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⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ gsas workshop on indo-european and historical linguistics ⋅ harvard university, november 9, 2012 ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅ ⋅
m o r e n o m i t r o v i ćjesus college, cambridge
coordinate construction in indo-european
1. introduction
1.1. Diachronic syntax, reconstruction and PIE.
● Lehmann’s (1974) attempt to reconstruct PIE syntax
– There is no reference to Armenian, Albanian or the Celtic languages (Delbrück, 1900: vi)
– Although some of the results of this method may be correct, the method itself is unsoundand has been extensively criticised since the 1980s (e.g. by Lightfoot 1980, Smith 1981, andMcMahon 1994)—see Walkden (2009) for an overview.
● change is idealistically curved:
– the time course of change: not instanta-neous in the historical record—instead,they typically follow an S-shaped curvewhen frequency of occurrence of a newform vs. an old one is plotted againsttime. (Roberts, 2007: 296)
– replacement of an essentiallypragmatically-determined word orderwith an increasingly grammatically-determined word order and the con-comitant emergence of functional cat-egories. For evidence, see Taylor (1990)for a diachronic treatment of Greek andLedgeway (2012) for a diachronic syn-tactic analysis of Italic/Romance.
– Denison’s (2003) S-curve for diachronicsyntax: “slow, slow, quick, quick, slow”1
a
b
t
%ne
w
prag.-
det.wo
gram.-de
t. wo
1 Changes start slowly, gather speed, and then taper oU slowly again. (Roberts, 2007: 296)
m o r e n o m i t r o v i ć
1.2. Aim/s: Explaining the two (P)IE facts.
#1 two morphosyntactic strategies for conjunction:∃{ tree1
α&β
, tree2
α&β
}
#2 coordinator1 may semantically quantify:v∧1βw ∼ vanyβw ∼ ∧1 ≃ ∀-like
aim Getting the semantic facts to fall out of the syntax:fact#1 ⊢ fact#2
2. the data: two coordination strategies
orthotonic coordinators³¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹·¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹µ
enclitic coordinators³¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹·¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹µ
A Latin:
(1) α[uestem]
garment.accetand
β[nomina]names.acc
‘Garment and names.’(Capt., 37; Torrego 2009: 458)
(2) α[consulemconsul
interVcerat]had.killed
etand
[eiushis
exercitumarmy
subunder
iugumyoke
miserat]sent
‘He had killed the consul and sent hisarmy under the yoke.’(Caesar, BG., 1.12.5; Agbayani and Golston 2011)
(3) α[domi]home.loc
β[duelli]war.loc
queand
malebadly
fecisitdid.2.sg.pst‘In peace and in warfare you haveperformed villainously.’
(Pl., Asin. 559; Ledgeway 2012: 32)
(4) defrom
dominoowner.abl
α[bono]good.abl
β[bono]12
good.ablqueand
[aediVcatore]12
builder.abl
‘From a good owner and a good builder.’(Agr., 1; Asin. 559; Ledgeway 2012: 32)
(5) α[plus]more
β[minus]less
ueor
‘More or less.’ (Capt., 995; Torrego 2009: 456f.)
B Greek:
(6) α[entáuthathere
émeinanwaited.3.pl.pst
heeméraasdays
tréis]three
kaìand
β[éekecame
Ménoon]Menon
‘They waited there three days andMenon came.’
(Xen.,Anab. 1.2.6; Agbayani and Golston 2011)
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(7) kaìand
α[minhim
phoone´esaasaddressing
épeawords
pteróentawinged
proseeúda]he.spoke
‘. . . and addressing him, he spokewinged word.’
(Hom,Od. 15.259; Agbayani and Golston 2011)
(8) α[skéeptron]scepter
β[tiimáas]honours
teand
‘Scepter and honours.’(Aes.,Prom. 171; Agbayani and Golston 2011)
(9) α[tè]12
thedèand
[práksai]12
making‘and the making.’
(Aristotle,Poetics 1454a; Agbayani and Golston2011)
C Hittite:
(10) nuand
α[kánprt
MursilinMursilis.acc
kuennir]they.killed
nuand
β[esharblood
ieir]shed.3.pl
nuand
γ[HantilisHantilis
nahsariyatati]feared.3.sg.m‘And they killed Mursilis and they shedblood and Hantilis was afraid.’
(2BoTU. 23.1.33-35)
(11) α[... ginuwas gad.hi.a]for.kneesveils
β[patann]12
feet.genaand
[gišgìr.gub]12
stool‘Veils for the knees and a stool for thefeet.’ (StBoT. 25.25.i.10)
(12) α[anšu.kur.ra.meš]charioteers
β[lú.mešis.guškin]12
golden.groomsyaand
[humandan]12
all‘Charioteers and all the golden grooms.’
(StBoT. 24.ii.60-61)
D Old Church Slavonic:
(13) α[suvetucounsel.m.sg.acc
sutvoritook.3.sg.aor
suwith
knęziprinces.pl.inst
svoimi]poss.refl.inst
iand
β[swith
Moravlęnythe Moravians.pl.inst
poslasent.3.sg.aor
kuto
carjutsar.sg.dat
Mixailu]M.sg.dat
‘the Prince of Moravia took counsel withhis Moravian princes and appealed toEmperor Michael, [...].’ (vc, 142)
(14) α[Azu]12
Ižeand/but
[gljotell.1.sg.pres
vamuyou.dat
...]12
‘But I tell you ...’ (cm, Mat 5:28)
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E Gothic:
(15) α[akneither
anaon
lukarnastaþin]candle.dat.sg
jahand
β[liuteiþlight.ind.3.sg
allaimall.dat.pl
þaimit.dat.pl
inin
þammathat.m.dat.sg
garda.]house.m.dat.sg
‘Neither do men light a candle, and putit under a bushel.’ (ca, Mat. 5:15)
(16) (galaiþcame.pret.3.sg
inin
praitauriajudgement hall.acc.sh
aftraagain
PeilatusP.nom
jah)and
α[wopidacalled.pret.3.sg
Iesu]J.acc
β[qaþ]12
said.pret.3.sguhand
[imma.]12
him.m.dat.sg‘(Then) Pilate entered into the judgmenthall again, and called Jesus, and saidunto him.’ (ca, Joh. 18:33)
F Old Irish:
(17) α[boíwas.3.sg.aor
Conchubur]C.m.nom.sg
ocusand
β[maithithe nobles.pl.nom
UladN
Ulstermen.m.pl.geniN
innEmuin]Emain Macha
‘Conchobar and the nobles of theUlstermen were in Emain Macha.’
(Compert Con Culainn, 1.1)
(18) α[ba]12
copchand
[riking
Temrach]12
Tara.gen‘. . . and he was king of Tara.’ (Laws, 4.179)
G Vedic:
(19) α[m´aneg
nous
mah´antam]
great.accutáand
β[m´aneg
nous
arbhakám]
small.acc‘[O Rudra, harm] not either great orsmall of us, [...].’ (R. V, 1.114.07a)
(20) α[bhasa]radience.instr
β[śrávobhiś]fame.instr
caand
‘with (thy) radiance and with (thy)fame.’ (R. V, 6.1.11ab)
(21) α[svàrsun
yádwhen
áśmann]rock.loc
β[adhip´a]12
masteruand
β[ándho]12
darkness‘When the sun is in the rock, anddarkness is master.’ (R. V, 7.88.2c)
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H Avestan:
(22) . . . utaand
α[mazdåwisdom.m.sg.gen
huruϑmaincrease.m.sg.nom
haomahaoma.m.sg.voc
raosegrow.2.subj.mid
garamountain.sg.m.loc
paiti]toward
‘And [thus] may you grow upon thatmountain, O Haoma, [bringing] theincrease of wisdom, [...].’ (YH, 10.4)
(23) yuž¯@myou.2.sg.nom
aeibiiothem.pl.dat
ahuralord.m.sg.voc
α[aogostrength.n.sg.acc
datagive.2.pl.aor.imp
aš. a]truth.n.sg.inst
β[xš. aϑr@m]
power.n.sg.acccaand
‘O Lord, may you give strength to them2through Truth and that power [. . . ]’
(YH, 29.10)
I Tocharian:
(24) α[s. erśkanasisters.f.pl.voc
ñime
aiścergive.q.pres.pl.ix
cethese.m.obl.sg
pintwat]alms.m.obl.sg
epeor
β[sewho.m.sg.nom
ññissathan me
śpalmem.better
takam.be.3.pl.subj
cwihim.m.sg.gen
aiścer]give.pl.pr.ix‘Sisters, will you give me these alms orwill you give (them) to him who wouldbe better than me?’ (tB, THT, 107.18)
(25) α[manot
empelesterrible.m.pl.obl
omskem. sac]evil.m.pl.allt
[ma]12
notpeand
β[tampewatsesac]12
powerful.m.pl.allt‘Not for the terrible, the evil, and not forthe powerful’ (tA, Pun. yavanta-Jataka, 26b)
(NB: s. / s.pä (tb) and śkam. (ta) are canonically enclitic, or-thotonic (epe-type) coordinators are in minority.)
2.1. An S-curved evolution of late IE coordination.
● All branches of IE (except Albanian and Armenian2) boasted two series of coordinators: ortho-tonic and enclitic.
● All branches of IE exhibit a diachronically uniform trend: loss of enclitic and takeover of ortho-tonic coordinators.
∴ the enclitic series = archaic, the orthotone series = innovative
2 There is semantic evidence that Armenian had an enclitic coordinator.
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(26)
t
%ne
w
*PIE? +enclitic
impo
ssible
+orth
otonic
+enclitic
*PIE? ±enclitic
synch. IE
2.2. PIE coordination: ±enclitic or +enclitic?
2.2.1. A closer look at Indo-Iranian.
(27) Distribution of enclitic/orthotonic coordinators, signalling initial and peninitial coordinatecomplexes, in late Indo-Iranian. R. gvedic data based on Klein (1985a, 1985b), Avestan data myown.
a. R. gvedicutá
48%
ca
52%
b. Avestan
uta
4%
ca/ca
96%
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(28) Distribution of enclitic/orthotonic coordinators, signalling initial and peninitial coordinatecomplexes, in much later Indo-Iranian. Old Persian data based on Klein (1988), Mahabharatadata my own (statistical extrapolation via Digital Corpus of Sanskrit).
a. Classical Sanskrit (Mahabharata;Hellwig 2011)
uta1%
ca
99%
b. Iranian: Old Persian (Klein, 1985b)uta
90%
ca
10%
● Hypothesis I: PIE, or at leat PIIr., syntax coordination was ±enclitic → coexistence of encliticand orthotonic connectives
ë Why does Avestan (or Tocharian for that matter) not show this then?
∴ PIE being ±enclitic is very unlikely.
● Hypothesis II: PIE, or at leat PIIr., syntax coordination was +enclitic→ development of ortho-tonic connectives from enclitic counterparts
ë This explains (27): Avestan is more archaic — more resistant to development of orhotonicconnectives
∴ a syntactic diagnostic for diachrony: retention of enclitic connectives
● A (relatively naïve) diachronic sketch of the IE patterns of coordination in Tab. 1
– Indic (=Classical Sanskrit and early prakrits3) is the only exception in the Indo-Europeantrend
● what would explain this convergent change— the change must be regulated internally,
– the change must be regulated internally
ë not externally via contact
ë the only other explanatory candidate is UG (Chomsky 1957 et seq.)ë a hypothesis:there is something about the trees, which makes them behave—and change, inthe same way
3 I am still to examine the prakrit facts.
7 / gsas workshop on indo-european and historical linguistics ⋅ harvard, nov. 9
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Table 1. Single/Double System of coordination in IE (Mitrović, 2011: 75)
system of coordination
doublesingle
non-medial medial
*IIr. +
Indo-Aryan
t××××Ö
Vedic +
Classical +
Synchronic +
Iranian
t××××Ö
Avestan +
Old Persian +
Synchronic +
Hittite +
Italic
t××××Ö
Latin +
Synchronic +
Celtic
t××××Ö
Old Irish +
Synchronic +
Greek
t××××Ö
Ancient Greek +
Synchronic +
Germanic
t××××Ö
Gothic +
Synchronic +
Slavonic
t××××Ö
OCS +
Synchronic (+) +
3. how one develops orthotonic coordinators in indo-european
3.1. Some preliminary theoretical assumptions.
Following Kayne (1994) and Zhang (2010), inter alia,4, coordination is assumed to be binary.
4 For arguments on the binary nature of coordination, see Blümel (1914), BloomVeld (1933), Bach (1964), Chomsky (1965), Dik(1968), Dougherty (1969), Gazdar et al. (1985), Goodall (1987) and Muadz (1991), among many others.
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I. Prepositive 1p type
(29) m´aneg
nous
mah´antamgreat.acc
utá&
m´aneg
nous
arbhakámsmall.acc‘[O Rudra, harm] not either great orsmall of us, [...].’ (R. V, 1.114.07a)
(30) RP
XP R0
utá
YP
II. Postpositive 2p type (assuming X0-movement is part of NS, as per Roberts (2010))
(31) α[bhasa]radience.instr
β[śrávobhiś]fame.instr
ca&
‘with (thy) radiance and with (thy)fame.’ (R. V, 6.1.11ab)
(32) α[svàrsun
yádwhen
áśmann]rock.loc
β[adhip´a]12
masteruand
[ándho]12
darkness‘When the sun is in the rock, anddarkness is master.’ (R. V, 7.88.2c)
(33) RP
XPR0
Yi∈YP ca/u
YP
. . . ⟨Y⟩ . . .
3.2. Nexus type: utá : ca.
● “ca in R. gveda normally functions as a coordinator signalling tighter nexus between shorterunits, while utá serves as a higher level concatenator conjoining longer stretches of discourse.”Klein (1985a: 88)
● formalising the observation:
– longer stretch of discourse . . . [+CP]
– shorter stretch of discourse . . . [−CP]
● combination:
coordinator type distribution [+cp] coordinand [−cp] coordinand
¬ utá 47.64% (N = 705) 51.66% (N = 364) 48.34% (N = 341) ca 52.56% (N = 775) 7.61% (N = 59) 92.39% (N = 716)
Table 2. Categorial distribution of the double system
3.3. Motivating an additional layer.
● Idea: utá = u + ta/ca5
5 The assumption that -ta (√⋆-te) / ca (
√⋆kwe) occupy the same syntactic position does not entail the assumption that ca is
etymologically -ta, since we know the latter is false.
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– synchronic motivation: u and ca independent heads — cf. (31) & (32)
– diachronic motivation: utá reconstructable only bimorphemically as ⋆h2u + ⋆te (Dunkel,1982)
a. Ved. utá, Gr. aute, Lat. aut = ⋆h2u + ⋆-te
b. Ved. u ca = ⋆h2u + ⋆-kwe
c. Goth. jau = ⋆yó + ⋆-h2u
d. Hit. takku, OIr. toch = ⋆tó + ⋆-kwe
⋮
e. orthotonic coordinator in IE = ⋆&0 + ⋆&0
– technical motivation: ca and C0 cannot Agree & incorporate, hence u is realised to repair/ check 2P requirement on ca:
ë empirical generalisation: overt C0s do not undergo incorporation (reasons could bephasal, see Chomsky 2001 among others)
ë prevented Agree between C0 and ca — additional head u merged as repair for check-ing (34)
Incorporational asymmetry: ca+C0
X∈CP + ca combination distribution
[Spec, CP0] + ca 5.94% (N=46)
C0 + ca 1.68% (N=13)(p < 0.001)
(34) RP
⋯u
ca CP
∅ C0 ⋯
3.4. Structural asymmetry.
Ð→ Signature Asymmetry: Two speciVers versus two heads.
(35) RP
xpR02
u-R02
-ta
yp
(36) RP
Spec1
xp Spec2
Z0i∈I
R−1
ca
ypI
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3.5. Light coordinator hypothesis.
● ∴ 1P utá-construction:rP
ext. arg. r′
r0
u
RP
R0
=tá
int. arg.
● 2P ca-construction:rP
ext. arg. r′
r0
∅
RP
R0
X0i∈β R−1
ca
int. arg.β
3.6. Coordination types revisited.
(37) α-ca β-carP
α R0
ca
r0
0pf
β R0
ca
(38) α β-carP
α R0
0pf
r0
0pf
β R0
ca
(39) α u+tá βrP
α R0
0pf
r0
uR0
ta
β
Further evidence for rP:
● RP may be realised independently (§4)
● R0 and r0 have diUerent semantic properties (§4)
● rP in lIr. violates Coordinate Structure Constraint (Ross, 1967), RP does not (§6)
4. the uncoordinating function of the coordinator
(40) A Vedic & Classical Sanskrit:
a. ⟨prát⟩ıdám.this
víśvamworld
modateexults
yátwhich
[ kím.what
caand
] pr. thivy´amworld.f.acc
ádhiupon
‘This whole world exults whatever is upon the earth.’ (R. V, 5.83.9c)
b. naneg
yasyawhom.gen
[ kaśwho.m.sg
caand
] tititartiable to overcome
maya?illusions.pl
‘No one [=not anyone] can overcome that (=the Supreme Personality of Godhead’s)illusory energy.’ (Skt., Bhagavatapuran. a, 8.5.30)
c. yadyif
abhyupetam.promised to be accepted
[ kvawhere
caand
] sadhuhonest
asadhudishonest
vaor
kr. tam.done.pst.part
maya1.sg.instr‘If you accept whatever I may do, whether honest or dishonest.’ (Skt., Bhagavatapuran. a, 8.9.12)
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d. [ sahásram.one thousand
yásyawhose
ratáyagifts
[ utáand
[ vaor
sántiare
bh´uyasıh.more abundant
]]
‘Whose precious gifts in thousands come, yea [and are], even more abundant.’ (R. V,1.11.08c)
B Latin:6
(41) ut,that
inin
quowho
[ quiswhat
queand
] artiVciocraft
excelleret,excels,
isis
inin
suohis
generefamily
RosciusR
dicereturspoken
‘so that he, in whatever craft he excels, is spoken of as a Roscius in his Veld of endeavor.’(Lat., Cic., de Or. 1.28.130)
C Gothic:
(42) [ þishvadwhere
uhand
] [. . .] gaggis.go.2.sg.pres.act.ind
‘wherever you go’ (Mat. 8:19)
D Old Church Slavonic:
(43) da(so) that
byšamight.3.pl.aor
[ iand
inyhere.f.pl.nom
stranycountries.f.pl.nom
] togothis.n.sg.gen
zręšteseeing.f.pl.pres.act.part
podobilisęimitate.f.pl.res.part+refl
namuus.pl.dat
‘. . . so that even the countries here, seeing this, might emulate us.’ (vc, 14.1.2)
E Classical Armenian:
(44) et‘eif
o⋅who
k‘√and
. . .
‘If anyone [strike (thee) upon thy right cheek . . . ]’ (Mat., 5.39; Klein 1997: 196)
F Tocharian:
(45) ñemintuyojewels.pl.inst
ypicfull
olyiyam.ship.f.sg.loc
sarth
caravan.m.sg.oblJambudvipacJambudvipa.m.sg.allt
peand
yamuräs. ,having been made.supp.abs.m.sg.abl
s.pätseven
kom. saday.m.pl.perlt
kñukacneck.sg.allt
wram.water.sg.loc
‘With a caravan to Jambudvipa also having been made in a ship Vlled with jewels [. . . ]’ (tA,Pun. yavanta-Jataka, 5a)
G Hittite:
(46) kuišwho
ki√and
‘someone / anyone’ (Ivanov, 1999)
H Old Irish:
(47) a. cewhat
chaand
taibregive.2.subj
‘what[so]ever thou mays give.’ (Zu ir. Hss. 1.20.15; Thurneysen 2003: 289)
6 For Latin and Greek constructions of this type, see Gonda (1954)
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b. cewhat
chaand
orrslay.3.m.subj
‘whichever he may slay.’ (Anecd. ii.63.14.h; Thurneysen 2003: 289)
5. semantics of r0
● The syntax of previous examples (40)–(47) be captured with the extra layer (LCH)
(48) ∼ wh+and= RP
wh
kim.
R0
ca
(49) ∼ uta+va= rP
α R0
0pf
r0
uR0
ta
β
R0
va
β
● What about semantics7
● R0 is realised as
– a marker of domain-widening indeVnites (40b), (46)
– a marker of free choice (FC) items: (40a,c), (41), (42), (47)
– a marker of focus (43), (45), (40d)
● the cluster of the three kinds of realisation means one thing: R0 is an alternative triggeringhead (see Chierchia 2012 and Fox 2006, among others)
● Each of the two coordinating heads (in syntax) is interpretable as an operator (in semantics).
5.1. Syntax of semantics.
(50) Syntax:RP
R0 int. arg.
(51) Semantics:φ(x)
λx[vxw ∈ vxwalt] int. arg.
5.2. LF of the low head.
(52) narrow-syntactic form:RP
R0
ca
int. arg.
β
7 Similar syntacto-semantic observations—and proposals—have been made for Malayalam (Jayaseelan, 2001), Japanese andKorean (Gill et al. 2004) and comparatively/more generally by Szabolcsi et al. (2012), (Szabolcsi, 2010: ch. 10), Kratzer(2006), among many others.
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(53) logical form:φ(x) = ca(vkim. w) = {p} ⊆ {palt1 , palt2 , . . . , paltn }
φ
vcaw
= λp[{p} ⊆ {palt1 , palt2 , . . . , paltn }]
int. arg.
β
● As a wh-items (e.g. what / kim. ) has existential denotation (Karttunen, 1977), when combinedwith an alternative-triggering R0, its alternatives are universal (e.g. whatever / kim. ca):
(54) ⟦what⟧Ð→ ⟦whatever⟧:∀
p q
∃
● r0 blocks R0’s activation of alternatives of the internal coordinand
● in Sanskrit uta-va construction, an additional R0 is present so as to activate the alternatives ofthe internal coordinand—(40d)
(55) v(40d)w = ⋯⋯α⋯⋯ utá
∃X1={vβwALT1 ,vβwALT2 ,...,vβwALTn }³¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹·¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹µ
va⋯⋯β⋯⋯´¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¸¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¶
∃X2={vαw,vβw}
5.3. Alternative activation of a head: and-to-or.
● activation of the one alternative to r0 (= v∧w)?
– v∧walt = v∨w
● conjunction-containing disjunction in Tocharian and Old Church Slavonic (also in synchronicSlavonic)
● possibly also IIr. va, Lat. ue, etc = ⋆u + ⋆a = and + alt-trigger
(56) Tocharianve + pew = vorw = vandwalt
∵vpew = vandw
∴vew = alt-trigger
(57) Old Church Slavonic (and synch.Serbo-Croatian)vi + liw = vorw = vandwalt
∵viw = vandw
∴vliw = alt-trigger8
(58) a. ⟦p ∧ q⟧alt =p ∧ q
p q
p ∨ q
b. ⟦p ∨ q⟧alt =p ∧ q
p q
p ∨ q
8 The semantics of li is correctly predicted since li is also a contrastive and question particle. See Arsenijević (2011) for adetailed analysis. See also Szabolcsi et al. (2012) for a general discussion.
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6. csc violations (or, the polysyndetic obviation thereof)
(59) CSCIn a coordinate structure, no conjunct may be moved, nor may any element contained in aconjunct be moved out of that conjunct. (Ross, 1967: 161)
(60) sanskrit:
[ im´anithese.acc.sg
ca&
ti lok´anworld.acc.sg
]α upa-hváyatesummon.2.sg.pres
[ tα et´anijthese.acc.pl
ca&
tj
s´amanichants.acc.pl
]CS
‘He summons these worlds and these chants.’(Śathapathabrahman. a, 1.8.1.19)
(61) avestan:
k@who
huuapåartist
[ raocåslight
-ca-&
]α dat˜give.aor
[ tα t@måsdark
-ca-&
]CS
‘What artist made light and darkness?’ (Yasna Hapaŋhaiti, 44.5.b)
(62) ⋱
VP
R0
ca/caα
V rP
tRPαr0
R0
ca/caβ
● Techically, (62) does not violate the CSC since the conjunct has not moved out of the coordinatestructure RP.
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Many thanks to Gennaro Chierchia and Uli Sauerland for their very helpful discussions,which have inspired the semantic analysis
Moreno MitrovićUniversity of CambridgeJesus CollegeCambridgecb5 8bl, [email protected] / [email protected]://mitrovic.co
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