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JULY 23, 1886.]ULY 23, 1886.] S CIE2CIE2
of economic life as they actually exist, blendedwith the
political, legal, and social life. It hasno such abstraction as the
' economic man,' butthinks only of man living in state relations,
under
the bond of law, and surrounded by the influencesof family,
custom, and social habits. Politicaleconomy is thus not isolated
from the otherbranches of social science, but finds a
thousandpoints of contact with them. It adds to theirknowledge, and
in return receives from them theexplanation of many of its
phenomena. In fact,we may say that each set of phenomena is
inex-plicable without some knowledge of the others,and to isolate
them is to make each incomplete initself.
The value of this method of investigation isstrikingly seen in
the function which political
economy performs in the study of political science.That function
is a double one. In the first place,political history can never be
understood withouta knowledge of the economic condition of
thecommunity which we are studying. The feudalsystem was possible
only at a time when land wasthe principal kind of wealth.
Aristocratic cityrepublics could exist only where the growth
ofindustry and commerce enabled the burghers tomake themselves
independent of the feudal no-bility. Absolute monarchy rested on a
class suffi-ciently rich to pay taxes, and sufficiently
interestedin the preservation of law and order to be willing
to.paythem.
Representativeinstitutions arose
onlywhen at last the industrial and commercial classwas strong
enough to assert itself against bothkingship and land-holding
aristocracy. The firstfunction of political economy is purely
historical.It investigates economic life in past ages for
thepurpose of explaining political history. When itgets down to the
present time, it is purely descrip-tive, for the political
institutions of different na-tions at the present time are
conditioned by vary-ing economic circumstances.
But political economy has a second function inconnection with
the study of political science.Every state action, every law that
is passed, orordinance enforced, or treaty negotiated, haseconomic
consequences sometimes of the highestimportance. Political economy
must here directstate action, must say what will be the
conse-quences of such action, and whether it will be forgood or
evil. It can do this only by appeal tohistory, by comparison of the
experience of othernations, and by the use of statistics. In
otherwords, we find that the most faithful ally ofpolitical science
is the use of the historical, com-parative, and statistical method
of investigationin political economy.
RICHMOND MAYO SMITH.
of economic life as they actually exist, blendedwith the
political, legal, and social life. It hasno such abstraction as the
' economic man,' butthinks only of man living in state relations,
under
the bond of law, and surrounded by the influencesof family,
custom, and social habits. Politicaleconomy is thus not isolated
from the otherbranches of social science, but finds a
thousandpoints of contact with them. It adds to theirknowledge, and
in return receives from them theexplanation of many of its
phenomena. In fact,we may say that each set of phenomena is
inex-plicable without some knowledge of the others,and to isolate
them is to make each incomplete initself.
The value of this method of investigation isstrikingly seen in
the function which political
economy performs in the study of political science.That function
is a double one. In the first place,political history can never be
understood withouta knowledge of the economic condition of
thecommunity which we are studying. The feudalsystem was possible
only at a time when land wasthe principal kind of wealth.
Aristocratic cityrepublics could exist only where the growth
ofindustry and commerce enabled the burghers tomake themselves
independent of the feudal no-bility. Absolute monarchy rested on a
class suffi-ciently rich to pay taxes, and sufficiently
interestedin the preservation of law and order to be willing
to.paythem.
Representativeinstitutions arose
onlywhen at last the industrial and commercial classwas strong
enough to assert itself against bothkingship and land-holding
aristocracy. The firstfunction of political economy is purely
historical.It investigates economic life in past ages for
thepurpose of explaining political history. When itgets down to the
present time, it is purely descrip-tive, for the political
institutions of different na-tions at the present time are
conditioned by vary-ing economic circumstances.
But political economy has a second function inconnection with
the study of political science.Every state action, every law that
is passed, orordinance enforced, or treaty negotiated, haseconomic
consequences sometimes of the highestimportance. Political economy
must here directstate action, must say what will be the
conse-quences of such action, and whether it will be forgood or
evil. It can do this only by appeal tohistory, by comparison of the
experience of othernations, and by the use of statistics. In
otherwords, we find that the most faithful ally ofpolitical science
is the use of the historical, com-parative, and statistical method
of investigationin political economy.
RICHMOND MAYO SMITH.
COE. 87
REGENT BOOKS ON PSYCHOLOGY.
WHEN a very successful English translation wasmade some years
ago of Ribot's ' La psychologie
Anglaisecontemporaine,' it was a matter of sur-
prise that his 'Psychologie Allemande' also wasnot translated as
soon as it appeared. For thoughwe may agree with Mr. James Ward,
that the lat-ter book is in a measure superficial and
sometimesmisleading, it is nevertheless the only compactsummary of
that psychological activity in Ger-many that began with Herbart;
and that is thatrepresented to-day by Professor Wundt of Leipzig.We
are very glad that it is now put into the handsof English readers.
M. Ribot has found that theadvance in psychological investigation
between1879and 1885 has necessitated the rewriting of hisoriginal
work; and it is from this second Frenchedition that the translation
before us is made.1
This second edition is without the brief but in-teresting
chapter on Beneke which was includedin the first edition, but as
compensation it coversthe latest discussion of Weber's law and the
morerecent investigations of Wundt. Ribot is veryclear as to what
he means by the German psychol-ogy of to-day: he calls it the '
new' psychology,but rather exults than otherwise in the idea of '
apsychology without a soul.' He describes the newpsychology
tersely, thus: "It has for its objectnervous phenomena accompanied
by consciousness,finding in man the type most easy of
recognition,but bound to pursue the investigation through thewhole
animal series, however difficult" (p. 8). Thisis explicit enough
surely, but has a strange soundto the student of English
psychology, who is ac-customed to the discussion of problems which
theGermans, since Kant, have relegated to a separatebranch of
mental science called erkenntnissthe-orie.
For the older school of psychologists, M. Ribotexpresses what we
may best designate as respect-ful contempt. ," We owe to it good
descriptions,excellent analyses; but its work is done. Its
prov-ince now is simply details, shades of meaning,
refinements, subtilties " (p. 3). This is, in its way,exquisite,
and is one of the many passages inwhich M. Ribot implies that
Locke, Leibnitz, Berke-ley, Hume, Reid, Stewart, and Hamilton can
becalled psychologists only by historical courtesy.With this narrow
conception of psychology we arenot going to quarrel: we merely
point it out asthe key to understanding M. Ribot's
excellentaccounts of Herbart, Lotze, Fechner, and Wundt.Nowhere
else are their investigations and teach-
1 German psychology of to-day: the empirical school. ByTH.
RIBOT. Tr. by T. M. Baldwin, B. A., with a preface byJames McCosh,
D.D., LL.D., Lit. D. New York, Scribner,1886. 8?.
COE. 87
REGENT BOOKS ON PSYCHOLOGY.
WHEN a very successful English translation wasmade some years
ago of Ribot's ' La psychologie
Anglaisecontemporaine,' it was a matter of sur-
prise that his 'Psychologie Allemande' also wasnot translated as
soon as it appeared. For thoughwe may agree with Mr. James Ward,
that the lat-ter book is in a measure superficial and
sometimesmisleading, it is nevertheless the only compactsummary of
that psychological activity in Ger-many that began with Herbart;
and that is thatrepresented to-day by Professor Wundt of Leipzig.We
are very glad that it is now put into the handsof English readers.
M. Ribot has found that theadvance in psychological investigation
between1879and 1885 has necessitated the rewriting of hisoriginal
work; and it is from this second Frenchedition that the translation
before us is made.1
This second edition is without the brief but in-teresting
chapter on Beneke which was includedin the first edition, but as
compensation it coversthe latest discussion of Weber's law and the
morerecent investigations of Wundt. Ribot is veryclear as to what
he means by the German psychol-ogy of to-day: he calls it the '
new' psychology,but rather exults than otherwise in the idea of '
apsychology without a soul.' He describes the newpsychology
tersely, thus: "It has for its objectnervous phenomena accompanied
by consciousness,finding in man the type most easy of
recognition,but bound to pursue the investigation through thewhole
animal series, however difficult" (p. 8). Thisis explicit enough
surely, but has a strange soundto the student of English
psychology, who is ac-customed to the discussion of problems which
theGermans, since Kant, have relegated to a separatebranch of
mental science called erkenntnissthe-orie.
For the older school of psychologists, M. Ribotexpresses what we
may best designate as respect-ful contempt. ," We owe to it good
descriptions,excellent analyses; but its work is done. Its
prov-ince now is simply details, shades of meaning,
refinements, subtilties " (p. 3). This is, in its way,exquisite,
and is one of the many passages inwhich M. Ribot implies that
Locke, Leibnitz, Berke-ley, Hume, Reid, Stewart, and Hamilton can
becalled psychologists only by historical courtesy.With this narrow
conception of psychology we arenot going to quarrel: we merely
point it out asthe key to understanding M. Ribot's
excellentaccounts of Herbart, Lotze, Fechner, and Wundt.Nowhere
else are their investigations and teach-
1 German psychology of to-day: the empirical school. ByTH.
RIBOT. Tr. by T. M. Baldwin, B. A., with a preface byJames McCosh,
D.D., LL.D., Lit. D. New York, Scribner,1886. 8?.
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SC[IENCE.
ings brougllt togetlher so clearly ar(nd o compactlyas in this
little l)ook. It should 1)e in tlhe han(dsof every student of
psychology, and( most of it will
apipeal even to readers vlio are without special
philosophical training. Of the translation we canspeak
cordially, but not enthusiastically. It isclear and accurate enough
for all practical pur-poses, tliougli more attention to literary
formwould have improved it. The unpardonable lackof any index to
such a book as this should beremedied without fail, if a second(l
edition is evercalled for.
Dr. McCoshl's new book 1 would undoubtedly in-cur M. Ribot's
condemnation; for while recogniz-ing the work of the new sclhool in
investigatingthe relations of mind and brain, in measuring
theduration of psychic acts, etc., it views psychologyfrom the
old-school
stand-point.It is
refreshingto rea(l a book so clear, so candid, and so
self-confident ; and, even when disagreeing with tlie
positions of the author most completely, we cain-not witllhhold
our admiration from his vigor ofthought and expression. This book
is tile finalexpression of President McCosh's well -
knownpsychological views. It is based on lhis academiclectures, and
is a direct, simple, and dogmaticpresentatioin of his system. Dr.
McCosli does notbeat around the bush. He (lefines tlie soul as"
that self of whlicli every one is conscious" (p.
1);self-consciousness, as " the power by wliicli wetake cognizance
of self as acting; say, as thinkingor feeling, as remembering the
past or anticipat-ing the future, as loving, fearing, and resolving
"
(p. 2). We lhave intuitive evidence of tile exist-ence of thle
soul (p. 7). "It is not thle exact orfull truth to say that I feel
an external object, orthat I lhave an idea of it (wiliicl I may
have wlienit is not present), or tliat I appreliend it, or havea
notion of it, or believe in it: the correct expres-sion is, tllat I
liave knowledge of it, or tliat Icognize it" (p. 20). These are Dr.
McCoshl's postu-lates, and on thlem his systemll is built up.
Webelieve that it is coherent, but that it is not scien-tific. Its
fundamentals are assumed, not proven.It is a systeln that will not
allow tlle question,' Iow is knowledge possible?' to be raised.
Itfollows Reid and Hamilton in assuming thefamous distinction of
primary and' secondaryqualities witliout meeting the arguments of
Berke-ley, Kant, and Spencer. Yet we fully admitthat it is far
easier to find fault witli Dr. McCosh'ssystem as a wliole than to
replace it. Perhapsthe time has not yet come for building a
completesystem of psychology on the new basis.
In this book Dr. McCosh deals only with theI Psychology: the
cognitive powers. By JAMES McCosH,
D).D., LL.D., Litt.D., Now York, Scribner, 1886. 12?.
[VOL. Vii., No. 181
cognitive powers, reserving llis treatnenllt of tllemotive
powers for another volulie. Th:is we hopewill be issued before
lonlg, and enable us to viewentire thle venerable author's
psychological teach-
ing. Wlen the hlistory of plhilosophy in Americacomes to be
written, it will I)e found, that, riglit orwrong himself, no one
has contributed so much,or given such an impulse, to tlhe study of
pliilos-oplly and psyc(hology in this country, as thle
dis-tinguished president of Princeton.
Of Mr. Jones's ' Human psychology' 1 we need(lnot say much. It
is principally a compl)end ofotlier persons' views in otiler
persons' words. Itis not unskilfully put togethler, but cannot
expectrecognition as an original or independent treatise.It is of
no use to thle trained philosophical teacher,and a poor imanual to
recommllend to an untrainedstu(lellt.
MR. GtA13ER has recently (lescribed, in thleTransactions of tlhe
Vienna academy, the resultsof observations indicating that eyeless
anillials aresensible to light. In a box divided into
comnpart-lments, and eacli furnislhed witli two openings,
liedistributed equally a numb)er of earth-worms.One of the openings
in each colnmp)rtment heobscured or concealed, and exposed the box
totlhe light, examining tlhe worims from time totime, and adding
new ones every four hours. Byrepeated observations lie found that
they showeda decided tendency to withdraw to the darkerparts of
tlie compartments, only forty out of atotal of two hundred and
fifty reluaining in tlielighlt. IHe also studied thle influence of
differcntrays upon them, and found them susceptible tothe
(lifferenit colors. WhenI the openings werecovered witli blue and
red glass, they manifesteda imarked preference for the red
liglit.
- Mr. A. Sanson, in an article in a recent nmim-ber of the Revue
scientiftque, states, tliat, from acomparison of animal and steam
poIwer, in Franceat least, the former is tlie cheaper motor. In
the.conversion of chemical to miechanical energy,ninety per cent is
lost in the machine, againstsixty-eight in the animal. He finds
that thlesteam horse-power, contrary to wlhat is generallybelieved,
is often materially exceeded by thehorse. Tle cost of traction on
the Montparnasse-Bastille line of railway lie found to be for
eachcar, daily, fifty-seven francs, wllile t]le same workdone by
tlie horse cost only forty-seven francs;and he believes, that, for
moderate powers, theconversion of cheniical into meclhanical energy
ismore economically effected through aninmals thanthrough
steam-engines.
I Human psychology: an introduction to philosophy.By E. JONES,
A. M. Now York, Baker (e Taylor.
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