TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: ISSUES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS

AJAYI AMOS KENNY, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, OBAFEMI AWOLOWO UNIVERSITY, ILE-IFE

TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN

NIGERIA: ISSUES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS

AJAYI AMOS KENNY

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

OBAFEMI AWOLOWO UNIVERSITY, ILE-IFE

EMAIL:[email protected], 08060936374, 08078896889

INTRODUCTION

The model of democracy that is popular in this age of globalization is liberal

democracy (Ikpe 2011), democracy is a descriptive term that is synonymous with

majority rule, it associated with democratic consolidation and good governance.

However, in Nigeria, effort to attained the high level of democratic consolidation and

good governance have been made but not yet to be crowned with much success. (Ajayi

2015b).

Democratic consolidation as a political regime in which democracy as a complex

system of institutions, rule and patterned incentives and disincentive has become the only

game in town, this paper examines the processes towards Democratic consolidation and

good governance in Nigeria, some basic issues, challenges and prospects.

CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION

For clear understanding of this paper, there are four basic concepts that needs to

be conceptualized, they are Democracy, Election, Democratic consolidation and good

governance

DEMOCRACY

The literal meaning of "democracy" comes from a combination of two Greek

words, demos (people) and kratos (rule), (Ishiyama, et al 2011), “Democracy‟‟ is a form

of government in which the people rule”. The term originated in Athens and was a part of

the standard classification of regime forms that distinguished rule by one (monarchy),

several (aristocracy), and the many (democracy). However, beyond the literal meaning of

democracy, there has been considerable debate over the criteria that distinguish

democracies from non democracies. (Ishiyama, et al 2011)

TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: ISSUES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS

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It can be argued that, democracy is a system of government where the opportunity

to participate in an authoritative decision making is opened to all who are willing and

interested to share. However, it is a system of government that recognized individual

rights, a system of representation and electoral system based on the principle of one man

one vote and one vote one value.

Political Scholar Carl Cohen sees Democracy as a system of government in which

large member of the community participate or may participate directly in making

decision which affect them all (cited in Awofeso 2011), so, Political thinkers link it with

the system of government in which rulers are hold accountable for their actions in public

realm by citizen acting indirectly through competitive and co-operations of their elected

representatives.

Political Analysts argued that the „democratic element‟ in liberal democracy is the

idea of popular consent, expressed in practice through the act of voting. Liberal

democracy is thus a form of electoral democracy, in that popular election is seen as the

only legitimate source of political authority. Such elections must, however, respect the

principle of political equality; they must be based upon universal suffrage and the idea of

„one person one vote‟. (Andrew 2004).

The Black's Law Dictionary defined Democracy as „„a form of government in

which the sovereign power resides in and is exercised by the whole body of free citizens

directly or indirectly through a system of representation, as distinguished from a

monarchy, aristocracy, or oligarchy‟‟ (cited in Yusuf and San 2014). With this, it could

therefore be seen that the concept of elections or the vote and the processes associated

with it are seen to lie at the heart of a system of representative democracy.

Political scientist and theorist link free, fair and credible election to democratic

governance, peace and development. It can be argued that free, fair and credible election

provide the basis for emergency of democratic accountability and legitimate governments

with the capacity to initiate, implement and articulate clearly development programme.

ELECTION


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In democratic state, election can be regarded as the major feature of democracy to

the extend that not only, it impossible to imagine a democratic regime without election.

(Ajayi 2015). Election involves a set of activities leading to the selection of one or more

persons out of many to serve in position of authority in a given nation. It is the process by

which the people selection and control their representative, i.e election gives an electorate

the sovereignty power to decide who will govern.

Political analyst claimed that free, fair and credible elections empower the

electorate to hold the government accountable and to demand strong credentials and

feasible development agenda from the prospective government officials. In other words

free, fair and credible election bestow on government, the legitimate authority to initiate

and implement policies on one hand, while on other hand, they empower the citizens to

hold governments accountable for their actions and inaction, however, it is via elections

that citizens participate directly in the political process and are able to hold governments

accountable.

In another development, elections could not be said to be synonymous with the

democratic process in that democracy encompasses other attributes, but elections are so

central to the operation and survival of democracy in that it defines the level of freedom

exercised by the people in decoding who represent them in government. It also serves as

an index of noticing whether the electoral body and the judicial organ of the government

are independent from the legislative and executive organs.

As already observed, Political scientist and theorist link free, fair and credible

election to democratic governance, peace and development. It can be argued that free, fair

and credible election provide the basis for emergency of democratic accountability and

legitimate governments with the capacity to initiate, implement and articulate clearly

development programme.

DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION

In literature, there are two ways of viewing the concept of consolidation.

Consolidation as avoiding democratic break down (Linz and Stephan, 1996) and

consolidation as transformation from a diminished sub-type of democracy to a


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consolidated liberal democracy. The former has to do with the process of

stabilizing and maintaining the new democracies while the latter focused on the

process of deepening , completing or organizing democracies.

Literally, the concept means an identifiable phase in the transition from

authoritarian rule to civil rule and by extension, (Oni 2014), democratic systems that

are germane and fundamental to the establishment and enthronement of a stable,

institutional and enduring democracy. Achieving democratic consolidation therefore

calls for the enthronement of democracy as a system of organizing both the

society and government and thereafter creates concomitant institutions, culture,

ethics, support system and the will that are crucial in making it stable, efficient

and responsive. Essentially, arriving at a consolidated democracy requires nurturing

democratic values and ethos, principles and institutions in a matured sense that

prevents a reversal to a hitherto authoritarian regime.

Democratic consolidation is not as once and for all activity, it is a transitional and

continues web of activity that aim at ensuring perfection in very fact of democratic ethos

- free and fear election, rule of law, conductive party politics, supportive behavioral

pattern and elite consensus vibrant civil society and literate masses, independent and

incorruptive judiciary etc. (Awofeso 2014). However, by consolidation it means “the

process of deepening democratic practices against authoritarian regression in order

to avoid democratic brake-down and democratic erosion” (Ikpe, 2006).

Oni (2014) argues that Democratic consolidation should be emphasized, begins

with the enthronement of democracy after a free and fair election, and spans

through the period when its probability of breakdown is very low or on the other

way round, when its probability of survival is very high. There must then be the

optimism expressed by major political actors, all relevant observers and the entire

citizenry that the democratic regime can last into a foreseeable future, thereby

having the capacity to build dams against what Huntington (1991) described as a

„reverse wave‟. At this juncture, the question that should occupy one‟s mind is

how do we identify a democracy that is consolidated?


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GOOD GOVERNANCE

Politically, people may disagree about the best means of achieving good

governance, but they quite agreed that good governance, as a concept, is applicable to all

sections of society such as the government, legislature, judiciary, media, private sector,

corporate sector, trade unions and lastly non-government organisations (NGOs)

(Ogundiya 2010).

Good governance is the making and implementation of policies that would impact

positively on the citizens of the country, World Bank Report (1989) shows that is the

exercise of political power in the management of a nation‟s affairs. This definition

thus implies that governance encompasses the state‟s institutional and structural

arrangements, decision-making processes and implementation capacity, and the

relationship between the governing apparatus and the governed that is the people in

terms of their standard of living.

By way of definition, we can say that good governance refers to a system

of government based on good leadership, respect for the rule of law and due

processes, the accountability of the political leadership to the electorate as well as

transparency in the operations of government. There are different components of the

good governance, These are namely good leadership, accountability and

transparency.

Good governance, therefore, includes the processes and products of the

government towards the fulfillment of the social contract it has with the people.

Specifically, good governance involves: enthronement of a democratic government,

which guarantees equal participation of all citizens in governance; provision, promotion

and sustenance of the rule of law; provision and protection of the constitution; promotion

and protection of the fundamental human rights of the citizens; provision and sustenance

of the freedom of the press; availability of a transparent, accountable and participatory

governance at all levels of government; regular, free and fair elections; as well as

provision of basic amenities, such as, portable water, electricity, qualitative education,

healthcare delivery, good roads, among others.


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Citizens regardless of social status, ethnic origin or sex, should be given

unrestrained access to justice and that judiciary, as an arbiter, should be independent and

neutral in the interpretation of law and efficient manner. Expectedly therefore, good

governance is achievable in the atmosphere of sustenance of the rule of law. Good

governance involves: enthronement of a democratic government; provision,

promotion and sustenance of the rule of law; provision and protection of the

constitution; promotion and protection of the fundamental human rights of the

citizens; provision and sustenance of the freedom of the press; availability of a

transparent, accountable and participatory governance at all levels of government.

THE NEXUSES AMONG DEMOCRACY, DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION

AND GOOD GOVERNANCE

It would be logical to assume that these three concepts, namely, democracy,

democratic consolidation and good governance are interrelated that one is tempted

to liken their relationship to that of Siamese twins. Their relationship is so

intricately linked that one wonders where one stops and the other begins.

Democracy, democratic consolidation and good governance are the key elements that

are imperative for the existence of what Plato, in his Republic, described as an

“ideal state”. Democracy provides a conducive and stimulating environment for

democratic consolidation to thrive, while democratic consolidation sustains democracy.

Good governance, on the other hand, promotes and strengthens both democracy and

democratic consolidation in modern society.

As earlier observed, the relationship among democracy, democratic consolidation

and good governance in any society is so intricate and organic that it is better described

as a triumvirate (Charlie 2014). They are also interdependent that none can survive

without the others. Their relationship is akin to what exists among car, road and fuel.

Democracy is the car which move and transmit on democratic consolidation, that is road,

while fuel, that is good governance, sustain the road and car (democracy and democratic

consolidation). In another words, the democracy provides the general framework for


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democratic consolidation. Democracy floats on the rule of law, while the good

governance promotes and sustains all of them.

Democracy is the stepping stone for consolidation, however, Democratic

consolidation is an off-shoot of good governance which encompasses accountability,

security of human rights and civil liberties, devolution of powers and respect for local

autonomy, developed democratic culture, stable party system, free fear and credible

periodic election which all constitute a challenge to democratic regimes. As Gunther

argued, democratization process has three phases: the fall of the authoritarian regime,

consolidation, and enduring democracy.

In another development, democracy provides all these rights but if the people

cannot enjoy them, and then it is not democracy. (Charlie 2014). If people cannot

freely elect their representatives in government, as well as control the government,

then that government is not democratic. If people are disenfranchised for no

genuine reasons and prevented from active participation in the electoral process,

then its product is not democratic. Good governance essentially promotes and improved

welfare of the people, transparency and accountability by public managers in the conduct

of state affairs and reduces corruption to the barest minimum. and Rule of law sustains

democracy, which guarantees the fundamental human rights, including freedom of

the press. The media are the purveyor of information on both the rule of law and

democracy. The mass media inform, educate, entertain and sensitize people on

government and private activities as they affect the public, as well as draw the

attention of the people to events, environmental issues and other important matters

that have consequences on the citizens.

Specifically, democratic consolidation and good governance involve

enthronement of a democratic government, which guarantees equal participation of

all citizens in governance; provision, promotion and sustenance of the rule of law;

provision and protection of the constitution; promotion and protection of the

fundamental human rights of the citizens; provision and sustenance of the freedom

of the press; availability of a transparent, accountable and participatory governance

at all levels of government; regular, free and fair elections; as well as provision of


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basic amenities, such as, portable water, electricity, qualitative education, healthcare

delivery, good roads, among others

The democratic process in Nigeria has only so far witnessed the collapse of

authoritarian military regimes while consolidating on that has become a serious

challenge. Achieving a consolidated democracy requires good governance by democratic

regimes. It also demands upholding democratic values of popular participation, respect

for the rule of law, free and fair elections and the independence of the judiciary. Good

governance essentially promotes improved welfare of the people, transparency and

accountability by public managers in the conduct of state affairs and reduces corruption

to the barest minimum.

TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN

NIGERIA : THEORETICAL JUSTIFICATION

The Nigerian state assumed a new governance status in 1999 following the

demise of authoritarian regime in the country. Military dictatorship was replaced by

representative democracy with the hopes and aspirations of good governance much

higher than what the seemingly collapsible democratic institutions could fulfil. The

source and nature of transition in 1999 was later found to constitute threat to the

foundation of democracy and obliterates the current efforts at consolidating democracy.

As earlier observed, there are two ways of viewing the concept of

consolidation. Consolidation as avoiding democratic break down and consolidation as

transformation from a diminished sub-type of democracy to a consolidated liberal

democracy. Democratic consolidation is not as once and for all activity, it is a transitional

and continues web of activity that aim at ensuring perfection in very fact of democratic

ethos - free and fear election, rule of law, conductive party politics, supportive behavioral

pattern and elite consensus, vibrant civil society and literate masses, independent and

incorruptive judiciary etc.

In democratic politics, there are four stages of democratic attainment, each with

its unique perquisite. Democratic consolidation apply to different societies with different


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democratic development, however, for any democracy that wishes to develop, it must go

through five stages of development the four stages of democratic attainment are:

1) Electoral Democracy

2) Deligative Democracy

3) Liberal Democracy

4) Advanced Democracy.

In practice, as a transitional phenomenon, a society that seeks to be democratically

consolidated could move from authoritarian to electoral democracy, while another could

transit from electoral democracy to higher democracy (deligative or liberal democracy).

(Awofeso 2014). However, deligative democracy which can be placed a little above

electoral democracy and below liberal democracy. The model deligative democracy is

found in new democratic state like Brazil, Korea, Philippines, South Africa, Botswana

etc.

For liberal democracy, unlike deligative democracy where the conduct of politics

and exercise of political power were usually influenced by those deep social and

economic crises inherited from authoritarian predecessors, it characterized by control

government and decision on policy is vested in elected officials, these elected officials

where chosen in free, fear and frequent election. (see Ikpe 2011, Awofeso 2014, Ajayi

2014.). All adults have right to vote and to be voted for, however, the political sovereign

of the state was reside on people. At the apex attainment which is advanced democracy,

no country has reach the status even United States is get to attained the status.

Nigeria democratic experience since independent and actual democratic practice

since enrolment of democracy in May 29, 1999 closely typifies of that of deligative

democracy(see Awofeso 2014). Between May 1999, where Nigeria experience the fourth

transition from authoritarian to democracy till May 29, 2015, Nigeria has witnessed

about sixteen years of uninterrupted democracy practice. This was enough to delete

Nigeria''s name from the list of democratically unstable nations and evaluate its status to

that of electoral democracy. However, Nigeria is yet to attain the status of liberal

democracy but deligative democracy, even not stable in the deligative status on account


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of anti-democratic behavioral disposition and attitudes that are incongruent to democratic

consolidation. (Ajayi 2014)

By testing the groeth and democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic,

Nigeria on democratic scale falls on deligative democracy, even not stable as those of

Brazil, Korea, Philippines, South Africa, Botswana (Awofeso 2014). In democracy, three

factors are central to good governance namely Responsiveness, Responsibility and Public

goods. All these factors are about the relationship between the leader and the people.

Thus good government would require that the leader must work for public goods of the

people's welfare.

In recent time, Nigeria position on democratic scale has moved from electoral to

deligative democracy, due to some elements of good governance manifested in 2015

general election, however this makes Nigeria to pull out of democratic unsustainable, to

further on the ladder of democratic scale to liberal democracy, Nigeria needs to improve

its behavioral disposition toward democratic ethos - free, fear and frequent election, rule

of law, accountability, autonomous to all units of government etc.

Some elements of good governance that manifested in 2015 general election make

the world to set their eyes on Nigeria and the Great nations are praising Nigeria, they

imbibe some basic elements of democratic consolidation and good governance, Kaur

argues that democracy become sustainable when there is credible opposition capable of

replacing an incumbent government by offering an alternative outline of politics and

strategies that is likely to appeal to the electorate. however for the first time since the

enrolment of democratic practice in Nigeria the incumbent and the ruling party lost the

election and the opposition party emerged as a winner, the president congratulate the

president elect before the announcement of election, first time in history of Nigeria, the

INEC introduce and use card reader for the voting exercise.

In another development, Jonathan had proven to be a democrat, an excellent

leader and a wonderful asset to the country, in the sense that one excellent quality that

distinguished the President for the award was the legacy of peace which he had

bequeathed to Nigeria and Nigerians. However, for Jonathan to concedes his defeat and

calling Muhammadu Buhari to congratulate him after the Presidential elections, Jonathan


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saved lives of those who would have been consumed by violence. This is a new trends

toward democratic consolidation and good governance in Nigeria.

THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND GOOD

GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA

Since the enrolment of democracy and democratic practice in Nigeria's fourth

republic may 29, 1999, Nigeria has experienced five transition of power from one

democratic elected to another. The Independent National Electoral Commission has

conducted five constructive general elections 1999, 2003 2007, 2011 and 2015 election

(Nkwachukwu and Nkiru 2012, Ajayi 2015a&b). However, Nigeria has witnessed about

sixteen years of uninterrupted democratic practice May 29, 1999 to May 29, 2015.

Despite the fact that Nigeria has experienced about sixteen years of uninterrupted

democracy practice there are various challenges confronting democratic consolidation

and good governance in the Nigeria. In this work, we intended to look at the way they

have affected democratic consolidation and good governance.

Corruption constitutes one of the greatest challenges and threats to the

democratic consolidation in Nigeria fourth Republic. The incidence of corruption in

the country reached a crescendo in 2004 when a German based non-governmental

organisation called Transparency International in its 2004 Corruption Perception

Index (CPI), report projected Nigeria as the 2nd most corrupt country in the

world (132nd out of 133 countries surveyed) (see Akinyemi 2008). Nigeria has also

been ranked as the 3rd most corrupt country in the Sub Saharan Africa and 143rd

out of 183 countries surveyed around the world in 2011 Transparency

International. According to the Transparency International (2011), the level of

corruption and other related crimes in the country attracted between $4 million and

$8 million dollars loss on daily basis and a loss of about $70.58 million dollars to

the national economy annually and that the country has lost more than $380

billion to graft since the country attained independence in 1960.

Since restoration of democratic rule in the country, change of government

has been orderly while elections have been periodic. Between 1999 and 2015 four

different civilian administrations have emerged and there have been four successive


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transitions from civilian government to another (Obasanjo Administration, 1999-

2007, Yar‟adua/Jonathan Administration, 2007-2011, Jonathan Administration, 2011-

2015) and Buhari Administration 2015.This also applicable to the legislature. Since

1999, the country has successfully passed through five legislative houses both at

the centre and the component units. Elections in the Fourth Republic have been

characterized by monumental irregularities and malpractices which magnitude

increases with every election. (Ajayi 2015b.)

Since the emergency of the fourth republic, Election and democratic practice in

Nigeria has been more of a force than a serious fact. Admittedly, Nigeria registered and

voted at the elections that brought the ruling class into power, the candidate presented to

them for selection were chosen not by them but by the political elites Edet (2011). Voting

as observed became for Nigerians a matter of ritual performances than discharge of

bounden duty. Non of the people elected in those shams elections considered himself a

representative of a people; neither did the voters know them as such. Public officer both

elected and appointed, became masters but not representatives not to mention servants of

the people. The Nigerian masses became totally marginalized, both from the sources of

political power, political sovereignty and from their political leaders.

Despite the fact that elections are more regular in Nigeria, the quality of these

elections are a matter of grave concern to both the actors and observers. 2003 and 2007

elections were particularly marked by dissatisfaction by candidates, voters and observers

(Nkwachukwu and Nkiru 2012). The flows that characterized the conduct of 2007

elections severally dented Nigeria‟s image and elected integrity. This gravity of electoral

offences committed during 2007 elections led to soul searching among the Nigeria

leadership, this reflected in the public acknowledgement by former president Umaru

Yar‟adua that the election that brought him to office fundamentally flowed.

In a similar vein, the open declaration by President Yar‟Adua, shortly after the

inauguration of his administration in 2007, that the process of his election was faulty and

the establishment of the Uwais Electoral Reforms Commission before Yar‟Adua‟s death

also helped to confirm that the INEC did not sufficiently perform its role (Yagboyaju

2011). However, the European Union Election Observer also witnessed many cases of


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election fraud inclining ballet box stuffing, multiple voting, intimidation of voters,

alternative of official result form, stealing of sensitive polling materials, vote buying and

under-age voting etc. (cited in Nkwachukwu and Nkiru 2012).

It can be argued that elections and democratic practice in fourth republic

characterized by electoral malpractices, political intolerance, economic mismanagement,

using political office as gateway to personal enrichment, political thuggery, lack of intra

party democracy, insecurity, manipulation of religion and ethnicity to achieve selfish

political ambitions and other countless misdemeanors were order of the day. (Edet 2011,

Ajayi 2015a).

In this connection, it is appropriate to recall some of the activities of political

godfathers and election financiers especially in the fourth republic can not be

overemphasis whose electoral slates, for obvious reasons, are the most attractive. While

the governorship tickets of the party in Edo and Ekiti States were, for instance, given to

those who did not win the primaries before the 2007 elections, the candidacy for the same

office in Rivers State was awarded to a candidate who did not participate in the exercise.

In the latter case, Honourable Rotimi Amaechi, who was illegally prevented from

contesting in the 2007 exercise, was declared the governor by the elections tribunal about

a year after. Similarly, Senator Ifeanyi Araraume from Anambra State was also allowed

to contest the senatorial elections. In 2007, only after the court intervention that returned

his ticket, which he had earlier won in the primaries. (Yagboyaju 2011).

Incumbency gives the incumbent an undue advantage over other participants

in the electoral process through the means of manipulating the entire electoral

process. The manipulation can take different forms ranging from compilation of

voters‟ register, the appointment of electoral officers, members of electoral tribunal

to protect stolen mandates, use of state instrument of coercion and apparatus to

intimidate opposition parties and denial of access to state owned media houses,

etc, (Ahamed 2014), to ensure they regain or elongate their tenure against popular

will as well as the use of state funds for campaign. The cumulative effect of

incumbency factor on democratic consolidation is that it leads to the erosion of

the principle of democratic governance which has led to the emergence of political

godfather and family dynasty


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In practice, three factors are central to good governance namely Responsiveness,

Responsibility and Public goods. All these factors are about the relationship between the

leader and the people. Thus good government would require that the leader must work for

the public goods of the people's welfare. But in Nigeria, government are still not

responsible to their people. They hardly listen to people voices. Non of the people elected

in those shams elections considered himself a representative of a people; neither did the

voters know them as such. Public officer both elected and appointed, became masters but

not representatives not to mention servants of the people. The Nigerian masses became

totally marginalized, both from the sources of political power, political sovereignty and

from their political leaders.

Poverty is another factor that constitutes grave challenges to democratic

consolidation and good governance in the country. (Ajayi 2015a&b). Nigeria is blessed

with abundant human and natural resources and yet its people are poor. Afolabi

(2015) noted that despite the fact that Nigeria so rich in human and natural resources,

remains the economically poorest nation in the world. More than half of its people live in

abject poverty. However, the nation was ranked among the world‟s poorest country.

According to United Nations Development Programme (2009), in Nigeria hunger

exhibits its ugly face in most homes where the average citizen contends with a

life of abject poverty. Thus, about 70% of Nigeria population are poor, the average

Nigerian is alienated from himself as he lacks the wherewithal to afford the basic

necessities of life such as education, medical facilities. (cited in Ahamed, 2014).

The consequence of this is that the poor masses are easily brainwashed

and their right of choice terribly manipulated making an objective choice seldom

to consideration. Besides, various forms of inducements and gratification which

provide temporary relief from the scourge of poverty are given central attention in

making democratic choices. However, Ajayi (2015) argued that poverty makes many

Nigerians to see the election period as an opportunity to demand of the office seeker a

slice of their wealth. Thus, their participation in the election process was only influenced

by how much they could attract the contestants rather than by deliberate decision based

on preventing issues and national interest. (Edet 2011).


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Democracy become sustainable when there is credible opposition capable of

replacing an incumbent government by offering an alternative outline of politics and

strategies that is likely to appeal to the electorate. Since the inception of this

republic, there has been no viable and credible opposition party capable of

checkmating the ruling party (see Ajayi 2015b). Opposition parties are vital in every

functional and people oriented democratic government, this make Yusuf and San

(2014) to claim that any democratic practice without a robust, articulate and viable

opposition is not real democracy. This is because they checkmate the excess of

government or its agencies by highlighting constitutional rules and appropriate

principle and practice in democratic governance. Nigeria‟s political environment has

been dominated by the People Democratic Party since restoration of democratic

rule in 1999 until resent time when the APC emerged to challenge the PDP. Although

the country has over fifty political parties, most of them are very weak to

provided needed opposition to the ruling party at the centre. Thus, the absence of

viable opposition in today‟s Nigeria democratic system left the ruling party to call

the shots on most national affairs. (Njoku, 2012).

It can be argued that the political parties in Nigeria lack political ideology,

internal democracy, party disciplines, Inter-party relation etc. Omotola (2009) posted that

Nigerian parties, despite their pretence through party manifestoes, do not have

clear cut political ideologies. In the same vein, Vintagesam (2014) argued that Nigerian

politicians defecting from one party to another and this movement can be largely

attributed to lack of political ideology. In his own view, Jaja et al (2014) pointed that

there are serious ideological poverty in virtually all Nigerian political parties which

appeared to have generated intra party conflicts and in turn increased the rate of

party defections.

In the same line, Agbaje and Adejumobi (2006) noted that the political parties that

emerged in Nigeria not only lacked ideologies, but also suffered from the absence of a

mobiliser-leader, a leader who could drive and guide their actions and policies and inspire

internal cohesion and discipline. However, Simbine, (2005) observed that right from

independence, the country has had political parties with ill-defined ideological base,

if any at all. It appears that rather than improving on the structure of our


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established political parties, they have continued to diminish in terms of philosophy,

content and objectives (see Simbine, 2005:24 cited in Omotola 2009).

In another development, Mbah (2011) observed that political party defection has

become an increasingly permanent feature in the Nigerian democratic experience. In fact,

for over a decade now since the country returned to democratic governance (1999), party

defections and political instability are the greatest challenges confronting Nigeria‟s

democracy. The usual practice in the past has being for politicians to defect to other

parties with promises of election tickets if they fail to secure party nominations during

their own party‟s primaries. Some who felt disenchanted or denied of a level playing

ground, defect to participate in the election, with some still having the intention of

returning to their parties. It should not be surprising that almost all the other parties

that sprang up or broke away from them did no do so because of ideological

disagreements. Neither was it that they have articulated alternative views of

governance for sustainable democracy and development as a viable basis of

popular mobilization to wrestle power from the incumbent party.

It is not surprising that most of these political parties that suffered from a lack of

internal democracy have been unable to imbibe a democratic ethos at higher levels. Most

political parties do not practice internal democracy because their leaders hardly

emerged democratically hence the rising culture of political violence and

assassinations especially in some sections of the country. Internal democracy in term

of process which involves accountability and transparency in all party affairs more

especially in selecting party leaders, flag bearer, executives and other party

officials in a political party. In addition, most of these parties do not publish their

financial activities, including campaign and elections funding, as regularly as required by

the electoral laws. Incidentally, elections and campaign finance has been discovered to be

one of the greatest sources of abuse and impunity in Nigeria‟s Fourth Republic.

However, political parties in Nigeria engage in voting buying and especially in

contemporary time where political patronage is an important social factors (Ajayi 2015a).

Voters expected material gift from parties and the amount and quality of such gift. These

contemporary issues no doubt are antithetical to Nigeria‟s democratic practice.


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One of the daunting challenges confronting the present democratic

dispensation is insecurity. Since the return of democracy, the country has

experienced ethno-religious crises, sectarian mayhem, etc., questioning and shaking

the survival of the country. Some of these crises include: Yoruba/Hausa-Fulani

disturbance in Shagamu, Ogun State; Aguleri, Umuleri and Umuoba Anam of

Anambra State; Ijaw/Itsekiri crisis over the location of Local Government

headquarter; the Jukun, Chamba and Kuteb power struggle over who control

Takum; incessant turbulence in Jos; the 2011 post-election violence in the northern

part of the country as well as the constant sectarian crisis exemplified by the

activities of the Boko Haram.

The analysis of the above upheaval will reveal that our democracy is under

siege prompting Dauda and Avidime (2007) argue that the current security situation

in the country is a major obstacle to the consolidation of democracy (cited in

Ahamed 2014). In this vein, the sustenance of democratic principles or the

consolidation of the gains of democratization processes should be the most

important goal for any country that desires development.

A WAY FORWARD

Nigeria position on democratic scale falls on deligative democracy, to achieve the

feet and further on the ladder of democratic scale to liberal democracy, the paper

recommends the following as a way out of the observed challenges confronting

democracy, democratic consolidation and good governance in the country.

First of all, corruption is one of the basic challenges confronting democracy,

Democratic consolidation and good governance in Nigeria, however, we urge President

Buhari as he has pledged to tackle corruption and be the country anti corruption

champion. For any nation to be consolidated, the level of corruption must be reduce to

the minimal, however, some developing countries have succeed by reducing the

corruption and their president serves as anti-corruption champion e.g Botswana in Africa

and Singapore in Asia. (see Adamolekun 2015).

Having a president who is the head of government as the anti-corruption

champion is important because, as the saying goes, the fish rots from the head. Effective


18

from May 29, 2015, all Nigerians, non-nationals who live in Nigeria, and all those within

and outside Nigeria who do business with the country, will have to begin to adjust to the

reality that Nigeria has a president who will strictly enforce the commitment he has made

to his country men and women: “corruption will not be tolerated by this administration”.

Strikingly, Buhari‟s commitment is no more than announcing his determination to

uphold Section 15 (5) of the 1999 Constitution amended. “The State shall abolish all

corrupt practices and abuse of power”. If his predecessors had taken their oath to uphold

the Constitution seriously with particular reference to the provision on anti-corruption,

Buhari‟s commitment would not appear as a radical new development.

Adamolekun argued that Buhari should enforce the “Prohibition of foreign

accounts” (Fifth Schedule, Code of Conduct for Public Officers): “The President, Vice-

President, Governor, Deputy Governor, Ministers of the Government of the Federation

and Commissioners of the Governments of States, members of the National Assembly

and of the Houses of Assembly of the States, and such other public officers or persons as

the National Assembly may by law prescribe shall not maintain or operate a bank account

in any country outside Nigeria”. To ensure effective enforcement, any of the officers who

has an existing account should be required to freeze it for the period of his/her service

with public declaration of the amount in the account at the time of assumption of office.

However, Buhari‟s determination to require his vice-president, ministers and other

political appointees to publicly declare their assets is unprecedented and is not a

requirement in any extant law in the land.

The war on corruption must be pursued with vigour (Ahamed 2014).

However, it must be pushed beyond political propaganda, intimidation and witch-

hunting of political opponents. Government must muster the political will to punish

any corrupt public officer irrespective of his or her status in the society. In

addition, legislation should be enacted by the National Assembly making capital

punishment a penalty for corruption related offences.

Democracy does not thrive on an empty stomach and democracy cannot be

consolidated when majority of the people live in abject poverty (see Ahamed 2014

Ajayi 2015b). To be more pro active, governments at all levels need to be serious or


19

pay more attention to problem of poverty. The socio-cultural factor such as family

system that appears to be reinforcing poverty has to be addressed. Governments at

all levels must pursue vigorously programmes that can alleviate poverty. Such

programmes must address the roots cause of poverty. Besides, our educational

sector should be overhauled. The curriculum should be such that addresses the

present reality.

The democratic challenges faced Nigeria since independent are constitutional in

character (Awofeso 2014). In the same vein, Christian (2014) argued that the

constitution needs to be amended such that opportunities in the country can be

achieved by means of residency and not ethnicity or other primordial sentiments.

Although the country just concluded a national conference in 2014, but any

conference which fails to discuss and amend the structural imbalances in the

country, especially the North-South dichotomy will be far from achieving national

cohesion.

For democracy to be consolidated in the country, there is need for change

in the value orientation of the political elite. The ideological bases of our political

parties that facilitate political vagrancy must be altered. Besides, the National

Assembly should enact a law to outlaw Party switching. To achive the feet, the

National Assembly should amend the 1999 Constitution which the paper noted was

defective and allowed unchecked defection. To correct these lapses, we urge the

National Assembly to amend section 68 of the 1999 Constitution to make

resignation from office to be a prerequisite for defecting to another party, because

defecting while retaining the office amounts to being unjust to their erstwhile

political parties and the electorate.

In reality, Nigerians need political education in order to improve in their electoral

system and democratic practice in fourth republic, the people should learn to abhor

tribalism, factionalism, election malpractice in order not to mortgage the rights and

future. Here a political scientists have the role to play in conjunction with National

Orientation Agency (NOA), Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC),

Nigerian Security Agents and Religions Organization, however, they have a

responsibility to cultivate the political awareness at the grassroots through the well


20

planned programme of political education. By embarking on political Evangelism, it will

make people to be well political active and oriented during the election period.

Political scientists should be more pro-active in providing a search light for

dialogue about what must be done to elevate the level of political consciousness and

activism of the Nigeria masses (Edet 2011). They cannot remain quiescent in the

extremely desperate state of democratization in which politicians are most likely to

engage in undemocratic practices when there is low risk to be prosecuted punished or to

lose their seat in parliament as a consequence of voters dissent with a politician‟s

conduct.

National Orientation Agency (NOA) has a lot to do (Ajayi 2015 a&b), well co-

ordinated strategies for the awareness of the people rights effectively utilized to promote

democracy in Nigeria. However, since the present political scenario in Nigeria is such

that political parties because of their lack of focus on the masses has not been able to

effectively perform the functions of political socialization, interest articulation, interest

aggregation and political communication.

To be more pro-active political parties have a lot to do in Nigeria's democratic

settings, By this, political parties will publicize and promote their programmes, they

should provide voters with substantial information about current political issues, citizen

democratic right, contribute to voter‟s education and human development. Religion

leaders should play a prominent role during election period, by this religions organization

need to engage in orientating their worshippers (Ajayi 2011). Religious leaders should

inculcate in their adherents values that promote national unity (Christian 2014) i.e.

election is not do or die affairs, because some political violence in Nigeria was rooted

from religion perspective and ideology.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with

the responsibility of supervising the entire electoral process. Obviously, the formation of

this body was also faulty, mainly because its members were chosen not necessarily on

merit but, most probably, based on political connections or expediencies. Appointment of

the chairman Independent National Electoral Commission must based on merit and such

person must be a Political Scientist. However, Since independent till date 2015, Nigeria


21

has produced 12 electoral Chairmen, only three of them were political scientist namely

Prof Eme Awa 1987-1989, Prof Humphery Nwosu 1989-1993 and Prof Attahiru Jega

2010-2015, all these political scientist conducted most credible elections in Nigeria

because they have been grounded with theories and others have failed woefully. INEC in

Nigeria was expected to achieve this feat but has failed woefully due to the non-

autonomous nature of the commission.

The Independent National Electoral Commission and security agents were to be

non partisan and also expected to be impartial in their operations due to their major roles

in election and democratic practice in Nigeria. (Edet 2011). INEC is expected to

discharged their duties. Electoral Commission should be restructure in a way that they

will have absolute autonomous and separate from the control of Organs of government,

Executive, Legislature and Judiciary, so that they will be able to discharged their duty

such as, registration of voters, provision of electoral materials, conducting of free, fair

and credible election and announcing the election result without external affairs.

The establishment of an Electoral Crime Commission in conjunction with Judicial

Body that will serve as a watchdog of the electoral commission (Yagboyaju 2011), the

political parties and contesting candidates in ensuring that political campaigns and

elections are conducted according to the rules of the game. The Electoral Crime

Commission should also be charged with the powers to prosecute those caught in the act

of electoral violence, thuggery, snatching of ballot boxes and other electoral ills in the

Court of law.

Judiciary cannot be left out in democracy and democratic consolidation and good

government, in Nigeria, Nigeria judicial system should also be strengthened and

reorganized in a way that the judiciary will have autonomous to discharged their duty,

judicial system should non partisan, this will give the opposition the opportunity of

wining the election and it will serve as last hope for opposition parties and the politicians.

CONCLUSION

Nigeria position on democratic scale falls on deligative democracy (Awofeso

2014), to further on the ladder of democratic scale to liberal democracy, Nigeria needs to


22

improve its behavioral disposition toward democratic ethos free, fear and frequent

election, rule of law, accountability, autonomous to to all units of government etc.

To achieve the feet starting point is a well though of constitution, acceptable to

almost all the sections and interests within the country (Awofeso 2014). Put differently, a

person constitution is necessary but not sufficient requirement for democratic

consolidation of Nigeria. This is true, more so that most of the democratic challenges

faced Nigeria since independent - structure deficiently etc are constitutional in character

and may able to all (Awofeso 2014). Also, democratic behaviouralism norms, check and

balance, autonomous, constitutionalism, accountability, separation of power etc. could be

built into the constitution and the remains just matter of time for people to internalize

them both behaviourally and attidunally.

Today, Democracy, democratic consolidation, rule of law, elections and good

governance are the major features of any civilized society. The governance of any

state where any of them is lacking often degenerates to dictatorship and

authoritarianism. All these basic elements are inter related in the sense that one can not

survive without the others, the rule of law provides the general framework for good

governance, elections pave way for democracy to emerged, democracy floats on the

rule of law, while the good governance promotes and sustains all of them (Charlie

2014). This paper has examined the process towards Democratic Consolidation and

Good Governance in Nigeria, in order to advance and enduring liberal democracy,

credible elections, democratic consolidation and good governance in Nigeria, Nigerian

should follow the general pattern found in advanced democratic states and properly

blended with indigenous peculiarities. This way an enviable political culture sustained by

rule of law.

Note on Author

Ajayi Amos Kenny is a Political Analyst, studied Political Science at Obafemi Awolowo

University, Ile-Ife. EMAIL:[email protected], 08060936374, 08078896889

Citation


23

To cite this article: Ajayi, Amos Kenny (2015c) Towards Democratic consolidation

and good governance in Nigeria : Issues, Challenges and prospects. it availables online

at https://www.academia.edu

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TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: ISSUES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS