonal (9) and structural/system (8) issues affecting the social integration of

individuals on SA in this dissertation. Furthermore, it is important to note that all

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individual case participants expressed a combination of the three types of issues and/or

constraints to social integration.

Figure 2: Issues Affecting the Lives of Individuals on SA

r f ^ sues

Structural/System Issues

ii) A Typical Day

All six individual case participants were asked to breakdown a typical day; the

task proved to be difficult for each of the participants. All participants, with the exception

of Megan noted that daily activities were influenced by a variety of factors including

mood, medication, physical pain, obligations, and weather.

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Alice and Jill noted that they were up early most mornings, while Jared

commented that he is generally in no hurry to get up in the morning. Adrienne, Jared and

Amanda all commented that they do not sleep well and on more than one occasion the

researcher interrupted Jill, Adrienne and Amanda sleeping during the day (at different

times during the day) when calling to schedule or showing up for an interview. Fatigue

and drowsiness were side effects of the medications that each of these participants were

on; however, it may also be a symptom associated with their depression. Once up, Alice,

Jill, Megan and Jared explained that they must start each day off with coffee/tea and

cigarettes.

The levels of social interaction varied between cases but (with the exception of

Adrienne) individual case participants had minimal social interaction with others (outside

of their residence) on a daily basis. Alice, Jared and Amanda spent the majority of their

time indoors; and while Jill, Adrienne and Megan spent a lot of time outdoors (walking

with her dog or sitting by the trailer, gardening, and scavenging or hanging out at the

drop in centre respectively) the majority of this time is spent alone (or coexisting but not

interacting with others as is the situation with Megan). Adrienne however, spent a lot of

time on the weekend and in the evening interacting with her friends, family, neighbours,

and Italian community.

Each of the individual case participants spent the majority of their day focused on

different activities. Alice spent the majority of her time with her boyfriend and each day

was devoted to tackling a major task or daily mission; Megan spent a lot time scavenging;

Adrienne spent the majority of her days gardening, cooking, preserving and freezing

food; Jill spent most of her time outside with her dog; Jared spent the majority of his time

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writing and documenting his life; and Amanda's days were entirely scheduled around

appointments (i.e., medical, counselling, social assistance).

Although individuals appeared to have a lot of "free time" because they were not

engaged in the labour market, unemployment was not synonymous with leisure. Very few

leisure activities were listed by individual case participants as part of their typical day,

and the majority of activities were completed in the evening. For example, Adrienne and

Jill watched television in the evening; Jared listened to music in the morning and tried to

get some physical activity outside; Adrienne read in the evening; Jill played solitaire in

the evening. The meaning of leisure for each individual case participant is further

discussed below in interview theme ix.

iii) Social Support

The level of social support in the lives of each of the individual case participants

varied; however, all of the female participants listed working professionals (physicians,

psychologists, psychiatrists, counsellors, staff from community agencies

and/organizations) as key components of their support net works. With regard to the

number of friends and family and the quality of those relationships, all case participants

(with the exception of Adrienne) had minimal supports in their lives (one or two close

friends and/or family members) and listed ex-lovers, acquaintances, distant relatives, and

people living hours away from Camelot in their social support networks. Conversely,

Adrienne listed her sons, in-laws, cousins, close friends, neighbours, extended family,

and Italian community within her social support network.

It would appear that with few exceptions, individuals on SA have limited social

supports in their lives and rely heavily on working professionals for support. Although

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some of the individual case participants explained that their social supports have changed

since going on SA (noting a reduction in the number of supports), it is difficult to

determine whether these social supports are limited because they are unemployed or

whether it is a result of their living environment and life circumstances or both. What is

certain, is in Adrienne's case extended family and her culture does positively influence

social support. For individuals on SA who are geographically isolated in rural and remote

areas (i.e., Megan, Alice and Jill), social networks appear more limited.

iv) Notions of Productivity

Although the definitions of productivity and the characteristics associated with

productive members of society varied among the five individual case participants with

whom this interview theme was explored, all agreed that a paid job was not a

precondition or requirement for productivity. Megan, Adrienne and Jill emphasized that

productivity was associated with making a contribution (economic, social or physical) to

society; Alice associated productivity with the completion of tasks; and Jared highlighted

individual will when defining productivity. Likewise, four of the five individual case

participants in which this research theme was explored believed that they were productive

members of society despite being unemployed and on SA—Megan was the only

individual who did not believe she was productive because she does not think she is

currently making a contribution to society. Therefore it would appear that individuals on

SA would agree more with a definition of productivity that values accomplishment over

accumulation.

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v) Social Integration & Feeling of Belongingness

Expanding on interview theme iii, four of the five individual case participants for

which this interview theme was explored did not feel a sense of belonging or that they

were integrated in the community. Individuals on SA in rural communities appear to be

segregated from their communities and are experiencing both social and geographic

isolation. It would be possible that living in a rural and remote area while on SA (and

dealing with all the issues associated with being on SA as summarized in Figure 2) could

further the effects of social segregation. Alice's friends are in a neighbouring rural town

and she does not know anyone in Camelot other than her boyfriend and roommate (whom

she does not like). Megan, Jill and Jared are new to the community; Jill is lonely,

isolated, and feels excluded and secluded; Jared has not yet found anyone in Camelot his

age or with similar interests; and Megan does not like interacting with new people.

Furthermore, three of the individual case participants in which this interview theme was

explored emphasized they do not desire to be integrated—Alice explained that she does

not worry about fitting in; Megan self-identifies as a loner and believes her depression

will drive people in Camelot away as it has before; and Jared stressed that he chooses to

distance himself from others so he can focus on his writing. It is not clear whether these

three individual case participants are happy being excluded or whether it is a defence

mechanism to help them cope with being marginalized and excluded from the community

that surrounds them. At different points throughout the research process, Jared and

Megan commented on past relationships and how they had been hurt by people they

cared about and while exploring other themes they both commented that they miss having

different people in their lives (Megan's best friend died when she was pregnant with her

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first child; Jared enjoyed engaging in intellectual discourse with peers while away at

college). This could be a way by which the individual case participants exercise choice

within the system.

Adrienne believed that there was a cultural barrier to her belonging in Camelot.

She felt unsafe as a single female living in a rural area and generally disconnected from

her community, with the exception of a few neighbours. She was hoping that by attending

church she would be able to become integrated into the Catholic community; however,

she was unable to identify with the other members of the parish. Adrienne explained that

she does not feel integrated with her geographic community (Camelot); however, feels a

strong sense of belonging within the Italian community. Although rural communities are

not homogeneous, most (like Camelot) are not as ethno-culturally diverse as cities and

metropolitan areas (Adrienne previously lived in Toronto) and as such opportunity for

social integration with members who share the same ethno-cultural or religious

backgrounds may be limited.

All of the individual case participants for which this interview theme was

explored felt excluded from their geographic community and only one case participant

(Adrienne) felt integrated within another community. Therefore, it would appear that the

individuals in this research who were unemployed and on SA were marginalized from

mainstream society and unable to feel a sense of belonging. Furthermore, if individuals

on SA are segregated from mainstream society then perhaps this is an indication that an

approach to system organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in the

labour market economy is not working to integrate individuals on SA into their rural

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communities. The focus of the case worker may need to change to one of life coach for

individuals on SA as Jared's volunteering would suggest,

vi) Perception of Choice & Control in Life

Four of the five individual case participants with whom this interview theme was

explored believed they had little or no choice in their lives. Each of those four individuals

chose to respond to the limited sense of control differently. Alice was constantly fighting

for what she is legally entitled to; Megan tried to empower herself through education

(mainly informal—reading, conversations with legal aid and social workers); Adrienne

chose to plan what would happen in the event of her death (legal will, division of assets,

power of attorney, custody arrangements); Jared chose to give control up to a higher

purpose (destiny and/or God); and Jill refused to be dominated by the system and chose

to rebel against her OW case worker. It would appear that people on SA who believe they

have no control over their life are likely to gain a sense of power in taking action against

the system.

Jared, however, believed that he was very much in control of his life. He

explained that he chose to go on OW so he could focus on his personal development and

refuses to give control up to anyone but God. Jared's perception of choice varies greatly

from the other individual case participants. Perhaps this variance is a result or

combination of the following circumstances: Jared is the only male case participant; he is

the youngest case participant; he has been on SA for the least amount of time out of all

the case participants; he does not have any reported mental health issues; and he has

known nothing in life except poverty. It would appear the Jared has the most stability of

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all the individual case participants and therefore, it would make sense that he believe that

he is the most in control of his life,

vii) Meaning of Work

The work histories of the five individual case participants varied; however, in

their current life situations they all defined work as activities, task or obligations. Case

participants stressed that work was not synonymous with employment. Adrienne and Jill

have eclectic work histories (having participated in both the formal and informal market

economies) and articulated a need to work (in the non traditional sense of the word) to

feel a sense of self-worth. Moreover, in their definitions, Jared and Megan emphasized

that work was more than a job and they noted differences between a job and a career.

Each of the individual case participants in which this interview theme was

explored were asked to provide examples of work in their lives in lieu of paid

employment. Examples provided were unique and included:

• Alice—searching for help and support; • Megan—scavenging; • Adrienne—caregiving and cooking for others; • Jill—helping out at the corner store; and

• Jared—living, learning and self-improvement (writing).

It would appear that for individuals who are on SA and unemployed, work is not

synonymous with employment and a pay cheque is not a pre-requisite. Furthermore, the

individual case participants' definitions of work emphasized the importance of making a

contribution to society which would occur outside of the labour market economy. Perhaps

this is an indication that a flexible approach to system organization that provides for

multiple approaches to resolving social segregation and marginalization would be better

and more inclusive for individuals who are unemployed and on SA.

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viii) Perceptions of the Employment/Work Mechanism & Social Integration

All individual case participants with whom this interview theme was explored

believed that using employment or work as the preferred and primary means of

integrating society, and in particular rural communities, is not effective in and of itself.

Jared explained that this strategy was not working for all of society. Alice believed that

different strategies are needed. Megan and Adrienne emphasized that the strategy is good

for some individuals but not for everyone. Jill remarked that the strategy stigmatizes

those who are unemployed. Moreover comments used to describe the Employment/Work

mechanism to social integration included silly, restrictive and forced.

It would appear from the individual case participants studied in this research

project that additional strategies are needed to help socially integrate all members of

society embracing the Employment/Work mechanism to social integration, individuals on

S A and who are unemployed are further marginalized,

ix) Meaning of Leisure

Individual case participants for the most part understood leisure to be activities

that are enjoyable and/or relaxing. A notable difference was Megan who found leisure to

be both relaxing and exciting; Jill found leisure to be meditative; and Alice believed

leisure to be activities done at one's convenience. Many of the individual case

participants commented that their leisure participation is different now than it was before

going on SA, and that their leisure participation is limited by their current financial

situation. It would also appear that despite the commonly held societal belief that

individuals with more free time (time away from work) have more leisure, this was not

the case for the individuals participating in this research project.

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Each of the individual case participants were asked to provide examples of leisure

in their lives. Although there was some overlap in the examples provided, for the most

part, individual case participants provided unique examples. Examples included:

• Alice—reading, watching TV, playing cards, and having coffee with friends; • Megan—scavenging, learning, reading, watching TV, and good sex; • Adrienne—cooking, volunteering, social interactions, and caregiving; • Jill—biking, being outside, watching farm animals, and helping others; • Jared—writing, listening to music, shooting hoops, and biking; and

• Amanda—reading and interacting with the neighbourhood children.

A lot of the leisure activities offered as examples by the case participants are passive

activities that are usually done in isolation and inside their home (e.g., watching TV,

reading, writing); however, each participant provided at least one example of a leisure

activity that was either social (e.g., having coffee with friends, interacting with

neighbourhood children, caregiving) or active (e.g., shooting hoops, scavenging, biking).

Jared did not provide an example of a leisure activity that was social and Alice and

Amanda did not provide examples of physical activity. It would appear that there is an

imbalance between the more passive and active/social leisure activities in the lives of an

individual on SA.

It should be noted that four of the five individual case participants reported the

same examples for this interview theme of leisure and the examples provided for work

(interview theme vii)—scavenging, cooking and caregiving, helping others, and writing.

It would appear that for most of these individuals, leisure and work are not separate

entities.

In addition to the aforementioned leisure activities, individual case participants

also exhibited behaviours or participated in activities that they possibly have adopted as a

means of coping with their living environment and current life situation. Although some

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of these behaviours may provide enjoyment, it would appear that they also provide an

escape to the individual exhibiting the behaviour and could therefore be considered a

coping mechanism. These behaviours included:

• Alice—medication, caring for her boyfriend and cats, making comparisons to others;

• Megan—scavenging, sex, smoking marijuana, seclusion and/or social withdrawal; • Adrienne—medication, cooking and caregiving, social interaction with friends

and family, sleeping, geographic seclusion; • Jill—substance abuse (alcohol, methamphetamine, crack cocaine, heroine),

sleeping, seclusion and/or social withdrawal, bartering, and selling pain medication;

• Jared—writing, shooting hoops, smoking marijuana, comparison to other, and seclusion and/or social withdrawal; and

• Amanda—medication and counselling.

Common coping mechanisms for the individual case participants included smoking

marijuana, making comparisons to others, seclusion and caregiving.

Some of the current leisure and behaviour choices of the individual case

participants may not necessarily be viewed as productive by mainstream society (e.g.,

scavenging, writing or documenting one's life, sex, alcohol and drug use, sleeping,

seclusion). Nonetheless, these behaviours are the way in which individuals have chosen

to cope with the life conditions associated with being unemployed and on SA in a rural

community. The choices made by the individual case participants may be a result of not

knowing any other means and/or strategies for coping. Perhaps these behaviours are the

cause and effect of marginalization and social exclusion. Therefore without modifying

the current system, individuals accessing SA or experiencing unemployment appeared to

be caught in a perpetual cycle of poverty and marginalization. Furthermore, these

behaviours not only inhibit work but also inhibit participation in leisure and other aspects

of life. The effects of marginalization and social segregation due to unemployment and

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the stressors of accessing S A within the current system appear to negatively affect most if

not all aspects of an individual's life—the effects are all encompassing. There are all sorts

of different life circumstances that collapse and can lead to an individual accessing SA,

from there, the individual behaviour might be different but all appear to be coping

mechanisms because of circumstances in which they found themselves.

x) Perceptions of Leisure as a Social Integration Strategy

All individual case participants with whom this interview theme was explored

were in agreement that there is potential in using leisure as an additional strategy for the

social integration of individuals who are unemployed and on SA in rural communities.

Alice, Megan and Adrienne believed that leisure could provide an additional opportunity

and choice into the pre-existing system; Jared believed that by using leisure as an

additional strategy societal norms and dictates would be rejected; and Jill believed that it

would provide an opportunity for individuals to feel a sense of self worth and make a

contribution to self and society. Additional comments described the flexibility and room

for creativity offered when leisure was used as an additional strategy.

None of the individual case participants believed that using leisure as an

additional integration strategy for the social integration of individuals on SA was an

unreasonable suggestion. It would appear that individuals on SA are looking for an

additional strategy for social integration and an approach to system organization that

emphasizes a more flexible system and provides for plural approaches to social

integration that would offer many of the same benefits some individuals are experiencing

with the Employment/Work mechanism. In fact, many of the individual case participants

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are currently using leisure as a vehicle for connecting with the 'outside world'

(mainstream society). For example:

• Alice—playing cards with friends and volunteering as a driver for the Community Resource Centre;

• Megan—hanging out at the drop in centre in the metro-adjacent city, scavenging, and smoking marijuana with her ex-boyfriend;

• Adrienne—cooking for others (friends, family, neighbours, roofers, Community Resource Centre Staff, the researcher et cetera) and allowing people to hunt on her property;

• Jill—helping out at the corner store, helping staff out at the Community Resource Centre's satellite office, meeting with the owner of the thrift store;

• Jared—going for a drink at the legion with his brother or other family members, volunteering at the literacy centre, and smoking marijuana with his brother and Annie; and

• Amanda—regular appointments with physicians, psychologists, psychiatrists, counsellors, and community outreach workers.

It would also appear that visiting with staff from the community resource centre as well

as participating in the research project and meeting with the researcher regularly was

another connection for all the individual case participants (with the exception of Amanda)

and reported to be a highlight of their day. This type of interaction indicates the social

void that exists for individuals on SA.

xi) Benefits of Using Leisure as a Social Integration Strategy in a Rural Community

There were two volunteer opportunities for the individual case participants;

volunteering in the community (social experience) and volunteering in the interview

portion of the research project (psychological experience). Furthermore, there are three

types of individuals who participated in the research project—people who were able to

formally volunteer in the community as part of the research (Jared and Alice), people

who said they would formally volunteer but could not and/or did not volunteer (Jill,

Megan, and Adrienne), and people who could not even entertain the idea of volunteering

(Amanda). This would suggest that despite a willingness to participate in a given activity

235

(work or leisure), the individuals' participation was often constrained by issues associated

with being on SA. The severity of the issues and compounding affects vary; however, not

all individuals on SA are physically or psychologically able to engage in activities that

are outside the realm of basic survival. Although Jill and Adrienne did not formally

volunteer, they did make contributions to society that could be viewed as volunteering

(helping out at the corner store in exchange for a few basic necessities and cooking and/or

caregiving) which are consider to be informal volunteer experiences within the context of

this dissertation (and within Stebbins' conceptualization on Serious Leisure).

Three of the five individual case participants (Alice, Megan, and Jill) in which

this interview theme was explored believed that social interaction was a definite benefit

derived from their volunteer experience(s). Alice, Adrienne, Jill and Jared believed their

volunteer experience(s) offered an opportunity for self development—self improvement;

provided a sense of purpose, connectivity to the community and belonging; improved

perception of self-worth and identity; and increased one's knowledge base. Notable

differences in the benefits derived from volunteering included:

• Alice—an escape from regular surroundings and a change of scenery (social and psychological);

• Adrienne—a strategy to reach those excluded and not working (informal social and psychological);

• Jill—kept her away from drugs and alcohol and was flexible for those unable to work (informal social and psychological); and

• Jared—was challenging (social), rewarding (social and psychological), and provided and opportunity to help others (social and psychological).

Serious Leisure (be it volunteering, care-giving or scavenging) appears to provide

individuals who are on S A and unemployed a sense of self-worth and purpose. Similar to

work, individuals can identify with their contribution to society. The individual case

236

participants who did participate in the social volunteering portion of the research project,

found there were work like principles and satisfactions attached. However, there were

also differences in that they did not have to punch the clock Monday to Friday from nine-

to-five as would be expected in a job and could take the time to take care of other

pressing issues in their lives. The commitment associated with their social volunteer

experience appeared manageable. It would appear that an approach to system

organization that emphasizes flexibility and provides for a plural approach to social

integration would prove more effective for individuals who are unemployed and on SA

than the rigidity the labour market demands.

For four of the five individual case participants who completed the psychological

volunteer portion of the research project, meeting with the researcher was seen as fun and

engaging. Individuals reported that they enjoyed the social interaction; they did not have

to worry about transportation as the researcher came to them, and volunteering in the

research project offered a connection to the outside world. Some of the individual case

participants (Megan and Jared) also said they spent time reflecting on themes explored

during the interviews and although the researcher was not a book or video (typical

activity definition of leisure given by most of the participants in my study) it was

enjoyable and leisurely; Adrienne even reported that participating in the research made

her feel human,

xii) Constraints of Using Leisure as a Tool for Social Integration in a Rural Community

Despite the benefits identified in the cross case analysis of interview theme xi, it

would appear that volunteering is too much of a commitment for some of the individual

case participants. The primary focus for these individuals is placed on survival and

237

attending to their basic needs. It would appear that the many of the same constraints that

restrict an individual from being employed, also restrict participation in leisure or other

social activities. All of the individual case participants were not employed but expressed

interest in helping others. Despite this interest, some were unable to spend time helping

others as they were preoccupied with trying to survive (psychologically) and ensuring

that their basic needs and the basic needs of their family were met.

All of the individual case participants in which this interview theme was explored

reported barriers to participating in the social volunteer portion of the research project.

Jared, Alice and Jill all experienced difficulty connecting with the volunteer agencies or

key stakeholders in their social volunteer experiences; Alice, Megan, Adrienne, Jill and

Jared explained that their lack of financial resources and/or financial instability is a

barrier to all aspects of life; Alice, Megan, Adrienne and Jill felt constrained by their

health; transportation was a barrier for Adrienne, Jill and Jared; and the stigma (as well as

their perceptions of the stigma) of being on OW (and in prison) was a barrier to

volunteering and using leisure as a social integration strategy for Jill and Jared.

Moreover, for those individuals who expressed interest in participating in the social

volunteer experience, the conditions of the community volunteer placements also proved

to be a barrier—communication barriers (language, the expectation of having a telephone

and/or answering machine), waiver forms, police background checks, time commitments,

training, et cetera.

238

Tab

le 1

7:

Cro

ss C

ase

Su

mm

ary

Mat

rix

Age

* M

arit

al S

tatu

s D

epen

dent

s Sh

elte

r &

L

ivin

g A

rran

gem

ents

SH=

Soc

ial

Hou

sing

Pet

s SA

Alic

e

57

Sing

le

0 Roo

mm

ates

w/

Meg

an.

Uno

ffic

ially

liv

es

w/

boyf

rien

d.

Liv

ed in

fre

e m

arke

t ren

t fa

rm

hous

e—ou

tski

rts

of C

amel

ot.

Mov

ed i

nto

SH in

la

st m

onth

of

data

co

llect

ion

4 ca

ts

OD

SP

Meg

an

49

Sing

le

0 Roo

mm

ates

w/

Ali

ce.

Free

mar

ket r

ent

farm

hou

se—

ou

tski

rts

of

Cam

elot

.

2 ca

ts. 2

fer

rets

O

DSP

Adr

ienn

e

58

Wid

owed

2 L

ives

with

her

2

youn

gest

son

s—1

of w

hom

has

a

cogn

itive

im

pair

men

t. Fa

mily

ow

ned

hous

e an

d fa

rm—

ou

tski

rts

of

Cam

elot

.

No

pets

. Su

spen

ded

from

O

DSP

—on

W

idow

s A

llow

ance

&

Dis

abili

ty P

ensi

on

Jill

52

Wid

owed

0 L

ives

alo

ne.

Liv

ed i

n a

stor

age

shel

ter—

outs

kirt

s of

Cam

elot

. M

oved

int

o SH

in

last

few

mon

ths

of

data

col

lect

ion

1 do

g O

W

Jare

d

25

Sing

le

0 Liv

es w

ith m

om &

st

ep-d

ad in

SH

.

No

pets

. O

W

Am

anda

45

Wid

owed

1 Liv

es w

ith t

eena

ge

daug

hter

in S

H.

1 ca

t. 1

dog

OW

—ap

peal

ing

OD

SP

refu

sal.

239

Dur

atio

n *

Mon

thly

In

com

e

Ren

t

Tra

nspo

rtat

ion

Hea

lth

Con

cern

s

Alic

e

26 m

onth

s

$959

$425

plu

s ut

ilitie

s

Ow

ns a

n ol

der

Van

Dai

ly m

edic

atio

n.

Men

tal

Hea

lth.

Smok

er.

Meg

an

Off

& o

n O

W f

or

5 ye

ars—

on O

DS

P fo

r pa

st 2

yea

rs.

$965

(in

clud

es

addi

tiona

l m

eal

supp

lem

ent)

$4

25

(util

ities

inc

lude

d)

Ow

ns a

n ol

der

Van

Dai

ly m

edic

atio

n M

enta

l H

ealth

. Ph

ysic

al H

ealth

. Sm

oker

.

Adr

ienn

e

App

rox.

3 y

ears

So

n is

on

OD

SP.

App

rox.

$80

0

Doe

s no

t pay

ren

t--f

amily

ow

ned

prop

erty

. Pa

ys a

ll ut

ilit

ies.

1

fam

ily v

ehic

le—

lim

ited

acce

ss.

A lo

t of

test

s an

d ho

spita

l vis

its.

D

aily

med

icat

ion

Men

tal

Hea

lth.

Phys

ical

Hea

lth.

Side

eff

ects

fro

m

med

icat

ion

Smok

er.

Tir

es e

asily

. W

eigh

t lo

ss

(~10

01bs

).

Jill

9 m

onth

s—w

as o

n M

othe

rs

Allo

wan

ce in

19

70s

& 8

0s.

$525

$300

for

the

stor

age

shed

Rid

es h

er b

icyc

le.

Hitc

h hi

kes.

Fr

ee r

ide

from

C

RC

.

Dai

ly m

edic

atio

n D

iffi

culty

sl

eepi

ng.

Men

tal

Hea

lth.

Phys

ical

Hea

lth.

Sm

oker

. Su

bsta

nce

abus

e (d

rug

& a

lcoh

ol).

Jare

d

3 m

onth

s

$550

$400

(ut

ilitie

s &

m

eals

inc

lude

d)

With

in w

alki

ng

dist

ance

of

mos

t lo

cal

amen

ities

. T

axi.

Free

rid

e fr

om

CR

C.

Smok

er.

Am

anda

App

rox.

1 y

ear

$538

.13

$103

plu

s ut

ilit

ies

Phys

ical

ly u

nabl

e to

wal

k to

mos

t lo

cal

amen

ities

. Fr

ee r

ides

fro

m

CR

C o

r pa

ys a

ne

ighb

our.

D

aily

med

icat

ion.

Sm

oker

. D

iffi

culty

sl

eepi

ng.

Den

tal

Hea

lth.

Men

tal

Hea

lth.

Phys

ical

Hea

lth.

Wei

ght

loss

(2

051b

s).

240

Alic

e M

egan

A

drie

nne

Cur

rent

Iss

ues

Aff

ecti

ng L

ife

Diff

icul

ty

adju

stin

g.

Em

barr

asse

d ab

out

livin

g co

ndit

ions

. Fi

nanc

ial

cons

trai

nts.

G

eogr

aphi

cally

is

olat

ed

Hea

lth.

Lim

ited

tele

phon

e ac

cess

. R

oom

mat

e.

Dee

p fe

elin

gs o

f ab

ando

nmen

t. Fo

rget

fuln

ess.

H

isto

ry o

f ab

use

His

tory

of

evic

tion

& h

omel

essn

ess.

L

ack

of tr

ust

for

othe

rs &

the

syst

em.

New

to C

amel

ot.

No

tele

phon

e.

Poor

nut

ritio

n.

Scav

engi

ng.

Tra

nsie

nt.

Dif

ficu

lty

adju

stin

g.

Fina

ncia

l co

nstr

aint

s.

Gri

evin

g lo

ss o

f hu

sban

d.

Hea

lth.

Inco

nsis

tent

acc

ess

to t

rans

port

atio

n.

No

heal

th b

enef

its.

Susp

ende

d &

ap

peal

dec

lined

for

O

DSP

T

ryin

g to

ren

ovat

e th

e ho

me.

241

Jill

Em

barr

asse

d ab

out

bein

g on

SA

&

livin

g co

nditi

ons.

Fi

nanc

ial

cons

trai

nt.

Gri

evin

g lo

ss o

f hu

sban

d.

Hea

lth.

Hom

eles

snes

s &

ri

sk o

f ho

mel

essn

ess.

N

ew t

o C

amel

ot.

No

tele

phon

e.

Poor

liv

ing

cond

itio

ns.

Reg

ular

ly

susp

ende

d fr

om

OW

. So

cial

Iso

latio

n.

Subs

tanc

e ab

use.

T

rans

port

atio

n.

Tri

ed to

ove

rdos

e du

ring

the

stud

y.

Jare

d D

ebt.

Em

barr

asse

d ab

out

bein

g on

SA

&

livin

g co

ndit

ions

. Fe

els

unde

rval

ued.

Fi

nanc

ial

cons

trai

nts.

St

abili

ty.

Mov

ed b

ack

hom

e w

ith m

om.

New

to

Cam

elot

. O

nly

know

n po

vert

y.

Stig

ma

asso

ciat

ed

with

SA

. T

rans

ient

. U

nem

ploy

ed.

Try

ing

to m

otiv

ate

brot

her.

Am

anda

A

lot

of w

eekl

y ap

poin

tmen

ts.

App

eali

ng O

DS

P de

cisi

on t

o de

clin

e he

r ap

plic

atio

n.

Fina

ncia

l co

nstr

aint

s.

Gri

evin

g lo

ss o

f 8

fam

ily m

embe

rs

with

in th

e pa

st

year

. H

ealth

. H

isto

ry o

f ph

ysic

al &

sex

ual

abus

e.

Liv

ing

in S

H.

Rec

over

ing

hero

ine

addi

ct.

Sing

le p

aren

t. T

rans

port

atio

n.

Bre

akdo

wn

of a

T

ypic

al D

ay

Alic

e W

akes

up

earl

y.

Cof

fee

&

Cig

aret

tes.

C

ompl

ete

daily

m

issi

on/m

ajor

ta

sk.

A lo

t of

time

spen

t in

hom

e.

Lim

ited

soci

al

inte

ract

ion—

m

ostly

boy

frie

nd

& r

oom

mat

e.

1 ro

ad t

rip/

mon

th

to b

uy c

igar

ette

fr

om r

eser

ve.

Meg

an

No

rout

ine.

N

ew t

o C

amel

ot.

Tea

& c

igar

ette

s.

A l

ot o

f tim

e sp

ent

scav

engi

ng.

Goe

s to

the

drop

in

cent

re.

Eat

s at

the

soup

ki

tche

n.

Cha

ts w

ith A

lice.

V

isit

s &

sm

okes

m

ariju

ana

with

her

ex

.

Adr

ienn

e D

iffi

culty

sl

eepi

ng.

Day

dep

ends

on

moo

d an

d pa

in.

A lo

t of

tim

e sp

ent

outd

oors

(A

pril-

Oct

ober

) in

the

ga

rden

. A

lot

of ti

me

spen

t co

okin

g, d

oing

pr

eser

ves,

&

free

zing

foo

d.

Vis

its w

ith f

amily

&

nei

ghbo

urs

regu

larl

y.

Wat

ches

TV

or

read

s in

the

PM

.

242

Jill

Up

earl

y.

Cof

fee

&

ciga

rett

es.

A lo

t of

tim

e sp

ent

wit

h he

r do

g.

Out

side

as

muc

h as

pos

sibl

e (w

eath

er

perm

itti

ng).

T

ries

to i

nter

act

with

oth

ers

as

muc

h as

pos

sibl

e w

hen

not

depr

esse

d or

usi

ng

drug

s.

Wat

ches

TV

in t

he

even

ing.

Pl

ays

card

s.

Goe

s to

bed

whe

n it

is d

ark.

Jare

d D

oes

not

slee

p w

ell.

No

hurr

y ge

tting

up

in

the

AM

if n

o ob

ligat

ion

that

da

y.

Cof

fee

&

ciga

rett

es.

Lis

ten

to m

usic

. C

ompl

ete

daily

ta

sks.

A

lot

of

time

wri

ting

&

docu

men

ting

lif

e.

Som

e ph

ysic

al

activ

ity.

Min

imal

soc

ial

inte

ract

ion

beyo

nd

imm

edia

te f

amily

. M

ost t

ime

spen

t in

door

s.

Am

anda

D

oes

not

slee

p w

ell.

Rou

tine

ori

ente

d.

Day

is

stru

ctur

ed

arou

nd

appo

intm

ent

&

heal

th.

Soci

al S

uppo

rt

Not

ions

of

Pro

duct

ivit

y

Cop

ing

Mec

hani

sms

Alic

e W

orki

ng

Prof

essi

onal

s.

Boy

frie

nd,

4 go

od

frie

nds,

& d

ista

nt

cous

ins.

"Get

ting

wor

k do

ne".

D

o no

t nee

d a

paid

jo

b to

be

prod

uctiv

e.

Bel

ieve

s sh

e is

pr

oduc

tive.

Car

e-gi

ving

. C

ompa

riso

n.

Med

icat

ion.

Meg

an

Wor

king

pr

ofes

sion

als.

E

x-bo

yfri

end.

A

cqua

inta

nces

fr

om d

rop

in

cent

re &

for

mer

re

side

nce.

Po

or f

amily

re

latio

ns.

"Con

trib

utes

to

soci

ety—

ec

onom

ical

ly o

r so

cial

ly".

D

o no

t nee

d a

paid

jo

b to

be

prod

uctiv

e.

Doe

s no

t bel

ieve

sh

e is

pro

duct

ive.

Scav

engi

ng.

Secl

usio

n.

Sex.

Sm

okin

g m

ariju

ana.

Adr

ienn

e W

orki

ng

prof

essi

onal

s.

Sons

. Fa

mily

. C

lose

fri

ends

. N

eigh

bour

s.

Ital

ian

com

mun

ity.

"Doi

ng g

ood

thin

gs".

C

ontr

ibut

ing

to

soci

ety—

fin

anci

ally

&

phys

ical

ly.

A p

aid

job

is

expe

cted

of

thos

e w

ho c

an w

ork.

B

elie

ves

she

is

prod

uctiv

e.

Car

e-gi

ving

. C

ooki

ng.

Med

icat

ion

Slee

ping

. So

cial

Int

erac

tion

with

fri

ends

&

fam

ily.

Rel

ocat

ed.

Jill

Wor

king

pr

ofes

sion

als.

1

wom

an f

rom

the

co

rner

sto

re.

One

goo

d fr

iend

in

Cam

elot

. Pa

cino

(he

r do

g)

Mak

ing

a co

ntri

butio

n.

Hel

ping

oth

ers.

D

o no

t nee

d a

paid

jo

b to

be

prod

ucti

ve.

Not

as

prod

ucti

ve

as s

he w

as b

efor

e O

W—

but

belie

ves

she

is s

till

prod

ucti

ve.

Bar

teri

ng.

Secl

usio

n/so

cial

w

ithd

raw

al.

Selli

ng p

ain

med

icat

ion.

Sl

eepi

ng.

Subs

tanc

e us

e (a

lcoh

ol,

crac

k,

coca

ine,

her

oine

, et

cet

era)

.

Jare

d M

othe

r.

Bro

ther

. 1

frie

nd/s

econ

d m

othe

r fi

gure

. 1

or 2

nei

ghbo

urs.

Fr

iend

s fr

om

colle

ge.

"The

will

to

do...

the

will

to

achi

eve

goal

s".

Do

not n

eed

a pa

id

job

to b

e pr

oduc

tive.

B

elie

ves

he is

pr

oduc

tive.

Com

pari

son.

Se

clus

ion/

soci

al

with

draw

al.

Shoo

ting

hoop

s.

Smok

ing

mar

ijuan

a.

Wri

ting

to

docu

men

t his

lif

e.

Am

anda

W

orki

ng

prof

essi

onal

s.

Few

fam

ily

mem

bers

lef

t in

he

r lif

e as

a r

esul

t of

rec

ent

trag

edy.

Med

icat

ion.

T

hera

py.

243

Not

ions

of

Soci

al

Inte

grat

ion

&

Fee

ling

of

Bel

ongi

ngne

ss

Per

cept

ion

of

Cho

ice

&

Con

trol

in L

ife

Alic

e D

oesn

't kn

ow

anyo

ne in

C

amel

ot.

Rem

ote

&

isol

ated

. W

ants

to b

e se

rved

bu

t doe

sn't

wor

ry

abou

t fitt

ing

in.

Con

stan

tly

figh

ting

auth

ority

fo

r en

title

men

ts.

Feel

s re

stri

cted

. N

ot a

lot o

f ch

oice

.

Meg

an

Dep

ress

ion

drov

e fr

iend

s aw

ay.

Doe

sn't

like

inte

ract

ing

with

ne

w p

eopl

e.

Iden

tifie

s as

a

lone

r.

Rec

lusi

ve.

Doe

s no

t ha

ve

muc

h ch

oice

. Fe

els

ship

wre

cked

. L

imite

d po

wer

w

ithin

the

syst

em

& w

ith l

andl

ord.

T

ries

to e

mpo

wer

se

lf t

hrou

gh

educ

atio

n.

Adr

ienn

e A

tten

ds c

hurc

h on

oc

casi

on

Bel

ongs

in t

he

Ital

ian

com

mun

ity.

Con

nect

ed w

ith a

fe

w n

eigh

bour

s.

Cul

tura

l bar

rier

to

belo

ngin

g in

C

amel

ot.

Fee

ls u

nsaf

e.

Cho

se t

o m

ake

her

child

ren

her

rich

es

in l

ife.

C

hose

to

plan

w

hat

will

hap

pen

in d

eath

. D

oes

not

feel

in

cont

rol

of l

ife.

Jill

Exc

lude

d.

Lon

ely.

R

emot

e &

Is

olat

ed.

Secl

uded

.

Cho

oses

to

rebe

l. C

hoos

es w

ho s

he

tell

s ab

out

bein

g on

OW

. C

onst

antly

tol

d w

hat

to d

o.

Exp

ecte

d to

be

subm

issi

ve b

ut

feel

s co

mpe

lled

to

rebe

l. Pr

ide

is a

ll sh

e ha

s le

ft.

Vir

tual

ly n

o ch

oice

whi

le o

n O

W.

Jare

d A

djus

ting

to n

ew

com

mun

ity &

li

ving

en

viro

nmen

t. D

ista

nces

him

self

fr

om o

ther

s to

fo

cus

on w

ritin

g.

Doe

s no

t kno

w

anyo

ne h

is a

ge.

Bel

ieve

s co

ntro

l sh

ould

onl

y be

gi

ven

up to

des

tiny

and/

or G

od.

Cho

se t

o fo

cus

on

self

. C

hose

to

go o

n O

W.

Feel

s ve

ry m

uch

in

cont

rol.

Am

anda

244

Mea

ning

of

wor

k

E.g

.,= c

urre

nt

exam

ple(

s)

Per

cept

ions

of

Em

ploy

men

t/

Wor

k fo

r So

cial

In

tegr

atio

n

Mea

ning

of

leis

ure

E.g

.,= c

urre

nt

exam

ple.

Alic

e T

asks

& c

hore

s.

E.g

., se

arch

ing

for

help

&su

ppor

t.

Eve

ryon

e is

di

ffer

ent.

Dif

fere

nt

stra

tegi

es a

re

need

ed.

It's

sill

y.

Don

e at

one

's

conv

enie

nce.

E

njoy

able

. H

ave

mor

e ti

me

but l

ess

mea

ns.

E.g

., re

adin

g,

wat

chin

g T

V,

play

ing

card

s,

coff

ee w

ith

frie

nds.

Meg

an

Shou

ld b

e m

ore

than

a jo

b.

Wan

ted

a ca

reer

th

at w

as

enjo

yabl

e—jo

bs

are

bori

ng.

E.g

., sc

aven

ging

.

Doe

s no

t w

ork

for

her.

G

ood

for

som

e bu

t no

t for

eve

ryon

e.

Res

tric

tive

.

Rel

axin

g or

ex

citin

g.

E.g

., sc

aven

ging

, le

arni

ng, r

eadi

ng,

wat

chin

g T

V,

good

sex

.

Adr

ienn

e H

as w

orke

d a

vari

ety

& m

ulti

ple

man

ual

labo

ur

jobs

. E

njoy

ed t

he s

ocia

l in

tera

ctio

n &

es

cape

of

wor

k.

E.g

., ca

re-g

ivin

g &

coo

king

for

ot

hers

. C

ontr

ibut

ion

to

soci

ety

shou

ld n

ot

be li

mite

d to

wor

k.

Goo

d fo

r so

me

but

not f

or e

very

one.

S

houl

dn't

need

a

payc

hequ

e to

be

soci

ally

inc

lude

d.

Enj

oyab

le.

Mak

ing

a co

ntri

butio

n th

e be

tterm

ent o

f ot

hers

. E

.g.,

cook

ing,

vo

lunt

eeri

ng,

soci

al i

nter

actio

n,

care

-giv

ing.

Jill

Mak

ing

a co

ntri

butio

n.

Hel

ping

oth

ers.

E

clec

tic w

ork

hist

ory—

tr

aditi

onal

jobs

an

d cr

imin

al

activ

ity.

Stig

mat

izes

tho

se

who

are

un

empl

oyed

.

Med

itativ

e.

Rel

axin

g.

E.g

., bi

king

, bei

ng

outs

ide,

wat

chin

g fa

rm a

nim

als,

he

lpin

g ot

hers

.

Jare

d N

OT

syn

onym

ous

with

em

ploy

men

t. W

ork

is li

ving

, le

arni

ng &

sel

f-im

prov

emen

t.

Wan

ts a

car

eer—

not

ajob

. E

.g.,

wri

ting

.

A c

opin

g m

echa

nism

fo

r so

me.

Fo

rced

int

egra

tion/

in

tera

ctio

n.

Not

wor

king

for

all

of

soc

iety

as

a w

hole

. Pe

ople

wor

k to

acc

umul

ate.

So

cial

ly i

ngra

ined

in

peop

le.

Tim

e sp

ent

on

enjo

yabl

e ac

tivity

. E

.g.,

wri

ting,

lis

teni

ng to

mus

ic,

shoo

ting

hoop

s, b

ike

ridi

ng.

Am

anda

E.g

., re

adin

g,

inte

ract

ing

with

th

e ne

ighb

ourh

ood

chil

dren

.

245

Per

cept

ions

of

Lei

sure

for

Soci

al

Inte

grat

ion

Vol

unte

er

Exp

erie

nce

Ben

efit

s of

L

eisu

re fo

r So

cial

In

tegr

atio

n in

a

Rur

al

Com

mun

ity

Alic

e Pr

ovid

es a

noth

er

aven

ue.

Part

icip

ant f

or

rese

arch

pro

ject

. V

olun

teer

dri

ver

fort

heC

RC

.

Add

ition

al

stra

tegy

. E

mpo

wer

ing.

E

scap

e re

gula

r su

rrou

ndin

gs—

ch

ange

of

scen

ery

Self

im

prov

emen

t. So

cial

int

erac

tion

with

oth

ers.

Meg

an

Fle

xibl

e.

Prov

ides

ad

ditio

nal

oppo

rtun

ity.

Mor

e re

alis

tic f

or

peop

le li

ke h

er.

Roo

m f

or

crea

tivi

ty.

Part

icip

ant i

n re

sear

ch p

roje

ct.

Abi

lity

to s

elf-

refl

ect.

Enj

oyab

le

expe

rien

ce.

Soci

al i

nter

actio

n.

Adr

ienn

e Pr

ovid

es

oppo

rtun

ity f

or

addi

tiona

l co

ntri

butio

n.

Prov

ides

a s

ense

of

pur

pose

.

Part

icip

ant i

n re

sear

ch p

roje

ct.

Prep

arin

g m

eals

fo

r ot

hers

/ L

ong

hist

ory

of

volu

ntee

ring

. E

mpo

wer

ing.

Pr

ovid

es a

sen

se

of p

urpo

se &

be

long

ing.

R

each

es t

hose

ex

clud

ed/n

ot

wor

king

.

Jill

Opp

ortu

nity

to

give

bac

k, f

eel

a se

nse

of w

orth

&

mak

e a

cont

ribu

tion

to s

elf

& s

ocie

ty.

Prov

ides

cho

ice.

Part

icip

ant i

n re

sear

ch p

roje

ct.

Hel

ping

out

at

corn

er s

tore

&

CR

C s

atel

lite

offi

ce.

Aw

ay f

rom

dru

gs

& a

lcoh

ol.

Com

mun

ity

conn

ectio

n.

Con

trib

utio

n/he

lp

othe

rs.

Em

pow

erin

g.

Flex

ible

for

thos

e un

able

to

wor

k fu

ll ti

me.

K

eep

busy

. Se

lf

wor

th/id

entit

y.

Soci

al i

nter

actio

n.

Jare

d H

as p

oten

tial

. R

ejec

ts t

he n

orm

&

soc

ieta

l di

ctat

es.

Part

icip

ant i

n re

sear

ch p

roje

ct.

Rea

ding

tut

or a

t th

e L

itera

cy

Cen

tre.

Abi

lity

to s

elf-

refl

ect.

Bui

lds

one'

s kn

owle

dge

base

. C

halle

ngin

g.

Em

pow

erin

g.

Enj

oym

ent.

Hel

ps o

ther

s.

Rew

ardi

ng.

Am

anda

Cha

ir o

f the

SH

te

nant

ass

ocia

tion.

L

ifts

box

es f

or

elde

rly

volu

ntee

rs

at th

e fo

odba

nk.

246

Con

stra

ints

of

Lei

sure

for

So

cial

In

tegr

atio

n in

a

Rur

al

Com

mun

ity

Alic

e C

are-

givi

ng.

Dif

ficu

lty

conn

ectin

g w

ith

the

com

mun

ity

orga

niza

tion.

L

ack

of f

inan

ces

&

fina

ncia

l st

ress

. L

ivin

g C

ondi

tion

s.

Roo

mm

ate.

N

o la

ndlin

e te

leph

one.

Po

or h

ealth

. W

inte

r w

eath

er.

Meg

an

Com

puls

ion

to

scav

enge

. C

onsi

ders

her

self

to

be

unre

liabl

e &

a

proc

rast

inat

or.

Forg

etfu

lnes

s.

Inde

pend

ent/l

oner

. L

ack

of s

tabi

lity

(fin

anci

al a

nd

loca

tiona

l).

Men

tal

heal

th.

Soci

al A

nxie

ty.

Adr

ienn

e D

epen

dent

ch

ildre

n/fa

mily

co

mm

itm

ents

/ ca

re-g

ivin

g re

spon

sibi

litie

s.

Fina

ncia

l lim

itatio

ns &

in

stab

ility

. H

ealth

. L

ack

of p

hysi

cal

ener

gy.

Tra

nspo

rtat

ion.

Jill

Dif

ficu

lty

com

mitt

ing.

D

iffi

culty

co

nnec

ting.

Fi

nanc

ial

cons

trai

nts.

L

imite

d w

ardr

obe

Men

tal

Hea

lth.

No

tran

spor

tatio

n.

No

tele

phon

e.

Stig

ma

of O

W.

Subs

tanc

e us

e.

Jare

d D

iffi

culty

co

nnec

ting

with

ke

y st

akeh

olde

r.

Lac

k of

sta

bilit

y.

Lac

k of

tru

st in

ot

hers

. L

imite

d re

sour

ces.

O

W s

tigm

a.

Tra

nsie

nt.

Tra

nspo

rtat

ion.

Am

anda

H

ealt

h.

Soci

al a

nxie

ty.

Tra

nspo

rtat

ion.

Figu

res

repo

rted

at t

he b

egin

ning

of

the

data

col

lect

ion

proc

ess

(as

of A

ugus

t 20

06).

247

System Analysis

The following section provides a summary of the individual case participants'

perceptions of the 'system' as well as an analysis of the current system's manifest and

latent functions and/or dysfunctions. For the individual case participants, the system

refers to both the social assistance program on which they rely for their financial

sustenance (e.g., policy makers, government offices, program staff, et cetera) as well as

society at large. The individual case participants' perceptions of the system were

analyzed to further understand the nuances of rural poverty and determine whether the

current approach to system organization (structural functionalism) is working for

individuals on SA in rural communities. Furthermore, it is important to understand how

individuals on SA in rural communities perceive themselves within the system.

Following the individual case participants' system critiques, an additional critique of the

current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs is included to

determine whether the larger system and current approach to system organization (which

follows the Structural Functionalist theory) are functional or dysfunctional.

Alice

Alice explained that as an individual on S A one must first "learn the rules of the

game before you can play the game" and once one learns the rules, they then have to

constantly monitor the game for fair play. She further explained that in trying to learn the

rules for the social assistance program she is on, she has had to consult additional

resources in her community for clarification:

They rules for ODSP keep you in the dark as much as possible. I didn't find out for six months that I had been approved. Then I had to follow up and check in to see the date I was officially approved so I could claim retro pay. I have had to learn how to work the system

248

so it works for me. They don't tell you the rules; you just have to figure it out for yourself. I have asked several times and they say they can't give me that. How is that fair? Do they make them up as they go along? There are so many rules and if you break too many you can get suspended for life. I like to know the rules but they won't give me a straight answer. I have to go to the free legal clinic to get the answers. They have them but the staff at the ODSP office doesn 't. How does that make sense?

Additionally upon learning the rules, Alice explained that some of the rules and/or

policies do not make sense and are not in the best interest of all individuals on SA or

society at large. One such example that particularly frustrated Alice was ODSP's policy

on travel reimbursement:

I can take a taxi and get a receipt and they '11 reimburse the full amount, but if I drive and use my van and pay for the gas I get less. If someone doesn't have a car on ODSP they don't have to stress about driving and get all the money back. It works out to $34 for a taxi or 22km at 18 cents/km if I drive [$3.96]. VON charges 40 cents/km and the community resource centre reimburses mileage at 39 cents/km, but no ODSP only pays 18 cents Am.

Living in a rural community, transportation and travel reimbursement was of great

concern for Alice. Owning a vehicle allowed Alice to be independent and access various

community resources and necessities of life; however, by owning a car she is penalized

by the system.

It would appear that ODSP did not treat all of its recipients the same. Alice's

experience of S A was that staff did not clearly and consistently communicate the rules of

the program. Without clear and transparent policies and/or rules for engagement, how can

individuals on SA be expected to comply? Alice explained that she is "constantly fighting

for what is right" and spends much of her time on SA researching and educating herself

about the rules in an effort to avoid being suspended from the program. For other

249

individuals who are not as determined to learn the rules, it would appear that their

chances of suspension are greater. Alice's advice to policy makers, government and

society at large would be to "treat the cause and not the symptoms''' of poverty. The rules

for the SA programs would appear that they are established to be complex and not

apparent to entrap individuals who are unemployed and not contributing to the current

system in order to move them off the roles.

Alice did not offer many perceptions of the system with regard to society in

general, however, she did explain that life is different since being on social assistance and

it is taking her time to adjust to her new financial situation. She was not overly concerned

about the stigma of being on S A because she has a disability and believes that society is

more accepting of people on ODSP than people on OW—she is a part of what is

commonly referred to as the deserving poor. She was however concerned with the

stigma associated with having a mental illness and therefore explained that she does not

often disclose the details of her disability or reasons for being on ODSP with others.

Alice did not see herself as being a part of the system; she is an outsider looking in.

Alice's perceptions of the system would suggest that the current approach to system

organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in the labour market economy

is not working to integrate individuals on SA into their rural communities (society at

large).

Megan

Megan criticized the system for doing what was in the best interest of the system

and not the individual agents within the system. She had been on OW for several years

and only recently transferred to ODSP because she was unaware of the fact that she had

250

qualified for ODSP all along. Megan's perceptions of the SA program echoed those

articulated by Alice in that the individuals on S A must learn the rules of the program on

their own and monitor the system on an ongoing basis to ensure they are not being taken

advantage of.

Welfare doesn 't tell you about ODSP or what you 're entitled to. You have to do your own inquiry and research to get the answers you are looking for...I hate Ontario Works. They nickled and dimed me. Every time I turned around they said I was overpaid and told me I owed them more than I did when I got ODSP just cause they know it would get paid by ODSP. How could I have been overpaid? I never got more than $525 a month.

Megan did not believe the rules for OSDP were fair and often neglected to take

individual well being into consideration. One such example she gave was the response

she was given to a request she made for a special bra. Megan is very thin with large

breasts and does not often wear a bra because store bought bras never fit properly and the

under wire causes her pain. She went to the ODSP office to ask if they could give her

money to cover the cost of a good bra that she would be fitted for and custom made.

Their initial reaction was no they would not pay for a special bra but they would pay for and arrange for a breast reduction. I explained I didn't want my breasts chopped off, I just wanted for them to be supported. My case worker at the ODSP office said they would look into it but I would likely have to buy the bra up front and then submit the receipts to ODSP and wait for reimbursement. That was a few months ago and I am still waiting to hear back from them. When I follow up, they tell me to be patient.

The ODSP staff member's behaviour is indicative of a parole officer mentality as the

staff member offered an outlandish solution to Megan's problem by suggesting mutilation

over offering additional financial support for the purchase of an undergarment.

251

Megan explained that to the best of her knowledge ODSP will cover the cost for

individuals with high or fallen arches to purchase orthodics—these individuals are not

told that arrangements will be made to remove their feet. She was frustrated that the

ODSP case worker's first response was so extreme and that they were shocked by her

protest. It is unclear whether the ODSP case worker was looking for a quick fix to the

problem Megan presented or whether she was complying with the parameters set out by

the program policies (although the research could not find mention of such program

policies in writing).

Megan's general distrust of the SA program spilled over to her perceptions of the

system with regard to society in general. Megan has been hurt by a number of different

people in her life (father, brother, former friends, neighbours, et cetera) and as a result of

these lived experiences does not trust anyone. Furthermore, she believes that being on SA

and having mental health issues (specifically her scavenging and obsessive compulsive

disorder) stigmatizes her. She feels misunderstood and ignored. During the research

project she would often name different professionals from various service organizations

and ask if the researcher knew them when responding to various questions. She would

comment that these professionals would probably make a more credible source than her.

It would appear that by being marginalized and stigmatized, individuals on SA begin to

doubt themselves and/or develop a different perception of self. Megan was excited about

sharing her lived experiences with the researcher and participating in the research project

because the researcher (whom she believed to be a member of mainstream society)

listened to her but she doubted society's commitment to improving the system. Megan

does see herself as being an outsider or loner and does not feel welcome in the current

252

system. Megan's advice to policy makers, government and society at large would be to

consider the individuals within the system. It would appear that the current approach to

system organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in the labour market

economy is not working to integrate individuals on SA like Megan into mainstream

society; however, an approach to system organization that was flexible and provided a

variety of opportunities (i.e. work, leisure and other) for an individual to become engaged

in their rural community would perhaps prove more beneficial for people who are

unemployed and on SA.

Adrienne

Adrienne has been extremely frustrated by the SA program and believes that the

system is designed and the programs are administered without the best interest of those in

need and to prevent people from accessing the financial resources they are entitled to as

Canadian citizens. Adrienne has osteoarthritis and qualifies for ODSP and once her

husband passed away she was also entitled to half of her husband's CPP and widow

allowance. A few months after her husband passed away, her monthly SA cheques were

reduced and she was suspended from ODSP for allegedly making too much money. "/

was getting $1100 and now I'm only getting $800. They cut me back and I don't know

why. They just did; didn 't offer an explanation or nothing. I am not getting my OSDP

anymore and now I have no benefit, drug coverage for my medications". Furthermore,

Adrienne's two dependent children (one has a cognitive disability and is on ODSP and

the other is unemployed and not on SA) are legally entitled to an orphan's allowance but

the government has denied their applications. She has inquired as to why their

applications were denied but was not given an explanation. Adrienne explains that the

253

government "does things like this to people like me [unemployed, financially

marginalized, qualify for assistance] because they can". It would appear that the system

is penalizing those who are in need.

What was most frustrating to Adrienne is that she is playing by the rules but still

being penalized—"If you cheat the system, you get what you want. If you are honest you

get nothing and die with nothing...Now my hands are tied but I am going to fight because

they can't continue to abuse me. I know what they owe me and I'm going to fight for if.

Adrienne currently relies on the benevolence of her eldest son for much of her

sustenance—"I would not be able to afford anything...he has helped me out whenever I

get stuck". It would appear that the current structure of the system is not adequately

providing for individuals in need. The inadequacies of the system are forcing individuals

in that position to rely on charitable donations and the benevolence of friends and family

for survival and to ensure her basic needs are met. It would appear that the present system

is reverting to an earlier time when society embraced the charity model of service

delivery for individuals experiencing poverty.

Adrienne is very private about her financial constraints and does not share that she

is on SA with anyone other than her immediate family and community resource centre

staff for fear of being ostracized by society. Additionally, Adrienne refuses to go to the

foodbank because she does not want people to know that she is in need and she believes

that there should not be foodbanks; "by having foodbanks you are addressing the

symptoms of poverty rather than poverty itself'. On principle, Adrienne explains that she

would rather starve than go to the foodbank; she wants what "/ am entitled to and should

not have to beg for if. She sees herself as having to police and challenge the system in

254

order to be able to exist within the system. Adrienne's advice to policy makers,

government and society at large would be to take care of the people and ensure people are

receiving what they are entitled to. It would appear that the current approach to system

organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in the labour market economy

is not working to integrate individuals on SA like Adrienne into their rural communities

who are unemployed and on SA.

Jared

Jared described the system as a machine which is preoccupied with money and

has little concern for the individual agents within the system—"To make the money a

certain amount of people are expendable. Bureaucratic people think they are better

because they have a bigger bank account. People like me are seen me as expendable". He

believes that this preoccupation with money drives both the SA program as well as

society at large and renders both systems disingenuine. Moreover, Jared does not think

the current system will change unless pressure is applied by policy makers, advocates,

individuals on SA and society at large. Jared has not been on OW for very long, however,

experienced incredible pressure to find a job. He explains that this is not an easy task in a

rural community because the job market is small and traveling to neighbouring towns or

metro-adjacent cities is limited by his lack of transportation. Jared feels stigmatized for

being on OW and for living in social housing and generally devalued by society. The

current approach to system organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in

the labour market economy does not appear to be working to integrate Jared into his rural

community. He is frustrated that other people do not value the decision he has made to

not work and focus on his self development—"/ don't want to be on OW because of the

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stigma attached to it but I want to continue my education and further develop my skill

base. I want a job so I can be more financially stable but I don't want the job to hinder

my development process". When Jared decided to volunteer at the literacy center he

consciously decided no to disclose that he was on OW to the center director or the family

of the client with whom he volunteered. His fear of stigma and further marginalization

was significant and overshadowed his need to receive credit for the volunteer hours with

OW. Jared does not respect system norms or societal dictates but feels incredible pressure

to conform—despite that pressure he chooses to rebel and be a nonconformist. Jared's

advice to policy makers, government and society at large would be to pressure the system

for change as the current system is not working for everyone.

Amanda

Amanda's perception of the system was that individuals on SA were deemed

guilty until proven innocent and the way in which individuals on SA were policed and

monitored differed little from the treatment of criminals in the corrections system. It

would appear that individuals who are unemployed are made to feel as though they are

committing a crime by accessing SA within the current approach to system organization

that emphasizes an individual's participation in the labour market economy. Additionally

Amanda spoke to the lack of privacy while on OW. Amanda is on OW but had applied to

ODSP as a result of her mental health issues; however, despite the support of her

physician, psychologist, psychiatrist and community mental health worker, her

application was denied. She is currently in the process of appealing ODSP's decision and

does not understand why they would discredit her situation when her application was

supported by four health care professionals from various sectors of the health care field.

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The application process appears to be more concerned with keeping the system in tact

than the individuals in need.

/ have come to expect stupidity from them. The rules don't make sense. Take my husband for example. He was an amputee. He only had one leg, suffered severe back pain, and developed a deformity from an ill fitted prosthesis. He also had ulcers. He was in too much pain to work. Everyone thought he'd qualify for ODSP and supported his application. His application was turned down. He later got ODSP for having mild dyslexia. Seriously]

Amanda further reiterated her belief that the rules for SA do not make sense or consider

what is in the best interest for the individual in need. As an example, she explained her

struggle with requesting a transfer from the social housing department. Amanda, her

husband and daughter all lived in an accessible unit within the Camelot social housing

complex. When Amanda's husband and daughter's father died, the social housing

department notified her that she and her daughter would need to move from the

accessible unit as soon as another unit became available because someone else was in

need of an accessible unit. Amanda requested that they be transferred to the social

housing complex in a neighbouring rural town because it would be closer to her

daughter's high school and it would allow Amanda and her daughter an opportunity for a

new beginning away from the place where her husband and daughter's father died.

Despite vacancies in the social housing complex in the neighbouring rural town, the

social housing department denied Amanda's request for a transfer, left her in the

accessible unit for three additional months and then moved them one unit over after the

previous tenant was evicted. When Amanda questioned the decision and asked for an

explanation as to why her request for a transfer was denied, she was told that despite

vacancies at the other social housing complex and another individual's need for the

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accessible unit, her reason for requesting a transfer did not fall within the social housing

program's definition of a legitimate need—"But if an animal or child had been injured

[at the current place of residence] we 'd get priority for a transfer. ..so if I said we want to

move because someone threw a rock at my cat we could have gotten a transfer". It is

important to note that Amanda was not trying to down play the importance of pet or child

safety in her example; she was trying to prove a point that the rules for SA do not always

make sense. Amanda believes that special consideration could have been given to her

request if the system was truly concerned with the individuals on SA; the individual

waiting for the accessible unit would have been able to move in and Amanda and her

daughter would have been able to move to the neighbouring rural town. Instead the

system appears to have based their decision on what is most cost efficient rather than

what is most effective—"/ think my transfer was denied because welfare doesn 't want to

pay moving cost". It would also appear that the system is run by a set of standards and

rules and not the needs of individuals no matter how apparent and logical.

Amanda has recently experienced great loss and is suffering from post traumatic

stress disorder. She is stigmatized for being on SA and is merely trying to survive within

the system—financially, socially, psychologically, et cetera. Amanda's advice to policy

makers, government and society at large would be to change the system rules so that

people on SA are deemed innocent until there is reason or proof of otherwise; focus more

on what is most effective rather than what is most cost efficient. It would appear that the

current approach to system organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in

the labour market economy is not working for Amanda and that an approach to system

organization that is flexible and provides opportunity for plural approaches to social

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integration would be more effective for individuals on SA in rural communities like

Amanda.

Jill

Of all the individual case participants, Jill provided the most detailed critique of

the system. Jill had previously lived a life of crime and after her husband died she

decided she needed to change her life. Unable to work and having been evicted from her

residence, Jill moved to Camelot and went on OW. Her experiences with the SA program

have not been positive and she questions her decision to leave the life of crime behind.

Jill had nothing nice to say about her OW case worker and feels as though he regularly

belittles her. She described him as being very condescending and not empathetic to the

conditions of poverty.

My case worker is a dink. He always holds my cheque and I never get paid on time. This time it's because I filed papers for ODSP twice because the head ODSP office had no record of the first filing. My case worker told me I was giving him too much paperwork. It is ridiculous; no matter what I do he finds a reason to hold my cheque.

Jill explained that the rules for OW are not well communicated and are difficult for some

one like her living in a rural community with no transportation, no telephone and limited

financial resources to follow. It is difficult for her to travel to the metro-adjacent city to

meet with both her case and employment workers. She is required to complete forms and

provide bank statements each month, but the appointments with her case worker and

employment worker are rarely scheduled for the same days. Often she is required to

submit duplicate copies of paperwork because the paperwork is not kept in a central file

and her case worker does not communicate effectively with her employment worker or

vice versa. Moreover, Jill explained that she is often given little notice about

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appointments and scolded for not having a telephone or answering machine. She is tired

of fighting the system and feels as though she does not have much fight left in her, but

refuses to be submissive and allow her case worker to dominate her. Instead she chooses

to rebel and uses what little strength she has left in her to prove to him that "/ will submit

to no man". Jill understands that there are consequences for her actions, but believes the

cause (fair treatment of individuals on OW) is well worth the consequences.

Jill describes her living conditions and the treatment she has received since being

on OW as inhumane. The system does not provide her with enough financial assistance to

survive. Midway through the research project Jill reverted to criminal activity and began

selling her pain medication for additional money to help her through the month.

Moreover, Jill clearly articulated that she would rather be in jail than on OW and living

how she was.

/ would sooner go to jail than be on OW. I always kind of liked jail. I've been there eight or ten times. I have never done 'Pen time" though. I always got a few days less a year. I like jail. The first time I got a 'deuce less a day' for trafficking speed because they came down on me hard. I was pretty scared. The advice I got was walk in like you own the place; so I did and I fit in. I got into one or two scraps and you got a reputation for being bad and the other inmates respect you. I got along with the bad girls. I put a girl in the hospital by smashing her with a percolator pot. It was a way of survival. I got desserts, smokes, drugs; if you could intimidate and rule the roost you got the benefits...There were certain lines I'd never cross: one... only steal from establishments. No stealing from people or homes; two... never sell my body. No dancing, stripping, or prostitution. I would work as a bartender at strip joints but no dancing; three... never deserted my son. He never went without, was never left alone and always had a babysitter; and the fourth, never rip off a friend in a drug deal...I did easy time so I wasn't a problem to the guards. The guards would reward good inmates. I'd joke around with them. Jail was almost worth it. Instead of getting paranoid by it I was like I will do anything and if you want to arrest me you can arrest me, get it over with, I'll go to court and do my time - you do your job and I'll do mine. Still today I hate cops but I would rather do an eighteen month sentence than

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jump through hoops for my case worker. At least in jail I got three meals a day, there was warm, dry shelter, and a place to rest and recuperate. I had friends who 'd go to jail for winters to get off the streets. At least in there [jail] I'd have better living conditions than I have now.

The current approach to system organization that emphasizes an individual's participation

in the labour market economy is not working for Jill; especially when she would sooner

be incarcerated in the penal system than be on SA because at least while incarcerated her

basic needs would be met. Although Amanda compared the welfare system to the

correctional system and the treatment of individuals on SA like criminals, Jill (who has

been to jail on more than one occasion and in more than one province) believes that

inmates are treated better than individuals on SA with the current approach to system

organization. It would appear that the conditions of being on S A are less than adequate

when an individual would rather have their freedom removed and incarcerated than to be

onOW.

Aside from resorting to criminal activity, Jill relied on staff from the community

resource centre for support and assistance with meeting her basic needs. She commented

on a number of different occasions that her outreach worker was a Godsend and without

the help of the community resource centre staff "/ would not have made if or survived

within the system. It would appear that system is not organized in a way that is

supportive of individuals when people on SA have to resort to criminal activity and

utilize various community resources in order to meet their basic needs and financially

sustain themselves.

Jill feels stigmatized by being on OW and does not share the details of her living

conditions or financial instability with many people for fear of being ostracized or pitied.

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She did not tell anyone at the comer store that she was on OW, although she is pretty sure

they knew she was struggling financially; she did not tell Edith at the hospital thrift store,

even though she could have gotten credit for her volunteer hours with OW (had she

volunteered); and she is yet to share with her son "just how bad it is". Jill believes that

people on OW are stereotyped as "low life welfare scum" and deemed useless.

The system thinks I'm a liar, a scammer. The system is cold and immune to poverty and people in need. It presumes you are lying to get welfare and you constantly have to prove your innocence and your true status. I am trying hard to be social and friendly but very reluctant to let anyone know I'm on OW... it is hard to undo the alcoholic welfare bum rumours.. .people makes you feel like you are begging and abusing the system if you go on welfare.

It would appear that an approach to system organization that emphasizes an individual's

participation in the labour market economy is not effective for socially integrating

individuals on S A into their rural communities.

Jill's advice to policy makers, government and society at large would be that

people in poverty are people too and deserve to be treated with respect—change the

system so that people on SA can have their basic needs met without having to resort to

illegal activity or being belittled or ridiculed. Until the system is changed, Jill will

continue to be a non-conformist and rebel.

Manifest and Latent Function/Dysfunction

In addition to the individual case participants' perceptions of the system, an

analysis of the manifest* and latent* functions and/or dysfunctions of the current Welfare

State and its affiliated social assistance programs was conducted to determine whether or

* A manifest function of a phenomenon is the direct, conscious, deliberate, overt, intended or obvious result of its being put into action. * A latent function of a phenomenon is indirect, unconscious, unintended, occurs as a result of the action, and is not always obvious or recognized.

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the larger system and current approach to system organization (which follows the

Structural Functionalist theory) is functional or dysfunctional* for individuals on SA in

rural communities. The following seven manifest functions of the current Welfare State

and its affiliated social assistance programs were identified in Chapter 2:

• To provide temporary financial assistance to individuals experiencing unemployment until such time that the individual recipient is able to re-engage in the labour market.

• To reduce dependency on government and assist individual recipients in becoming independent and productive members of society.

• To encourage all members of society to be employed and contribute to the system (via paid employment and the labour market).

• To focus on results and put people first. • To actively create opportunity for Canadians and, in doing so, help drive

economic growth. • To enable all Canadians to obtain a fair and equal opportunity to exploit their

talents, lead fulfilling lives, and experience the dignity of work. • To provide individuals the tools they need to move into the job market with

confidence, and become self-sufficient.

These manifest functions of the current Welfare State and its affiliated social

assistance programs are used to structure this section of the system analysis. The system

analysis draws on data collected from the individual case participants in this dissertation

to identify the latent functions and dysfunctions of the Welfare State and its affiliated

social assistance programs and determine whether the system's functions outweigh its

dysfunctions.

To provide temporary financial assistance to individuals experiencing unemployment until such time that the individual recipient is able to re-engage in the labour market.

The financial assistance provided to the individual case participants in this

dissertation ranged from $525 to $959 per month with an average monthly income of

* "Those structures that help the system adapt to its environment are said to be functional; those that impede such adaptation are labeled dysfunctional" (Allahar, 1986, p.25-26).

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approximately $722.85. As such, five of the six individual case participants listed

financial constraints as an issue currently affecting their social integration into

mainstream society; with the sixth participant alluding to financial constraints throughout

the interview process but not identifying it specifically when exploring the specific

interview theme. Additionally, many of the individual case participants sought additional

resources in order to sustain themselves and their families (for example, accessing the

foodbank, relying on the benevolence of friends and family, selling leftover prescription

drugs, bartering service for material goods, et cetera). It would appear that the financial

assistance provided through the various SA programs is not sufficient for an individual,

let alone a family to sustain them or position them for entry or re-entry into the labour

market. Furthermore, for many of the individual case participants in this dissertation,

financial instability was only one of the constraints limiting integration into mainstream

society (and inadvertently the labour market).

For some individuals, employment is not a reality as there are multiple issues

affecting their social integration (as illustrated in Figure 2) and until such issues are

properly addressed they will likely not be stable enough to enter the labour market

economy any time soon (if ever). Therefore, some individuals on SA require more than

temporary financial assistance in order to financially sustain themselves. Although some

of the individual case participants saw their unemployment as temporary, Jared was the

only case participant who actively sought employment during the time the interviews

were conducted, and even then he explained that he was only doing so because he felt

obligated to and not because he felt he was ready to re-engage in the labour market

economy. It would appear that the manifest functions of the current Welfare State and its

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affiliated social assistance programs provide no temporary assistance until the recipient

finds employment is not benefiting all of society, nor is it providing individuals who are

unemployed with adequate financial support to sustain a quality life.

To reduce dependency on government and assist individual recipients in becoming independent and productive members of society.

The current Welfare State and its affiliate SA programs are designed to reduce

dependency on the government; however, this is accomplished through reductions in SA

payments and a focus on moving individuals off the welfare rolls and into jobs. People

unable to engage in the labour market economy experience financial instability and are

left to search for additional means of support, often having to rely on the benevolence of

friends and family (as was the case with Adrienne) or engaging in illegal activity (as was

the case with Jill). Thus the individual may be less dependent on the government but

dependent on other sources of assistance. Furthermore, the current Welfare State and its

affiliated social assistance programs define a productive member of society based upon

employment and accumulation. This definition of productivity differs greatly from the

one given by the majority of the case participants in this dissertation who believed that

productivity should be measured in terms of an individual's contribution to self and

society (accomplishment). If productivity is determined by one's engagement in the

labour market economy then individuals who are unemployed and on SA are stigmatized.

Stigmatization, embarrassment and feeling undervalued were issues affecting social

integration for several of the individual case participants in this dissertation.

It would appear that the current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance

programs' manifest function of reducing dependency on the government for financial

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support so that unemployed individuals can become independent and productive

members of society is not benefiting all of society. Individuals who are unemployed are

growing more dependent on assistance from non-government agencies, family and

friends, and other activities (i.e., bartering, selling prescription drugs) and not all

individuals believe that one must be employed in order to be considered productive. By

determining productivity in terms of employment and developing SA programs (OW in

particular) based on economic values, individual frustration and resistance become latent

functions and/or dysfunctions of the current Welfare State and its affiliated S A programs.

To encourage all members of society to be employed and contribute to the system (via paid employment and the labour market).

All individuals who were unemployed and on SA in this dissertation were

encouraged to seek employment (be it overtly through participation in OW or

inadvertently through societal pressures or social norms). However, for many of these

individuals, being employed within the labour market is not a reality as there are multiple

barriers preventing them from being employed (for example, mental and physical health

issues, criminal records, history of addiction, et cetera). For the individuals who are

unable to be employed, there are currently no other mechanisms in place that would

recognize contributions to the system other than employment. The current Welfare State

and its affiliated social assistance programs are not flexible and do not recognize multiple

contributions to the system, nor does it allow individuals within the system to choose the

means by which they would like to contribute. It would appear that the current Welfare

State and its affiliated social assistance programs' manifest function of encouraging

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individuals who are unemployed to gain employment and thus become contributing

members of society by participating in the labour market is not benefiting all of society,

conversely it may be providing individuals who are unemployed with a devalued sense of

self. If the current Welfare State and its affiliated SA programs are based on economic

values and uses the Employment/Work mechanism for social integration, those

individuals who are unemployed are unable to experience the social psychological

benefits associated with work (e.g., increased self-esteem, a sense of identity, feelings of

accomplishment or belonging). Consequently, a latent function and/or dysfunction of the

current Welfare State and its affiliated SA programs is that individuals on assistance

deviate from the rules for SA in an effort to try to fit within the current system or in some

instances (as was the case with Jill and Megan), rebel against it.

To focus on results and put people first.

It was not apparent that any of the individual case participants in this dissertation

believed that the current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs were

focused on them or put their needs first before the needs of the systems. Individual case

participants described their experiences on SA and their interactions with staff employed

by OW and ODSP to be dehumanizing, frustrating, humiliating, condescending and

demoralizing. Individuals felt as though they had limited power within the system and

little to no flexibility. Additionally, rules for the SA programs were not clearly articulated

and it was the individual case participants' experience that it was the intention of the

system to not clearly communicate rules in order to penalize those who did not comply

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and to prevent others from accessing additional supports and assistances. Individual case

participants for the most part did not feel as though they belonged within the community

they currently resided and expressed feelings of loneliness, exclusion, isolation.

It would appear that the current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance

programs' manifest function of focusing on the results and putting people first is not

focussing on or putting all people (including individuals on SA) first. Rather it is putting

the people who are employed and contributing to the labour market and/or the system

first. Furthermore, the only results the current Welfare State and its affiliated SA

programs appear to be focusing on is employment and moving individuals from welfare

to work. A latent function and/or dysfunction of focusing on results can intensify the

feelings of worthlessness and failure that many individuals who are unemployed are

prone to feeling or already experience (as was the case with Megan, Jill, Amanda).

To actively create opportunity for Canadians and, in doing so, help drive economic growth.

The findings would suggest that the only opportunity (singular) being created for

Canadians is employment (and even at that, the quality of employment is questionable).

The perception is that any job is better than no job; however, for many of the individual

case participants in this dissertation, no job is the reality. None of the individual case

participants saw the current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs as

an opportunity to escape poverty or an opportunity to be included in their community.

Jared, however, did view being on OW as an opportunity for personal growth and

development. It is important to note that Jared was the individual case participant with the

most stability (lived with his mother, had a college education, and was not dealing with

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any mental health or trauma issues) and had been on SA for the least amount of time

(only four months when data collection began).

It would appear that the current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance

programs' manifest function of creating opportunities for all Canadians and driving

economic growth is not benefiting all of society as there does not appear to be equal

opportunity for all Canadians.

To enable all Canadians to obtain a fair and equal opportunity to exploit their talents, lead fulfilling lives, and experience the dignity of work.

Individual case participants' perceptions were that the focus of the current

Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs on the Employment/Work

mechanism lacks flexibility and choice and that different strategies are needed to achieve

social integration. If an individual is not engaged in the labour market, how then can he

or she experience the dignity of work or any of the social psychological benefits

associated with employment? If an individual is unemployed, is the opportunity to live a

dignified life fair and equal? Within the current system, how can an individual who is

unemployed and on SA lead a fulfilling life when they are struggling to meet basic needs

and survive within the system? A true fair and equal opportunity for all Canadians to

exploit their talents would require an approach to system organization that was flexible

and encouraged plural approaches to social integration—a system that would allow for

choice in how the individual would like to contribute to society. It would appear that the

current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs' manifest function of

enabling all Canadians to obtain a fair and equal opportunity to exploit their talents, lead

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fulfilling lives and experience the dignity of work is not benefiting all of society.

Conversely a latent function and/or dysfunction is the stigmatization of individuals who

are unemployed.

To provide individuals the tools they need to move into the job market with confidence, and become self-sufficient.

The six individual case participants in this dissertation were all on SA and lacking

the tools, resources and means for accessing the tools and resources necessary to prepare

them to move into the labour market. Each of the individual case participants were

experiencing multiple issues (i.e., physical and mental health issues, trauma, financial

instability, lack of transportation, other caregiving responsibilities, criminal records,

addictions) that were constraining integration into mainstream society, participation in the

labour market, as well as participation in other forms of meaningful activity such as

leisure or Serious Leisure (volunteering); however, none of them had the necessary tools

or combination of tools to enable them to be ready to engage in the labour market.

Individuals in this dissertation had to be creative in their pursuit of tools and resources to

survive within the system (i.e., bartering, scavenging, selling prescription drugs,

researching the rules for the various entitlements). It would appear that the current

Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs' manifest function of providing

individuals who are unemployed with the tools necessary to enter the labour market with

confidence and become self-sufficient is not benefiting all of society; trying to survive

within the system without the necessary resources had adverse effects on the individuals

case participants self-confidence and ability to be self-sufficient.

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It would appear that the manifest and latent dysfunctions of the current Welfare

State and its affiliated social assistance programs are more prominent than the functions

in the analysis. Negative latent functions and/or dysfunctions dominate the cases within

this dissertation. The SA experience appears to produce many outcomes that were not

officially intended. These consequences undermine any possibility that individuals who

are unemployed and on SA can benefit from the manifest functions the current Welfare

State and its affiliated social assistance programs were designed to provide. The manifest

functions are not benefiting all of society as some individuals on SA are having to lie,

cheat, engage in illegal activity, or search for other means for sustaining themselves.

These data and the lived experiences of the individual case participants in this dissertation

would suggest that the current approach to system organization is dysfunctional.

Summary

The system appears to provide an opportunity for temporary assistance until such

time that an individual becomes employed. If an individual is not actively seeking

employment then the system appears to be structured so that these individuals are

encouraged to leave (reduction in financial support, failure to communicate rules, display

a lack of empathy for individuals, and case suspensions). The SA programs, and OW in

particular, are primarily concerned with the integration of individuals who are

unemployed into the labour market with employment as the end goal for the individuals

accessing assistance. The system does not appear to provide enough financial assistance

or social supports (in and of itself) for individuals on S A to live a quality of life whereby

they are able to afford the basic necessities of life. Furthermore, the system does not

appear to understand the limitations of individuals on S A living in rural communities.

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Societal stereotyping of SA stigmatizes and further marginalizes individuals

relying on various assistance programs for financial sustenance. These attitudinal

barriers are an indication that the system is organized around the Employment/Work

mechanism to social integration and society's preoccupied with one's contribution to the

labour market rather than valuing one's contribution to self and society. Moreover, as

demonstrated in the above individual case participants' perceptions of the system, the

current approach to system organization that emphasizes an individual's participation in

the labour market economy is not effective in integrating individuals on SA into their

rural communities. These data suggest that the manifest and latent dysfunctions of the

current Welfare State and its affiliated social assistance programs far outweigh the

functions. If the current approach to system organization is not benefiting all members of

society and the system at large, the approach is deemed dysfunctional. Therefore, if the

system is dysfunctional, it is the researcher's argument that change to the current

approach to system organization is necessary in order for the system to be functional and

more inclusive. The implications of the findings discussed in this chapter will be

discussed further in the following chapter.

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Chapter V: Implications and Conclusions

In this chapter concepts of theory and/or literature are used to increase the

understanding of the empirical findings presented in the previous chapter. This chapter

presents a new conceptual framework for social integration that will be inclusive of

individuals who are on social assistance and/or unemployed in rural communities and in

doing so makes prescriptive recommendations for academics, social policy makers,

leisure professionals and society at large. Recommendations for future researcher are also

included at the end of the chapter.

Proposed Change

These data and the lived experiences of the individual case participants in this

dissertation would suggest that the current approach to system organization is

dysfunctional and that change is needed. Furthermore, the findings of this dissertation

suggest that adopting an approach to system organization that emphasizes a more flexible

system, provides for a pluralistic approach to social integration, responds to the life-

world, measures productivity in terms of individual accomplishment (or individually

defined accomplishments), and develops policy from the social learning planning

tradition would be of benefit to both individual agents and society at large. All

individuals would have the opportunity and resources to be engaged and be included in

their community—all agents would be valued for their contribution to self and society.

There would be reciprocity between the system and individual agents and there would be

less tension between the system and life-world. Furthermore, data analysis from this

dissertation would suggest that change to the current approach to system organization is

required. Figure 3 provides an overview of the change required.

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Figure 3—Current vs. Proposed Approach to System Organization

Current System

Structural Functionalism

Workfare (rules based)

System-World

Social Reform

Accumulation

Employment/Work

Individual participation in the labour market economy. (contribution to the system)

Approach to System Organization

Service Delivery Model

Social World

Planning Policy

Productivity Measure

Mechanism for Social Integration

Emphasis

Proposed System

Structuration Theory

Worthfare (human development based)

Life-World

Social Learning

Accomplishment

Employment/Work Leisure

Serious Leisure Other

Flexibility that provides for a plural approach to

integration, (duality of the system)

If such changes to the current approach to system organization were to be

embraced, the conceptual framework discussed previously in Chapter 2 of this

dissertation would be altered as well. Figure 4 provides a visual representation of the

proposed world of social assistance.

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Figure 4: Proposed World of Social Assistance

Revised Conceptual Framework: Proposed World of Social Assistance

The Life-World Of Individuals OnSA

Productivity is measured in terms of an individual's contribution to self and community (accomplishment).

Plurality of mechanisms for engagement and inclusion. For individuals at the extreme margins of society, serious leisure is the primary

\rnechanism for engagement

TheSA System (Worthfare)

Pluralistic approach that responds to life-world not system-world

The System-World

Structuration TheoryN

1. Individual agency is dominant.

2. Planning Policy is developed on Social Learning model.

It is important to note that the size of the circles in Figure 1 is different, and the

variation in circle size is indicative of the proposed changes to the system. In Figure 1 the

system's focus was on a Structural Functionalist approach to system organization and

emphasized the system-world. In Figure 4 however, the system's focus is on a

Structuration approach to system organization with an emphasis on the life-world. In

Figure 1, the circle encompassing the system-world and Structural Functionalism was

significantly larger than the circle encompassing the lifeworld of individuals on social

assistance. This was because the system-world takes primacy over the lifeworld within

the current Welfare State and approach to system organization. Likewise, the circle

encompassing the lifeworld of individuals on social assistance was significantly smaller

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than the circle encompassing the system-world and Structural Functionalism because the

current Welfare State and approach to system organization excludes some individuals

who do not conform to societal expectations (do not participate in the labour market

economy). There is currently little to no emphasis on the individual and/or agent within

the context of structure. However, within the proposed world of SA, there is greater

emphasis on the individual and/or agent within the system and the duality of the system

and individuals. Therefore, the size of the circle encompassing the life-world within the

proposed world of SA (Figure 4) is significantly larger than the circle encompassing the

system-world. In Figure 4 the system's focus is on a Structuration Theory approach to

system organization which diminishes the power of the system-world in favour of adding

more legitimacy to agency. The proposed conceptual framework would provide

individuals with plural approaches for social integration and flexibility for how one

would like to participate and/or contribute to the system.

Why Change is Needed

The current system as outlined in the literature review in Figure 1 is aligned with

the Structural Functionalist approach to system organization whereby the primary focus

of the system is on the system as a whole (Reitzer, 1983) and the integrated functioning

of all components of the social structure (Bakker & Winson, 1993). Furthermore, within a

Structural Functionalist approach to system organization ALL actors within the system

are expected to behave 'accordingly' (Ritzer, 1983) and therefore, social policy within

this approach to system organization makes the assumption that society will function best

if all members are participating in the labour market economy and the goal of social

assistance is to move all individuals who are unemployed off of social assistance (be it

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Workfare/Welfare, Employment Insurance, et cetera) and into paying jobs. When the

system-world (Habermas, 1987) has predetermined outcomes, and when the life-world is

colonized by the system, participants go from a process of a whole horizon of

understanding, to being coerced. "The system can intrude on and take over the

mechanisms of reaching mutual understanding, eliminating the opportunity for

communicative action that both produce and reproduce the life-world" (Sumner,

presentation handout, 2002).

Social reform is a top down approach to planning and only within limits is it

tolerant to change (Friedmann, 1987). Within a social reform approach to planning and

policy decision making power is "fenced off from the intrusions of politicians and

ordinary citizens, who are not sufficiently informed to be engaged in planning"

(Friedmann, 1987, p. 76). Individuals are able to get involved and participate in public

hearings when new planning endeavours are proposed; however, within the social reform

tradition the planners and/or elite "would retain control over the entire process"

(Friedmann, 1987, p. 126). Social reform has argued for three areas of state intervention:

protection of economic growth; maintenance of full employment; and redistribution of

income—but have become increasingly concerned with managing the economy in what

they believe to be the best interest of the public (Friedmann, 1987). Within a Structural

Functionalist approach to system organization planning policy is developed from a social

reform tradition with a primary focus on the system (rather than the individual agents

within the system) and it is preferred that power remain in the hands of the elite.

Moreover, integration within a Structural Functionalist approach to system

organization is defined in terms of consensus and cohesion (Ritzer, 1983; Parsons, 1951,

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1970). The Employment/Work mechanism is viewed as the only vehicle for social

integration within this approach to system organization, productivity is measured by

one's employment and ability to accumulate wealth (Reid, 1995), and there does not

appear to be room for substantial change within this system (Parsons, 1951 & 1970).

The way in which system organization has been approached for the past 30 years

(aligning with the Structural Functionalist approach) has not been effective for everyone.

As the findings attest, the manifest and latent dysfunctions of the system outweigh the

functions. The current system appears to be working for some individuals, and even some

who are on the margins of mainstream society and have the skills to engage in work and

are ready and able to engage. But for individuals at the extreme margins with multiple

barriers that prevent them from being a part of mainstream society, the system is

inadequate; as was found for the individual case participants within this dissertation. The

continued adoption of the current system and use of the Employment/Work mechanism in

and of itself for social integration for individuals at the extreme margins would not be

helpful. The current system is based on failed policy (Reid, Golden & Katerberg, in

press). The gap between the rich and poor is widening (Maxwell, 2002; Morissette &

Zhang, 2006) and the effects of poverty are far reaching (Reid & Golden, 2005b). As

described in this dissertation as well as others from previous research (Reid & Golden,

2005a; 2005b; 2007) individuals who are on SA and unemployed appear to be segregated

from mainstream society and are experiencing poverty not merely because they are

unemployed but because there are multiple barriers preventing them from engaging in

society (for example, physical and mental health issues, lack of transportation,

geographic isolation, other caregiving responsibilities, lack of affordable housing, lack of

278

access to support services, et cetera). Within the current system these individuals are

viewed as deviant. Individuals at the extreme margins of society are trying to survive and

attend to their basic physiological needs (Maslow, 1943); employment may be a personal

goal but not an emergent concern or even a reality for all individuals experiencing

unemployment.

The Structural Functionalist approach to system organization views individuals as

service recipients; they are workers first and consumers second. All members of society

are not valued equally and appear not to be valued at all unless they are employed; only

children and those who are visibly disabled or elderly are exempt from working. For

those who appear to be 'able bodied' and of working age, there is little to no choice in the

system, employment is the expectation and the appropriate behaviour. The conditions of

poverty and the barriers to participating in the workforce or being socially included into

mainstream society do not appear to be understood fully by policy makers or society at

large; the preoccupation appears to be with developing models and programs that find

jobs for the unemployed (OMSSA, 2005). Unfortunately it is unrealistic to think that at

any given time all members of society will be employed, especially when there are gaps

between the skill level of individuals who are unemployed and the jobs available (Reid,

1995; Arai & Reid, 2003), especially when certain geographic areas (rural communities

in particular) have a limited job market. Furthermore, even if employed, research shows

that employment is not a viable solution to poverty in and of itself (Arai & Reid, 2003;

Mair & Trussell, 2007; Reid, 1995; Reid & Golden, 2005b), nor does employment

guarantee that the issues that were originally preventing employment have been resolved.

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How to Change the Current System

The Employment/Work mechanism and engagement in the labour market

economy is an effective tool for social integration for some individuals on SA; however,

there are still a lot of people living in poverty for whom the current approach to system

organization and the mechanisms used for social integration are not working. Structural

Functionalism appears to favour the institution not the agent. This indicates that a

different approach to system organization needs to be instituted, namely one that

emphasizes a more flexible system that provides for a plural approach to social

integration. A new approach to system organization based on a new philosophy is needed

that utilizes multiple mechanisms (for example employment, leisure, Serious Leisure —

volunteering, caregiving, et cetera) for social integration—a Structuration Approach to

system organization.

Structuration Theory puts the emphasis on the importance of the individual agent

(Singlewood, 1991; Giddens, 1979). More specifically, Structuration Theory "Should

incorporate an understanding of human behaviours as actions; that such an understanding

has to be made compatible with a focus upon the structural components of social

institutions or societies; and that notions of power and domination are logically, not

contingently, associated with the concepts of action and structure" (Giddens, 1982, p.29).

By having active agents in the system, people will be able to define the basis on which

they will be integrated—people will be integrated on their own terms. There is a duality

between the individual and system (Giddens, 1984) and individuals are no less important

than politics and society. Individual concepts of an individual's identity, life construction,

everyday activities and experiences are of equal importance to the overall function of

280

society because society is comprised of individuals and individuals comprise society.

Integration is an integral part of Structuration Theory and is defined within the theory as

"regularised ties, interchanges or reciprocity of practices between either actors or

collectives. Reciprocity of practices has to be understood as involving regularised

relations of relative autonomy and dependence between the parties concerned" (Giddens,

1979, p.76). Therefore, integration (according to Structuration Theory) is not

synonymous with cohesion or consensus as it is in Structural Functionalism. Giddens

(1979, 1984) further identifies two different types of integration: social integration and

system integration. Social integration is concerned with systemness on the level of face-

to-face interaction* and the reciprocity between actors (relations of autonomy and/or

dependence) (Giddens, 1979, 1984). Meanwhile, system integration is concerned with

systemness on the level of relations between social systems or collectives and the

reciprocity between groups or collectives (relations of autonomy and/or dependence)

(Giddens, 1979, 1984). By adopting an approach to system organization that

conceptualized integration in such a manner, the overall system would be more inclusive

to all individuals, including those who are unemployed or on social assistance.

The lifeworld is a symbolic realm, and can only exist when mutual agreement

takes place. In order for mutual agreement to take place, all agents within the system need

to be considered when making decisions and be provided the opportunity to engage and

become included in their community. "The life-world is the intuitively present, in this

sense familiar and transparent, and at the same time vast and incalculable web of

presuppositions that have to be satisfied if an actual utterance is to be at all meaningful,

* According to Giddens (1979) face-to-face interaction "emphasizes the significance of space and presence in social relations: in the immediacy of the life-world, social relations can be influenced by different factors from those involved with others who are spatially (and perhaps temporally) absent" (p.77).

281

that is, valid or invalid" (Habermas, 1987, p. 131). By organizing the social world the

approach to system organization would have to be designed to provide pluralistic

approach to social integration that would respond to the life-world and not the system-

world.

Social learning contends that "knowledge is derived from experience and

validated in practice, and therefore it is integrally a part of action" (Friedmann, 1987,

p.81). Unlike social reform where decisions are made from the planners and elite, social

learning affirms that social learning begins and ends with action (purposeful activity) and

its process is dependent on political strategy (tells us how to overcome resistance),

theories of reality (tells us what the world is like), and the values that inspire and direct

action, in addition to action itself (Friedmann, 1987). Change is embraced with in the

social learning tradition, action is taken to change reality, and knowledge is derived from

change. Within the social learning approach all individuals are considered actors and the

term actors and learners are synonymous. By adopting the social learning tradition to

planning and policy development, the approach to system organization would have to be

designed to provide a pluralistic approach to social integration that gives primacy to all

individual agents within the system (rather than the system itself).

Structural Functionalism appears to ask the question what does society need from

the individual, whereas Structuration Theory appears to ask, "how can I develop myself

to become a functioning member of society?" In doing so, Structuration Theory takes a

human development approach to service delivery and encompasses notions of Worthfare

(not Workfare as is the case in SF). The Worthfare model (a developmental policy

approach) argues for a "holistic conceptualization of the individual with unique and

282

distinct needs and abilities that are directly related to the capacity of that individual to be

of value to themselves and the community in which they live" (Reid & Golden, 2005b,

p.63). Furthermore, The Worthfare model suggests that through participation in non-

work and leisure activity, individuals who are unemployed or on SA can make a

contribution to themselves and their community (Reid & Golden, 2005b). In essence the

Worthfare model would establish a personal sense of self-worth. Dignity could then be

"achieved through poverty reduction and engagement in community activity and service"

(Reid & Golden, 2005b, p.63-64), rather than solely depending on one's participation in

the market economy to determine who is a productive member of society. Productivity

would then be measured in terms of accomplishment rather than accumulation (Reid,

1995). A more flexible approach to system organization that provides for a plural

approach to social integration (including volunteering) appears to have been effective for

individual case participants who completed the interview portion of this dissertation.

An approach to system organization that emphasizes human development

promotes social inclusion. The more individuals become socially and psychologically

developed, the more they will be able to be integrated into mainstream society. But we

cannot just include people into the status quo. We need to provide different opportunities

and choice and in order to do so a new approach to system organization with an arsenal of

strategies for social integration needs to be adopted. Alleviating poverty is a different

goal than getting people off welfare. In a Structural Functionalism approach to system

organization the tool has been workfare and using the Employment/Work mechanism as

the sole vehicle for social integration, but additional vehicles are needed that focuses on

Worthfare. A new tool to replace the Employment/Work mechanism is not needed but

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additional tools are needed to provide choice within the system. Individuals have

different needs and assets and therefore different vehicles are needed that will attend to

those needs and utilize those assets in assisting in the social and system integration

process for all individuals.

Leisure, particularly Serious Leisure as defined by Stebbins (1982), is one such

potential additional vehicle. Leisure* appears to be "an overlooked instrument in the

process of integrating people experiencing poverty into mainstream society and in

creating and maintaining social solidarity among citizens of the state" (Reid, Golden &

Katerberg, in press). The benefits and barriers to using leisure and/or Serious Leisure as

an additional tool to work for the social integration of individuals on SA and in rural

communities was examined in this dissertation. The specific leisure activity utilized in

this examination was volunteering (a form of Serious Leisure). Individual case

participants were given the opportunity to participate in different types of volunteering;

social (volunteering for a community organization) and psychological (volunteering as a

case participant and participating in the interview process in this dissertation). Stebbins

(1992; 1999) identified eight benefits associated with Serious Leisure which included:

self-actualization, self-enrichment, enhancement of self-image, feelings of belonging,

self-expression, self-renewal, feelings of accomplishment, and lasting physical products.

It was determined that the individual case participants in this dissertation associated many

of the aforementioned benefits with their volunteer experiences, however, for most the

physical products were not lasting; the interview portion of the research project came to a

close which put an end to the psychological volunteer experience for all individual case

* Leisure, for the purpose of this dissertation is defined as a freely chosen activity that provides "the participant with life-enhancing meaning and a sense of pleasure" (Reid, 1995, p. 14).

284

participants and only two of the six case participants formally participated in the social

volunteer experience (and the current status of that volunteering is currently unknown).

Regardless, for individuals on SA in rural communities it would appear that the benefits

associated with using leisure as an additional tool for the social integration of individuals

were similar to the benefits associated with work for many individuals associated in

mainstream society. An exception however to using leisure as an additional strategy

would be that Serious Leisure focuses on the psychology of an experience and not the

activity; it is what is going on inside the participant that counts, not the mere activity

itself. Furthermore, individual participation in the leisure activity was not forced,

obligation was self-driven. Moreover, for the individual case participants in this

dissertation displayed personal and social constraints (e.g., health, transportation, support

services, resources, skills, et cetera) participation in leisure as difficult as engaging in

work. Therefore, merely substituting one strategy or mechanism for social integration

with another would only take us so far and would only perpetuate the segregation.

Individual case participants did report having huge commitments to other non-traditional

forms of Serious Leisure such as care-giving, scavenging, and writing; however, these

activities were done more in isolation than in groups or in a community setting. The

reason individuals were able to volunteer in this dissertation is perhaps largely due to the

fact that it was a one-on-one interaction whereby case participants received individual

attention and did not have to travel to attend the regular meetings and/or participate in the

interviews as the researcher travelled to them. Participation in this dissertation was of

one's own choice and they decided whether they wanted to volunteer, when and where

they wanted to volunteer, and the extent to which they would volunteer. Not only did

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participation in leisure offer similar benefits as work (e.g., sense of self-worth, purpose,

belonging, social engagement with others), but individuals were provided an opportunity

to acquire skills that could assist with future social integration (possibly even pre-work

skills for those wishing to seek employment in the future). In rural communities in

particular (where the job markets are limited), leisure can provide an additional strategy

for individuals who are unemployed to engage in the community and experience the

aforementioned benefits. It is also important to note that individuals should have the

choice to decide whether or not they want to be socially integrated into mainstream

society.

Prescriptive Recommendations for Implementation

One criticism of Serious Leisure is that it appears to be a middle class theory.

Stebbins' research has primarily focused on barbershop singing, bird watching,

volunteering, and amateur sport. Among existing research on volunteering as Serious

Leisure, the majority tends to focus on individuals who volunteer once retired or who

volunteer in addition to being employed. Suggestions have been made regarding the

potential of using Serious Leisure as an integration strategy for individuals who are

unemployed (Reid & Golden, 2005b; Reid, Golden & Katerberg, in press), this

dissertation is the only research that has examined the benefits and barriers of using

Serious Leisure as a social integration strategy for individuals who are unemployed in

rural communities and it was with mixed results. There have been links made between

Serious Leisure and deviance (for example, the work of Chris Rojek on serial killing or

the work of Rasul Mowatt on lynching), but not in using leisure as an additional strategy

to the Employment/Work mechanism for social integration. Being unemployed is a

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reality for people and would not be considered deviant within a Structuration Approach to

system organization.

Furthermore, leisure professionals need to focus beyond sports and tourism and

beyond the comodification and consumption of leisure—to highlight the social elements

of leisure. There is currently excellent work being done in the field of recreation and

leisure studies (both in academia and the community), however, more is needed.

Recent research by academics such as Reid (Reid, 1995; Reid, 2006; Reid &

Golden, 2005a; Reid & Golden, 2005b; Reid & Golden, 2007; Reid, Golden &

Katergerg, in press), Arai (Arai & Pedlar, 2003; Arai & Reid, 2003; Arai, Mair & Reid,

2006; Arai & Burke, in press), Mair (Mair, 2006; Mair & Reid, 2007; Mair & Trussell,

2007; Mair & Trussell, in press), Pedlar (Pedlar, 2003; Pedlar, Arai & Yeun, 2005;

Pedlar, Fortune & Yeun, in press), Frisby (Ponic & Frisby, 2005; Frisby, Blair, Doer,

Hill, Fenton & Kopelow, 2001; Taylor, Frisby & Alexander, in press), Tirone (Tirone,

2003-2004; Tirone, in press), Fox (Fox & Lashua, in press) have focused on the benefits

and constraints to leisure for individuals who are unemployed, on social assistance, and

people who are homeless, incarcerated, or are considered part of the working poor. Some

of this research pertains to individuals in rural communities; however, the bulk of the

research focuses on urban environments. Within this body of research, leisure is seen to

provide therapeutic benefits for the individuals at the extreme margins of society;

however, the leisure constraints for individuals on SA, especially when participating

within mainstream society are significant. Similar to the findings in this dissertation,

societal attitudes, financial constraints, physical and mental health issues, histories of

abuse, addiction, low self-esteem, family and caregiving obligations, and isolation (social

287

and geographic) have been cited as some of the most debilitating barriers to participation

in this current body of literature. Within this body of research, some leisure programs

have been discussed (i.e. support groups, women's centres, integrated programs, skills

training workshops, open mike night) that have had successful outcomes with regard to

the therapeutic benefits of leisure, social integration, and the empowerment experienced

by individuals at the extreme margins. The research and practical components of these

studies appear to inform one another and the researchers often work closely with the

individuals organizing the programs and in some cases are, even the initiators of the

community leisure programs. Leisure professionals need to help inform social policy and

propose additional mechanisms for the social integration of individuals who are at the

extreme margins of society, including those in rural communities. They also need to

facilitate involvement on the part of individuals on S A.

Many social support services, resource centres, and rehabilitation programs are

not aware that many of the programs and services they are delivering are leisure based

and just consider them to be therapy (Reid & Golden, 2005b). Research pertaining to the

therapeutic benefits of leisure needs to be further disseminated so that society can

broaden their conceptualization of leisure and better understand the role leisure can play

in the social integration of individuals who are unemployed or at the extreme margins of

society, and overall system integration. Additionally, more partnerships between leisure

professionals and community support programs are needed. Service delivery has been

fragmented within the Structural Functionalist approach to system organization. With the

adoption of a Structuration approach to system organization, more integrated programs

and community collaboration are possible in an effort to develop additional vehicles for

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social integration. Furthermore, suggestions for support services and social assistance

programs for individuals who are unemployed would include the development of

programs for social inclusion that offer life skills coaching and operate within a human

development approach to service design and delivery. In doing so, a Worthfare model

could be adopted whereby the focus is on individuals, rather than the role they play

within that system.

In order for the proposed approach to system organization and model for service

delivery to be effective, certain changes would have to be implemented in the current

system. Some of those changes might include, but are not limited to, a buddy system,

community partnerships, life skill coaches, rural satellite offices, and recognizing the role

leisure (specifically Serious Leisure) can play within the new system and/or model. By

encouraging a buddy system similar in nature to ones used by rehabilitation programs

(including Narcotics Anonymous or Alcoholics Anonymous), individuals who are

unemployed and on social assistance would have the opportunity to be paired up with an

individual that they could work with who could provide them with a social link to the

community, show them how to access community resources, offer support and

encouragement, and introduce different coping mechanisms such as volunteering or other

forms of leisure or non-work activity. Participation would be voluntary, but the service

would be available for those wishing to utilize it. Individuals who utilized the buddy

system for assistance themselves, could later assist others once they felt stable and

integrated in the community and if they so desired. The one-on-one social connection was

an element of this dissertation that the individual case participants reported as a benefit

derived from participating in the psychological volunteer component of the research. The

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terms of the buddy system would also have to be flexible as the individuals who

participated in this research project also commented that the current mechanism used for

social integration is too restrictive and that greater choice and flexibility within the

system is necessary. Furthermore, the social networks of the individual case participants

consisted of professional staff, physicians, therapists and/or counsellors. Few had strong

social networks with other residents within their rural community. By encouraging

programs that offer the buddy system, individuals on SA can learn from and work with

one another to improve system integration. Leisure would have to be valued in and of

itself and not seen as a reward for working. Furthermore, the conceptualization of leisure

would have to go beyond recreation, sport and tourism and include more social activities

in its scope—focusing less on commodification and profitability and more on the benefits

to individuals and society.

To reduce poverty and promote system and social integration, collaboration and

community partnerships are needed to provide better service and assistance to individuals

who are unemployed. In developing community partnerships, SA workers and/or staff,

community social workers from NGOs, counsellors, leisure professionals and academics

can work together to better serve individuals in poverty and on SA. Current service

delivery is very fragmented and we need to stop working in silos to offer choice within

the system. Integrated service delivery is needed to provide individuals a team of support

and an arsenal of resources.

Leisure professionals and support service providers could work as life skills

coaches to assist with human development. For this to be effective, there is a need to train

and engage the coaches—not just in the traditional field of social work but also in leisure

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(specifically Serious Leisure) and the role it can play in human development and system

and social integration. There is a need to train social workers on the importance of leisure

and how to use it. Leisure is used to implement policy and programs but is not usually

recognized as leisure (Reid & Golden, 2005b). Many NGOs that provide support and

services for individuals who are unemployed and on SA use leisure activities as part of

their social development and crisis intervention programs but see the programs as

therapeutic and counselling rather than leisure. Therefore, leisure could be incorporated

in to social policy and programs within a Structuration approach to system organization

to offer choice within the system. For some individuals who are unemployed, the

Employment/Work mechanism to social integration will be their preferred choice and for

others it might be Serious Leisure. Nonetheless, coaches should be trained to assist

individuals on SA and/or unemployed to develop the basic life skills necessary to achieve

their goals and access their choice mechanisms for social integration.

Similarly, more outreach work is necessary on the part of leisure professionals

and social service providers. Rather than taking a reactive approach to policy

development and service delivery (waiting for some to become destitute and come to the

office for help) which is a current practice within the Structural Functionalist approach to

system organization, it is suggested that leisure professionals take a more preventative

approach and offer outreach support to those who are vulnerable and at risk in an effort to

avoid and reduce the number of destitute situations. A Structuration approach to system

organization recognizes the individuals and their life conditions within its

conceptualization of the duality of the system, and does not wait until someone is

291

unemployed to offer assistance (and the assistance offered is not restricted to assistance

geared toward re-engagement in to the employment).

As a final recommendation, more satellite offices in rural areas will improve

access to service. The intent here is not to open satellite offices in rural communities to

increase the level of system in the lives of individuals who are unemployed and on SA

reproducing the rules and problems of the current approach to system organization. The

suggestion is to open satellite offices in keeping with a changed context of system

organization, social policy and service delivery to improve access to service for

individuals who are unemployed and on SA and potentially remove one of the most

prominent barriers for individuals in rural communities—transportation.

Social integration is not a linear process; the hope is that by offering additional

strategies and mechanisms, such as leisure and volunteering, that a new element will be

introduced into the lives of individuals at the extreme margins of society and that they

can draw on these new mechanisms during future times of difficulty. Leisure has

therapeutic benefits, and it is hoped that within in a new system, leisure could introduced

as a new coping mechanism for individuals who are unemployed.

292

Suggestions for Future Research

Although there is some great research emerging around the social integration of

individuals who are unemployed, future research is needed. Specifically, it is suggested

that future research be conducted around the following issues:

• The possible effects of embracing a new approach to system organization on the

eradication of poverty and the social integration of individuals who are

unemployed.

• The use of leisure as a vehicle for the social integration of individuals on SA.

• Looking at emancipation and how it affects social policy.

• The design and delivery of social programs in rural communities.

• The use of a human development approach and/or Worthfare model for social

integration.

• Conducting research similar in nature to this dissertation on a broader scale—

including more individuals on S A from other parts of the province and country.

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Summary

"The effectiveness of leisure in that role depends on some fundamental structural changes to social values, social organization, and a drastic re-conceptualization of the social contract...Perhaps the most challenging in achieving the goal of social integration of those in poverty, and in realizing solidarity among all citizens in the system, is in designing a satisfactory approach to its implementation" (Reid, Golden & Katerberg, in press, p.l).

The current approach to system organization (Structural Functionalism) is not

working for all individuals within the system. The Employment/Work mechanism to

social integration and the Workfare model to social policy are limited and a new model is

needed to improve overall system integration and the social integration of all individuals.

The Structuration Theory approach to system organization appears to be a viable

alternative as it emphasizes a more flexible system that provides for plural approaches to

social integration. This approach also embraces a Worthfare model and offers additional

mechanisms to the Employment/Work mechanism to social integration such as leisure

and other human development strategies. Individuals who are unemployed and on social

assistance are currently pushed to the margins of society (especially in rural

communities), and by embracing a new approach to system organization, individuals who

are unemployed and on SA would have additional opportunities and an array of

mechanisms for social integration to choose from that could bring them from the margins

into mainstream society (if they choose to utilize them).

294

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309

Appendix A: Participant Profile "Serious Leisure, Social Integration & Sustainable Rural Communities: A Collective

Case Analysis of Volunteer Experiences Among People Who are Unemployed and on Social Assistance"

A University of Guelph Research Project Conducted by Leigh Golden, PhD Candidate

Name:

Age:_

Pseudonym:

Telephone number:

Current Address (and length of residency):

Details about Precious Address(es) (rural/urban, own/rent/lease, why relocate):

# of dependents: Ages of dependents (if applicable):

Marital Status: Primary source of income:

-Monthly income: Amount remaining after rent payment:

How long have you been on social assistance:

What conditions led to going on social assistance:

Rules for being on social assistance:

Preferred meeting time: mornings/afternoons/evenings

Additional Notes:

Mon Tues Wed Thurs Fri

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Appendix B: Participant Observation Rubric

Participant: Date:

Meeting location:

Participant's Appearance:

Participant's non-verbal communication:

Proxemic (use of space to communicate attitude)

Chronemics (pacing of speech—length of pauses)

Kinesic (body movements & posture)

Paralinguistic (variations in volume, pitch & quality)

Observation Interpretation

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Description of the Environmental Surroundings:

Society's non-verbal communication:

Proxemic (use of space to communicate attitude)

Chronemics (pacing of speech—length of pauses)

Kinesic (body movements & posture)

Paralinguistic (variations in volume, pitch & quality)

Other:

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