LIBERTY UNIVERSITY

LIBERTY BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

CONSTANTINE

AN INTERSECTION OF HIS FAITH AND POLITICS

A RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED TO DR. DAVE PEDERSON

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR

THE COURSE CHHI 520

BY

DEBORAH BASKIN

VIDALIA, GA SATURDAY,

OCTOBER 6, 2012

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 2

ALL IN THE FAMILY .................................................................................................................. 3

FATHER……………...………………………………………………………………………....3

MOTHER………………………………………………………………………………………..4

OTHER FAMILY MEMBERS……………………………………………………………...….4

CONSTANTINE'S CHRISTIANITY............................................................................................. 5

CONVERSION EXPERIENCE…………………………………………………………..…….5

VALIDITY OF CONVERSION……………………………………………………...…………6

RESULTS OF CONVERSION………………………………………………………………..….8

TOLERANCE AND EDICTS…………………………………………………………….…….8

INVOLVEMENT WITH CHURCH………………………………………………………..…10

WHY CHRISTIANITY?............................................................................................................11

CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................. 12

BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................................... 14

2

But what did the insane malice of the nations hereupon devise? Their effort was to reject the grace of Christ, and to ruin that Church which was ordained for the salvation of all, though they thus ensured the overthrow of their own superstition. Once more then unholy sedition, once more war and strife prevailed, with stiff-neckedness, luxurious riot, and that craving for wealth which now soothes its victims with specious hope, now strikes them with groundless fear; a craving which is contrary to nature, and the very characteristic of Vice herself.1

INTRODUCTION

Political maneuverings, infidelity, murder, mystical faith experiences, bloody campaigns,

and ruthless striving for power were résumé essentials for the leaders of fourth century Rome;

however, at times amidst the coarser qualities one might find mercy, generosity, and elements of

weakness. All of the mentioned attributes contributed to the character and temperament of

Emperor Constantine. Often called the First Christian Emperor, Constantine I is highly important

in history because he became an advocate for the church by putting an end to imperial

persecutions, and he unified the divided Roman Empire. His decisions and edicts parlayed the

church and him into positions of power. Unfortunately, there is little known about him that one

can promote with assurance as fully fact.2 Famed historian, Eusebius of Caesaria, wrote much of

the information available about Constantine, and he presented him in the best possible light.

Therefore, it is necessary to examine both the history conveyed by Eusebius along with

Constantine‟s actions to garner a fuller understanding of the Emperor. From this analysis,

perhaps one might be better able to determine if Constantine truly was a Christian and champion

1 Eusebius of Caesaria. (1890). The Oration of the Emperor Constantine E. C. Richardson, Trans.). In P.

Schaff & H. Wace (Eds.), A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Volume I: Eusebius: Church History, Life of Constantine the Great, and Oration in Praise of Constantine (P. Schaff & H. Wace, Ed.) (561). New York: Christian Literature Company.

2 Edward A. Johnson, “Constantine the Great: Imperial Benefactor of the Early Christian Church,” Journal

of Evangelical Theological Society 22, no. 2 (1979): 161-69,h tt p :// s e ar c h .e b s c o h o s t. co m .e zprox y .li b e r t y .e d u : 2048 /l o g i n . a s p x ? d ire c t=t r u e & db = rfh& A N = A T L A 0000772 7 93& s ite= e h o s t - li v e & s c op e = s ite (accessed September 16, 2012).

3

for the church, or a shrewd politician who used this new and growing religion to strengthen his

political aspirations.

“The hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that rules the world.” ~ W. W. Ross, American Poet

ALL IN THE FAMILY

Little information is known about Constantine‟s early life. He was born around A.D. 280

in Naissus to Constantius Chlorus (a Roman official) and to Helena who was the daughter of an

innkeeper.3 Some accounts claim that Constantius and Helena were married,4 while others claim

Constantine was their illegitimate son.5

FATHER

Most historical records reveal that Constantius was a pagan; however, “Constantine came

to believe that his father was a Christian.”6 Though Constantius destroyed some of the churches7,

he often did not enforce the harsher edicts of persecution that some of his counterparts were

inflicting upon the Christians.8 Constantius spoke of a single god,9 which was a rarity in the

pagan polytheistic society of Rome. In 293, Constantius was appointed as one of the four junior

emperors established by Diocletian.10 The father was sent to the west, but his son fought in

3 M. Galli and T. Olsen, 131 Christians Everyone Should Know (Nashville: Broadman & Holman

Publishers, 2000), 306-9.

4 Ibid.

5 Johnson, 161.

6 Charles Freeman, “The Emperor's State Of,” History Today 51, no. 1 (January, 2001): 9-

15,http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/docview/202814928/fulltext?accountid=12085 (accessedOctober 4, 2012).

7 Johnson, 161.

8 Freeman, 9-15.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid.

4

campaigns in the east. Constantine was about twenty and would not rejoin his ailing father until

years later.11 Upon his father‟s death on July 25, 306, at the young age of thirty-one, Constantine

succeeded his father on the throne and was proclaimed as the new emperor by his father‟s

soldiers.12

MOTHER

There are conflicting accounts of his mother, Helena‟s Christianity. By her actions, it is

generally assumed that she was a Christian.13 Helena was known as a sympathizer with the early

church. She traveled profusely throughout the empire and was able to administer aid to the

churches.14 Up until her death at the age of eighty, Helena had gifted the churches with both

monetary support and acts of personal service.15 The picture that is presented of Helena is one of

compassion and generosity. Evidently, her attitude and acts of kindness toward the Christians

made an impact on both Constantius and her son, Constantine.

OTHER FAMILY MEMBERS

Other members of Constantine‟s family were also “swayed by religious sentiment.”16 His

sister, Constantia, and his son, Constantius, were both drawn to Arianism. His nephew, Julian,

11 Ibid.

12 Johnson, 162.

13 Ibid., 161.

14 Ibid., 161.

15 Ibid., 161.

16 Philip Schaff, “Constantine the Great, and the Downfall of Paganism in the Roman Empire,” Bibliotheca

Sacra 20, no. 80 (October, 1863): 778-98, http://www.galaxie.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/article/890?highlight=Constantine%20and%20Christianity (ac cessed September 16, 2012).

5

was involved with “fanatical paganism.”17 Therefore, a yearning to know a higher trustworthy

power would appear to be the logical recourse for Constantine.

CONSTANTINE’S CHRISTIANITY

Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea and self-appointed biographer, reported an elaborate

account of Constantine‟s conversion experience. It is necessary to remember the time period and

the cultural practices of the day when looking at the following historical account through the lens

of Eusebius. Pagan worship that incorporated sacrifices, and mysticism that sought out signs and

wonders were prevalent in fourth century Rome. Constantine was well acquainted with society,

paganism, and politics; consequently, these elements influenced the way in which he viewed the

world. Eusebius and Constantine did not meet until around 324, after his triumph over Licinius.18

At that point, Constantine was no longer an inexperienced Christian. Hence, the picture of his

faith that Eusebius would have been privy to was one that should have grown and matured over

the preceding years. This may account for Eusebius‟ favorable presentation of the emperor as a

guardian of the faith.

CONVERSION EXPERIENCE

The bishop reported that on October 28, 312, at noon, God intervened in the life of the

Emperor and in the course of history.19 Constantine was in route to Rome in an attempt to defeat

Maxentius, who was a political rival. The two armies met at the Milvian Bridge that was located

outside the city. When Maxentius and his forces crossed the Tiber, they were met and defeated

by Constantine‟s troops. As Maxentius and his bodyguard tried to flee, they were thrown into the

17 Ibid., 782.

18 Johnson, 162.

19 Christopher Kelly, “Constantine: Britain's Roman Emperor,” History Today 56, no. 7 (2006): 25-

31,http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/docview/202819297?accountid=12085 (accessed September16, 2012).

6

river and carried away by the swift current.20 However, according to Eusebius, before the

encounter Constantine had prayed for divine intervention.21 The following was the result of that

prayer:

One day at noon, the Emperor and his men saw a shining cross of light with the sun behind it. From a banner attached to the cross blazed forth the words, “By this conquer.” Eusebius continues: “Amazed by this marvelous sight, and determined to worship no other god than the one who had appeared, he summoned those expert in his words and asked who this god was.” The meaning of this sign was confirmed that night in a dream… The next morning the imperial goldsmiths and jewelers were hurriedly summoned. A huge cross was swiftly constructed. From it hung a costly golden tapestrywith the Emperor‟s portrait fixed above.22

Another Christian account of the dream that was reported by Lactantius was that Constantine

was commanded (in the dream) to put “the Chi-Rho sign” which was the “heavenly sign of god”

on his soldiers‟ shields.23

VALIDITY OF CONVERSION

As evidenced by these early historians, they endeavored to use this incident as the

defining moment as to when Constantine accepted Christ as his Savior. However, not all

historians are in agreement with this interpretation. Jacob Burckhardt asserted, “Constantine the

Great was an „essentially unreligious‟ statesmen who grasped the strength of the Christian

organization and turned it to his own political ends.”24 Edward Gibson also dismissed the whole

account as “fanaticism (that) was permitted to assume the language of inspiration.”25

20 Ibid., 25.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid., 26–27.

23 Freeman, 9-15.

24 H. A. Drake, “Constantine and Consensus,” Church History 64, no. 1 (March, 1995): 1-,http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/docview/217501279?accountid=12085 (accessed September16, 2012).

25 Kelly, 27.

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These suppositions can be supported with the following details. There is an inscription on

the arch in Rome that celebrates Constantine‟s victory over Maxentius in vague terms as having

received benefits of “inspiration of (the/a) divinity.”26 Also, he permitted new temples and

priesthoods of the imperial cult.27 Constantine did not offer a sacrifice to Jupiter after he had

victory over Maxentius, which was the normal practice of the emperors; however, he kept

images of the sun god on his coins until 325.28 These inconsistencies might be explained by

saying that he did not have a full understanding of the Christian faith or he was, in fact, playing

both sides of an issue. One of his greatest strengths was in fostering unity among distinct

individuals and groups.

In the late 490s, an antichristian historian, Zosimus, detailed another personal failure in

Constantine‟s life that should be mentioned. In early 326, the emperor ordered the execution of

his eldest son and heir apparent, Crispus.29 Soon after that execution, he sanctioned the

elimination his second wife, Fausta. Evidently, he had her locked in a steam room until she

suffocated.30 Constantine had recklessly responded to rumors that indicated the two had been in

an adulterous relationship. Yet, it was revealed after their deaths that the rumor was false.31 As a

result of these actions, Zosimus hypothesized that the guilt-ridden emperor sought out absolution

26 Benet Salway, “Constantine Augoustos (not Sebstos)*,” Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 50, no. 91 (March, 2007): 37, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2007.tb02374.x/full (accessed September 16, 2012).

27 Ibid.

28 Graham Keith, “Church-State Relations: The Impact of the Constantinian Revolution,” Reformation andRevival 13, no. 4 (Fall, 2004):56, http://www.galaxie.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/article/12468?highlight=Constantine%20and%20Christianity(accessed September 16, 2012).

29 Kelly, 27.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid.

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for his crimes, and the only religion that offered him forgiveness was through a Christian bishop

who promised him that Christians were released from all of their sins.32

RESULTS OF CONVERSION

TOLERANCE AND EDICTS

After Constantine had conquered Maxentius in 312 and had acquired Rome, Italy, and

North Africa, he met with Licinius in 313, and drew up the Edict of Toleration.33 This edict

benefited the Christians in the following ways: 1) It allowed freedom of worship both for pagans

and Christians; 2) It did not prevent conversion to Christianity; and 3) It restored property of

Christian‟s which had been seized during the persecution.34 Burckhardt felt that since

Constantine tolerated all religions, that the emperor‟s faith was questionable.35 However, he

(Burckhardt) dismissed the fact that Constantine still had a pagan Senate and a non-Christian

colleague in Licinius. Constantine had to work within these limitations.36 Since he thought of the

church as an umbrella organization, he used it to help accommodate diversity and harmony

within his empire.37

Other areas of favor exempted all Church officials from public obligations including the

holding of public office. This occurred during a time when in order to afford one‟s taxes, one had

to hold office.38 “Constantine intended, „that they may not by any error or sacrilegious

negligence be drawn away for the service due to the Deity, but may devote themselves without

32 Ibid.

33 Johnson, 163.

34 Ibid.

35 Drake, 1-.

36 Ibid.

37 Ibid.

38 Johnson, 164.

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any hindrance to their own law. For it seems that when they show greatest reverence to the

Deity, the greatest benefits accrue to the state.‟”39 However, it should be mentioned that these

were the same rights and privileges that were given to the pagan priests.

Laws, in general, were becoming more humane in several areas. Criminals were sent to

the mines instead of the gladiator contests, which fostered a decline of arena cruelty.40 The

exposure of unwanted children was ended, provision was made for children whose parents could

not take care of them, and animal sacrifices in the pagan temples were forbidden.41 Sacred

seasons of the Church and Sundays were recognized, which obtained undisturbed public

worship.42 This “made the Christian Sunday a civil institution, and facilitated its observance by

the pious, and prevented, at least in great part, its public desecration by the wicked.”43

After Constantine defeated Licinius in 323, he began a more aggressive anti-pagan policy

but he did stop short of violence.44 Several heathen alters and shrines were destroyed, among

those was the one dedicated to Venus that had been erected over Christ‟s tomb.45 He built new

churches that included a house of prayer near Christ‟s tomb and a splendid church in

Nicomedia.46 Determined to keep with the tradition of the Roman emperors to honor their gods

with patronage, Constantine spared no expense in the new churches and renovations. In fact, he

striped the pagan temples to help finance his building projects. The amount spent on one of his

39 Ibid.

40 Ibid., 165.

41 Ibid.

42 Schaff, 793.

43 Ibid.

44 Keith, 56.

45 Johnson, 165.

46 Ibid.

10

early projects, St. John Lateran in Rome, could have fed about 12,000 poor people for a year -

approximately sixty million dollars in today‟s currency.47

INVOLVEMENT WITH CHURCH

Constantine soon became involved with the doctrines and politics of the church. One of

the first disputes that he helped to mediate was a conflict between a bishop, Alexander, and a

presbyter, Arius.48 “Arius claimed that Jesus, though fully divine, was a subsequent creation of

God the Father and hence subordinate to him.”49 Yet, the bishop supported the monotheistic view

that Christ was part of the Godhead since the beginning of time and had Arius

excommunicated.50 The disunity among the church was a concern to the emperor and he

eventually called for a council of the bishops to assemble at Nicaea in 325.51 This was one of the

first affairs dealing with the church and various schisms with which he got involved. During a

dinner with his bishops it is reported that he said, “You are bishops whose jurisdiction is within

the church. But I also am a bishop, ordained by God to oversee those outside the church.”52

He was appealed to during another schism with the Donatists against the Caecilian. His

response was as follows:

They demand my judgment, who am myself waiting for the judgment of Christ. For I say– and it is the truth – that the judgment of priests ought to be regarded as if the Lordhimself sat in judgment… They seek the things of the world, abandoning heavenlythings. What frenzied audacity! As is done in the eyes of pagans, they have interposed an appeal.53

47 Freeman, 9-15.

48 Ibid.

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid.

51 Galli, 306-309.

52 Galli, 306-309.

53 Keith, 60.

11

Eventually, he decided to hear the appeal and sided with the original opinion that went against

the Donatists.54

What appears obvious in his dealings with the church is that Constantine was more

concerned that the church got along and accommodated diversity than wrestling with theological

debates. In the Arian controversy he declared the argument over the Father and Son as

“intrinsically trifling and of little moment.”55 He further emphasized the need to have unity with

the following:

For we are not all of us like-minded on every subject nor is there such a thing as one disposition and judgment common to all alike. As far, then, as regards the Divine Providence, let there be one faith, and one understanding among you, one united judgment in reference to God. But as to your subtle disputations of questions of little or no significance, though you may be unable to harmonize in sentiment, such differences should be consigned to the secret custody of your own minds and thoughts.56

WHY CHRISTIANITY?

The question can be posed as to whether there was a political advantage to Constantine‟s

regard for the church? At first glance, one would affirm a resounding “no” to any advantage. Just

prior to his becoming emperor, there had been great persecutions and many Christians had been

martyred. However, Constantine was the consummate politician who had been engaged in a long

struggle for power. His desire was to have a unified empire. Therefore, he needed Rome‟s

allegiance (which he had taken over by force) and this meant he needed to acquire the support of

the fragmented church in Rome.57 Also, he recognized the fact that God seemed to favor him

54 Ibid.

55 Drake, 1-.

56 Ibid.

57 Bill Leadbetter, “Constantine and the Bishop: The Roman Church in the Early Fourth Century,” TheJournal of Religious History 26, no. 1 (February, 2002):

12

when he worshipped Him. Unfortunately, even when he gave honor to God, he kept much of his

wording ambiguous.

Another opinion is that his religious experience was, in fact, true. Constantine was not a

neophyte in his knowledge of Christianity due to his mother‟s involvement. Perhaps, he had

watched her as a boy and saw a faith and peace in her actions that he desired. It is documented

that Constantine was baptized near the end of his life in 337.58 Waiting to be baptized was

common in the church during this time period and this alone is not an indication as to whether or

not Constantine was saved.

“Do not stop him,” Jesus said. “No one who does a miracle in my name can in the next moment

say anything bad about me, for whoever is not against us is for us. Truly I tell you, anyone who

gives you a cup of water in my name because you belong to the Messiah will certainly be

rewarded.” ~ Jesus from Mark 9:38-41, TNIV

CONCLUSION

Learned theologians have attempted to answer the question as to whether Constantine

was truly saved. However, only God and Constantine know the answer. If one thinks he was not

a Christian because he murdered his eldest son and second wife, how would he or she respond to

King David and the scandal concerning Bathsheba found in II Samuel 11? Despite David‟s

failings, the scripture ascertained that, “I have found David son of Jesse, a man after my own

heart” (Acts 13:22, TNIV). The fact is that the church was greatly favored and grew during his

tenure as emperor. He stopped the persecutions and elevated the church and her bishops. He

11, h tt p :/ / w e b .e b s c o h o s t. c o m . e zpro x y . l i b e r t y .e d u : 2048 /e h o s t/ pd f v i e w e r / pdf v i e w e r ? s i d = 12 c e1 a c 7 - db a f - 475 c - b413 - 11d b1 f7 f61 f9 %40 sessio n mgr 10 &vid =8& hid =1 9 (accessed October 4, 2012).

58 Keith, 57.

13

enacted more humane treatment of society and helped to firmly establish the church as legitimate

and recognized in society. His actions and motives were not always holy or good. He pride was

evident in some of his building projects and even in the opinion of himself as a bishop. However,

his shortcomings and sins, in regard to the church, are far outweighed by the benefits and

blessings the church received during his reign. Therefore, an absolute judgment cannot be made

on the basis of Constantine‟s sins; however, most would admit he was a great gift to the Church.

Further study on Constantine is available by reading all of the sources listed on this

bibliography. Also, there are several books available on the time period. An interesting approach

might be to read some totally secular historians and see their views on Constantine.

14

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Drake, H. A. “Constantine and Consensus.” Church History 64, no. 1 (March, 1995): 1-.http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/docview/217501279?accountid=12085(accessed September 16, 2012).

Eusebius of Caesaria. (1890). The Oration of the Emperor Constantine, E. C. Richardson, Trans.) In P. Schaff & H. Wace (Eds.), A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Volume I: Eusebius: Church History, Life of Constantine the Great, and Oration in Praise of Constantine (P. Schaff & H. Wace, Eds.) (561). New York: Christian Literature Company.

Galli, M., and T. Olsen. 131 Christians Everyone Should Know. Nashville: Broadman & HolmanPublishers, 2000.

Freeman, Charles “The Emperor's State Of.” History Today 51, no. 1 (January, 2001): 9-15.ht t p: / /se a r c h.pr o qu e st . c om.e z p r o x y .l i b e r t y . e du : 2048/docvi e w/202814928/fullte x t ? acc ou nt i d = 12085 (accessed October 4, 2012).

Johnson, Edward A. “Constantine the Great: Imperial Benefactor of the Early ChristianChurch.”Journal of Evangelical Theological Society 22, no. 2 (1979): 161-69.http://search.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rfh& AN=ATLA0000772793&site=ehost-live&scope=site (accessed September 16, 2012).

Keith, Graham. “Church-State Relations: The Impact of the ConstantinianRevolution.”Reformation and Revival 13, no. 4 (Fall, 2004): 53-73.http://www.galaxie.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/article/12468?highlight=Constantine%20and%20Christianity (accessed September 16, 2012).

Kelly, Christopher. “Constantine: Britain's Roman Emperor.” History Today 56, no. 7 (2006):25-31. http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/docview/202819297?accountid=12085 (accessed September 16, 2012).

Leadbetter, Bill “Constantine and the Bishop: The Roman Church in the Early FourthCentury.” The Journal of Religious History 26, no. 1 (February, 2002): 1-14.ht t p: / /w e b. e bsco h ost.com.ez p ro x y .l i b e r t y . e du: 2 048/ehost/pdfvi e w e r/pd f vie we r ? sid=12c e 1 ac 7 - d b a f - 47 5 c- b41 3 - 1 1db1 f 7 f 61f9 % 40 s e ss i onm g r1 0 & vid= 8 & hid=19 (accessed October4, 2012).

Salway, Benet. “Constantine Augoustos (not Sebstos)*.” Bulletin of the Institute of ClassicalStudies 50, no. 91 (March, 2007): 37-50. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2007.tb02374.x/full (accessed September 16, 2012).

Schaff, Philip. “Constantine the Great, and the Downfall of Paganism in the RomanEmpire.”Bibliotheca Sacra 20, no. 80 (October, 1863): 778-98.http://www.galaxie.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/article/890?highlight=Constantine%20and%20Christianity (accessed September 16, 2012).