"Treasures of the Sacristy," RA 107/2, Fs Matthiae

[RA 107-2013]

Revue d’Assyriologie, volume CVII (2013), p. 29-42

29

“TREASURES OF THE SACRISTY”

BY David I. OWEN

Circa 50 anni sono passati da quando un giovane Paolo Matthiae iniziato lo scavo di Tell Mardikh e la saga di Ebla ha cominciato. Quasi senza soluzione di continuità, ad eccezione di una guerra o due, siamo stati impressionati da un flusso continuo di scoperte sia materiali epigrafici da questo sito straordinario. Tra questi sono stati unici oggetti preziosi che rispecchiano le elevate competenze tecniche e artistiche dei Eblaiti trovati, in situ, nei loro palazzi, templi e tombe. Tra questi si trova il toro ormai famoso reclinabile si distingue nel contesto di questo scritto in onore del nostro collega. La sua controparte era apparentemente una figurina popolare trova anche nei santuari di Sumer e fornisce forse un indizio per la sua funzione a Ebla. Nearly fifty years have passed since a young Paolo Matthiae initiated the excavation of Tell Mardikh and the saga of Ebla began. Almost without a break, except for a war or two, we have been awed by a continuous flow of discoveries both material and epigraphical from this remarkable site. Among these have been unique precious objects reflecting the high technical and artistic skills of the Eblaites found, in situ, in their palaces, temples and tombs. Among these finds the now famous reclining bull stands out in the context of this paper in honor of our colleague. Its counterpart was apparently a popular figurine found also in the sanctuaries of Sumer and perhaps provides a clue to its function at Ebla.

The archive(s) from Iri-saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī published in Nisaba 15/1-2 (hereafter Owen 2013) include(s) a number of unique or rare texts whose types are not otherwise found in the published Ur III corpus. Among these are texts dealing with (annual?) inventories1 of precious objects made of metal, stone and wood stored (ĝál-la) in the sacristies/cupboards ((ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá2) of various temples and shrines at Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī and its nearby towns. Conspicuous in their absence in these accounts are large vessels, furniture, textiles, food and drink. Many of the objects listed are poorly attested and often their readings and/or meanings remain obscure. Furthermore, the format of these texts differs from previously published texts that refer to the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá. Thus, they provide new insights into the wealth accumulated by temples, large and small, as well as the variety of objects presumably utilized in the ceremonies

1. The majority of texts is dated to the last month of the year suggesting that these are inventories of objects

on hand at year's end. At least one text (Nisaba 15 176) lists objects that are missing or lacking (lá-ìa) at the end of the year.

2. ePSD translates “cupboard,” ETCSL translates “cabinet.” Its Akkadian equivalent remains unknown. The term is found as early as ED IIIb (RTC 091:rev ii, 4, and iii, 1), OAkk?, 1 bisaĝ-tur-zabar 1 gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá ĝál-la (ITT 2, 04690:obv. ii, 5) and twice from OB literary sources, MÙŠ.KA.UL mu-un-sig₁₀-ga ĝešgú-ne-saĝ-ĝá mu-un-dab₅-bé (“[Ur-Zababa appointed him cupbearer], puting him in charge of the drinks cupboard,” Sargon and Ur-Zababa, l. 6, apud ETCSL) and ĝešgú-ne-saĝ-ĝá-ke₄ mu-un-kíĝ-kíĝ-e èn-tar mu-ni-ĝál (translation unclear, “The Debate Between Winter and Summer,” l. 245, apud ETCSL).

DAVID I. OWEN [RA 107

30

associated with various divinities worshipped in the temples and shrines in and around Iri-saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī during the Third Dynasty of Ur. Of particular interest are the gudu4 priest3 and priestesses,4 mentioned in association with the inventories, who were in charge. The variety of deities they served and their association with the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá are both new to the documentation for the Ur III period. The majority of (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá texts that list objects stored in them comes from Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī. Most are dated to the final month of the fifth year of Šu-Suen's reign. Perhaps some were found together in a tablet basket that held end-of-the-year records of the holdings of various temples. If so, this raises the question as to why these records were kept in Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī, especially for temples in cities as far away as Diniktum,5 a city not within the governorship of Ur-mes. It suggests that Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī held a significant political or religious position in the Ur III period, one that requires further investigation in light of the discovery and (partial) reconstitution of its unique archive(s). In 1972 M. Civil wrote that (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá was “the name of a wooden implement whose precise physical identification still eludes me, but which is associated with the serving of meals and especially drinks.”6 Subsequently, in 1983,7 he narrowed his interpretation to a “‘cupboard' or ‘chest' to keep the drinking utensils'.”8 The term was discussed further by W. Heimpel where he concluded that it “designated something like a sacristy, with special function to store the wine and the sacred utensils which were needed for the New Years festival,…”9 Both Civil and Heimpel mustered the literary evidence for the term and Civil also collected a number of references to economic texts in which the term occurred, but neither treated the economic sources exhaustively or the variety of objects associated with the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá. W. Röllig and H. Waetzoldt 10 followed their interpretations and translated, “Holzgestell(?) für Trinkgeschirr” and provided additional bibliography.11 The Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī

3. For the role of the gudu₄ (Akk. pašīšu), cf. W. Sallaberger and F. Huber Vulliet, “Priester A.I,” RlA 10

(2003-2005), p. 630, §5.3.1. 4. This is the first time a female gudu4 is attested (see chart below). 5. Diniktum is known also later from Mari where Ṣilli-Sîn, king of Ešnuna, delivered “an enormous quantity”

of barley to the Elamites (cf. J.-M. Durand, LAPO 16 424, pp. 617-620). According to Adams HC 851 it is likely to be located on the Tigris, north of Āl-Šarrākī although its actual location has yet to be substantiated and has been questioned by P. Gentili RSO 79 (2006), pp. 231-238 who discusses other possible sites. “. . . . Diniktum (. . . . . . ) has been located by some scholars in the Diyala Region (see RGTC 3, 54). However, as is indicated by the Mari letter ARM 26 377:5-8 [D. Charpin, AfO 29-30 (1983-1984), p.105; idem., ARM 26/2 (1988), p. 15278; idem., OBO 160/4 (2004), p. 97363], which describes the retreat of an Elamite army from Ešnuna to Elam via Diniktum. Diniktum was located to the east of the Diyala Region, along the route to Elam: [LÚ ELA]M.MEŠ a-lam Eš-nun-naki im-šu-u [a-na D]i-ni-ik-timki úr-ta-am-mi [iš-tu] Di-ni-ik-timki a-na ma-ti-šu [ú-da-a]p-pa-ar, “the Elamites looted the city of Ešnuna, (and then) they retreated to Diniktum. (Now) they have left Dinikitum for their land.” (P. Steinkeller Stolper AV, note 80). The fact that Diniktum is mentioned so often in the Āl-Šarrākī texts points to a location in the vicinity of the road leading from Urusagrig to Dēr (cf. Owen, 2013 [Nisaba 15/1], 549568.). D. Frayne (personal communication) points out that Adams identified HC 851 as Diniktum “based on objects brought to the Iraq Museum by local residents in Spring, 1960, and said to come from the site.” (Adams loc. cit.) The location fits well with the Mari reference. Furthermore, according to Frayne, the messengers “are going NE from Āl-Šarrākī to hit the Tigris at Diniktum and then following the Tigris to the Diyala and then up the road along the west side of the Diyala to the Jebel Hamrin.” Cf. also C. Saporetti, Egitto e Vicino Oriente 24 (2001), pp. 97-102, passim, and the reservations of Gentili. loc. cit.

6. Review of C. Wilcke, Das Lugalbandaepos, JNES 31 (1972) 386. 7. JAOS 103 (1983) 79 sub 6. Additional references were collected by M. Yoshikawa, ASJ 9 (1987) 306,

comment to Line 3. 8. The long inventory, Hussey, HSS 4 5 (AS 2/vii/-), includes two ĝešgú-ne-saĝ-ĝá among the numerous items

(ll. iv, 21 and viii, 12 [total]) that formed the returned state property (é-du6-la) of Lugal-sikisu, son of Ur-Lamma, the governor of Ĝirsu. Surely this was some kind of a chest or cupboard.

9. “ne-saĝ,” NABU 1994/83, p. 72. 10. RlA 8 (1993-1997), p. 164 sub §9. 11. Now followed by P. Paoletti, Der König und Sein Kreis das Staatliche Schatzarchiv der III. Dynastie von

Ur (BPOA 10), Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2012, p. 164 s.v.

2013] “TREASURES OF THE SACRISTY”

31

texts offer now a broader basis for interpreting the term. Heimpel's “sacristy”12 is perhaps a more general translation for this storage place, but since it is sometimes made of wood, more likely it means a large chest/cupboard or, by extension, a room in which the chest/cupboard was kept, depending on the context. In one text (Nisaba 15 940)13 the gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá (without wood determinative) is mentioned together with a bathroom (du10-uš), both to be caulked (waterproofed?) with bitumen, suggesting it was a room rather than a chest/cupboard. Given the obvious value of objects stored in it,14 whether in a chest or a room, it likely had doors to secure it. A keeper of the sacristy (lú-gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá) was in charge of it15 while the gudu4 priests and priestesses16 appear to have been the main functionaries who utilized the items for ceremonies held in the temple sanctuaries. The presence of priestesses in Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī is a particularly interesting addition to our evidence for cultic organization in Sumer during the Third Dynasty of Ur and adds to the data on the role of women in this period.17 From the catalogue of objects stored in the sacristy (see following chart) it does not seem to have been used as a place to store food and drink items but rather to store elaborate vessels and valuables used in rituals that included food, beer and wine,18 to be served in drinking cups and pouring vessels The listed luxury items such as semi-precious stones and jewelry likely were utilized for decorating ceremonial spaces or dressing cult statues. The presence of various types of semi-precious stones, along with amounts of gold, silver, tin, bronze and copper also might indicate the presence of workshops associated with the temples where some of the objects were fashioned while other items were acquired probably as votive offerings19 or as gifts from the king, governors and other notables.20 The obvious value of the objects and amounts of precious metals and stone are indicative of the wealth of these temples and shrines. The exhaustive compilation by P. Paoletti of the wide variety of items known from the Puzriš-Dagān treasure archive (Schatzarchiv)21 is conspicuous in its absence of many of the items found in the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá inventories, suggesting that some of the latter were specially made for individual votive and cultic purposes at the respective temples and were ones of a kind. It would be interesting to determine if the find spots of precious objects in excavated temples can be correlated with specific rooms that might have been either a gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá or contained a ĝešgú-ne-saĝ-ĝá. The items stored in the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá are characterized as the “property (níĝ-gur11) of a god or goddess. However, it is interesting to note that the term níĝ-gur11 is rarely found in this context within the published Ur III archives. Usually it is found as a component in a few personal names, particularly in the

12. According to the Catholic Encyclopedia, a sacristy is “a room in the church or attached thereto, where the vestments, church furnishings and the like, sacred vessels, and other treasures are kept, and where the clergy meet and vest for the various ecclesiastical functions.”

13. (1.) 1.0.3. ésir-hád-še6-ĝá (2.) ésir-é-a-bi 0.0.1.1 sìla (3.) 2 ĝuruš u4-1-šè (4.) du10-ús ù gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá-/ka (5.) é-dšu-dsuen-ka (rev. 6.) ba-ra-ab-du8 (7.) BLANK SPACE – SEAL (8.) iti ezem-a-bi (9.) mu di-bí-dsuen / lugal-uri5

ki-ma-ke4 / si-mu-ru-umki mu hulu (Seal: gù-dé-a / dub-sar / dumu lú-dab-ba6). This interesting text concerns the caulking of the bath and sacristy with melted (še6-ĝá, “cooked”), dry bitumen (ésir-hád) by two workers in the Šu-Suen temple. It is not an inventory nor is the Šu-Suen temple mentioned in connection with any other of the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá inventories. On the use of bitumen, cf. Stol 2012, pp. 48-60.

14. Civil, loc. cit, already recognized that utensils other than drinking vessels were kept in it. It is curious, however, that among the variety of objects mentioned in these “inventories,” there are no textiles, garments or leather objects among them and wooden items (i.e. furniture) are hardly mentioned.

15. CT 1 06 94-10-15:iv, 19 (lú-gú-un-ne-saĝ-ĝá), vi, 6, CT 10 49 (BM 012245):1, Fish, MCS 1 22, Nies, UDT 59:54, CT 9 37:12 and Thureau-Dangin, RTC 401:ii, 5 (= TCTI 731:ii, 5).

16. For the gudu4 priestesses working in these temples see chart below. 17. These new data were already substantially increased by the recent publication of the Garšana archives

(Owen and Mayr 2007 [CUSAS 3]). 18. The few references (see below) that include food and drink for the sacristy are assumed to refer to those

food items placed in the vessels and utilized for specific cultic events rather than stored in the sacristy – unlikely for perishables like bread, sweets and some spices.

19. Legrain, UET 3 378:1-2. This text shows clearly that such precious objects were obtained by temples as gifts and offerings from various individuals at the highest levels in Ur III society.

20. Legrain, UET 3 378:3-5. 21. Paoletti 2012, pp. 135-175.


32

well-attested Níĝ-gur11-dBa-ba6 and the lesser known Níĝ-gur11-dSuen and Níĝ-gur11-dŠára. Thus, the texts from Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī may reflect a local use of the term or simply reflect a wider exposure of Sumerian sources than was not available hitherto. However, there exist three texts from one site22 that appear similar to the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá inventories but lack the term (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá itself.23 Instead, they contain the term, é-šu-sum-ma, “warehouse(?)” or “accounting place(?),”24 in the same general position as níĝ-gur11 in the inventories; and all appear to derive from the city of Ereš. This may indicate that both terms mean “storage place.” Based on this assumption, the objects listed in these three inventories are included in the itemized table below. Sample text from Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī – Owen 2013 (Nisaba 15/2) 338 date: ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- (1.) 1 ma-lal-kù-babbar ma-ra-tum ĝar-ra (2.) 2 tu-di-da-kù-babbar (3.) 1 ha-lum-zabar (4.) 1 ma-al-/tum-zabar (5.) 3 ma-ša-lum-zabar (6.) 1 ĝír-udu-zabar (7.) 2 gú-na

4za-gìn (8.) na

4gug(ZA.GUL)-gíd-da / kù-sig17 ĝar-ra (9.) na4gug-gíd-da (rev. 10.) na

4gug-bi 11 (11.) na4za-GÚG? kù-

sig17 gar-ra-ta (12.) na4za-GÚG?-bi 11 (13.) na

4za-gìn-tur kù-sig17 ĝar-ra-/ta (14.) na4za-gìn-bi 2 (15.) 1

ĜÁ×SAL-zabar (16.) 1 urudašen (17.) gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá gál-la (18.) DOUBLE LINE (19.) níĝ-gur11 dnin-hur-saĝ šà an-za-gàrki (20.) ip-qú-ša gudu4 (21.) iti še-kíĝ-ku5 (22.) mu-ús-sa dšu-dsuen lugal-/uri5

ki-ma-ke4 bàd-mar-dú-/mu-ri-iq-ti-id-ni-im / mu-dù

Items Stored in a (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá25 Sumerian26 Akkadian27 Translation Deity/Official Source28 urudaa-bu-na-tum 29

kù-babbar ĝar-ra copper spade/socket, plated with silver

dÙ.ME.LA30 Ni-pu-ri-tum31 munus gudu4

345:2

ĝeša-bu-na-tum kù-sig₁₇ ĝar-ra

wooden spade/socket, covered with gold

dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:3

22. These unprovenanced texts are usually attributed to Puzriš-Dagān but they each include the phrase, šà

éreški, which may indicate that was where the inventories took place but were recorded or archived in Puzriš-Dagān.

A similar process may be involved with the Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī texts that record inventories of temples outside of the city.

23. Owen, MVN 3 152, Hilgert, OIP 115 483, Keiser, YOS 4 296:42. 24. P. Michalowski, “Round about Nidaba: On the Early Goddesses of Sumer,” in S. Parpola and R.

M.Whiting (eds.), Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East (Proceedings of the XLVIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale), p. 418, considers this to be an accounting term. However, it is more likely a storehouse where goods were deposited or inventoried for later use. Cf. Goodnick-Westenholz, 2010, p. 47747.

25. For the complete texts, cf. Owen 2013 (Nisaba 15/2), passim, and their respective previous publications available through the BDTNS/CDLI transliterations. These Internet sites have made research in the vast Ur III archives infinitely more efficient and productive. I would like also to note my appreciation for the lesser known site created by W. Jaworski in cooperation with M. Stepien and J. Tyszkiewicz, “Cuneiform Documents Search Engine,” (http://www.ur3.historia.uw.edu.pl/) that, unlike BDTNS/CDLI, allows one to search for words using any transliteration since its files are encoded to recognize signs regardless of the transliteration value assigned to it. The one caveat is that it is based on the CDLI files as of June 2008 and does not contain any additions made after that date. Given the current lack of uniformity within transliterations, its search engine should be emulated by both CDLI and BDTNS.

26. In the following, I assume the placement of the determinative differs depending on whether the object is always made of the material (zabarobject), when it is sometimes made of the material (object+zabar), or when it is covered all or in part by another material (zabarobject+material+ĝar-ra).

27. Occasionally Akkadian terms occur in the texts and are included in this column. The Akkadian terms in parentheses represent translations found in later lexical sources. Details may be found under their respective entries in the CAD.

28. Numbers refer to texts in Owen 2013 (Nisaba 15/2) unless otherwise indicated. 29. Specific meaning uncertain. Cf. CAD A/1 89 s.v. “socket (of a wagon; spade),” “center part of a bow” and

CDA 3 s.v. Neither translation seems to fit with the types of objects found in the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá. Hitherto, it is not attested before to the Old Babylonian period.

30. This deity is not attested nor is its reading known. 31. Personal name not attested.


33

ĝeša-bu-na-tum kù-babbar ĝar-ra

wooden spade/socket, covered with silver


345:4

ĝeša-bu-na-tum- zabar ĝar-ra

wooden spade/socket, covered with bronze


345:5

aga-zabar (= agû) bronze tiara dNin-IN šà Ur-zuki?

A-bù-šu-ni gudu4

504:1

aga-zabar (= agû) bronze tiara dNin-IN šà Ur-zuki?

A-bù-šu-ni gudu4

504:1

aga-silig-zabar (= agû) níĝ-gur₁₁ dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu4

340:8

amar-nú-a-na4za-gìn-

kù-sig17 reclining lapis and

gold calf (figurine)32

dNanše UET 3 101:2

urudaan-za-am33 (= assammu) copper drinking cup dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:9

na₄an-za-am (= assammu) stone drinking cup níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na 344:7 an-za-am-zabar mi-na-tum34

(= assammu) bronze, minātum-style drinking cup

[dÙ.ME.LA šà] Dì-ni-ik-tum Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4

178:1

bisaĝ é-kù-za-gìn box of the shining lapis lazuli temple

níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu4

344:15

bisaĝ é-kù-za-gìn-bi 1 box of the shining lapis lazuli temple

níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:19

bisaĝ é-kù-za-gìn-ta box of the shining lapis lazuli temple


343:1953

na₄bur níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:11

bur-gal-zabar níĝ-gur₁₁ dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur4-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:14

na₄bur-šagan 40 kù-babbar ĝar-ra igi-ba ku-sig17 ĝar-ra

níĝ-gur₁₁ dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur4-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:9

na₄bur-šu-sal níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:12

du₇-tur-tur-zabar35 (= sarû) very small bronze whirl?


345:6

dub-zi-ir nu-til-la níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:10

na₄é níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé36 Al-la-e gudu₄

343:15

é?-asar?-zabar níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:19

ĜÁ×SAL-zabar a kind of bronze box dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:15

32. Cf. also Hilgert, OIP 115 483:33 (amar-nu-a na₄za-gìn). This recalls the now famous reclining bovine

figurine of gold, lapis lazuli and wood found at Ebla. 33. Paoletti 2012, p. 146 s.v. 34. Cf. CAD M/2 86 s.v. mināitu and ARM 31 212 gal mi-né-tum. Note, however, Legrain, UET 3 677:2 (IS

15/-/-), read as ĝešku-mi-na-tum, should, perhaps, be interpreted as ĝeštukul mi-na-tum, “mināitum-style weapon.” 35. Unattested in the Ur III period. 36. Perhaps Išmahe (or Išmagan) is a Hurrian god/goddess as is possibly the name, Allae; both not attested.


34

urudagag copper peg/nail níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:9

gag-eme-ĝír-zabar37 sheep-shaped? bronze peg/nail

níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu₄

344:4

gal cup níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:34

gal-zabar38 bronze drinking cup šabra UET 3 741:2

gal-zabar bronze drinking cup níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:3

gal-zabar bronze drinking cup níĝ-gur11 dInana šà An-za-gàrki

Šu-Ma-me-tum gudu₄

339:2

gal-zabar bronze drinking cup a-ru-a dĝeštin-an-na-pa5-sír-ra 348:1 gal-zabar bronze drinking cup níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé

Al-la-e gudu₄

343:3

gi-gíd-kù-babbar silver long reed (stylus?)

gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá é-a-ka ĝál-la CST 402:3

urudagidru (= haṭṭu) copper scepter níĝ-gur11 diĝir-erim4 Šu-ba-ni gudu₄

341:4

ĝidru-zabar39 (= haṭṭu) bronze scepter [dÙ.ME.LA šà] Dì-ni-ik-tum Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4

178:9

urudaĝíri40 (= patru) copper knife níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu4

343:4

ĝíri-udu-zabar41 bronze sheep-knife dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:6

ĝíri-udu-zabar bronze sheep-knife dNin-IN šà Ur-zuki? A-bù-šu-ni gudu4

504:3

ĝíri-za-me-ri-zabar42 a type of bronze knife [dÙ.ME.LA šà] Dì-ni-ik-tum Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4

178:11

ĝíri-zabar kù-babbar ĝar-ra

bronze knife plated with silver

níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu4

344:9

gu-na-gi4-zabar bronze gunagi níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:7

gu-na-gi4-zabar bronze gunagi dNin-Insina(IN) šà Ur-zuki? A-bù-šu-ni gudu4

504:2

gú- na₄za-gìn43 (= kišādu) lapis lazuli necklace dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:10

gú- na₄za-gìn (= kišādu) lapis lazuli necklace dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:7

gú- na₄!za-gìn (= kišādu) various lapis lazuli níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) 293:11

37. Found also in Genouillac, Trouvaille 82:2 (S 44/ii/-, Puzriš-Dagān) and MFM 2005, p. 24 no. 5:1,

urudagag-eme-gír-zabar a-lá sag-è kù-babbar ĝar-ra (Š 46/iii/-, Puzriš-Dagān). 38. Paoletti 2012, p. 147 s.v. 39. Paoletti 2012, p. 164 s.v. No examples with copper cited. 40. Cf. CAD P 279 s.v. patru and Paoletti, p. 158 s.v. 41. Paoletti 2012, p. 158 s.v. This type of knife is not attested. 42. The qualification, za-me-ri, is otherwise unattested. Perhaps it is a syllabic writing for zà-mi-rí-tum, “a

type of weapon,” for which cf. Paoletti 2012, p. 160 s.v. 43. Paoletti 2012, p. 138 s.v. “Halskette.” No lapis lazuli type attested.


35

necklaces Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu4

gú- na₄za-gìn hi-a na₄za-gìn-da-tùn?-bi

(= kišādu) various lapis lazuli necklaces


178:12

na₄gug(ZA.GUL)-hi-a (= sāmtu) various carnelian stones

níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e

343:32

na₄gug-gíd-da44 (= sāmtu) long carnelian stone dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:15

na₄gug-gíd-da (= sāmtu) long, carnelian stone dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:9

na₄gug-gíd-da-bi-3 (= sāmtu) long pieces of carnelian


178:14

na₄gug-gíd-da kù-sig17 ĝar-ra

(= sāmtu) long, carnelian stone covered with gold

dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:8

na₄gug-gíd-da kù-sig17 ĝar-ra

(= sāmtu) long, carnelian stone covered with gold

níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:30

ha-lum-zabar bronze container dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:3

urudaha-zi-in-tur-tur miniature? bronze ax níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:38

ha-zi-in-zabar45 (= haşşinnu) copper ax níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu₄

344:1

ha-zi-in-zabar (= haşşinnu) copper ax níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:24

urudahar46 é-ba-an (= kamkammatu) pair of copper rings níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:8

urudahar kù-babbar ĝar-ra é-ba-an

(= kamkammatu) pair of copper rings covered with silver

níĝ-gur11 dNin-Ištaran Sig-te-la-e gudu₄

176:147

urudahar kù-babbar ĝar-ra é-ba-an

(= kamkammatu) pair of copper rings covered with silver

níĝ-gur11 dInana I-na-hum gudu₄

175:5

har-an-na (= kamkammatu) tin ring níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu₄

344:11

har-an-na é-ba-an (= kamkammatu) pair of tin rings níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:9

har-an-za-hum48 (= anzahhu) frit-like, glass ring [dÙ.ME.LA šà] Dì-ni-ik-tum Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4

178:21

har-kù-sig17 (= kamkammatu) gold ring dÙ.ME.LA

Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4 345:11

har-kù-sig17 lá-63 (= kamkammatu) gold ring níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:23

har-kù-babbar (= kamkammatu) silver ring dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:12

urudahar kù-babbar (= kamkammatu) pair of silver plated (lá-ìa ) níĝ-gur11 dNin-Ištaran 176:1

44. Paoletti 2012, p. 138 s.v. 45. Paoletti 2012, p. 152 s.v. 46. Paoletti 2012, p. 139 s.v. Only silver and gold rings/spirals are attested. 47. This text does not mention a (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá but it is clearly related to this text genre. It is dated to AS

9/xii/- and lines (9) lá-ìa níĝ-gur11 diĝir-re-ne (10) šà dì-ni-ik-tumki likely refer to the deficit objects in two of the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá in temples in Diniktum.

48. This would be the first attestation of the term, anzahhu, prior to the middle Babylonian period. Cf. CAD A/2 152, s.v.


36

ĝar-ra é-ba-an bronze rings Sig-te-la-e gudu₄ urudahar kù-babbar ĝar-ra é-ba-an

(= kamkammatu) pair of silver plated bronze rings

(lá-ìa ) níĝ-gur11 dInana Sig-te-la-e gudu₄

176:5

har-kù-babbar é-ba-an

(= kamkammatu) pair of silver rings níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu₄

344:9

har-kù-babbar é-ba-an

(= kamkammatu) pair of silver rings níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:18

har-kù-sig₁₇-tur (= kamkammatu) small, gold ring níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:17

har-zabar é-ba-an (= kamkammatu) pair of copper rings níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:7

har-zabar é-ba-an (= kamkammatu) pair of copper rings níĝ-gur11 dNin-é-gal šà An-za-gàrki Bí-za-a 49 munus gudu4

342:1

kam-kam-ma-tum-tur-zabar é-ba-an50

pair of small, bronze rings

níĝ-gur11 dNin-é-gal šà An-za-gàrki Bí-za-a munus gudu4

342:2

ki-ru-ug? kù-sig17

ĝar-ra níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé

Al-la-e gudu₄ 343:27

na₄kinken-gag ni-gag 42


343:22

na₄kinkin-gug carnelian dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:16

na₄kìšib51 (= kunukku) cylinder seal níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:17

na₄kìšib-hi-a (= kunukku) various cylinder seals dnin-IN šà Ur-zuki? A-bù-šu-ni gudu4

504:5

na₄kìšib-hi-a (= kunukku) various cylinder seals níĝ-gur11 dNin-é-gal šà An-za-gàrki Bí-za-a munus gudu4

342:5

na₄kìšib-hi-a (= kunukku) various cylinder seals níĝ-gur₁₁ dInana šà An-za-gàrki

Šu-ma-me-tum gudu4 339:6

na₄kìšib-hi-a (= kunukku) various cylinder seals níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:52

kù-babbar (= kaspu) silver níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:33

kù-sig17 (= huraşu) gold níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé


ma-al-tum-zabar bronze bowl dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:4

ma-lá-zabar níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:3

49. The name, Biza'a is found in only five previously published texts, all but one (Nisaba 6 12:iii, 19, Umma

[among a list of women receiving rations]) coming from Garšana. She must be the same person whose replacement house (é-ki-ba-ĝar-ra) was constructed in Garšana; Owen and Mayr 2007 81:15 (replacement house, ŠS 7/iii/20), 82:10 (replacement house, ŠS 7/iii/22), 102:34 (broken context, ŠS 7/v/28), and 393:22 (rations, date lost). She is one of a number of prominent individuals from the Āl-Šarrākī archives also known primarily from Garšana.

50. Given the proximity of the two terms, har and kamkammatu, it is unlikely that the latter is a translation of the former in spite of the later lexical equivalence. Cf. CAD K 124, s.v., Paoletti 2012, p. 144 s.v. and I. Arkhipov 2012, p. 80 s.v.

51. Paoletti 2012, p. 140 s.v. and Arkhipov 2012, pp. 48, 139-141.


37

urudama-lal (= mālalum?)52 copper-mortar? níĝ-gur11 diĝir-erim₄ Šu-ba-ni gudu₄

341:2

ma-lal-zabar (= mālalum?) bronze-mortar? níĝ-gur11 diĝir-erim₄ šu-ba-ni gudu₄

341:1

ma-lal-zabar (= mālalum?) bronze-mortar? níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:1, 42

ma-lal kù-babbar ma-ra-tum53 ĝar-ra

(= mālalum?) malal covered with silver in Marad?-style


338:1

urudama-ša-lum-tur-tur very small, bronze drinking cup


343:40

ma-ša-lum-zabar54 bronze drinking cup [dÙ.ME.LA šà] Dì-ni-ik-tum Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4

178:4

ma-ša-lum-zabar bronze drinking cup níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:6

ma-ša-lum-zabar bronze drinking cup dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:5

ma-ša-lum-zabar bronze drinking cup níĝ-gur11 dInana šà An-za-gàrki Šu-Ma-me-tum gudu₄

339:1

ma-ša-lum-zabar níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu4

344:3

ma-ša-tum-zabar ĝeš-ba an-na ĝar-ra

bronze weapon its wooden handle covered with tin


178:7

(= annaku) tin níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:37

na4-hi-a various (precious) stones


343:41


níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na 344:13



340:18

na4-tur-tur small (precious) stones

níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na 344:14

níĝ-ĝeštug-an-na é-ba-an55

pair of tin earrings níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:2

níĝ-ĝeštug-kù-babbar é-ba-an

pair of silver earrings níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:1

urudaníĝ-ka-ma copper niĝkama níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu₄

344:8

níĝ-luh-zabar níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:4

ĝešníĝ-saĝ-ur níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:11

na₄níĝ-saĝ-ur-hi-a níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:51

52. Cf. Arkhipov 2012, p. 159 s.v. 53. Possibly related to maratû, “in Marad style”?, CDA 197 s.v. 54. Paoletti 2012, p.154 s.v. She was not aware of Goodnick-Westenholz 2010, pp. 463-484, who determined

that the term means a “type of drinking cup used in ceremonies and not a mirror.” 55. Paoletti 2012, p. 141 s.v.


38

níĝ-saĝ-ur-tur-uruda níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:20

ĝešníĝ-saĝ-ur-uruda níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:10

na₄níĝ-saĝ-ur-za-gìn kù-sig17 ĝar-ra

lapis lazuli niĝsaĝur covered with gold


343:28

na₄níĝ-saĝ-ur ka-ba kù-sig17 ĝar-ra ĝeš-ba kù-babbar ĝar-ra

stone niĝsaĝur with gold covered mouth and silver covered wooden handle


178:6

na₄nunuz?-zé-bi 46 necklace of 46 egg-shaped stones?

níĝ-gur11 dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu₄

345:17

na4nunuz-zé-zé níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è

Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄ 340:16

urudaRU copper níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé al-la-e gudu₄

343:5

zabarsaĝ-kul (= sikkūru) copper bolt šabra UET 3 741:3

zabarsag-kul-ku3-babbar

(= sikkūru) copper bolt (covered? with) silver

gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá é-a-ka ĝál-la

CST 402:1

zabarsaĝ-kul-zabar copper bolt (covered? with) copper


343:35

urudasaĝšu(U+S[AĜ]) copper ? níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:7

urudasaĝšu-uruda níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:44

saĝšu-zabar bronze níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:50

urudaša-am-ša-tum56

bronze sun-disk dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:8

urudasi-im57 é-ba-an pair of copper brands níĝ-gur11 dNin-é-gal šà An-za-gàrki Bí-za-a munus gudu4

342:4

ĝešsuhur kù-babbar ĝar-ra

(= mekkû)58 wooden “harness part” covered with silver


343:6, 36

urudaša-ga-ru copper níĝ-gur11 diĝir-erim4 Šu-ba-ni gudu₄

341:3

urudašen59 (= ruqqu)60 copper cauldron dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki

Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:16

u[ruda]šen (= ruqqu) copper cauldron níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na 344:5 šen-da-lá-zabar61 (= ša/endalu)62 a kind of bronze kettle šabra UET 3

741:5

56. Paoletti 2012, p. 155 s.v. sa-am-sa-tum. Note also the spelling, sa-àm-sa-tum in 25:23’ and 24’. 57. Equated with urudašèm, “ein Art Trommel,” Paoletti 2012, p. 155 s.v. 58. Cf. CAD M/2 8 s.v. 59. Paoletti 2012, p. 149 s.v. 60. Cf. Guichard 2005, p. 289446. 61. Paoletti 2012, p. 145 s.v.


39

šen-da-lá-kù-babbar (= ša/endalu) a kind of silver kettle gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá é-a-ka ĝál-la

CST 402:2

šu-gur-an-na63 tin finger-ring níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:10

šu-ša-lá-zabar64 (= sussullu)65 a bronze box or bowl [dÙ.ME.LA šà] Dì-ni-ik-tum Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4

178:3

na₄šùba(MÙŠ.ZA)-hi-a66

(= šubû) various shell-shaped objects

dNin-Insina(IN) šà Ur-zuki? A-bù-šu-ni gudu4

504:6

urudatu-di-da (= dudittu) copper pectoral/toggle pin

níĝ-gur11 dInana šà An-za-gàrki Šu-Ma-me-tum gudu₄

339:5

tu-di-da-kù-babbar67 (= dudittu) silver pectoral/toggle pin


338:2

tu-di-da-zabar (= dudittu) bronze pectoral/toggle pin


178.5



345:7


dNin-IN šà Ur-zuki?

A-bù-šu-ni gudu4 504:4


níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu4

293:3


níĝ-gur11 dNin-é-gal šà An-za-gàrki Bí-za-a munus gudu4

342:3


níĝ-gur11 dInana šà An-za-gàrki

Šu-Ma-me-tum gudu₄

339:4


a-ru-a dĜeštin-an-na-pa5-sír-ra

348:2

tùn-lá-zabar68 bronze libation vessel níĝ-gur11 dLugal-eden-na [PN] gudu₄

344:1

uruda bronze níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:46

na₄za-gìn (= uqnû) lapis lazuli dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:14

na₄za-gìn (= uqnû) lapis lazuli níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:14

na₄za-gìn-tur kù-sig17 ĝar-ra

(= uqnû) small, lapis lazuli stone covered with gold


338:13

na₄za-GÚG? kù-sig17

gar-ra dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki

Ip-qú-ša gudu4

338:10

zabar copper níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è 340:45

62. Cf. Guichard 2005, p. 302513, “une sorte de chaudron.” 63. Paoletti 2012, p. 143 s.v. Tin finger-rings are not attested otherwise. 64. Not attested in Ur III texts. 65. Cf. CAD S 417 s.v. 66. Paoletti 2012, p. 143 s.v. 67. Paoletti 2012 p. 155 s.v. 68. For the tùn-lá vessel, see E.A. Braun-Holzinger, “REC 447.LÁ = Libationsbecher,” ZA 79 (1989), pp. 1-

7, and G.J. Selz, “TÙN = tùn bei Gudea,” NABU 1997/36.


40

Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄ zabar copper níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé


za-hum-zabar69 copper cane šabra UET 3 741:4

za-hum-zabar copper cane níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:47, 49

za-hum-zabar copper cane níĝ-gur11 dŠul-gi-pa-è Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu₄

340:5

za-hum-zabar copper cane níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:3

za-hum-zabar copper cane níĝ-gur11 dIš-má-hé Al-la-e gudu₄

343:2

na₄za-mer dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:13

x-na-kù-sig17-zabar níĝ-gur11 dNin-kar-(ak) Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu₄

293:5

na₄x-zé dÙ.ME.LA Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4

345:17

Food and Drink Items Associated with a (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá Item Akkadian Translation Source ar-za-na arsānu groats ASJ 9 327 3:8 imĝaĝa3 dišiptuhhu; kunāšu emmer 388:16 kaš šikaru beer BBVO 11 278:4 níĝ-àr-ra mundu groats ASJ 9 327 3:7 níĝ-ì-dé-a Akkadian unknown sweets UET 3 101:1 ninda akalu bread BBVO 11 278:4 varia spices YNER 8 9, passim Priests70 and Priestesses Associated with (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá Texts A-bù-šu-ni gudu4 dNin-Insina šà Ur-zuki?

Al-la-e gudu4 dIš-má-hé A-mu gudu4 dLÀL71 (UET 3 378:15) Bí-za-a munus gudu4 dNin-é-gal šà An-za-gàrki I-na-hum gudu4 dInana Ip-qú-ša gudu4 dNin-hur-saĝ šà An-za-gàrki Ma-at-ì-lí gudu4 dÙ.ME.LA šà Dì-ni-ik-tum Mi-ki-a gudu4 dNin-é-gal-ka (YOS 4 296:42) Ni-pu-ri-tum munus gudu4 dÙ.ME.LA Pá-da-ni gudu4 An-nu-ni-tum (MVN 3 152:17) Puzur₄-Ma-ma gudu4 dŠul-gi-pa-è Saĝ-dNana-zu gudu4 dNana (UET 3 378:12)

69. Paoletti 2012, p. 150 s.v. Heimpel (personal communication) suggests “libation jar” based on FM 3 2 IV 24-25 and 3 IV 15' and ARM 31, 301-302.

70. Although not attested in the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá accounts, Ma!-šum gudu4 takes in charge (ì-dab5) a large inventory of precious items that are the property (níĝ-gur11) of Nin-hursaĝ in the storehouse in Ereš (é-šu-sum-ma šà éreški, Hilgert, OIP 115 483: 38-40, Š 37/iii, Puzriš-Dagān). This looks like a temple inventory and perhaps the é-šu-sum-ma functions as a similar depository as the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá. Cf. also Owen, MVN 3 152:41-44 for a similar text of the same date (níĝ-gur11 An-nu-ni-tum Pá-da-ni gudu4 ì-dab5 šà éreški).

71. dLÀL is rarely attested. Cf. TCL 15 10:vi, 22 and Legrain, UET 3 378:15.


41

Sal-li gudu4? dNana Sig-te-la-e gudu4 dNin-Ištaran Š[à?-x]-ri-dan gudu4 dNin-kar-(ak) Šu-ba-ni gudu4 diĝir-erim4 Šu-Ma-me-tum72 gudu4 dInana šà An-za-gàrki [PN] gudu4 Nisaba 15 (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá Texts 176:6, 9 AS 9/še-kíĝ-ku5/-73 178:26, AS 9/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 293:19, ŠS 4/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 338:17, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 339:8, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 340:14, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 341:6, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 342:7, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 343:26, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/- 344:6, ŠS 5/še-kíĝ-ku5/-74 348:4, ŠS 5/-/- 940:4, IS 3/ezem-a-bi/- Previously Published (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá Texts BBVO 11 278 (6N-T364):4 (sìla kaš-ge6 sìla ninda; Nippur) ASJ 9 327 3:9 (Ĝirsu) CST 402 (ŠS 1/i/8, Puzriš-Dagān) HLC 388:16 (Š 37/xii/-, Ĝirsu) YNER 8 9:ii, 12 (Umma) UET 3 101:4 (IS 4/x/-), 378:6, 10, 15, 19 (IS 5/xii/-, Ur), 741:7 (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá as a Storage Chest CT 10 49 BM 012245:1 (Ĝirsu) HLC 3 388:27' (Ĝirsu) HSS 4 5:iv, 21 (Ĝirsu) CST 402:5 (Puzriš-Dagān) Phillips 13:ii, 7 (Puzriš-Dagān) SAT 3 1227:39 (Umma)

72. Šū-Māmētum (ŠS 5/xii/-) is the only gudu4-priest among the above who is attested elsewhere (Calvot and

Pettinato, MVN 8 153:15 [AS 8/-/-]), a text that is likely from the SI.A-a archive. He appears also (without gudu4 designation) three years later in the SI.A-a text, Owen, MVN 13 745:6 (ŠS 8/-/-), presumably the same individual. This may be one of the many overlaps between individuals in both the SI.A-a and Āl-Šarrākī archives that support the assertion in Garfinkle 2012 (CUSAS 22), passim, that the SI.A-a and Tūram-ilī archives both came from Āl-Šarrākī. If Šū-Māmētum is to be equated with the better known Šu-ma-mi-tum, never designated as a gudu4, then his career becomes more interesting since the latter has a house built in Garšana (Owen and Mayr 2013 (CUSAS 3) 173:24 [ŠS 7/ix/2] and 174:23 [ŠS 7/ix/2]). Cf. CAD M/1, p. 195 s.v. māmētum. Note also the spelling of princess’ name, Ma-me-tum (Owen, NATN 631:seal, IS 1/vii/-).

73. This text does not specifically mention the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá but fits the format of the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá texts and seems to record the deficits from the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá of the property (níĝ-gur11) of dNin-Ištaran and dInana in (their respective temples) in Diniktum.

74. Text previously published in Marcel M. Sigrist and Uri U. Gabbay, “Eighteen Cuneiform Inscriptions from the Ur III and Old-Babylonian Periods,” in Zoltán Z. Csabai, Tibor T. Grüll, Gábor G. Kalla, eds., Gedenkschrift Péter Vargyas (Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies), Pécs: Department of Ancient History at the University of Pécs, Hungary, 2013, in press, no. 6.

DAVID I. OWEN [RA 107-2013]

42

CUSAS 3 41:24 (Garšana/Zabalam) CUSAS 3 1376:16' (Garšana) Nisaba 8 92:iii, 3 (unknown)

BIBLIOGRAPHY Arkhipov, Ilya, 2012: Le Vocabulaire de la Métallugie et la Nomenclature des Objets en Métal dans les Textes de

Mari (ARM 32: Matériaux pour le Dictionaire de Babyonien de Paris 3), Leuven, Paris, Walpole: Peeters.

Garfinkle, Steven J., 2012: Entrepreneurs and Enterprise in Early Mesopotamia: A Study of Three Archives from the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112-2004 BC) (CUSAS 22), Bethesda: CDL Press.

Goodnick-Westenholz, Joan, 2010: “Drink to Me Only with Thine Eyes,” in Sarah C. Melville and Alice L. Slotsky (eds.), Opening the Tablet Box Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Benjamin R. Foster (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, Vol. 42), Leiden-Boston, pp. 463-484.

Guichard, Michaël, 2005: La vaisselle de luxe des rois de Mari (Matériaux pour le Dictionnaire de Babylonien de Paris, tome 2, ARM 31), Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 2005.

Henkelman, Wouter, Charles Jones, Michael Kozuch, and Christopher Woods (eds.): 2013, Extraction and Control: Studies in Honor of Matthew W. Stolper. Chicago: Oriental Institute Press. [= Stolper AV]

Michałowski, Piotr, 2002: “Round about Nidaba: On the Early Goddesses of Sumer,” in Simo Parpola and Robert M.Whiting, eds., Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East (Proceedings of the XLVIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale), pp. 450-456.

Owen, David I., with contributions by H. Brunke, D.R. Frayne, W. Heimpel, A. Kleinerman, B. Lafont, G. Rubio and C. Woods, 2013: Cuneiform Texts Primarily from Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī and the History of the Ur III Period, Vol. 1 Commentary and Indexes (Nisaba 15/1), Bethesda: CDL Press.

Owen, David I., 2013: Cuneiform Texts Primarily from Iri-Saĝrig/Āl-Šarrākī and the History of the Ur III Period, Vol. 2 Catalogue and Texts (Nisaba 15/2), Bethesda: CDL Press.

Owen, David I. and Rudolf H. Mayr, with the assistance of Alexandra Kleinerman 2007: The Garšana Archives (CUSAS 3), Bethesda: CDL Press.

Paoletti, Paola, 2012: Der König und Sein Kreis das Staatliche Schatzarchiv der III. Dynastie von Ur (BPOA 10), Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.

Stol, Marten: 2012, “Bitumen in Ancient Mesopotamia. The Textual Evidence,” Bibliotheca Orientalis 69, pp. 48-60.

ABSTRACT The recovery and recent publication of the archives from Iri-Saĝrig / Al-Šarrākī by the author have provided important new data on a major city, located somewhere southeast of Nippur, and governed by Ur-mes through most of the reigns of Amar-Suen, Šu-Suen and Ibbi-Suen. These new sources, over 1100 texts, contain a group of texts that list the contents of the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá, translated variously as a “chest,” “cupboard” or “sacristy,” in which temple treasures were stored. The format of these texts differs somewhat from previously known texts and offer new insights into the wealth accumulated by temples, large and small, in and outside of the city. The article provides a survey of these texts, a detailed list of the elaborate variety of objects and precious materials kept in the (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá and the priests and priestesses who utilized these objects and materials. It is offered in honor of our colleague whose Ebla excavations have also provided us with seemingly endless new data on the temples and palaces of North Syria in the third and second millennia.

RÉSUMÉ La publication récente de l'archive de Iri-Saĝrig / Al-Šarrākī par l'auteur ont fourni d'importantes données nouvelles sur cette cité majeure, localisée quelque part au sud-est de Nippur, et gouvernée par Ur-mes, durant la plupart des règnes de Amar-Suen, Šu-Suen, et Ibbi-Suen. Ces nouvelles sources, plus de 1100 textes, contiennent un groupe de textes qui énumèrent le contenu des (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá, traduit diversement par “coffre”, “placard” ou “sacristie”, dans lesquels étaient rangés les trésors du temple. Le format de ces textes diffère quelque peu de ceux connus précédemment et offre de nouveaux aperçus des richesses accumulées par les temples, grands et petits, dans et hors de la cité. Cet article fournit une vue d'ensemble de ces textes, une liste détaillée de la grande variété d'objets et de matériaux précieux conservés dans le (ĝeš)gú-ne-saĝ-ĝá, et les prêtres et prêtresses qui les utilisaient. Cet article est offert en l'honneur de notre collègue dont les fouilles menées à Ebla nous ont notamment fourni de nouvelles données apparemment sans fin sur les temples et les palais de la Syrie du Nord du IIIe et IIe millénaire.