The Political Discourse Semantics of Greek Neo-nationalist Ideology: Coherence and Intertextuality

Collana di studi diretta daAlberto Manco

L I N G U A G G I O , I D E O L O G I AE L O R O R A P P R E S E N TA Z I O N I

N A P O L I2016

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI NAPOLI “L’ORIENTALE”Dipartimento di Studi Letterari, Linguistici e Comparati

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N A P O L I2016ISBN 978-88-6719-121-5

N.S. 4

2016

Q U A D E R N I D I A I Ω N

Contributi diCotticelli Kurras, Fedriani, Ghezzi, Manco, De Rosa,

Middei, Saridakis, Mouka, Kostopoulou, Stepanov, Borzova, Venier, Virban

Quaglia

Casella di testo

ESTRATTO

Nota introduttiva 3

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI NAPOLI “L’ORIENTALE”

DIPARTIMENTO DI STUDI LETTERARI, LINGUISTICI E COMPARATI

QUADERNI DI AIΩN N.S. 4 2016

LINGUAGGIO, IDEOLOGIA

E LORO RAPPRESENTAZIONI

Contributi di

COTTICELLI KURRAS, FEDRIANI, GHEZZI, MANCO,

DE ROSA, MIDDEI, SARIDAKIS, MOUKA, KOSTOPOULOU,

STEPANOV, BORZOVA, VENIER, VIRBAN

Collana di studi diretta da

ALBERTO MANCO

NAPOLI

2016

4 Nota introduttiva

AA. VV.

Linguaggio, ideologia e loro rappresentazioni

Università degli studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”, Napoli, 2016

Quaderni di AIΩN

(Annali del Dipartimento di Studi Letterari, Linguistici e Comparati – Sezione linguistica)

Collana di studi diretta da Alberto Manco

numero 4 n.s.

ISSN: 1825-2796

ISBN: 978-88-6719-121-5

Indirizzo:

Redazione di AIΩN, Alberto Manco, Università degli studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”,

Dipartimento di Studi Letterari, Linguistici e Comparati, Palazzo Santa Maria Porta

Coeli, Via Duomo 219, 80138 Napoli.

E-mail: [email protected]

Web: www.aionlinguistica.com

Riproduzione vietata ai sensi di legge (art. 171 della legge 22 aprile 1941, n. 633)

Il volume ha superato positivamente la valutazione scientifica dei revisori esterni.

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.aionlinguistica.com/

Nota introduttiva 5

INDICE

Nota introduttiva 7

P. COTTICELLI KURRAS, Language as a magnifying glass of history:

the case of Italian brand names during the Fascism 11

C. FEDRIANI, C. GHEZZI, Language ideology and code-switching

practices in a socio-historical perspective. Evidence from Plautus’

and Goldoni’s comedies 41

A. MANCO, F. DE ROSA, Alterità di genere, alterazioni linguistiche: su

alcuni aspetti della designazione di genere 67

E. MIDDEI, Latin language and political ideologies in a synchronic and

diachronic perspective: some reflections 89

J. SARIDAKIS, E. MOUKA, G. KOSTOPOULOU The political discourse

semantics of Greek neo-nationalist ideology: coherence and inter-

textuality 115

V. N. STEPANOV, I. A. BORZOVA, Genre characteristics of prophetic texts

as a means of ideological communication (based on astrological

forecasts, in English, Russian and Ukrainian languages) 151

F. VENIER, Reception of Hugo Schuchardt's Lingua Franca between

philology and ideology 177

F. VIRBAN, Totalitarian ideology and language. How Stalin eventually

planned to turn Russian into universal language 207

IOANNIS E. SARIDAKIS, EFFIE MOUKA, GEORGIA KOSTOPOULOU∗

THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE SEMANTICS OF

GREEK NEO-NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY:

COHERENCE AND INTERTEXTUALITY

Abstract

This paper reports on a corpus-driven study of textual semantics in neo-

nationalist discourse, and specifically aims to demarcate the discoursal and rhetorical premises on which Golden Dawn, Greece’s extreme right political party, elaborates its ideological and theoretical space. Golden Dawn has historically been considered an extremist political party, with a neo-Nazi political and social direction. Its political appeal is sharply and steadily on the rise, especially since the start of the Greek recession in 2009, and its discourse is highly influential. Our analysis profiles the lexical semantics of the organisation’s discourse, by also categorising its main concepts, and charts its intratextual coherence structures, in order to demarcate the principal topoi of its polarised and emotionally-loaded rhetoric. The latter is shown to exhibit all the traits that make up an ideological edifice. Finally, the intertextuality of Golden Dawn’s discourse, i.e. its direct connection with Nazi discourse, is explored by contrasting it to Hitler’s Mein Kampf and Goebbels’s texts and transcribed speeches. This comparison is also corpus-driven and is done on the levels of lexis, of mottoes and of rhetorical propositions (topoi).

Keywords: Golden Dawn, Corpus Linguistics, Language and Ideology,

Critical Discourse Analysis, Neo-Nazism

1. Hypothesis, aims and structure of the study

The underlying hypothesis of this study is that Golden Dawn

systematically constructs a neo-Nazi “ideological space” through a

∗∗∗∗ Ioannis E. Saridakis, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens - e-mail-

[email protected]

Effie Mouka, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens - e-mail:

[email protected]

Georgia Kostopoulou, Ionian University - e-mail: [email protected]

116 Ioannis E. Saridakis, Effie Mouka, Georgia Kostopoulou

sophisticated texture of notions and arguments. This has already been postulated and to some extent presented in journalistic analyses (e.g. Psarras 2012; Hasapopoulos 2013; Lowen 2015; cf. Mouka & Saridakis 2016 forthcoming) and in scholarly papers and monographs (e.g. Frangoudaki 2013). However, these approaches are mostly from a political and social perspective, and, to date, linguistic and discoursal approaches are scarce and focus on the emotional appeal of the organisation (Baider & Constantinou 2014). It is, therefore, the core aim of this study to identify ideological traits in Golden Dawn’s discourse, in order to test this hypothesis. Following a brief account of the socio-political setting in which this discourse is operationalised (section 2) and a presentation of the corpora used and of the methodology adopted (section 3), this aim is pursued on the level of lexis and lexical semantics (section 0), on the level of clausal structures (i.e. semantic continua) (section 5.1), and on the level of argumentation structures and topoi (section 5.2). Key findings from a recent research on Golden Dawn’s rhetoric in relation to the Greek crisis (Saridakis 2016 forthcoming) have been included in this approach. Section 0 integrates the findings and conclusions from the preceding section towards pinpointing the discourse-ideology link in the texts of Golden Dawn, on a higher level of social semiosis (Barthes 1977; Halliday 1978; Moschonas 2005). Following these intra-textual approaches, this study also traces, in section 0, the intertextuality of Golden Dawn’s ideology, by comparing the study corpus with Hitler’s Mein Kampf and J. Goebbels’s written texts and transcribed speeches. This comparison is also corpus-driven and is done on the levels of lexis, of mottoes and of rhetorical propositions (topoi). The conclusions are presented in section 4. The Appendix includes the Greek original texts of the examples cited.

2. The socio-political setting

Golden Dawn is Greece’s extreme right party. Its origins can be traced

back to the late 1970s. In 1980, its leader Nikos Michaloliakos started publishing the organisation’s magazine. At that time and almost until the

The political discourse semantics of Greek neo-nationalist ideology 117

end of the 1990s, the National Socialist ideals of the organisation were overt. Swastikas and other Nazi symbols decorated the front pages of the magazine (Psarras 2012: 35-36). Since the early 1990s Golden Dawn participated in EU and national elections, initially basing its rhetoric on nationalist topics (particularly the Athens-Skopje dispute over the name of FYROM), and later on anti-immigration. Before 2010, when Golden Dawn won a seat in the Athens municipal council, it was a marginal organisation –even its existence was not widely known. In 2012, when Greece was already deeply into an unprecedented economic and humanitarian crisis, confronted by the striking reality of poverty and decline, the party ran a fervent anti-austerity and anti-immigration campaign and seized almost 7 percent of the vote. Golden Dawn thus became an “inexplicable” yet striking reality. Amidst various interpretations of the phenomenon, the mainstream perception was that it had merely appealed to indignant voters that were misled by its “anti-systemic” rhetoric, and that its influence would not last long. This perception gained ground in September 2013 when members of Golden Dawn were accused of killing an anti-fascist rapper and public investigation ended up in the imprisonment of most of its MPs for forming a criminal organisation, only to be disavowed two years later, in the 2015 national elections when Golden Dawn maintained its electoral influence. Throughout this period, Golden Dawn has been tactically refusing being a neo-Nazi, fascist or even a far-right party, and describing itself as a “pure” Greek nationalist movement. Swastika tattoos of its members are alleged as replicas of the “double meander of Greek art”, which for them is “nowadays known as the swastika”1. Detailed accounts of Golden Dawn’s background and political profile can be found in Psarras (2012), Hasapopoulos (2013) and Ellinas (2013).

3. Corpora and methodology

Our study uses three corpora:

1 Ginrich & Banks (2006) argue that this strategy is used by all neo-nationalist

parties across Europe.


(a) GD400, which has been compiled by culling all the “ideological” texts published on Golden Dawn’s website, from March 2012 to September 2013. It comprises 352 texts, written by the organisation’s leader, MPs, members of Golden Dawn and authors using pseudonyms. Its word count is 382,558 tokens.

(b) HITL, i.e. J. Murphy’s 1939 English translation of Hitler’s Mein

Kampf (1925), containing 289,445 tokens2. (c) GOEB, i.e. an English translation of written texts and transcribed

speeches of Joseph Goebbels (1934-1945), containing 182,476 tokens3. GD400 was profiled using GkWaC, the Greek 150 million-word

component of the Web-as-Corpus initiative (Kilgarriff & Grefenstette 2003) as reference. Analogously, the reference corpus for profiling HITL and GOEB is BNC.

We have used a bottom-up inductive approach (Stubbs 1996: 109-120), based on the keyness ranks (Scott 2010) of the subcorpora scrutinised, as well as analysis of collocates and lexical patterns (Gerbig 1997: 95), exploiting offline and online tools (AntConc4 and SketchEngine5, respectively). Such an analysis provides authentic evidence for revealing prevalent cultural and conceptual traits in discourse and allows for explanations of, and generalisations on, the socio-linguistic level (Saridakis 2010: 110-113).

4. Lexical semantics of GD400

Keyness analysis of the texts comprising GD400 provides an

account of the concepts that prevail in Golden Dawn's discourse. Keyness characterises words (“keys”) which occur respectively more or less often than would be expected “by chance” in comparison with a reference corpus (i.e., a “tertium comparationis” of general language; see: Stubbs 2010).

2 Available online at: <http://goo.gl/7nTEU>. 3 Available online at: <http://goo.gl/EdLfyF>. 4 <http://www.laurenceanthony.net/software/antconc/>. 5 <http://www.sketchengine.co.uk>.


Using the log-likelihood algorithm in AntConc, we have found that most of the main keywords point to the typical “Us/Them” polarisation (Potter & Lloyd 2005; van Dijk 1995, 2006; Reisigl & Wodak 2001: 45ff; Kohl 2011; Potvin et al. 2004), i.e. to a clear contrast between a positive self-presentation and a negative presentation of the “enemy”, or in other words of ingroups and outgroups.

Tables 1 and 2 contain respectively the keywords that subsume “Us”, and “Them” divided into conceptual sub-categories.

Values

λαός/λαϊκός (people/popular), κίνημα (movement), Ιδέα/ιδεολογία (μας) (Ideal/[our] ideology), αγώνας/συναγωνιστές (struggle/co-fighters), ήρωες (heroes), επανάσταση (revolution), ακλόνητος (unshakeable), πίστη (faith), αρετή (virtue), πειθαρχία (discipline), φασίστες (fascists; denial of the property), λάβαρα (flags), καθήκον (duty), όραμα (vision), υπερηφάνεια (pride), αξιοπρέπεια (dignity), πεπρωμένο (destiny), ιδεώδες (ideal), όρκος (oath), νεολαία (youth), ιεραρχία (hierarchy), αριστεία (excellence), αξιοκρατία (meritocracy), ιερή (sacred)

Race and cleanliness of blood

Φυλή/φυλετικός (race/racial), πρόγονοι (ancestors), απόγονοι (descendants), αίμα (blood), Αρχαίοι (Έλληνες) (Ancient Greeks), αρχαιότητα (Antiquity)

Nationalism

Έθνος (nation), εθνικός (national), εθνικισμός/εθνικιστές (nationalism/nationalists), πατρίδα/συμπατριώτες (home-land/co-patriots), Έλληνες (Hellenes), ελληνικότητα (Helle-nity), Ελληνισμός (Hellenism), Εθνική αναγέννηση (Natio-nal Regeneration), Μεταξάς (Metaxas), σβάστικα (Swastika), αφανισμός (extinction)

Table 1. Us – concepts/keywords


Political system

καθεστώς (regime), μεταπολίτευση (metapolitefsi6), προδότες/προδοσία (traitors/treason), εχθροί (enemies), μαρξιστές (Marxists), πολιτικάντηδες (politicos), δημοκράτες (democrats), διαφθορά (corruption), θράσος (audacity), προπαγάνδα (propaganda), αριστεροί (leftists), φιλελευθερισμός (liberalism), κομμουνιστές (communists), διεφθαρμένοι (corrupt), κυρίαρχη ιδεολογία (dominant ideology), κατεστημένο (established order), αντεθνικός (anti-national), αντίπαλοι (opponents), συμμορία (gang), αφεντικά (patrons), διεθνισμός (internationalism), απατεώνες (crooks), καπιταλισμός (capitalism), μπολσεβίκοι (Bolsheviks), παγκοσμιοποίηση (globalisation), χρεωκοπία (bankruptcy), ακροδεξιά (far-right), δεσμά (fetters), “συνταγματικό/δημοκρατικό τόξο” (“constitutio-nal/democratic arc”)

Immigration

λαθρομετανάστες (illegal immigrants), ιθαγένεια (nationality), εισβολείς (invaders), βάρβαροι (barbarians), ορδές (hordes), λαθροεισβολείς (illegal invaders), υπάνθρωποι (sub-humans), πρόσφυγες (refugees – negative keyness)

Crisis

διεθνείς τοκογλύφοι (international usurers), παρακμή (decay), εξαθλίωση (poverty), τραπεζίτες (bankers), μνημόνιο (memorandum of understanding), χρέος (debt), υποταγή (submission), ξεπούλημα πατρίδας (sell-out of the homeland), λιτότητα (austerity)

Anti-Semitism

σιωνισμός (Zionism), σιωνιστές (Zionists), διεθνής σιωνισμός (international Zionism), αμερικανοσιωνιστές (American Zionists), αγγλοαμερικανοσιωνιστικό (Anglo-American Zionist), εγκλήματα (του Σιωνισμού) (crimes [of Zionism]), εγκαθίδρυση (του Σιωνισμού) (establishment [of Zionism]), σιωνιστοκρατούμενος (Zionist-ruled), παγκόσμια ηγεμονία (world hegemony), εβραϊκός (Jewish)

Table 2. Them – concepts/keywords

6 I.e., the political changeover after the fall of the Colonel’s junta in 1974.


This statistical approach is not an exhaustive listing of every single notion used in GD400, yet it allows us to draw safe conclusions on the basic concepts invoked and exploited by the organisation, and to analyse these in their context. In addition, it offers an insight and a path towards analysing the organisation’s lines and strategies of argumentation (section 0).

The main elements of “Us” make clear that Golden Dawn defines itself as a popular, nationalist movement, struggling for revolution, for a rebirth of the “Nation” on all levels. Its ideology is faithful to the Greek

race and to its ancestors. The frequent references to “exclusively Greek” values, i.e. the use of “banner” words (Hermanns 1994; Teubert 2000) like unshakeable faith, virtue, discipline, duty, vision, pride, dignity, ideal, excellence, meritocracy, i.e., their presentation as morally superior, is a vehicle for Golden Dawn’s legitimisation.

On the other hand, the list of “enemies” is overcrowded. These are the whole political system, or the “regime” or “established order” as they also call it. The notion of regime subsumes the liberals, the Marxists, the left, the democrats, the capitalists, the Bolsheviks and even the extreme right7, all other political parties, and in other words, every politician of the metapolitefsi period. The opponents are discredited using “stigma” wordings (Hermanns 1994; Teubert 2000), e.g. traitors, politicos, corrupted, patrons, a gang, crooks, acting with audacity etc. Moreover, quite expectedly, another key enemy are foreigners, most specifically immigrants, who are almost always referred to using the qualitative prefix λαθρο (illegal), and are described as invaders. As to the crisis, all its factors and actors, i.e. the banks, the Memorandum of Understanding, globalisation, etc. are also attacked as part of the “evil”. Finally, as if these enemies were not enough already, the Zionist conspiracy comes into the frame as well. Even though accusing so many people and having so many enemies seems a rather weak strategy

7 Paradoxically, for Golden Dawn there is an extreme right wing locus in the

political spectrum, comprised of “pseudo-nationalists”.


for someone that seeks voters, History witnesses the contrary -grouping all enemies into one is an effective strategy:

The art of leadership, as displayed by really great popular leaders in all ages, consists in consolidating the attention of the people against a single adversary and taking care that nothing will split up that attention into sections [...] The leader of genius must have the ability to make different opponents appear as if they belonged to the one category; for weak and wavering natures among a leader's following may easily begin to be dubious about the justice of their own cause if they have to face different enemies (Mein Kampf 104; see also Psarras 2012: 336-338 – our emphasis).

Thus, more often than not, all these enemies are presented as parts

or pawns of the same “Enemy”. The following examples indicate this type of generalisation or abstraction of the “enemy” and show how Golden Dawn opposes it.

(1) We really fight against everyone, and have before us a world

without a face, without ideals and values. Before us is a corrupt and rotten society, and a tired youth, without visions and aims. We stand Upright and Proud, and show them our power.

(2) All Co-fighters and Friends of the Movement, the whole Greek People should be vigilant, because the mercenaries of the regime and the foreign agents are ruthless, especially the social-liberal state/parastate with its anarchist-communist crutches.

(3) We have all seen on our televisions and/or elsewhere the conspiracy of illegal immigration, with the pro-Zionist powers of this world, the so-called "coalition", imposing its plans for free markets and for “democracy” by means of wars –economic, sabotage and military wars– where success or failure is the cause of illegal immigration flows.

(4) And, while everything was going according to plan, which was conceived by the Zionist international loan-sharks and was executed by Greece’s parliamentary leaders, once again in the long history of Greece appeared the contingency, i.e. the factor that can change the course of history.


5. Argumentation: Towards constructing identity

Demagogy and propaganda are forms of political discourse, and

“practically everything that is discussed in public, and about which politicians plead, can be reduced to five categories: […] public finance, war or peace, the country’s defence, imports and exports, and legislation” (Arist. Rhet. I, 1395b). An “ideological space” is one in the discourse of which such traits can or are likely to be shown to exist. Moreover, such a “theory-constructive” approach requires the articulation of arguments around common and special topoi, in the Aristotelian sense. In the sections below we outline some prevalent semantic networks in the discourse of Golden Dawn, that are built around key notions, and correlate these with the findings from the lexical analysis stage, towards compiling a chart of such special topoi and, further, elaborating critically how these topoi make up a coherent “ideological space”.

5.1 Golden Dawn’s semantic continua

Key notions falling in the “Us” category of lexemes have been

charted intra-textually in semantic networks, as exemplified below. The intratextual semantic coherence model used has been based on Halliday & Hasan’s conjunction mechanism (1976: 226-273). To this end, using Glozz8, we have annotated selected excerpts, which were found to be dense in terms of ideologically-loaded lexemes. An example of this annotation scheme is shown in Fig. 1. The main conceptual/ideological units identified in lexemes and in extended units were distinctively grouped into the seven broad categories shown in Tables 1 and 2. The relations among them were subsequently marked. The charts depict the semantic networks and continua identified, and the findings therefrom are contextualised and commented.

8 <http://www.glozz.org>


Fig. 1. Annotation in Glozz (for more details see p. 150)

Halliday & Hasan (1976: 6) divide cohesion (i.e. relations of

meaning within a text) into lexical (cohesive ties of repetition,

parallelism, synonyms, etc.), grammatical (cohesive ties of reference,

substitution, ellipsis) and conjunction which is “on the borderline of

the two; mainly grammatical, but with a lexical component in it”. In

particular, our analysis uses the basic categories of conjunctive

relations (idem, 242-243). It should be stressed that the conjunction

mechanism, albeit mostly a grammatical tie, is the one that relates and

connects lexical choices and keywords in a coherent semantic network

(coherence sensu de Beaugrande & Dressler, 1981). In examples 5-7

these relations are pinpointed and commented.


Fig

. 2. S

eman

tic

netw

ork

of [n

atio

nalis

m] §

3

(5) But in order to concern people and their everyday routine, nationalism should have a practical application to the peoples' lives. A nationalism limited to the worship of the standards of the past is an egoistical exercise of thought and time, but does not concern the Nation as a whole. For Golden Dawn, nationalism is not an egoistical intellectual exercise. It is the struggle for resurrecting the Nation, a struggle that has been taking place for years, step by step, in squares, in schools, and in places of work. Golden Dawn strives for the political implementation of Nationalism in our Homeland. Golden Dawn’s Nationalism is therefore the most authentic, the most lively and the most tangible way to approach the concept of Nationalism. (text 161, “Golden Dawn. Nationalism in practice”, par. 3).


The argumentation is specific and describes the concept of [nationalism] in an explicit and direct relation to Golden Dawn. It is worth noting that in the introduction [par. 1]9 the text is about [nationalism] in general, then the related semantic network elaborates the notion and the idea of [nationalism], but it is in par. 3 that the addressee catches the gist of this text. [Nationalism] becomes [nationalism for Golden Dawn] and then [nationalism of Golden Dawn]. The lexico-semantic network is enriched with the keywords [homeland] and [nation]. Repetition is the main rhetorical pattern. Conjunctive relations are indicated in elliptical circles, and show that the main conjunction mechanisms are the causal relation in the form of reason and the adversative relation in the form of contrast.

(6) The Popular Association - GOLDEN DAWN is not a product of the metapolitefsi Regime. Contrary to the bourgeois parties of rot and Treason, we place the National interest above the parliamentary interest. To put it simply, in the dilemma of the metapolitefsi “Parliamentarism of Homeland”, we screamed with a booming voice: “Homeland”! (text 121, “Nationalist Revolution”, par. 4).

9 For reasons of space, the semantic network of the preceding pars. 1 and 2 has not

been included in the paper.


Fig

. 3. S

eman

tic

netw

ork

of [G

old

en D

awn]

The node in this semantic network is [Golden Dawn] and the coherent

concepts are the keywords [national] and [homeland] (presenting “Us”), and [regime], [bourgeois parties], [parliamentarism] (presenting “Them”). Repetition of the keyword [homeland] is the main rhetorical device for emphasis and stress. The main inter-sentential conjunction mechanism is the adversative relation of contrast [contrary to], used here in order to emphasise the moral value of Golden Dawn, compared to the rotten bourgeois parties, and the additive relation [to put it simply], as expository of the aforementioned ideas.


Fig

. 4. S

eman

tic

netw

ork

of [G

old

en D

awn,

We]

(7) We are not a creation of this anti-national State, because, neither have we been financed, nor have we tolerated in our lines the parliamentary opportunists, who jump from one party to the other. The majority of our members are not public servants, as is the case with the bourgeois parties, PASOK, New Democracy and SYRIZA. Our supporters are not the ensconced of the Regime and the capitalists who suck the blood of the struggling Greek People. Golden Dawn is a Popular and Nationalist Movement, it is a Movement of the Greek Youth and of the Greek Workers! (text 121, “Nationalist revolution”, par.5).


Here, [Golden Dawn] (node, keyword) builds its identity mainly by using the rhetorical and cohesive device of parallelism, in an effort to add a moral value to its reasoning. Its argumentation is divided into two parts. First, the triplet structure starting with δεν (not) describes its characteristics through the presentation of a negative image of the “Other”, in our case its political foes. Through relations of comparison [neither, nor, and as], as shown in elliptical circles, the aim is to persuade by explaining what Golden Dawn is not. Negation plays a critical role. The basic notions of this coherent network are: [we], [anti-national], [opportunists], [bourgeois parties], [Regime], [capitalists]. The second part of the argumentation, starting with Golden Dawn, is an affirmative sentence including a two-fold parallelism, where, although there are no explicit conjunction mechanisms, there is an implicit adversative relation of contrast, as when using conjunctions (e.g., instead, rather, contrary to). In this part, the focus of argumentation is on what Golden Dawn is and includes the positive image of “Us”, where the semantic network is based on the notions of [popular], [nationalist], [Greek Youth] and [Greek Workers].

It has been empirically found (and depicted in the figures of semantic relations) that in each utterance the nodes are always the central keywords of [nationalism] and [Golden Dawn], on and around which develops Golden Dawn's rhetoric. The main conjunction mechanism for connecting inter-sentential concepts is adversative, mostly in the form of contrast, and additive in the form of comparison: these cohesive ties add to the logical order in the presentation of an argument and especially when the focus is on polarising between “Us” and “Them”. In this respect, negative devices [nor, not] play a crucial role, since Golden Dawn thus indicates explicitly its supremacy over its political “Others”. These devices, as “negative particles are much more powerful alerts to alternatives of a speaker or writer than negative prefixes” and any related cue thereof “also moves politics closer to the hearer or reader” (Anderson 2014: 63). In the case of intra- and inter-clausal connections, the mechanism most frequently used is the simple additive tie with [and] and [or]. Finally, it should be noted that the main rhetorical devices used in the development of the semantic network are repetition and parallelism. Both put emphasis and stress on the content


and sequence of the argument, and at the same time add to the pragmatic dimension of coherent networks.

5.2 Lines of argumentation (topoi) in Golden Dawn’s rhetoric

In this section, we summarise the findings from the lexical analysis

of GD400 (section 0) and from the identification of the semantic connections between its key “identity notions”, as outlined in section 5.1. In Aristotelian terms, the discourse of Golden Dawn can be said to use enthymemes, i.e. rhetorical syllogisms. Such syllogisms are arguments based on assumptions that are not made explicit, because they are mutually accepted by the orator and the audience. An argumentation of this kind requires a pre-existing agreement in relation to the belief or preference (Herrick 1997: 79).

Analysis of texts and concordances of GD400 points to the assumption that Golden Dawn’s rhetoric is a massive construction of spurious

enthymemes (or fallacies) (Rhet. II, 1401a-b). The topoi of enthymemes are distinguished from the elements (or special topoi; cf. Herrick 1997: 85) that are used in discourse in support of an argument. The orator, argues Aristotle, must rely on general propositions, the topoi, from which he draws thematic arguments, i.e. special topoi, to focus and elaborate on (Georgoulis 1953: 583). In other words, the Aristotelian topoi are (formal) argumentative structures, not arguments or sets of arguments per se. The latter elaborate on, and are instantiations of, the former, in a genus-species (or whole-parts) relation. However, this distinction is not always clear in CDA literature, in which the concept of topos is used without reference to Aristotle (and Cicero), and without analysing the line of argumentation in order to show how the topoi invoked are actually embedded in discourse (Žagar 2010; cf. e.g. Wodak & van Dijk 2000). Further discussion about this, is however beyond the scope of this paper. For reasons of practicality, therefore, we shall draw on Conley’s argument that topoi (both common and special) are means of “justifying claims already arrived at” (1978, qt. in Herrick 1997: 87), and we shall refer to special topoi as the propositions by means of which Golden Dawn’s spurious enthymemes are built. Such special topoi, or in other words


generalised arguments, have been extensively identified in GD400, using both the lexical analysis and the presentation of conceptual collocation of the lexemes that are key in the organisation’s rhetoric. These special topoi are built mostly around a predominant “Us” and “Them” polarity.

5.2.1 Special topoi

(a) The Greek Nation/Race is, par excellence, exceptional and supreme

(8) By nature, we Greeks are a free, an insubordinate, a clever, an inventive, a proud and a heroic people. It is not fit for a Greek to be a slave, but a hegemon. (9) We respect the Races, we believe in the beauty of their diversity and we struggle for their perpetuation. And by submitting to the Law of Blood, we place the Greek Race, the originating Race of human Civilisation, on the top of our ideological and cultural values.

(b) Golden Dawn is the People

(10) Our People is Golden Dawn and Golden Dawn is our People! (11) The Movement of Greek Nationalists was born out of the People, struggles with the People and will win in order to ensure the future of this People!

(c) Golden Dawn is anti systemic

(12) We Nationalists, do not aim at some “improvement” of the structures of the existing System, which in any case are rotten and spurious. We do not aim to sanitise the Authoritarian Regime. On the contrary, we struggle to overthrow it, as this is a basic condition for the Salvation and the Rebirth of our People.

Examples 1-4 are also indicative of Golden Dawn’s anti-systemic allegations.

(d) The Greek Nation has been misled for decades

(13) In other words [the Movement] has formulated compact, good, clear and communicatively competitive perceptions that can address the public, which has been manipulated and dormant for decades, and arouse its emotions.


(e) The Nation is under attack

(14) Do not fool yourselves! The Left, in all its expressions, wants to bastardise the Hellenic Blood, and its ultimate aim is to destroy our Race and Civilisation. (15) Crush the enemies of our People before they exterminate us from the face of Earth and write off our Nation from history!

(f) Immigration alienates the Nation

(16) The illegal immigrants invaders are an irregular army, one that disintegrates the social structure and alienates our national identity. (17) We are at war because of the threat of illegal immigrants, a large part of whom are Muslims and therefore are an easy target of Turkish propaganda and espionage.

(g) Zionism is the absolute “Enemy”

(18) Both capitalism and Communism are means of the Zionist attempt for world domination. (19) [Our Homeland], nowadays is not free, not even formally or “nominally”. It is occupied by powers of a foreign origin and in essence it is being administered by the international plutocrats and our Zionist lenders, through their local lackeys.

(h) Only Golden Dawn can confront the Nation’s enemies

(20) For this reason, we will insist tirelessly on provoking the awakening of the National Consciousness of our People, on trumpeting the alarm of the powers of National Resistance, on mobilising Greeks in the struggle for survival that awaits us. (21) Golden Dawn is leading Greece to the next chapter of its History, to a new book of resurrection and creation. To this end, all Greeks who feel Greek and who are resolved to become active in the interests of Greece and of the Greek people are required.

On the basis of the above findings, and by summing up concordance

and textual analysis, it can be posited that the principal arguments are


built around three, mutually complementary, core theories underpinning the spurious enthymeme of the “enemies”’ purpose to exterminate the Greek nation: (i) immigration; (ii) the crisis as an organised “plot” against the Greek economy; and (iii) the international Zionist/capitalist system with its strategic plan against Hellenic ideology. This has already been argued in the literature (Frangoudaki 2013: 59-60). Cumulatively, (i), (ii) and (iii) are the fallacious forces of the “external enemy”, which are put in place by a vague entity, the “internal enemy”, the “rotten political system” (see also Saridakis 2016 forthcoming).

6. The ideological edifice

As every neo-nationalist organisation10, Golden Dawn aims to

construct a coherent “ideological space”, one that will serve as the foundation for proclaiming and expanding its propaganda and for manipulating (van Dijk 2006) its addressees, i.e. potential voters. A “mass psychology”, argues Lipovats, “presupposes […] (c) a particular self-contained discourse and a series of symbols, as bearers of the ideology underlying the organisation [examined]” (1989: 55). We designate below the premises on which this approach relies.

The relation between language and worldview (or, better, Weltanschauung), as formulated by Kant (1781) and Hegel (1807), as later postulated by von Humboldt (Weltansicht), and elaborated by Whorf in his linguistic relativity hypothesis (1956; see also Kay & Kampton 1984), can be concisely described as the relation between language and ideology, one that can be established only dialectically (cf. Tsitsipis 1998: 33). In other words, ideologies are expressed through language and language produces ideologies, let alone that especially in nationalist ideologies, language per se is a key instrument (Sella 2001: 111-162). In addition, and in more relevance to our case, by relating Adorno (1966 [1973], Malešević (2002: 46) posits that “ideology” is “a form of identity thinking […] that constantly aims to reduce the plurality and

10 For an exhaustive definition of the term “neo-nationalism”, see Hobsbawm (1990).


individuality of things and social reality, to a uniform, identical simulation of that reality”. It is, therefore, an effort towards homogenisation that suppresses all contradictions (ibid.).

Further, Moschonas (2005: 77-78; 81ff), by referring to Barthes, elaborates on the principal traits of ideologies. In relation to the ideology of Golden Dawn, these traits can be summarised as follows:

(a) Ideologies are collective systems. The ideology of Golden Dawn is

signified by a system of ideas. The systematicity in organising the discoursal elements and fallacies has been shown to obtain as one of its main rhetorical goals (sections 4 and 5). The rhetoric of Golden Dawn establishes a collective semiotic system through the linguistic expression of ideology. The special topoi outlined in section 5.2.1 form the cohesive material and the guideline of the actions of the ingroups. The “Us”-and-“Them” polarisation strategy indicates that “ideologies exist in a field of collective contrasts”, or in other words, “for every ideology, and in partial contradiction with it, there is at least one other ideology” (Moschonas 2005: 127). This contrast extends also to the concomitant (and commonly used in rhetoric) “problem-and-solution” pattern: the problem is, cumulatively, the nation’s eternal enemy (Zionism, i.e. topos g) and the solution is Golden Dawn (topos h). It has also been shown that Golden Dawn modulates its narrative by enriching it with lexemes and topics pertinent to the current juncture, thus making its ideology a fact of history, one that is sensitive to social changes. This is a trait consistently observed in neo-nationalist discourse (Ginrich & Banks 2006).

(b) Ideologies are conceptual systems. Forceful extension or alteration of the meaning of certain words (e.g., nation, sacred, intruder, duty, system, etc.), the abstraction of definitions, the logic of loose or non-existent distinctions, and false notional-logical equations (Moschonas 2005: 143) make the ideology of Golden Dawn stereotypical. Repetition of lexemes and notions is a key finding from our lexical analysis of GD400. As Georgakopoulou & Goutsos (2004: 136) rightly argue, “repetition succeeds in giving discourse a character of familiarity and creating the impression of a shared universe of discourse between the participants”: “what propaganda does say needs to be repeated over and over again


‘until the last member of the public understands what you want him to understand by your slogan’” (Bytwerk 2008 [1], quoting Hitler). Thus, ideology is codified in the form of collective recallable entities (Moschonas 2005: 175-184). Such an involvement can be traced in Golden Dawn’s discourse, through its focus on simple, emotional and insistent discoursal points. Furthermore, ideologies “contain regulations for achieving compliance of social behaviour or ‘values’ with which social behaviour complies” (Moschonas 2005: 200), i.e. are operative, preaching and vocative. Golden Dawn’s discourse is abundant with vocational and regulatory elements: in most “ideological” texts of the organisation, there is clear conclusion: the ingroups are summoned to rise and act against the nation’s collective enemy, and to revitalise the ancient spirit of Greece and of Hellenism. Such a summoning resorts to a prevailing use of words encoding emotions of fear (i.e. about catastrophic scenarios for the nation) and of aspiration for saving it (e.g., vision, destiny, struggle, etc. – cf. Saridakis 2016 forthcoming; Baider & Constantinou 2014). “[...] All great movements are popular movements, volcanic eruptions of human passions and emotional sentiments" (Hitler, qt. by Bytwerk 2008 [1]). Finally, it can be argued that the ideology of Golden Dawn is “in partial concord and in partial dis-concord with reality” (Moschonas 2005: 213): this view is perhaps a reformulation of the Aristotelian topos of concomitant fact (“διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκός”), or in other words the correlation of irrelevant facts through the fallacy of analogies, similarities and characteristics. It relates also to van Dijk’s (2006) view that ideologies defy the true-or-false dualism and cannot be explained through it, but rather represent the self-serving fallacious “truths” of the group. The topoi identified and exemplified in GD400 (section 5.2.1) are typical of this trait.

7. Intertextuality in Golden Dawn’s discourse

7.1. Defining “intertextuality”

In the preceding sections, we have investigated the devices of

intratextual coherence, on the levels of lexis, clauses and arguments. Yet, seen from a tentatively comprehensive perspective, such an approach


must also scrutinise the hypothesis that the discourse of Golden Dawn is the continuation, and perhaps the replication of Nazi discourse. So far, such an “overlap” has been only randomly described on the basis of textual evidence and is mostly analysed in socio-political terms. In other words, this hypothesis can be stated as: “does, and to what extent, the discourse of Golden Dawn draws from the devices and instrumentalities used in Nazi texts?”. Before testing this hypothesis, let us give some definitions of the “intertext”, i.e. the semiotic space that may (or may not) define the relations between texts (and hence, text collections).

A text, argues Barthes (1977: 146; our emphasis)

is not a line of words releasing a single ‘theological’ meaning (the 'message' of the Author-God) but a multi-dimensional space in which a variety of writings, none of them original, blend and clash. The text is a tissue of quotations drawn from the innumerable centres of culture”.

To use Plett’s words (1991: 5; our emphasis)

a text may be regarded as an autonomous sign structure, delimited and coherent. [...] An intertext, on the other hand, is characterized by attributes that exceed it. It is not delimited, but delimited, for its constituents refer to constituents of one or several other texts. Therefore it has a twofold coherence: an intratextual one which guarantees the immanent integrity of the text, and an intertextual one which creates structural relations between itself and other texts.

Moreover, “every text is intertext” (Leitch 1983: 59, qt. in Plett 1991: 6).

In Kristeva’s perception of intertextuality, the term is meant to involve the transposition of one or more systems of signs (namely, elaborated in an original text or in a series of texts) to “a new articulation of its enunciative and denotative position” (see the introduction by L.S. Roudiez, in Kristeva 1980: 15). In a nutshell, the aim of this section is to seek the relations between Golden Dawn’s discourse and the Nazi “discoursal system”, using textual data. The hypothesis is tested based on previous relevant research (Kohl 2011; Savage 2007; Musolff 2008), by using, as before, keyword and concordance analysis, and by grouping findings


into categories, both on the lexical and on the argumentation levels. The corpora used for this purpose are GOEB and HITL. These subcorpora were analysed using the tools available in Lexical Computing’s SketchEngine11 platform.

7.2 Keyword analysis

Both GOEB and HITL, when compared to BNC, exhibit quite

similar keyword ranks, which are furthermore directly comparable to the keyword rank of GD400. Exhaustive analysis of the main keywords in context (KWICs) of Nazi discourse is beyond the scope of this paper. It is obvious, however, that –excluding lemmas that are specific to the historical and social contexts of the three subcorpora (i.e. Churchill, Empire, war, Bismarck, etc.)– many of the key notions, as identified in and through the keywords exhibit an impressive semantic overlap with the notions identified in GD400. Such keywords are: German (cmp. Greek), nation/national, movement, Jew,

blood, struggle/fight, Nationalism, bourgeoisie/bourgeois, race/racial, enemy,

Marxism/Marxist, Revolution, people, ideal, Aryan (cmp. Hellenic), (Social

Democratic) Party (cmp. Golden Dawn), Bolshevik, fatherland/homeland,

faith, youth, ideal, flag, heroism/hero, destiny, duty, sacred, regime, traitor,

unshakable, virtue, pride, opponent, democracy, etc. 7.3 Replication of mottoes

In addition, Golden Dawn systematically and consistently uses

mottoes calqued directly from the discourse of Nazism, fascism and of extreme right European parties. Mottoes are self-contained abstractions and are an integral part of the collective theory (and notional substrate) of the organisation, and are therefore easily contextualised, in terms of both perception and analysis. Such intertextual mottoes are depicted in Table 3.

11 <www.sketchengine.co.uk>.


Motto GD400 freq. Nazi equivalent

Ζήτω η Νίκη! (Long live Victory!)

18 Sieg Heil!

Ζήτω ο Αρχηγός! (Long live the Leader!)!

7 Heil mein Führer! (cmp. the fascist Viva il Duce)

Αίμα, Τιμή, Χρυσή Αυγή (Blood, Honour, Golden Dawn), variant: Blood and Honour!

4 Blut und Ehre (motto of the Nazi youth)

Ψηλά τις Σημαίες! (Raise the Flags!)

10 Die Fahne hoch! (anthem of the Nazi party)

Ψηλά τη Σημαία Συναγωνιστές! Πυκνώστε τις Γραμμές! (The Flag on High, Co-Fighters! The Ranks tightly closed!)

1 Die Fahne hoch! Die Reihen fest geschlossen! (anthem of the Nazi party)

Η Ελλάδα ανήκει στους Έλληνες (Greece belongs to the Greeks) (*)

6 [Ausländer raus], Deutschland den Deutschen!

Ερχόμαστε και η γη τρέμει (in various formulations) (We are coming and the Earth is trembling)

3 Wenn wir abtreten, dann soll der Erdkreis erzittern! (attributed to Goebbels)

Αίμα και Γη (Blood and Soil) 3 Blut und Boden

[Μέχρι την] Τελική Νίκη (Until the Final Victory)

30 Zum Endsieg

Ζήτω ο θάνατος! (Long live death!)

1 Viva la muerte! (slogan used by Franco's Falangists)

(*) This populist motto was first used in the late 1970s by the socialist PASOK party, in a non-racist context. At the time, the “foreigners” were the EEC, NATO and capitalism. Finally, this motto has been used in the discourse of M. Lepen’s Front National (“La France aux Français”) (see Psarras 2012: 333-335).

Table 3. Mottoes as intertexts in Golden Dawn’s discourse


It must be noted that the relatively low frequencies of some of the mottoes, as attested in GD400, should not be taken as indicating a low or negligible usage pattern. Beyond the written discourse of Golden Dawn, these mottoes are central in public speeches of the organisation.

7.4 Replication of topoi

Some of the concordances of nodal lexemes (notions) are

exemplified below and related to topoi. Examples 22, 23, 25, 26, 29 and 31 are from HITL, while examples 24, 27, 28 and 30 are from GOEB. In essence, the topoi identified in GD400 are semantic and discursive replicas of those in HITL and GOEB.

(a) Supremacy of the (Aryan) race

(22) The most obvious example of this truth is furnished by that race which has been, and still is, the standard-bearer of human progress: I mean the Aryan race. (23) This is to be sought exclusively in the actual existence of a race which is endowed with the gift of cultural creativeness. There may be hundreds of excellent States on this earth, and yet if the Aryan, who is the creator and custodian of civilization, should disappear, all culture that is on an adequate level with the spiritual needs of the superior nations to-day would also disappear.

(b) “We” are the People

(24) Each of us is proud that we serve the people in a high position. We are all members of the people, we express its spirit and its will. The lowliest of our people is dearer to us than the king of another nation.

(c) Our discourse is anti-systemic

(25) I no longer opposed merely the perverted form which the principle of parliamentary representation had assumed in Austria. No. It had become impossible for me to accept the system in itself. Up to that time I had believed that the disastrous deficiencies of the Austrian Parliament were due to the lack of a German majority, but now I recognized that the institution itself was wrong in its very essence and form.


(d) The Nation is being misled

(26) If these men, who in many cases meant well and were upright in themselves, gave the support to the political activities carried on by the common enemies of our people, that was because those decent work-people did not and could not grasp the downright infamy of the doctrine taught by the socialist agitators.

(e) The Nation is under attack

(27) No one can doubt that the warmongering cliques in London and Paris want to stifle Germany, to destroy the German people. They admit that openly today. (28) They want to attack the Führer through Hitlerism, the Reich through Hitlerism, and the German people through the Reich.

(f) Foreigners alienate the Nation

(29) In short, the results of miscegenation are always the following: (a) The level of the superior race becomes lowered; (b) physical and mental degeneration sets in, thus leading slowly but steadily towards a progressive drying up of the vital sap.

(g) Jews are the Enemy

(30) Therefore, we must say again and yet again: 1. The Jews are our destruction. They started this war and direct it. They want to destroy the German Reich and our people. This plan must be blocked. 2. There are no distinctions between Jews. Each Jew is a sworn enemy of the German people.

(h) “We” can save the nation

(31) All the Führer's attempts at peace bore no fruit with them. We 90 million in the Reich stand in the way of their brutal plans for world domination. They hate our people because it is decent, brave, industrious, hard-working, and intelligent.

4. Conclusions

This paper has explored, by means of a corpus-driven study, the

textual semantics of Greek neo-nationalist discourse. Analysis of texts


authored by members of Golden Dawn, including its leader, has revealed the following:

(a) The discourse of Golden Dawn is highly polarised, and is based on

a marked “Us” and “Them” model: its key lexemes fall conceptually into one or the other category.

(b) Beyond the level of lexis, exploration of clausal and supra-clausal constructions using Halliday & Hasan’s (1976) analytical frame of conjunction mechanism, shows that central “ideological” keywords of GD400 are notionally and rhetorically supported through repetitions and parallelisms, which put stress on the underlying notions and add to the pragmatic dimension of intra-textual coherence networks.

(c) This rhetoric uses the typical “problem-and-solution” pattern: the “problems” and their manifestations are many and they are all attributable to the “satanic plot” of international Zionism to exterminate Hellenism, and the “solution” is the revitalisation of the Hellenic psyche and civilisation, which can only be achieved by Golden Dawn. Specific propositions, or topoi, embedded in the organisation’s discourse, serve this spurious enthymeme.

(d) In all, and on a higher level of abstraction, the texts of Golden Dawn exhibit all the semiotic traits of a discoursally coherent and consistent “ideological space”.

(e) This ideological frame has been shown to rely heavily on a Nazi “intertext”. Beyond juncture-specific elements, the lexis, the enthymemes and the topoi used by Golden Dawn are almost exact replicas of Nazi discourse. Contrastive analysis with Hitler’s Mein Kampf and Goebbels’s written and oral texts proves this.

In sum, our findings are in line with van Dijk's (1995: 244) theoretical

premises, and show that the Greek neo-nationalist ideology and, as reflected in and through discourse, has a basis that is at the same time:

(f) Cognitive, in the sense that Golden Dawn’s discourse-ideology link

involves mental objects such as ideas, thought, beliefs, judgements and values, all aiming to formulate shared social representations.

(g) Social: the underlying ideology of Golden Dawn aims to control the self-identification, the goals and the actions of its ingroups.

(h) Sociocognitive: this discoursal edifice expresses a specific system on which shared social representations and mental processes are based.

(i) A pattern that defies the “true” or “false” explanatory dualism;


(j) A system in which various degrees of complexity obtain: Golden Dawn’s discourse can be regarded as containing the basic axioms of a naive and somewhat implicit “social theory” of the group about itself and its position in society.

(k) A model with contextually variable manifestations that is modulated to inextricably fit into the social and political juncture and to exploit it as much as possible.

(l) A continuum that is at the same time both general and abstract, since its enthymemes can apply to discoursal attitudes and options, in a relatively context-free manner.

Even though Golden Dawn allegedly tries to formulate a “purely

Greek” ideological space, the Nazi ideology is perpetuated in all aspects of its discourse. Golden Dawn replicates the main basic lines of Nazi propaganda and in this sense, it is the reflection of a properly defined neo-Nazi ideology adapted to the current political, social and economic juncture.

It is our belief that this methodology of analysis can be

extrapolated to other contrastive analyses of neo-Nazi discourses across Europe.

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Appendix

(1) Αγωνιζόμαστε πραγματικά εναντίον όλων, έχοντας απέναντί

μας έναν κόσμο χωρίς πρόσωπο, ιδανικά και αξίες. Απέναντι σε μια κοινωνία διεφθαρμένη και σάπια και σε μια νεολαία κουρασμένη, χωρίς οράματα και σκοπούς, στεκόμαστε Όρθιοι και Περήφανοι, υψώνοντας το ανάστημά μας.

(2) Όλοι οι Συναγωνιστές και Φίλοι του Κινήματος, όλος ο Ελληνικός Λαός πρέπει να επαγρυπνεί, καθώς οι καθεστωτικοί μισθοφόροι και οι ξένοι πράκτορες είναι αδίστακτοι, ιδιαίτερα το σοσιαλφιλελεύθερο κρατοπαρακράτος με τ’ αναρχοκομμουνιστικά δεκανίκια του.


(3) Όλοι έχουμε δει στις τηλεοράσεις μας ή και αλλού το γαϊτανάκι της λαθρομετανάστευσης, με τις φιλοσιωνιστικές δυνάμεις αυτού του κόσμου, την λεγόμενη «συμμαχία» να επιβάλλει τα σχέδια της για ελεύθερες αγορές και «δημοκρατία» διαμέσου των πολέμων είτε οικονομικών, είτε δολιοφθοράς, είτε στρατιωτικών, πολέμων που η αποτυχία τους ή η επιτυχία τους είναι κάθε φορά αιτίες δημιουργίας λαθρομεταναστευτικού ρεύματος.

(4) Κι ενώ όλα πήγαιναν συμφώνως προς το σχέδιο, το οποίο συνέλαβαν οι σιωνιστές διεθνείς τοκογλύφοι και εκτέλεσαν οι κοινοβουλευτικοί ταγοί της Ελλάδος, παρουσιάστηκε για μια ακόμη φορά στην μακραίωνη Ελληνική Ιστορία, ο αστάθμητος παράγων, εκείνος ο παράγων ο οποίος δύναται να αλλάξει τον ρου της Ιστορίας.

(5) Για να αφορά όμως τους ανθρώπους και την καθημερινότητά τους ο εθνικισμός οφείλει να έχει πρακτική εφαρμογή στη ζωή των ανθρώπων. Ένας εθνικισμός που εξαντλείται στη λατρεία προτύπων του παρελθόντος είναι μια φιλάρεσκη άσκηση σκέψης και χρόνου, αλλά δεν αφορά το Έθνος στο σύνολό του. Ο εθνικισμός για τη Χρυσή Αυγή δεν είναι μια φιλάρεσκη νοητική άσκηση. Είναι αγώνας για την ανάσταση του Έθνους, ένας αγώνας που γίνεται εδώ και χρόνια, βήμα – βήμα, στις πλατείες, στα σχολεία, στους χώρους εργασίας. Η Χρυσή Αυγή αγωνίζεται για την πολιτική εφαρμογή του Εθνικισμού στην πατρίδα μας. Είναι γι’ αυτό ο Εθνικισμός της Χρυσής Αυγής ο πλέον αυθεντικός, ο πλέον ζωντανός και ο πλέον χειροπιαστός τρόπος να προσεγγίσει κανείς την έννοια του Εθνικισμού.

(6) Ο Λαϊκός Σύνδεσμος - ΧΡΥΣΗ ΑΥΓΗ δεν είναι προϊόν του μεταπολιτευτικού Καθεστώτος. Αντίθετα με τα αστικά κόμματα της σαπίλας και της Προδοσίας, προτάξαμε το Εθνικό συμφέρον πάνω από το κοινοβουλευτικό. Με απλά

λόγια, στο μεταπολιτευτικό δίλημμα "Κοινοβουλευτισμός ή Πατρίδα", κραυγάσαμε με στεντόρεια φωνή "Πατρίδα"!

(7) Δεν είμαστε δημιούργημα αυτού του αντεθνικού Κράτους, διότι ούτε χρηματοδοτηθήκαμε, ούτε ανεχτήκαμε στις


γραμμές μας τους κοινοβουλευτικούς τυχοδιώκτες, που πηδούν από τη μια κομματική στέγη στην άλλη. Δεν είναι η πλειοψηφία των μελών μας δημόσιοι υπάλληλοι, όπως συμβαίνει με τα αστικά κόμματα ΠΑΣΟΚ, Νέα Δημοκρατία και Συ.ριζ.α.. Δεν είναι υποστηριχτές μας οι βολεμένοι του Καθεστώτος και οι καπιταλιστές που ρουφούν το αίμα του αγωνιζόμενου Ελληνικού Λαού. Η Χρυσή Αυγή είναι Κίνημα Λαϊκό και Εθνικιστικό, είναι Κίνημα της Ελληνικής Νεολαίας και των Ελλήνων Εργατών!

(8) Οι Έλληνες είμαστε φύσει ελεύθερος, ανυπότακτος, έξυπνος, εφευρετικός, υπερήφανος και ηρωικός λαός. Στον Έλληνα δεν ταιριάζει να είναι δούλος αλλά ηγεμών.

(9) Σεβόμαστε τις Φυλές, πιστεύουμε στην ομορφιά της διαφορετικότητάς τους και αγωνιζόμαστε δια την διαιώνισή τους. Και υπακούοντας στο Νόμο του Αίματος, θέτουμε την Ελληνική Φυλή, τη γενεσιουργό Φυλή του ανθρώπινου Πολιτισμού, στη κορυφή των ιδεολογικών και πολιτικών μας αξιών.

(10) Ο Λαός μας είναι η Χρυσή Αυγή και η Χρυσή Αυγή είναι ο Λαός μας!

(11) Το Κίνημα των Ελλήνων Εθνικιστών, γεννήθηκε μέσα από το Λαό, αγωνίζεται μαζί με το Λαό και θα νικήσει για να εξασφαλίσει το μέλλον αυτού του Λαού!

(12) Εμείς οι Εθνικιστές δεν επιθυμούμε κάποια «βελτίωση» των -έτσι ή αλλιώς- σάπιων και σαθρών δομών του υπάρχοντος Συστήματος. Δεν επιδιώκουμε την εξυγίανση του Εξουσιαστικού Καθεστώτος. Αντίθετα αγωνιζόμαστε για την ανατροπή του, ως βασική προϋπόθεση για την Σωτηρία και Αναγέννηση του Λαού μας.

(13) Δηλαδή [το Κίνημα] σχηματοποίησε συμπαγείς, ορθές, ξεκάθαρες και επικοινωνιακά ανταγωνιστικές αντιλήψεις που μπορούν να απευθύνονται στο επί δεκαετίες χειραγωγημένο και αποχαυνωμένο κοινό και να το συνεγείρουν.

(14) Μην αυταπατάσθε! Η Αριστερά σε όλες της τις εκφράσεις στοχεύει στο μπαστάρδεμα του Ελληνικού Αίματος, με


απώτερο στόχο την καταστροφή της Φυλής και του Πολιτισμού μας.

(15) Τσακίστε τους εχθρούς του Λαού μας πριν μας αφανίσουν από το πρόσωπο της γης και διαγράψουν το Έθνος μας από την ιστορία!

(16) Οι λαθρομετανάστες εισβολείς αποτελούν ασύντακτο στρατό, που αποσυνθέτει την κοινωνική δομή και αλλοτριώνει την εθνική μας ταυτότητα.

(17) Βρισκόμαστε σε πόλεμο λόγω της απειλής των εκατομμυρίων λαθρομεταναστών που μεγάλο μέρος τους είναι μουσουλμάνοι, και εύκολοι στόχοι της Τουρκικής προπαγάνδας και κατασκοπίας.

(18) Τόσο ο καπιταλισμός, όσο και ο κομμουνισμός αποτελούν μέσα της σιωνιστικής απόπειρας παγκόσμιας επικράτησης.

(19) [Η Πατρίδα μας] Σήμερα δεν είναι πλέον ούτε τυπικά, ούτε «κατ’ όνομα» ελεύθερη. Κατέχεται από ξενοκίνητες δυνάμεις και διοικείται επί της ουσίας από τους διεθνείς πλουτοκράτες και Σιωνιστές δανειστές μας, μέσω των ντόπιων λακέδων τους.

(20) Γι’ αυτό θα επιμείνουμε ακούραστα να προξενούμε την αφύπνιση της Εθνικής Συνείδησης του Λαού μας, να σαλπίζουμε τον συναγερμό των δυνάμεων της Εθνικής Αντίστασης, να κινητοποιούμε τους Έλληνες στον αγώνα επιβίωσης που μας περιμένει.

(21) Η Χρυσή Αυγή πηγαίνει την Ελλάδα στο επόμενο κεφάλαιο της Ιστορίας της, ένα νέο βιβλίο ανάστασης και δημιουργίας. Γι’ αυτό χρειάζονται όλοι οι Έλληνες που αισθάνονται Έλληνες και είναι αποφασισμένοι να ενεργοποιηθούν για τα συμφέροντα της Ελλάδος και του Ελληνικού λαού.


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