The Cabinet Crisis of 1964 in Malawi

By: Nyaude Chiponde

THE 1964 CABINET CRISIS OF MALAWI

INTRODUCTION

Oxford Advanced learner’s Dictionary, Seventh Edition, 2009, defines a crisis as:‘… 1. A time of great danger, difficulty or confusion when problems must be solved or important decisions be made….2. a time when a problem, a bad situation or an illness is at the worst point…’

A very ugly, dangerous, difficult and confusing situation that ever happened in Malawi was what was called the ‘Cabinet Crisis’ of 1964. It was the situation whereby the then Prime Minister Dr. Banda digressed against all the prominent cabinet ministers on political policies. It was a difficult time, great danger for Malawi and the Malawian citizenry was confused and divided since the leaders they had faith in were at loggerheads with each other.

The Main Players

The main players who were involved in the crisis were the Malawi Congress Party Cabinet ministers, the party which had won the General Elections of 1961. These were: Kanyama Chiume former secondary school teacher in Tanzania, dismissed as Minister of External Affairs, Henry Chipembere former assistant to the District Commissioner, resigned as Minister of Education, Orton Chirwa former lawyer Queen’s Council dismissed as Minister of Justice, Augustine Bwanausi, dismissed as Minister of Development and Housing Willie Chokani, former secondary school teacher, he resigned as Minister of Labour as he resigned, Yatuta Chisiza former policeman in Tanzania, resigned when he was Minister of Home Affairs and Local Government Rose Chibambo housewife, Parliamentary Secretary, John Msonthi former secondary school teacher, resigned and reappointed to Minister of Transport and Communications, Colin Cameron former lawyer resigned at a position of Minister of Transport and Public Works; John Tembo former Secondary school teacher, Ministry of Finance and Aleke Banda former editing clerk of a newsletter: ‘Ntendere pa Nchito’1 then editor of the same paper renamed Malawi News, National Chairman of the League of Malawi Youth and Young Pioneers, private secretary to Dr. Banda stayed on against on the other side the Prime Minister Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda former medical doctor trained in America and Britain, practiced medicine in Liverpool and London, in Great Britain later went to settle in Kumasi Town, in Ghana. He at that time apart from being Prime Minister was Minister of Minister of Trade and Industry, 1 Robert I. Rotberg: The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa, 1966, p308

Minister of Health and Minister of Natural Resources, Surveys, and Social Development

What Triggered the Crisis

Summarily it was as a result of compounded over ambition culminated with self-righteousness and lack of political foresight and unbalanced opinion which triggered ego and fear on the part of Dr. Banda and a sense of zeal and righteousness on the part of the cabinet ministers.

Dr. Banda landed at Chileka Airport on Sunday, 6th July 1958 from Ghana after ‘forty three’ years2 outside the country. He was warmly and tumultuously welcome by over 3000 Nyasalanders of their day who had gone to welcome him the scheduled previous Saturday but instead he landed on a Sunday and almost about the same number of people attended his welcome. He was called back home by the members of the then Nyasaland African Congress (NAC) to lead them and the people of Malawi to fight the British Colonial government and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland and obtain freedom for the people of Malawi. The people in the lead to this call were Chipembere and Chiume. In fact the letter to Dr. Banda was authored by Chipembere mandated by his friends.

The psychological error Chipembere and friends made was that: while Chipembere and Chiume were able leaders but they did not believe in themselves they could gallantly fight the federation alone and win. These two were in the forefront of calling Dr. Banda from Kumasi, Ghana. They prided that it was under a mango tree at Malindi in Mangochi where the two had their first meeting of calling Dr. Banda and it was Chipembere who was mandated by the others to and wrote the letter to Dr. Banda. Chipembere was a charismatic leader while Chiume was an orator and negotiator. Chipembere Chiume and friends believed that someone older, educated and who has lived and therefore know whitemen better would lead them to the struggle and win freedom from the colonial masters: Britain who had the key to the cessation of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The Federation was instituted by white settlers of the then Southern Rhodesia; modern Zimbabwe and Northern Rhodesia modern Zambia. They vied to free themselves from Britain. The settlers of these countries were oppressive and some individuals in both Malawi and Zambia started agitating to free their people from this oppression. Since these white settlers decided the instituting of this federation to free themselves from Britain since these

2 Henry Chipembere: CHIPEMBERE, The Missing Years 1971

territories were originally from 1884 under Britain and it was only Britain that would free these countries from federation by giving them independence which automatically would break the federation and let each country have the autonomy of ruling itself. Because they wanted the independence of Malawi just like yesterday, the Chipembere group had to seek personalities and abilities of individuals like Dr. Banda. The positive side was that: indeed, without Dr. Banda the country would not get its independence at the earlier time it got.

The problem was that both the group of Chipembere and Dr. Banda himself did not take time to learn each other. This led small differences to grow and cause fatal divisions in a new cabinet that were later called ‘Cabinet Crisis.’ The Chipembere group wanted a ‘messiah’ they instead had a callous autocrat!

The paramount factors that made Dr. Banda’s to be what he was, and have the attitude he had towards them, were from the fact that Chipembere and his friends overwhelmingly overpraised and overcrowned him with names praise songs and titles which made an already over ambitious and self-righteous man worse than before. This can be demonstrated at the first convention meeting where Dunduzu Chisiza excitedly stood up and announced to the crowd of more than 100,000 people at the NAC party’s convention in Nkhota-kota that Dr. Banda must be the life president of the Nyasaland African Congress without consulting his friends. Songs like zones zimene za Kamuzu Banda (everything is Dr. Banda’s) which were formulated by the then publicity secretary of the party Mr. Chiume. While in India before independence, Chiume in his excitement and goodwill sent a letter to Dr. Banda part of which read: ‘…If for nothing all of us must dedicate ourselves to serve you and follow you to death in order to save the nation from the chaos which can easily result when the country is exposed to intrigue and machinations by foreigners “to serve to death” must be the motto of every sane nationalist in the country”…’3

This was definitely shaping an autocrat!

Comments like these were rampart from Chiume who was the Publicity Secretary of the NAC. In the northern region they ordained him ‘Ngwazi’ to mean a gallant and fearless fighter and covered him with a lion’s skin to portray king of kings as a lion is taken as. Seemingly the group of Chisizas,

3 Colin Baker: Revolt of the Ministers 2001, p46

Cameron, Chokani, and Bwanausi knew what and why Chiume was doing this; to win Dr. Banda over his friends. He indeed did!

Dr. Banda himself had a lengthy absence from his people and did not politically understand them. As for Dr. Banda’s attitude and dealings with the very people who were instrumental to his return was not a welcome approach. He aliened himself more with the white administrators and government employees than to his fellow Malawians. While in Cairo with an audience with Nassar then president of Egypt, in Portugal while with Salazar president of Portugal, and in Britain. Banda advised his accompanying assistant Mr. Chiume to leave the room and let himself talk to the intended person alone something which looked absurd; he called his ministers ‘my boys;’ he never confided in them; no minister would make a decision without him knowing; he never therefore consulted his Malawian ministers he instead did from junior white expatriates. Trust on his ministers was at lowest ebb; he exacted them with the Youth and Women’s Leaguers; he never let his black ministers use the inside toilet, instead they used outside while junior white civil servants used the inside. Dr. Banda introduced a ‘ticky’ to be paid to the hospital. On the foreign policy he aligned with countries like Portuguese East Africa now Mozambique then a colony of Portugal, Rhodesia modern Zimbabwe and apartheid ruled South Africa and resented neighbouring countries like Zambia and Tanzania. He went further to appoint whites as diplomatic mission representatives, like Joackim Jardim in a Portuguese led territory today’s Mozambique. While the ministers broadly welcomed the loan from mainland China Dr. Banda refused and called it ‘a naked bribe.’ He always wanted his way and nobody’s. bigotry got a bigger part of him. Africanization of civil servants’ positions was an issue Dr. Banda was not in favour of while the others did. He believed that a man is better trained on the job while the ministers were of the view that civil servants should be sent abroad for training and come back to take over the jobs that the whites had. All this created a demeaning feeling among the ministers. In political rallies he empowered the Youth League and Women’s League to report on the ministers. Thereby exacting the ministers with illiterate party activists. Above all he practiced a divide and rule system; he Dr. Banda, Chiume on one side and Aleke Banda, Bwanausi, Chipembere, Chisiza brothers, Chirwa and Chokani on the other. Chokani was as early as 1962 sent to talk to Chiume to win him over, which happened.

The ministers did not want to act disgruntledly before obtaining independence fearing that they would ‘rock the boat’. That is they may delay the independence from Britain who may not have given independence to a

chaotic country. Actually Dunduzu Chisiza approached Dr. Banda that he would resign and go to opposition if things do not change.

Because there was a lot of collaboration on the other faction of the Chipembere about the attitude of their leader: Dr. Banda, they asked to see him with view of advising him to ‘tone’ down his castigating speeches of his very ministers. He was not willing. He chose to see one at a time. They refused and they saw him as a group. Dr. Banda called this ‘ganging up’ against him.

Much fear is shown by Dr. Banda when he secretly prepared a ‘Detention Bill Without Trial’. A bill that was intended for his very minister ministers and an act which made Mr. Colin Cameron, the only white minister to resign as it went against his conscious. This fear supposedly grew from his divide and rule strategy which made some of the ministers to ‘gang’ up. Also ‘rumblings’ accompanying a large international economics symposium’ which was organized by Dunduzu Chisiza, and accordingly placed him in the high political latitude which some observers speculated that it did not please Dr. Banda. Dunduzu Chisiza was a good organizer. Also Dunduzu and Yatuta had confidential negotiations with Keneth Kaunda then the leader of United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia and Julius Nyerere then the future leader of Tanzania ‘about a possible future federation of the territories which were to become Zambia, Malawi and Tanzania’. When Dr. Banda was approached about this he ‘refused adamantly to have anything to do with it,’ despite the fact that this would have hastened the cessation of Nyasaland from the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland which despite the keenness of the British government a point which was also recommended by the Commission of Enquiry on the federation, and recommended that Nyasaland:‘would have far fewer financial worries and this also would help Britain to agree to Nyasaland’s independence.’4

Dunduzu Chisiza paused a competitor to Dr. Banda for leadership and increased his fear to him. Colin Baker narrates about the opinion of Sir Glyn Jones the then Governor-General about Dunduzu on the appointment of executive members:‘He had formed the view that Chisiza was a better leadership material than Banda who was jealous of him, and though he did not say so wider experience would make him a formidable member of executive council – a point no doubt not lost on Banda.’5

4 Colin Baker: Revolt of the Ministers 2001, p495 Ibid p45

Baker is explicitly pointing out that Dr. Banda was jealous of Chisiza and feared for his position by young Chisiza and that Sir Jones and Dr. Banda knew of this, as the author asserts:‘Jones may have been doing Chisiza no favour by recommending his promotion to executive council’6

Chipembere was a popular man in the Southe rn Region especially his home Mangochi. He too was a menace. Chiume was popular with the civil servants since many northerners were in the civil service.

The expatriates and settlers were insecure of Africanization which the larger number of members of the prominent cabinet ministers were in favour of. The white police machinery therefore spied on the ministers and told misrepresented stories to both their fellow white seniors and Dr. Banda that the ministers especially Chipembere were intending to displace him. The reports he never showed anyone. The white Special Branch Police officers deliberately distorted all that these ministers said in their political rallies or meetings and reported to the Prime Minister, Dr. Banda who already was politically insecure following his ‘absence’ from the country for Forty-three years’ since his arrival and election to leadership in 1958. Dr. Banda: ‘…had always seen us not as his colleagues or as loyal followers, but as actual or potential rivals and had consistently striven to strengthen his own position in relation to us…’7

The British expatriates had by the time ‘thoroughly’ studied Dr. Banda and knew what he wanted to hear, so they gave it to him. They further knew his merits and demerits and used this weakness of him against the ministers. Another problem that the 1964 cabinet had was that the new government could not accommodate into government working force all who fought for the struggle of independence. Some were absorbed into the party machinery. This ‘strata’ of individuals was relatively older and less educated than the ministers in Banda’s cabinet. They therefore envied the younger ministers. For his own security Dr. Banda made these party individuals have a direct and easy access to him personally than any one of his ministers a situation that created division and demeaning on to the part of the ministers. He used these people as informants most which was sheer gossip meant to destroy others, and it did! Further Dr. Banda had some doubts and fear of Chipembere following distorted reports on his speeches which he made on political rallies after his release from the State of Emergency. Also seen from the fact that he Banda did not press for Chipembere’s earlier release from Sir 6 Ibid7 Henry Chipembere: Chipembere: The Missing Years 1971, p…

Glyn Jones, the governor, when he himself was out. Dr. Banda did nothing to stop for Chipembere’s second arrest for sedition. Despite the ‘passionate’ plea by Dunduzu Chisiza, the plea fell on deaf ears. He Chipembere like Dunduzu Chisiza paused a threat to his leadership position despite that he was a loyal, obedient and honest follower seen from his letters while in prison which he addressed Dr. Banda as ‘Atate’ or mentor. From the beginning of the crisis Chipembere narrates that: Rose Chibambo sent him a message while in Canada that he was to come back ‘since it was only him who could talk to the Doctor’ to simmer down the chaos.

A sign that he was a natural leader among his friends especially now that Dunduzu Chisiza had then died. In an interview with a magazine: Women in Politics of Jan-Mar 2016 Rose Chibambo narrates:‘Kamuzu surrounded himself with people from outside the Nyasaland African Congress executive and the fear of unknown made him take us as threats. Maybe he thought we would stage a coup or something, but we really just wanted to develop Malawi.8

The other reasons that made the gap bigger between within the cabinet Dr. Banda lamented about the salaries of his ministers that they were high and went further to institute a survey on salaries of black Malawians’ civil servants which was conducted by a British expatriate: Thomas Skinner, while he, himself and the white expatriates received fat salaries and lived in luxuries. In fact, the expatriates had just had an increase just two months back. The ministers agreed to have their salaries cut by twenty-five per cent. The Skinner Report proved to the shadow of Dr. Banda’s earlier proposals.

Dr. Banda enjoyed to be feared by his subjects and subordinates. He portrayed that there was to be a difference between him and his citizens and therefore, besides his motto of ‘tightening belts’ in favour of development, he maintained a large fleet of convoy manned by a crowd of body guards whenever he travelled. He spent government money constructing state houses in a country whose infrastructure was way behind than concentrating on other immediate ventures like welfare of the people. Moving the capital from Zomba to Lilongwe was a too soon a task to be thought of.

All the above and other blurred issues like amassing with ministries, taking government as personal property and favouring other families of other ministers created a distance and doubt from the two camps of Dr. Banda and the ministers.

How it Started8 Danish Institute for Parties and Democracy (DIPD) Newsletter: Women in Politics, Jan-Mar 2016

The crisis started way back even before the dawn of 1963 when Nyasaland just obtained Self Government and Dr. Banda was the First Minister.

Dr. Banda had at this time amassed power for himself and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) now that the country was independent. He selected and appointed the ministers to their respective portfolios without consultation to the others which seemed a favour to the appointee. He chose the portfolios he wanted for himself and refused to shed off some as they appeared to be many. He bulldozed his views the direction he wanted them to go. When Chipember and the Chisiza brothers were released from Kanjedza prison after Gwelo the party members felt that, that was his doing and this was a plus to Dr. Banda’s power building.

By the time the country obtained independence Dr. Banda had already manage to divide the cabinet ministers.

The speeches Dr. Banda made at political rallies were agitating to the ministers. Instead of ‘toning’ down, he continued. He fired Mr. John Msonthi soon after independence, on allegation of corruption, what his fellow ministers found as an unfounded corruption charges. When the ministers felt that now they are independent and will be treated with respect it was not the case. The gap widened!

The ministers were disgruntled!

The disgruntled ministers did not want to resign before the country obtained independence fearing that they would ‘rock the boat.’ The situation looked calm, but it was only maturedness displayed by the ministers by not wanting to ‘spoil the beans’ for the common Malawian.

Whether it was by design by the ministers or not, or by Dr. Banda, it was time when Chipembere had gone to Ottawa to attend to an Educational meeting. The ministers decided to petition Dr. Banda. They called their petition ‘Kuchawe Manifesto’ this is because they met at Kuchawe Inn on the Zomba Mountain. But Dr. Banda called it the ’Bill of Indictment.’ They mandated Orton Chirwa to author the petition at their meeting and it was him who delivered it to Dr. Banda. Chipembere had since advised his friends that it was not the time to confront Dr. Banda but they did in his absence. Some quarters stipulate that they did this deliberately. They contend that if after delivery of the petition there was need for election of a prime minister Chipembere should not be present and possibly elected. On the part of Dr. Banda, it is contended that he feared it would be difficult to thwart the plans

of the ministers with Chipembere around. The ministers went ahead to level their grievances to Dr. Banda. Whom at first seemed unmoved and made no ‘immediate response.’ The Kuchawe Manifesto included:‘…failure to use the cabinet in the way they (the ministers) wished, foreign policy, moving the capital, Africanization, The Skinner report and the hospital charges … treating government as personal property, and favouritism and nepotism … the need for economy and careful planning …’9

The ministers’ argument for representing the petition to Dr. Banda at that time was that: once Dr. Banda was left until republic was obtained it was going to be difficult to confront him and expect to change. But they lacked the style of doing things. While the petition was correct, powerful and ‘historic’ it was to a certain degree ‘arrogant’ and personal attack on Dr. Banda. Where at one point they stated ‘... Government must not be or appear to be the personal property of an individual.’ This angered Dr. Banda and declared to Sir Jones that: ‘I will teach them a political lesson.’ He even went further to tell the ministers that ‘...you cannot Nyerererize me.’ He was referring to Nyerere of Tanzania who was forced to bow to his ministers in a similar situation.

Dr. Banda felt belittled. It strengthened his ego and decided that he would not resign from the position of a prime minister. The matter moved from intellectual politics and turned to personal friction. According to Dr. Banda, he felt it was Chiume who ‘spearheaded’ the Kuchawe manifesto. Chirwa was recorded in the black book of Dr. Banda because of authoring the petition and the boldness of delivering it to him. Bwanausi and Chokani were not particularly politicians and though they were gliding with the notion of confronting Dr. Banda their deeds have not been recorded about the crisis as frontliners, thus their quite slipping outside the country to Zambia. Aleke Banda and John Tembo chose to remain quite. Colin Baker has it that Hon. Tembo might have had an ear to the ground through Mama Kadzamira.

Zomba town turned a battling ground between the Youth League and the civil servants whom Dr. Banda felt that the masses supported ministers especially Chipember who was a charismatic leader and Chiume who had many fellow northeners working in the civil service. Dr. Banda at one time instructed the Police Mobile Force to ‘shoot to kill,’ the very attitude he together with the ministers were fighting against during independence struggle.

9 Colin Baker: The Revolt of the Ministers, 2001

The whole solution remained with Dr. Banda, he had all the cards to resolve the crisis. The ministers did not want him to resign or go away to Britain for his medical practice. What they wanted was that their Prime Minister must ‘tone’ down his accusations and respect them in public, he should give them a volume of decision making in their ministries or simply delegate and accept collective decision making. He could simply take them into confidence; like what happened in Egypt Mozambique and Britain where he Chiume out of the room for him to see the leader of the country alone, it was eroding the confidence of his assistant: Chiume and giving a demeaning interpretation to the other party. Remove the tick charge in hospitals and give the Malawian civil servants their jobs they fought for. It was evident to the outside neighbouring countries that white diplomatic representatives were a shame to a black country like Malawi and Dr. Banda had no valid excuse for doing this. They were expensive and the representatives may not have been received cordially in other black countries.

The desolussion of the cabinet

It was evident that the two factions: that of Dr. Banda and whites on the side of the government, and that of the black Malawian ministers on the other side; found faults with each other. Dr. Banda was a man who never accepted opposition. He always wanted a highway for all his proposals and decisions. On the other side; the ministers understood their people and felt sympathetic for them. They could not allow the very things they fought against the colonial administration be re-instituted, like the detention bill which would later be applied on them, the hospital charges which turned the ministers political liars in their constituencies as their followers would not understand that now they are independent; in an African led country and are paying for public hospital which was not there in time of a colonial white led government.

In testing the water Dr. Banda started acting. Firstly, early August of 1964 even before the crisis he fired Mr. John Msonthi then Minister of Trade and Industry on the allegation of corruption. Mr. Msonthi was accused of irregularly giving trade licenses to Asian Traders. He was among the resigning ministers as later within a short time he was re-appointed when indications started showing that the heat was surging and Dr. Banda would not have enough votes in parliament at the vote of confidence. He withdrew his resignation. Dr. Banda secretly got a parliamentary bill of Preventive Detention Bill pending cabinet approval and subsequently parliament. The major intention of the bill was to arrest without trial. This caused the only

Briton parliamentarian and Minister of Transport and Communications, Mr. Cameron to resign. Chipembere described him as: ‘… exceptionally high character and deeply dedicated to the well-being of the people of Malawi.’ Mr. Cameroon a British trained lawyer was instrumental to the release of many Malawians who were arrested for political reasons. He contended that, during the struggle for independence, he was fighting against the same things Dr. Banda was re-introducing and therefore he felt it not proper to assent parliamentary approval to a bill against his convictions.

Dr. Banda callously accepted his resignation amid sad feelings of his fellow Malawian Cabinet Ministers.

Dr. Banda felt belittled and in anger he decided to resign. He was subdued by the British Governor Sir Glyn Jones, whom at this time was representing the Queen of Britain and therefore the British Government and advisory to the Prime Minister. Jones, the governor, while he noted that there was nothing wrong the ministers had done, he urged Dr. Banda that:‘… in such a situation what the Prime Minister had to do was to call for parliament and seek vote of confidence. If he were defeated he could and should resign; but if he won, he could continue with his policies and compel the ministers to resign if they still disagreed with such policies…’10

This advice had some negativity in it. What the Governor did not realize was that the parliamentarians were nominated by Dr. Banda and therefore aligned to him. They would have wanted to pay back one way or the other to their master: Dr. Banda if opportunity arises. And this was probably the time they were to show their allegiance. Further it was a tricky situation for a young less than thirty days old independent Malawi. Dr. Banda’s resignation was equally bad just as that of the ministers. Also re-institution of Dr. Banda’s policies were even worse than all since it is what the Malawian fought and died for beginning from the time of Reverend Chilembwe. Each and every Malawian of age regarded Dr. Banda as Messiah from ‘heaven’ and his resignation was to be a disgruntling situation to all. On the other hand the resignation or dismissal of the cabinet ministers firstly: Chirwa, then Bwanausi and lastly Chiume created mixed feeling, divisive lack of confidence among the masses. Four other: Chipembere, Yatuta Chisiza, Ckokani and Rose Chibambo resigned in sympathy for their friends. Msonthi withdrew his resignation within a short time. Aleke Banda and Hon. Tembo voiced together with the other ministers at an earlier stage but did not lodge in their resignations. They remained in the cabinet for a lengthy period.10 Colin Baker: CHIPEMBERE, The Missing Years 2008, p277

The cabinet ministers who were dismissed and those who resigned in sympathy left the country fearing arrest to Zaleka notorious prison in Dowa or killed. Bwanausi, Chokani and Rose Chibambo left for Zambia. Rose Chibambo, Chiume and Yatuta Chisiza left for Tanzania. Chipembere organized an army but due to sickness he was taken from his base Katuli Mountains and sent to America till his death from diabetes. Yatuta Chisiza was later killed in the Mwanza bush when he attempted to overthrow Banda’s government through the barrel. Orton Chirwa was later abducted on the Christmas eve of 1980 from Chipata, the border between Malawi and Zambia by Malawi Young Pioneer members who for a long time paused as Malawi based members of his party: Malawi Freedom Movement (MAFREMO). He was put in prison tried together with his wife: Vera at Soche Traditional Court, in Blantyre, sentenced to death and died in prison at Zomba. His wife Vera came out of prison on the dawn of multiparty dispensation. It was Chibambo, Chiume, and Chokani who came back home free and alive to witness the democratic era and died in their homeland. Honourable Tembo ‘continued as a leading – and increasingly prominent member of the government right up to the time when, in multi-party elections of 1994 the MCP was defeated and was no longer the government of Malawi…’ Mr. Cameron was advised to leave the country as he was the sympathizer of the disgruntled ministers.

Those and the followers of the disgruntled ministers who escaped the systematic of early Four O’clock morning arrests with nothing on, save for the bed sheet wrapped around one’s collar as pyjamas slipped the country. Some never came back a few did. It was a gruesome way of doing things; Dr. Banda’s police: Special Branch would call on the victim’s door and pretend that there is an urgent business which they would need to discuss with the man to be abducted. Quite often the call would be answered by woman who at the time would be preparing for a hot bath and breakfast for the husband. They would ask for ‘Bambo’ the man, father or husband of the house to the one answering the call. On the man coming out of the house the caller would call the man’s name in a very familiar and friendlier manner like: ‘… Aaaah Mr. Chinthu’ at the same time extending a hand for a shake. Mr. Chinthu in the same manner and gesture would respond ‘Ooooh, Yes, yes’! Also extending his hand as a polite gesture. They would shake hands. The caller would then introduce himself under false name; then: tingaonane pambali apa or can we meet by the side here. As they walk towards the unregistered touring vehicle, the caller would usually suggest tingokhala mugalimotomu or let’s just sit in the car for a short time. Without knowing

the victim would unknowingly be arrested, as he is politely led into the car there would be someone on the other side of the passenger’s seat. He therefore would find himself in the middle of two men at the back, the driver in front and another seemingly the leader of them all by the driver’s passenger’s seat. Without anyone speaking the vehicle would speed off to a police secret place or station for a long interrogating and possibly torturing procedure. The unsuspecting wife would be expecting a husband who may not come back soon or possibly forever.

Effects of the Cabinet Crisis

Malawi before the Cabinet Crisis was a good example in the eyes of newsmen and other parties like Britain who were not prepared to give the country Self Rule lest of all Independence. It was admirable! It had the right material that the country needed. Colin Baker notes that some reports went to the point that if other countries took the example of Malawi then Nyasaland; Africa would be well led. While Malawi led the fight to cessation of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Nyasaland was poor and Britain as a colonial master feared that Malawi would be a financial burden forever if it gets out of the federation. And therefore Britain needed the country to be first economically self-sustaining and peaceful. Therefore, the British government had this in Dr. Banda. They had trust in him.

Cabinet crisis left a big scar in Malawian politics. Despite that politics offered good economic position and high civil status, many were not inclined to join it having observed how the first politicians turned against each other. One never knew how it was to end with him if he joins politics in Malawi. The Detention Bill Without Trial sent many to unknown prisons which they never reappeared on the face of the earth. A ‘Forfeiture Act’ was applied to anybody who was politically dismissed from government or party since then it was one and the same. The government or the party stalwarts contended that once somebody is dismissed as a minister should be pruned off anything save for clothes in his body because he obtained everything he had while in the party or government.

Trust among fellow Malawians was far less. As such expression of disgruntledness about the government to a neighbour never existed. As such a Malawian walked with his head bowed to avoid being smeared or tainted with political accusations. Or be arrested or killed Deaths to aspiring or incumbent politicians were not, uncommon if some local elite felt that one will disrupt their intentions or positions. Dr. Banda was a ruler not a leader!

Even to him Dr. Banda it enlarged or crystalized the notion of distrust and fear an attitude which already existed in him and as such there was no next man to him and he never wanted one! There existed a big vacuum between Dr. Banda and the next in command. Who never existed!

Dr. Banda controlled all the three parts of the government: The Executive, Parliament and Judiciary. He continued appointing the Speaker of Parliament even members of parliament at will. He controlled the Judiciary and even appointed the Chief Justice who at some points avoided the realms of law but followed what the political master Dr. Banda wanted. He re-organized the courts and came up with Traditional Courts whose verdict was known before hearing. The defendants at Traditional Courts were not allowed to have proper legal representation and the lay judges sitting in for murder and treason cases half slept all the way from beginning to finish of the hearing. He dominated the both in the party the MCP and government directly or indirectly in the army, police. Special Brach police was his tool he used to thwart anybody who tried to raise his nose up against the regime.

Political agitators like Yatuta Chisiza whose resignation was compounded by the death of his younger brother Dunduzu Chisiza allegedly killed by the same new regime of the Malawi Congress Party, supposedly because he Dunduzu organized a massive International Economic Symposium ‘a gathering of academic economists and development specialists from all over the world held in Malawi’ were thwarted at bud in 1967 in the bush of Mwanza when Chisiza realized that discussing on the table would yield no results while residing in Tanzania. He took to arms to displace Dr. Banda. A journalist Mkwapatira Mhango living in Zambia had his house bombed and he together with eight children perished for writing or reporting sensitive issues on the government of Malawi. Dr. Attati Mpakati, a Swedish educated economist was silenced and mysteriously killed in Zimbabwe when the Malawi government realized that he was a menace. The Mwanza ‘Big Four’ of Dick Matenje, Aaron Gadama, Twaibu Sangala and David Chiwanga murderers are as a result of not wanting to accept Dr. Banda’s proposition which they were prepared not to accept. The Malawian masses did not exactly understand Dr. Banda who time and again repeated ‘we shall see in May’ the following parliament seating. Tukumu, tukumu with me!

This type of attitude has indirectly been adopted by our democratic leaders. From inception of democracy in 1994, all the presidents have shown that there was a poor relationship between themselves and their vices. Dr. Bakili Muluzi had no good words for his deputy Professor Justin Malewezi on his

sickness. A gesture that surprised the public that a president had to say detrimental articulations about sickness of his number two. The next elections saw Professor Malewezi standing as an Independent Candidate to the Presidency. Bingu wa Mutharika avoided Cassim Chilumpha his vice at Kamuzu International Airport (KIA) when he Chilumpha went to welcome him from his abroad trip. When asked why he Mutharika asked at a press conference why he avoided his deputy, he replied that ‘if you want greet people you can go in the street be greeting as many as you wish,’ a sign that things were not well among them. In his second term with Joyce Banda as his vice, the first woman to the Malawi Government number two position, supposedly handpicked by him ended up forming a Peoples’ Party. A political party she swam with into government on the demise of her boss as a ruling party leaving the party Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) a party that made her politically popular. A sign that she fermented the idea even before she took the mantle of presidency by default. Currently Saulosi Chilima the Vice President stands on the imported magnificent stand and talk under the Unite Transformation Movement (UTM), about the government he is in as a thieving government without the government agents denying anything. A sign that the vice President has personally parted ways with his boss. Unless a reconciliatory action like ‘Truth and Reconciliation’ that was conducted in a free South Africa occurs, this trend of mistrust between the two first citizens, it will prevail for a long time and Malawi will be seen to spend money on their elite: vice presidents, who are made not to be productive, because they are not given challenges to perform for the benefit of the local Malawians fearing that they may perform better and bypass the head of the government. It is an ongoing culture that we inherited from the cabinet crisis of 1964 more than half a century ago. The difference being that today is a democratic dispensation era than the way the situation was fifty four years back.

What should have happened and shouldn’t

First and foremost, one should consider the invitation to someone for a big position like presidency, or leader of a political party, like in the case of Dr. Banda. There ought not be fear nor jealous for other natural attributes that the people who invited you might have. Dunduzu Chisiza was born an organizer, Chipembere a charismatic leader, Chiume a negotiator and orator, natural attributes that nobody would nothing to the detriment about them. Constructive criticism is wisdom given freely to the other. It could just be an oversight but if there is need it is important to criticize and must be received with an open mind. That is what the ministers did. Dr. Banda had all the machinery of the police, army, and the right and able material in the

ministers. There was no reason for fear of the very people who called him and when the crisis began he could easily have calmed the situation since the ministers did not want him to resign. Chipembere on his arrival in Zomba from Canada went straight to Dr. Banda’s house, waited for him to attend to other people he was seeing up until 09:00 p.m. with a view to ‘delay’ parliamentary deliberations the following morning so that they could discuss the situation with reason to solve the problem of the dismissed ministers. Dr. Banda said ‘no’ parliament would resume as normal. Chipembere left the house of Dr. Banda disappointed and went on to draft an eight thousand worded speech for parliament the following day ready to make a ‘dramatic’ resignation in parliament. He moved to the back bench of the house from where he delivered his speech. The mediator the Governor-general, Sir Glyn Jones, who understood and showed lenience to the grievances of the ministers tried to call for meetings between the ministers, who also were obliged and Dr. Banda. But on the onset, Dr. Banda was not prepared to meet his ministers. According to Colin Baker, the Governor-General proposed to Dr. Banda:‘four cardinal principles of government which included: “the Prime Minister (Dr. Banda) should back them up, particularly in public; should delegate functions as much as possible; should take ministers into his confidence in all important matters of state and certainly before important decisions were taken; and should accept collective responsibility to parliament- this was laid down in the constitution” and indeed were the solution to the whole problem of the crisis’11

This fell on deaf ears.

Banda had all the human weapons to lead the country to higher heights; he had educationally able ministers, who rallied behind him and were prepared to work for and with him but he let divide and rule syndrome to occur among them so much that in the earlier days of August 1962 it was difficult for them to ‘gang up’ and confront him which he enjoyed. Also in their matured sense the ministers found it inappropriate to approach him fearing they would delay the independence. Governor-general was more passive and was not able to press Dr. Banda to see things the way the ministers saw. He (Dr. Banda) took him just like any other employee of the government. The winning of vote of confidence in parliament raised his political morals and felt that he had no use for the ministers. Worse more when McCloud then Prime Minister of Britain sent him a congratulatory message. The informal pleadings (obviously from the white minority) from the society that Banda should not resign gave his ego a stance of boldness. The intimidation of the 11 Colin Baker: The Revolt of the Ministers, 2001, p176

youth leaguers and Malawi Young Pioneers, who both seemed to be above the law, and the general feeling of fear they injected in the MCP remnants and the society made a cozy seat for Dr. Banda. He became supreme and dominant!

Possibly if the ministers listened to Chipembere that it was not good time to confront Dr. Banda and if Dr. Banda had taken the governor’s words seriously or rather took him on an equal footing than just a government’s servant the situation would not have reached where it did. Chipembere was recorded lamenting:“…‘it gives a really heavy heart that Malawi, which people were regarding as a paragon of political organization and discipline and understanding has now broken down. Broken down to the extent of members of the one … mighty Malawi Congress Party, attacking one another in public here in the presence of asamunda, or our former enemies, calling one another traitors. Wherever Welensky is today, he must be rejoicing. He must be celebrating. There must be a cocktail party somewhere in Salisbury as a result of what is taking place here. We are in utter disgrace”…’12

Gains and Losses from the Crisis

Generally, the populous Malawi did not gain from the crisis. There was too much brain drain. The brains of Malawi had left their country and did not perform what their zeal required of them. Though he enjoyed walking the ‘Highway’ of his wishes he had far too little material for the workload to run the country. He ruled thirty years which did not end gracefully for a great man like Dr. Banda. Due to his cleverness young Chipembere was given a job at the university he was studying of… and was being referred as the ‘next president of Malawi’. To the detriment of Malawians Dr. Banda amassed power and became aggressive and dangerous. He catapulted his political ideals without opposition in any government sector: executive, parliament and justice. As a result, he abolished all other parties save for the ‘mighty Malawi Congress Party’. Other notions like Zonse zimene mukagwirizane ku parliament tizagwirizana nazo meaning ‘we agree with all that you will discuss and agree in the parliament’ long before the parliament started even without knowing the agenda. This was from the citizenry of the country mostly from those who wanted to seem to support him incited by the areal chairmen of their areas. For the thirty years rule people lived in fear since it was a one party system. Party cadets took the law in their hands in the name of a-Ngwazi alamula, acts of nyakula would be applied on innocent Malawians tainted that amanyoza Ngwazi. There was no political

12 Robert I. Rotberg: The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa, 1966, p320

advancement other than that from the Ngwazi who was the fountain and wisest man of the land.

On the other hand a Malawian was a disciplined and respected person. He was broadly accepted in other neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe, Zambia, South Africa even in the former master’s country: Britain as hard workers and trustworthy. A Malawian never needed a visa before or at entry into Britain. Corruption never existed in our dictionary. One Friday Jumbe a Presidential candidate to 2014 election debate, in his ‘one minute last words’ said: ‘we shall develop if Malawians come to sanity. Sanity means if we stop stealing.’ With Dr. Banda’s, government workers respected and feared government resources.

Lessons Learned

Cabinet crisis of 1964 lingers on in Malawi without the citizenry realizing. Because of not wanting to listen from what the next man thinks, the country monotonously goes like a truck from a hill without bakes and has its steering locked up going down stream ready to crush to a big stone lying at the edge of a river. There are other administrations in Sub-Saharan Africa like that of admirably Botswana and a bit next door Mozambique and South Africa where the next first citizen is known or smoothly put into place without much ado! The advantages of this are: continuity economic ventures to be undertaken by the administration is never disrupted and therefore development continues. The executive players are ready to put forward what they best know without fear. Calmness by the press is maintained and the populous well informed, where press misreport facts because of discontent of the administration, economic players like business people, become dishonest and at times they practice their dishonest with the government which everywhere is the biggest trader. Foreign investment is shunned. It turns out therefore that those who are suppliers of the same product will not be able to trade with the government unless they are prepared to do what the government does best. Corruption. There is respect between the arms of government and checks and balances are maintained therefore encroachment of government coffers is minimized. When people go to vote for their political leaders they have hope in that leader that their welfare will change for the best. A society that lives in fear, hungrily and hopelessly will not be highly productive and therefore economically, politically and socially degraded.