Shoppers’ reactions to modernfood retailing systemsin an emerging country

The case of Morocco

Abdelmajid Amine and Najoua LazzaouiUniversity of Paris-Est Creteil, Creteil, France

Abstract

Purpose – This article aims to explore the effects of the massive arrival of foreign distributionconcepts in emerging countries on the evolution of the local buyers’ shopping practices. The confrontationof the latter, long accustomed to the traditional network, with the new retail outlets gives rise to theemergence of new modes of shopping and purchasing.

Design/methodology/approach – The use of a qualitative approach, combining in-storeobservations of behaviours and in-depth interviews, highlighted rich and complex trends inconsumption in an emerging country; Morocco for instance.

Findings – The content analysis of collected data shows that the differences in social classes give placeto varied shopping strategies and generate singular symbolic representations of shopping experiences.The research reveals also a hybridization of shopping practices where the consumers transpose somevalues and shopping behaviors inherited from the traditional trade into the modern distribution stores.Finally, the research also shows differences between global and local retail banners laying on theirperceived images, store attendance and shopping practices which reflect their contrasted positioningstrategies.

Practical implications – The findings enable the retailers to adapt/shape their location strategy,assortment policy and positioning strategy to improve their store image and attractiveness and gainmarket power. The results have also implications on the public policy to manage the balance and thefuture of local traditional shops and modern retail stores.

Originality/value – This paper points out the role of cultural anchorage in producing hybridizedshopping practices that allows the domestic buyers to cope with the uncongruency between theirinherited traditional values and those associated to the modern distribution. It also shows how theselocal customers use the modern retail stores as a scene of symbolic exhibition for their social status andinvent hybrid shopping practices to cope with this incongruency.

Keywords Modern vs traditional retail formats, Emerging countries, Consumption practices,Shopping experience, Hybridization, Interviews, Consumer behaviour, Morocco

Paper type Research paper

I. IntroductionEmerging market countries are experiencing major changes that affect theireconomies and by extension their retail systems. The massive arrival of foreignsales concepts added to the local commercial landscape, inevitably affects the structureand the equilibrium of the retail system and modifies the practices of consumption.These changes are at the root of the evolution of concumers’ purchasing and shoppingbehaviours that are becoming increasingly complex and changing. In this context,consumers tend to adopt a variety of options: maintain their commitment withtraditional commerce to preserving their habits and values from their culture of origin,

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Received 26 October 2010Revised 13 November 2010Accepted 8 March 2011

International Journal of Retail &Distribution ManagementVol. 39 No. 8, 2011pp. 562-581q Emerald Group Publishing Limited0959-0552DOI 10.1108/09590551111148659

go to the selling format imported from the west to access the modernity andbreakaway from tradition or adopt a multitude of intermediate positions to makemixes of the two supply modes depending on the product category, the situation ofconsumption and the social characteristics of the consumer.

Several studies have focused on the analysis of the evolution of the retail system inemerging countries (Goldman, 1974, 1981, 1982; Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982; Samiee,1993) even on analysis of retail formats in specific countries such as China (Blois, 1989;Chow and Tsang, 1994; Sternquist and Qiao, 1995; Lo et al., 2001), Vietnam (Venard, 1996),Russia (Huddleston, 1993), Cuba (Cervino and Bonache, 2005) and Hungary (Mueller et al.,1993). These works have studied the changes in retail system in these markets withoutseeking to understand the changing attitudes and behaviours of local consumers.

While emerging economies present real opportunities for development (politicalopenness and economic liberalization) for the retail groups already operating insaturated Western markets. However, implementation of new concepts of retail wouldnot have been so successful if consumers did not adopt them. Yet, these new sellingformats mostly convey cultural values away from those of the emerging country whichaffect the consumption patterns and shift purchasing practices.

This suggests that there is a potential consumer at the origin of the outbreak,accompanying the rise of new signboards of modern retailing. The increasinginstallation of international retailers, the multiplication of outlets and changes in theretail sector in emerging countries are put in perspective with the trends of localconsumers to accept and adapt to these new sales formats (Amine et al., 2005).

Thus, the conversion of consumers to these new forms of retail led to questionsabout new trends in consumption in these countries. The purpose of this article is tounderstand how the arrival of modern food retail format produces significant changes inthe way consumers in an emerging country, Morocco for instance, shopped for food,negotiate their relationship to the store and give sense to their shopping activity bothwithin global and local retail signboards.

We will first of all proceed with a brief overview of the retail in emerging countries.Hereafter, we will concentrate in developing an empirical research, based on qualitativemethod, to analyzing the role of modernization of food retail in Morocco on theemergence of new consumption and shopping practices.

II. Modernization of the retail environment in the emerging countriesThe trade landscape has undergone major changes in many emerging countries duringthe past three decades. Until the 1970 s, the retail system in these countries wasfragmented and atomised (Kumcu and Kumcu, 1987). The local retailers with low capital,the independents and family-owned properties dominated the trade (Samli, 1964;Kaynak, 1982). Retailers worked themselves mostly in their own small premises and fewof them held more than one store. They relied only on the support of those around them(both in terms of funding and manpower) and a single location (Tokatli and Boyaci,1998).

Recently, signs of transformation of the retail industry in these countries areapparent. The trade landscape in emerging countries has several retail networks. Thereis mainly the co-existence of three different sales formats: the traditional format and theinformal network, rooted in their local culture and habits, and the modern, recentlyadopted by an increasing fringe of customers.

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2.1 Determinants of the growth in modern retailingEmerging economies have been experiencing since a few years a massive implantationwave of new retail formats. These markets provide an environment conducive to theestablishment and proliferation of signboards of modern retailing. Thus, openness to theinternational and implementing economic policies attractive to foreign investment(through the adoption of new more flexible laws, the reduction of tariff barriers andtax reforms) makes these destination countries highly coveted by foreign retailers.

The problems of organization and logistics requirements may be remaining barriersto the implementation of these new sales formats in emerging countries. In contrast,increasing the density of population, development of the middle class, development ofboth individual and collective modes of transport are factors promoting the developmentof modern commerce. This responds to a growing demand volume and can cope withthe problems of insufficient number of outlets in the traditional neighbourhood,their inability to quickly manage large consumer flows, the rising cost of labour and lackof control of employees’ loyalty (Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982).

The existence of expectations not met by the local traditional offer facilitatesthe consumer support for the modern retailing formats. The needs and consumptionin emerging countries have experienced great changes following the general accessof people to satellite channels and the dissemination of the international media.This openness has contributed to the cultural permeability (of some layers) to theconsumption values favoured by the west with the gradual increase in the level ofeducation in these countries. The upper and middle classes are more likely to welcomethese new sale formats. These categories of clients have become more informed, familiarand more demanding in terms of choice and quality of the retail offer. Therefore, theyquickly adhered to the modern retail to meet a need for diversity of choice, hygiene(cold chain) and seeking for variety of the places of purchase to re-enchanting theactivity of shopping (Amine et al., 2005).

The support of local consumers to the modern retail format in emerging markets istaking place fairly rapidly. This explains partially the massive development of newretail banners and is at the origin of an impulse of the life cycle of retailing in theseemerging countries (Figure 1). An explanation of the development trend of the modernretail format shows two surprising events in the case of Morocco:

(1) The appearance of supermarkets after hypermarkets is disturbing inconsideration of the observations made in numerous emerging countries whichshow the inverse order. Indeed, the supermarket format appeared in Morocco inthe mid-1980s (before the launching of the first hypermarket), but these fewexperiences which take the form of a unique store ended in a failure. Figure 1shows then the launching dates of retail format chains (networks).

(2) The maturation phase is marked by a strong and quick acceleration comparedto the phases and pace of development experienced by Western countries(Amine et al., 2005). The local and international competition becomes moreintense, it promotes saturation faster for modern trade. This has been observed inseveral emerging countries on different continents. Chile has experienced strongtrade maturity and development of a wave of local challengers. Poland is anotherexample of very rapid growth signboards. Turkey, Lebanon and Morocco arealso part of the same movement.

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The functions of modern retail are no longer limited to economic, logistical, financial,commercial, marketing and political aspects. It has much more non-economic naturein sense that the new retail formats are viewed as places of social interactions, discoveries,experiments, ownership and self-expression and even for relaxation and strollingentertainment (Filser, 2001). Modern retailers have become aware of the hedonic andexperiential aspect of the shop and have implemented the necessary means to make theirstore a place of relaxation and production of experience (Hirschman and Holbrook, 1982).

Thus, to support customers with experiments seeking to re-enchant their daily lives(Firat and Venkatesh, 1995) has become a priority for retailers to show their uniquenessfacing tough competition that tends to standardize.

2.2 Resistance attempts of traditional commerceBecause the new format of sales are a threat to traditional retail groceries, as theirfunction is not limited to marketing, local shops tried, somehow, to organize and act tocontain the onslaught of modern retail. Thus, despite the development of modern retailnetworks, the traditional commerce still resist because it fulfils, beyond its economicfunction, a quasi-natural task of the social bond. Large segments of the population inemerging countries (low and middle classes) remain attached to their grocer who tendsto have a personalized relation with customers and do not necessarily looking to expandhis circle of clients (Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982). Hence, traditional commerce meetsthe expectations and socio-cultural demands that the modern retail does not (yet)

Figure 1.Evolution cycle of large

retailers in Morocco

Departmentstore

Hypermarket

Supermarket

Shoppingcenter

Hard-discount

- Alpha 55 (1979)

- Marjane (1989)- Makro (1991)- Makro acquired by Metro (1997)- Aswak Essalam (1998)- Géant-Casino (2004)

- Label’Vie (2000)- Acima (2002)- Supersol acquired by Label’Vie (2002)

- Galeries Ben Omar (early 90’s)- Galeries Ben Jdia (mid 90’s)- Twin Center (mid 90’s)

Cosmopolitanclients (urbansand foreigners)

TimeLocal

clients

- Franprix (end 2004)

- Hanouty (end 2006)

Traditional commerce

Moderngroceries

1980 1990 2000 2005

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bridge (Goldman, 1982; Goldman et al., 2002; D’Andrea et al., 2006; Lenartowiczand Balasubramanian, 2009). The daily shipments are an important part of the routine ofthe consumer which lead him to be in regular contact with the merchant and moreoverwith the outside world (Savguc, 1969). Prices and credit facilities it grants strengthenits competitive advantage over players in modern trade especially for householdswith low incomes.

Thus, the traditional grocery almost naturally rises as an economic and social hubaround and through which is organized the daily life and woven the social bond.It provides a multitude of functions ranging from the retail of goods and service, delivery(free at home) and the granting of credits (free). It makes its sale point a space formeetings and exchanges usually invested by local residents where it acquires thestatus of a confidant, friend, or even quasi-family member.

Moreover, while supermarkets have captured a good number of customers, some of themcontinue to use the traditional channels for part of their purchases. The adoption of selectivechoice of retail format (modern vs traditional) by consumers is very common in emergingeconomies (Goldman, 1982; Goldman et al., 2002) depending on the financial resources,the format image, the type of product, the context of usage, the emergency of needs, etc.

Whereas a large proportion of the population has adopted the purchase in supermarkets,only a small portion of these “followers” buy all of their food needs. In simplifying, thesupermarket or hypermarket is used to endow sophisticated or refined products, whiletraditional shops continue to have priority for the purchase of common consumption goods.But even if the traditional commerce resists, the main trend shows that traditionalcommerce based on interpersonal contact is gradually replaced by the self-service conceptespecially in urban areas in the emerging countries.

As underlined above, several studies have focused on the evolution of the retailsystem in emerging countries (Goldman, 1981; Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982; Samiee,1993; Coe and Wrigley, 2007; Reardon et al., 2007) or on analyzing the modernization ofthe retailing sector in specific countries or geographic regions (Huddleston, 1993;Mueller et al., 1993; Venard, 1996; Lo et al., 2001; Cervino and Bonache, 2005; White andAbsher, 2007). However, despite the interest in the evolution of retail in those marketsas well as strategies for installation of the foreign retail signboards in emergingcountries, previous studies have less sought to analyze the changing attitudes andpractices of local consumption on the co-existing development of modern trade.

To better understand the emergence of new consumption practices andretail patronage due to the development of new supermarket/hypermarket retailingsystem in emerging countries, we adopt a socio-cultural approach of consumption tocapture the differences among social classes (Holt, 1998b) toward the appropriation offood retail format. Furthermore, this approach enables us to understand how thecustomers use these new places of sales as a scene of symbolic exhibition for their socialstatus. We choose to study the Moroccan emerging market which has been undergoingprofound changes in its retail system for almost two decades.

III. Purpose and research methodologyThe objective of our research is to understand the changes of consumption practices andshopping habits further to the transformations which the food retail sector haswitnessed in an emerging country, Morocco for instance. This country of more than30 millions inhabitants is a coveted destination for foreign retailers, a trend which began

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in the early 1990 s. The retail sector is booming with the setting up of modern foodretailers both foreigners (Auchan, Geant-Casino and Metro) and local (Aswak Assalam,Label’ Vie and Hanouty) growing rapidly.

We selected the two main banners in the retail sector; Marjane (a joint venturebetween Auchan and the most important Moroccan holding Omnium Nord Africain(ONA)) and Aswak Assalam (a 100 per cent local owner Ynna Holding), which amongthem account for almost the entire hypermarket format of food and cover virtually thewhole territory. Our study was conducted in two stores in the city of Rabat (one shop byhypermarket signboard).

These two store banners differentiate, however, by their varied positioning whereMarjane’s focus is on the values of modernity and openness to the west, where you canfind all the families of products including alcohol and pork, while Aswak Assalam basedits positioning on family values and Moroccan traditional culture where all cultural andreligious banned products are not offered (alcohol, pork, etc.). Nevertheless, if theselected two stores exhibit no significant differences in price levels they differentiatehowever on their size. Marjane hypermarket is located in an upper class quarter(Hay Agdal), was launched in 2000 and has a surface of 7,000 square meter, whereasAswak Assalam is situated in a middle to high class quarter (Hay Riad), was launched in1998 and has a superficie of 4,000 square meter.

A qualitative study was conducted. For the collection of data, we used eitherbehavioural in-stores observations and in-depth interviews to favour cross-validationmethods. This approach allows studying more precisely and as openly as possible theconsumption practices and shopping strategies embedded in the social interactions. Theinterest of combining different sources and data collection methods fills the weakness ofeach and reduce the gaps that may exist between the behaviours and verbalizationduring the interview. The empirical data gathering procedure used in this researchwas composed as follows:

. A total of 17 hours of observation divided between the two stores transcribed ona logbook and 20 grids of observation (20 customers observed from their entryuntil they leave the store).

. A total of 16 individual face-to-face interviews with clients previously observedin these shops and three interviews with store managers and a marketingdirector belonging to the two hypermarkets under study (The Appendix).

The interviewed customers were selected on the basis of varied criteria (age, income,type and location of housing and type of employment) to be able to confront the speechesof people (older) who lived the transition to modern retail format and those (younger)who knew directly the new retail stores, and those belonging to the upper vs lower socialclasses.

The interview guide was structured around topics covering the nature ofthe consumer’s relation with the various types of food retail formats, the motivationsand the brakes in their attendance, the selection criteria of the places of purchase andfinally the products/brands bought within each type (or store signboard) of retail format.

After carrying out the collection of data, we made a thematic analysis via apost-categorization of the discursive material collected (Miles and Huberman, 1994).In doing so, we construct categories of meaning from speeches and comments recordedin the logbook enriched by observation material. Two different types of homogeneous

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speeches based on the representations and shopping practices associated with modern(vs traditional) retail stores could be identified. They met the categorization in socialclasses – in the sense of Bourdieu (1984) – that are distinct on the basis of their culturalcapital (knowledge, distinctive tastes and skills), social resources (network,relationships) or economic capital (financial resources).

IV. Emergence of new consumption and shopping practices in Moroccanfood retail systemSome previous work has shown that, whatever the emerging country in question, theadvent of modern sale formats is always at the emergence of new patterns of consumptionand shopping (Amine et al., 2005). In these circumstances, consumers in general remaintorn between the desire to move towards modernity and the need to preserve values andtraditions. Some remain committed to traditional trade, characterized by a combination ofeconomic and social ties. While others choose to convert entirely or partially by sellingmodern formats to meet a need for diversity of choice, hygiene (conservation by the coldchain) and re-enchantment of the activity of shopping.

The content analysis of our corpus of collected data revealed that large-and medium-sized modern food stores appear to be in turn symbolic places of socialconfrontation (Section 4.1) and spaces for “bricolage” of singular consumption andshopping practices (Section 4.2).

4.1 Modern retailing stores as a place of social confrontation and categorizationMorocco is characterized by heterogeneity of its population which is clustered in threesocial classes (low, middle and upper segments)[1]. A remarkable difference is noted intheir income and standard of living, their educational level and their degree ofcommitment to tradition and religion values. Thus, these several groups of customersmay attend the same stores but for different motives.

The analysis of consumers representations and shopping practices within modernvs traditional food stores allows us to identify two main homogeneous discoursesthat refer to high and medium vs low social groups that are distinct in terms of accessto consumption (purchasing power, transportation means and housing location), accessto education (level of education) and openess to foreign cultures (travelling abroad,speaking languages).

The first result of this research shows that hypermarkets are perceived as a place ofconfrontation between social layers. The modern retail stores are frequented by differentsocial groups but not for the same purposes. These categories of clients have differentmotives to attend these places of sale and draw diversified purchasing behaviour andshopping:

Among the clients of Aswak Assalam (hypermarket signboard) [. . .] you can find a woman indjellaba (traditional dressing) as you can find one dressed in the European;

There are some who leave with the shopping cart overloaded (value of 2,000 to 3,000 Dh[2]).There are some who leave with a small bag (laughter);

Typical customer of Aswak Assalam is I would say, either a customer immaculately dressedmaking his purchases or either a modest/popular person with no purchasing goal, butconsidering the supermarket as an exit or a recreational place.

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The existing gaps between different social classes in emerging countries in particular,give rise to very different shopping behaviours. So, some consumer groups havevirtually abandoned the traditional commerce to convert to modern means of retail as aplace of main supply (middle class) or exclusive (upper class), while the lower socialgroup that did not reach till recently the hypermarkets, through the extension of publictransportation means, use it mainly as a time place of relaxation, strolling and discovery.

4.1.1 Modern retail as a scene of social distinction for the upper and middle classes.The upper class converted quite early to modern retail network and made it his mainsource of supply followed after a while by consumers belonging to the medium class.The observations have revealed that the shopping trolleys of these customers are madeup of diverse product categories, including basic necessities (food, cleaning, etc.), usuallybought in the traditional circuit. This shows the conversion and the support of thesecustomers to this new form of supply.

The trolleys of high-income customers also contain the products they describe as“refined” and are not necessarily part of traditional consumption patterns of the country(frozen meat, pie, cheese, smoked salmon and foie gras). Often, these brands importedfrom abroad (Lu, President, etc.) are vectors of social tagging on the exhibits, especiallyon their way to the cash counter.

This category of customer does not see the activity of shopping as an exit, but ratheras mainly a utilitarian task with a small allocation of time dedicated for this activity.Moreover, for these customers, the hypermarket would be an ideal store where youmaximize the time.

They also do not hesitate to use tools, such as preparation of purchase lists orpossession of privilege cards that allow them not to wait at large queuing, recorded in theobservations and responses of interviewees. Furthermore, the observation of the route ofthese customers within the hypermarket revealed that this category of consumers arefamiliar with the store and go directly to the shelves where they used to go and not tryingto “loiter” in point of sale. These people are accurate in their choices and actions. Theyare familiar with such retailers and have fully integrated the internal organization of thismode of retail:

I never exceed an hour. It’s fast I take the essential;

First I make a list before leaving. I’m not going without anything just like that because I forgetthings;

The ideal hypermarket would be the one where it is well labelled because sometimes at thecheckout they tell you: ah here you are! There is no reference! So it is a waste of time [. . .]. I wouldlike not to wait too much at the checkout, and that there is always someone who packs [. . .];

But the ideal thing, thanks to the magnetic sticker, the terminals or sensors recognize the barcodes, each product emits its own waves, they give you the ticket, you check it and you pay.

Even when customers belonging to these higher social classes have joined the modernretail network due to convenience and time saving reasons, they are not less in search ofother symbolic elements. Indeed, the activities of consumption and shopping are alsounderstood as a marker of the game of social distinction and an expression of socialbelonging. This symbolic dimension/meaning of consumption showed how consumerhabits, possessions and shopping practices were indicators of class identity,

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markers of condition and of social status and more generally, of individual and collectiveidentity (Holt, 1998a).

Moreover, through their visit to modern retail stores, upper classes customersseeking to preserve consistency between their self-image and the perceived positioningof the retail outlet. In doing so, it is for them a way to differentiate themselves from thelower classes and to express a sense of belonging and a unique social identity. At thesame time, the categorization function associated with the use of modern trade,represents for clients from the upper classes a chance to meet with their peers and toavoid the “mixing of genders” (for instance with lower classes), something that thetraditional format does not offer. The presence of “this” more modest consumer categoryseems to bother certain customers of higher social class who would continue to own themodern retail network (such as at the time of launching of this retail format) as a symbolof refinement, modernity and social distinction.

As a result, to do their shopping in hypermarkets, this category of customers usesome strategies of avoidance (of waste of time and of mixing with lower classes)consisting in:

. choosing the moments when the stores are not big crowded and avoiding thosecharacterized by the strong presence of the modest category (afternoons andweek ends); and

. delegating the purchase to their servants.

Buyers come during the week, because they know that there will not be as much jostling;

I prefer to do my shopping in the morning. In the morning there are less people;

Marjane (hypermarket banner) [. . .] it has became like the “souk” (popular open market) inthese last days;

If Marjane was a country it would be China. There are already many people, it’s too much [. . .].

4.1.2 Modern retail stores as a gateway to upgrading of self-image for the lower class.The modest categories consider the walk in hypermarkets as a relaxing and strollingmoment. They usually go there with family, not necessarily to make shopping, butfor entertainment and to roam around. This category of customers seeks also to discoverwhat is in these large stores of which they have only heard of and which represent“the” temple of consumption that gives an image of opulence enhanced by the genuinedisplay of the offer.

Consumers of modest segments are provided with a basket or a shoppingtrolley, indispensable tool and symbol of immersion in the experience of consumption,although they generally limit themselves to a few promotional products and other smallpurchases. They show their access to the consumption in this type of stores in particularby showing the bag with the effigy of the store signboard. We are here in presence of asort of consumer identity construction through the cultural transfer of objects meanings(McCracken, 1986). The circuit of these customers in the store is not structured. Theyusually go to all the shelves to find cheap items and droped prices. The observationshave revealed that some of these customers may spend hours in the store without buyinganything. The time is not at all a constraint for them precisely because they are goingthere to spend it:

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The supermarket, I go there once every month or every 2 months [. . .]. I’ go there only in theafternoon for a walk for 1 hour to 1h30 [. . .]. Marjane is for walking, especially for strolling;

They are with family even if they have a small basket. They spend a lot of time, walking [. . .]You find a shopping trolley and behind it you see 4 or 5 people [. . .]. There are also peoplewho come for curiosity;

There are people who come [. . .] to walk, because they come to have an ice cream. They takethe opportunity to buy small things, let’s say a trolley that does not exceed the 200 Dh;

Customers who leave with a Marjane bag, for them that makes them different.

Customers belonging to the modest class have long feel excluded from modern retailing(located in the periphery of the city) since they perceived them as physically distant andsymbolically refined. These stores are seen not intended for them, as they were initiallylargely frequented by higher classes. For them, the fact of having crossed thepsychological and sociological barriers to access to such places of consumption andmake some small purchases is an act highly charged of meaning.

Despite their modest income, parents are happy to please their children by buying afew sweets or small toys. It is also a symbolic act of self-fulfilment through whichindividuals try to compensate the perceived lack of resources in their daily lives(Wicklund and Gollwitzer, 1982). In other words, it is a way to fill a sense of exclusionlong perceived and experienced by this segment of the population, for long unable toaccess the consumption. This behaviour comes also from a desire to achieve an idealimage of oneself, reflected by going to the same places as the upper social classes.

By attending these new stores, modest classes are therefore looking to expressalongside a high class considered inaccessible in daily life, and with which it does nothave the opportunity to mingle. This is a symbolic and experiential part of the purpose ofgoing out to the hypermarkets. The interviews have revealed that these consumersprefer to go to a store located in a “up class” neighbourhood even though it is far away, tothe one carrying the same signboard, but situated in a popular area where they findthemselves uniquely with their peers:

The fact that Marjane Sale, is an old and popular hypermarket, its neighbourhood customersare moving to the far new ones (under the same banner) located near higher class quarters;

On sundays, things change, we see people from Temara (small city in the popular suburbs ofRabat) for example. It is a little part of their stroll;

But in fact, in hypermarkets, it begins to mix. You find even less civilized people [. . .]The ideal hypermarket would be [. . .] that one where there are refined people.

4.2 “Bricolage” of singular practices of consumption and shoppingThe notion of “bricolage” as used here is a metaphor borrowed from Levi-Strauss (1960)to designate the reinscriptions/reconstructions of meaning that people from a givenculture use to reorganize their view of the world (and of objects) and their behaviors onthe basis of various cultural traits, which are “cobbled together” to produce newmeanings. The objects/behaviors thus obtained lose their original purpose or aim andbecome the construction materials for another project. This concern for “recovery” canbe used to create meaning, weaving significant connections between often apparentlyheterogeneous objects. The notion of “bricolage” thus allows cultural,

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social and economic transformations not to be reduced to a strict opposition betweentradition and modernity, and at the same time brings into play the notion of culturalhybridization.

Affecting consumption patterns and redirecting purchasing practices, the expansionof foreign sales formats has caused a cultural hybridization (Thompson and Tambyah,1998; Sandikci, 2001). This cultural melange initiated the emergence of complex consumerbehaviour patterns, torn between the need of maintaining links with the cultural roots andthe search for a symbolic consumption referring to imported cultural values. Then, thishybridization can be understood as “a contribution to a sociology of the in-between,a sociology from the interstices. This involves merging endogenous/exogenousunderstandings of culture” (Pieterse, 1995, p. 64). The concept of hybridization enablesto explore how stores’ and products’ meanings are appropriated and sometimesreconfigured in singular manners, to help consumers to negotiate and to shape theiridentities and to allow them to live their consumption and shopping experiences.

We have observed that individuals build contextualised consumption practiceswhich new retailers did not expect. Indeed, some practices related to traditionalcommerce, such as the search of interactions with the staff (salespeople and cashiers), thetendency to break up (fragment) purchases and the strategies of appropriation of thespace, are transposed to modern retail formats. This reflects the tendency of localconsumers to create hybrid practices of consumption with respect to the modern trade.

4.2.1 Tendency to break up purchases even when attending modern retail stores.The Moroccan city of Rabat, like those of many emerging countries, has a system of foodretail dominated by traditional units (small neighbourhood grocery stores), whosestrength is their closeness and geographic density although they are independant andnot structured in a network. The geographical proximity that results enables consumersto buy frequently in small quantities and to adopt fragmented purchase practices formany categories of products. Thus, the daily supply expeditions to traditional stores arecatalysed by their proximity and by the natural need for interaction and social tieswith the merchant and other customers (even without a purchasing goal).

In stead of decreasing vis a vis traditional commerce, these purchase habits andpractices are extended to hypermarkets. It is sufficient that a modern retail store islocated not far from a residential area for the consumers returning to fragmentedpatterns of purchases they apparently find it difficult to detach for cultural reasons:

So we have a special feature, for Aswak Assalam. We can position ourselves as hypermarketbut we have a sales behaviour that looks like a traditional store. We see customers coming ona daily basis;

[. . .] We are exactly in a [. . .] in a residential neighbourhood. So it was full of houses around,people who want to come by foot [. . .]. So we have an inflow which varies between 4 and 7times per week, and even more times. It’s people who come almost every day;

[. . .] Aswak Assalam is surrounded by apartments so people send regularly their servants toshop. It’s like a grocery store but this is Aswak Assalam (a hypermarket).

4.2.2 Search for social link and spatial appropriation in modern retail stores.Customers are very sensitive to the friendliness that such a modern store can alsopresent. This point is highly appreciated and can be the origin of the loyalty of somepeople to the point of sale.

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The people come from a culture in which social life has an important place lookingto meet and seek weaving relationships including going shopping. The commentsof shoppers in the stores have shown that they are looking to speak and interactwith sellers, cashiers and other customers in order to learn, to share a shoppingexperience or simply to (r) establish the social link in the urban city of Rabat, where ittends to deteriorate. The store is therefore a space of life, experience and socialinteractions. The behavioural patterns developed with traditional trade were recurringand cultural values associated with it are transposed and perpetuated with modern retailformats.

In addition, the presence of characteristics such as geographical proximity of residenceand the warm-hearted reception in some modern retail stores favour the tendency ofshoppers to appropriate the space of the point of sale. The behaviours observed and theinterviews conducted with shoppers within the two stores surveyed testify of it.Some people living near supermarkets did not bother to go dressed “casually” or even inslippers to conduct their purchases. It is noteworthy that this singular behaviour takeplace primarily in the hypermarkets located near residential areas. These points of saleare then seen as an “extension of home” and therefore permit a practical demonstration ofconsumer informality and an expression of strategies of spatial appropriation inheritedfrom traditional trade and the peculiar relationship with the grocer:

In Marjane, they apply the Auchan theory, i.e. we are here to serve the customers [. . .]. Theyget what they want and that is it. On the contrary, we (Aswak Assalam) establish relationswith the customers. And that pleases. In Morocco we still need a shopkeeper in front of us, totalk to him. This is trade (commerce) and not retail (distribution);

I always have the image of people who come to Aswak Assalam in slippers, something thatdoes not happen at Marjane where they neither see them coming in slippers nor in pyjamas(At Aswak Assalam). They feel at home, it is the local grocer, but on a large-scale.

V. Differentiation of assortment and positioning between the global retailsignboard (Marjane) and the local retail banner (Aswak Assalam)The setting up of foreign modern retail banners in Morocco (and in emerging countries ingeneral) has altered the local trade system/environment by speeding up the arrival oflocal actors of modern mass-market retail. Some of them have copied and duplicatedthe “Western” hypermarket concept imported by Marjane while others have chosena different positioning, by suggesting a slightly different assortment and conveyingtraditional values as did Aswak Assalam. This local hypermarket chain excludesalcoholic drinks, pork and derivatives from its products offer. It favours local and bulkproducts (following the example of traditional selling format), and positions itself as thelarge food hypermarket of the traditional Moroccan family. Thus, Marjane (Auchan) andAswak Assalam adopted different positioning, reflected in their respective offers,marketing strategies and images as confirmed by the interviews. Marjane is defined andperceived as a modern, Western “retailer” whereas Aswak Assalam is positioned andidentified as a modern “trader” firmly anchored in the local tradition.

5.1 Aswak Assalam, a retail concept synonymous with tradition and authenticityThis signboard is strongly associated with the local Arab and Muslim culture inconservative consumers minds, as stated bellow:

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If Aswak Assalam was a country, it would be Morocco!;

It would be an eastern country;

If it was a colour, it would be red and green (Moroccan flag);

If it was a colour, it would be green (symbol of Islam).

The well-identified Moroccan style is reinforced by the policy of Aswak Assalam thatpositions itself as a retailer respecting the Moroccan values and the Islamic traditions.Such a position is well conveyed by the fact that alcohol and pork are banned from itsshelves. The hypermarket features a prayer room on the food court floor. Therefore,it strengthens its image which is strongly associated with family and the traditionalMoroccan values and culture:

The typical customer of Aswak Assalam? It’s the head of the family, I always have the imageof a family or a group of friends [. . .] rather conservative people;

It’s very clear when we ask our customers, they say, we chose to come here with our familiesbecause there is no alcohol;

Aswak Assalam is for families.

These aspects also bring to the customers a feeling of comfort and security:

We feel more secure at Aswak Assalam. Maybe because, [. . .] err, alcohol attracts anothercategory of customers that some people don’t want to meet. Seeing someone leaving andcarrying a bag of alcohol is a bit scary. We don’t want to get close to this person [. . .] AswakAssalam is more for families. It is strange but sometimes I prefer to pay more to spend apleasant moment and feel secure;

We always have the impression that Chaabi (Aswak Assalam owner) inspires confidence,takes a lot of social actions, forbids alcohol. Even if you pay more you have the feeling ofparticipating to these actions;

Confidence, security, rest for Aswak.

5.2 Marjane, a retail concept reflecting modernity and Western lifestyleAlthough Aswak Assalam is appreciated by the conservative category that recognizes itstraditional and Muslim identity and values, this signboard is perceived negatively by the“liberal” consumers who aspire to a Western lifestyle. These are rather searching formodernity and symbols reflecting open mindedness and refinement. This category ofcustomers tends to depreciate local banners and associate them with a dull and archaic image:

I think that in Marjane, we find quite good/refined people, compared to Aswak Assalam;

If Aswak Assalam was a country, it would be Morocco (laughing) [. . .]. I don’t know, it’s like“marche central” (local popular market);

If Aswak Assalam was a colour, it would be grey (dull).

Conversely, these liberal consumers attribute to Marjane a very positive imageassociated with the Western way of life and modernity. This image is strengthenedby its partnership with Auchan, which explains the availability, among other things,of imported products, foreign brands and Auchan private brands. This positive image isexpressed in the following statements’ extracts:

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If Marjane was a country, it would be France;

If Marjane was a country, it would be wonderland;

Marjane inspires/reflects the Western world. I would say, it looks a lot like Auchan, as it’s very big;

Marjane is a big shopping centre [. . .] there is a lot of French brands. You can find roughly thesame brands as in France;

Marjane has a good reputation. It has Auchan’s design. People who travel abroad likeMarjane because it looks like Auchan;

Maybe Marjane is more popular with Europeans than Aswak Assalam. That’s what I notice.There are a lot of foreigners in Marjane compared to Aswak Assalam;

The customers of Marjane are modern people.

The perceived image of Marjane is consistent with the positioning policy adopted by thisbanner as its image is very different than the one reflected by Aswak Assalam. Itsstrategy values things that are synonymous with modernity, sophistication andrefinement such as offer theatralization, assortment attractiveness, merchandisingdynamism or shelves display that reflect a Western lifestyle.

5.3 Hybrid shopping practices tied for the retail banner expressing a strong local identityHybrid behaviours reminding us of traditional commerce (rapid adoption of thepremises/spatial appropriation, purchase fragmentation and search for a social bound)take place in modern stores especially in the ones with a strong local identity, such asAswak Assalam.

The policy of Aswak Assalam, by highlighting the Moroccan tradition and theMuslim religious values, makes the customers strongly identify with the banner andadopt the store as a domestic space. Thus, the purchase fragmentation, the fact thatcustomers visit the store dressed very casually (slippers and pyjamas), the search forsocial interactions with other customers and with the staff are some behaviour patternsthat are more pointed out in Aswak Assalam than in Marjane. Aswak Assalammarketing manager confirms the same in the following statement:

So we have a distinctive feature for Aswak Assalam. We can position ourselves as ahypermarket, which means a large self service surface, but our selling practices are like in aconvenience store [. . .] the customers feel at home, it is the corner shop, but at a large-scale.So we have an inflow which varies between 4 and 7 times a week, and even more. Some peoplecome almost every day.

The strategy of Aswak Assalam reflects the Ynna group culture, founded and managedby Miloud Chaabi, a pious man, a devout muslim, owner of a hotel chain “Ryad Assalam”,among other things, where the same principles are applied (neither alcohol nor pork aresuggested at the chain restaurants). In competition with this group, founded by aself-taught man who has been brought up the hard way and has remained very close to hishumble and traditional origins, there is the ONA holding, owner of Marjane and Auchanpartner. It is managed by young managers, trained in leading Western universities(American, British or French ones), less affected by local culture and open to Westernvalues and lifestyle. This background information contributes to a better understandingof the strategic differences established by each one of these two retail banners in Morocco.

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VI. Concluding remarks and research implicationsThe retail sector is undergoing major changes in emerging countries that havesignificant impact on both the restructuring of the commercial apparel as a whole and onthe evolution of both the purchasing behaviour and attendance stores of localconsumers.

This research has shown that in the case of Morocco, the movement was behind theemergence of hybridization of consumption practices and the evolution of symbolism ofconsumption and shopping activities. These changes reflect the need for nestingmodernity and entertainment offered by the modern sales network and commitment tocultural habits and values related to traditional commerce.

Behaviours differ between social groups. Thus, the upper and middle classesthat have converted early to modern retail network will have (symbolically) seized andmade it their main source of supply. This category of customers attributes to the work ofshopping as utility and as an ordinary activity. Howerver, these practices of shopping,although they meet the needs of utilities, are full of symbolic meaning. Through thefrequentation of modern retail banners, these shoppers are obviously looking todifferentiate themselves from those belonging to lower classes who still frequentingtraditional shops, expressing though a sense of unique social identity. The store givesthem a way for self-expression and social tagging. The presence increasingly felt for themost modest in the store seems to be undesirable by the upper class who would continueto own the modern retail system by adopting avoidance strategies of mixing withthe lower social classes.

For the more modest, the fact of not having the means to buy in supermarketsdoes not prevent them to attend. This category of customers is seeking to go tohypermarkets for reasons that do not routinely order to buy (loitering, drag [. . .]) andfinds out more in these modern retail stores as a moment of relaxation, entertainmentand stroll with their family. These consumers prefer to also attend a store located in a“up class” neighbourhood although geographically distant to the nearby supermarket ofthe same signboard, but situated in a popular area where they would end up with theirpeers. These people stemming from low social classes are trying to meet (and to mixwith) consumers belonging to higher classes, they do not have much opportunity to meetand with whom they wish to be seen.

The findings of this research enable to lay out some managerial implications forboth the location and positioning strategies of modern retailing in emerging countries(like Morocco) and in terms of public policy to manage the balance and the future oflocal traditional shops and modern retail stores.

The establishment of new retail actors (as in the case of foreign storesignboards) requires obviously some adaptation to local traditions and constraints ofthe consumers either in terms of location of the points of sale and on the functioningand the organization of the stores. A settlement on the outskirts of the cities responds tothe concerns of cost of land but generates access difficulties, due to poor development ofpublic transportation (for the medium and low classes). A contrario the opening of storesclose to residential areas certainly increases the visiting frequency but is accompaniedby a purchase fragmentation generated by an increase in visits with a low basketaverage and the need to mobilize number of cashiers regularly. It is therefore necessaryto anticipate managing major flows in order not to affect negatively the perceivedquality of service, used as an important store selection cue for affluent customers.

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Second, quality of the service, focus on the in-store atmosphere attributes, cleanliness,dramatizations of the offer, courtesy and competence of the sellers, are highly expectedby middle to upper classes customers and should be particularly taken care of byretailers. Despite being a young sector, the consumers have high expectations in themodern retail field and a need to re-enchanting their shopping experiences (Firat andVenkatesh, 1995; Filser, 2001). The reasons can be found at both, the high exposureof urban consumers to the satellite channels that provide foreign exposure (and/orexperience abroad), the side role of the upper class in establishing of quality standardsfor the shop and the high requirements of foreigners living in Morocco and MoroccanDiaspora living in Western countries.

On the other hand, regarding the banners positioning for new entrants (local orforeign retail actors), these research results show that to set up in an emerging economysuch as Morocco, among others two contrasting positioning strategies seem to besuitable for a banner:

(1) Emphasizing local distinctive features (culturally “emic” rooted/dependentperspective) while introducing some modern services (self-service, parking,trolleys, etc.) and expressing it through an assortment which excludes productsand brands that are far from or against local values and traditions (alcohol, pork,non-halal meals, etc.) and suggesting conversely more bulk, local and traditionalproducts (precooked meals, local fruits and vegetables, etc.), and possibly bydeveloping new services consistent with this positioning such as traditionaldressing for the staff, interest free consumer credit (without “Riba” in IslamicFinance meaning), etc. This kind of positioning has advantages related toattendance motivation as well (deep anchoring in local traditions, authenticity)and disadvantages that form as many avoidance motives (perceived archaicimage, lack of modernity).

(2) Showing off and asserting a resolutely modern positioning (“etic”neutral/standardizing cultural perspective), reflecting it in the store interiordesign, in shelves display and in the assortment by suggesting more foreign(Western) products and brands, refined or sophisticated products (salmon, foiegras, cheese, etc.) and other services that better fit with this image, thusfacilitating the immersion in an idyllic or enchanting consuming world, whichenables the consumers to escape from the daily routine. This kind of positioninghas as many advantages (modernity, open mindedness and Western lifestyle) asdisadvantages or reasons for rejection (loss of cultural identity, denial of originsand loss of traditional values/authenticity).

The outcome of this research, lead also to questions about future changes in the retailsystem in an emerging country like Morocco. Some changes are already noticeable andpredictable of more substantial amendments in trade scenario of Morocco. Thus, therecent emergence of new concepts that combine local tradition values and requirementsof the modern retail, as illustrated by the case of the new chain of local shops “Hanouty”raises the question of sustainability of the current system of dual retail modes. Thesenew small-sized stores provide high-quality service and competitive prices, whilerespecting the proximity, ease and credit facilities and social bonds as provided bytraditional stores and claimed by local customers. We witness hence, a structural changethat gradually will lead to the extinction of traditional trade in its current form,

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or well is it not that the proposal of start of resistance ahead of the latter in thebattle against the modern retail format? Some elements of the answer are in the projectof the Moroccan Ministry of Trade “Rawaj 2020” which aims to revitalize and modernizethe internal trade, through the balance of power between local traditional shops andmodern retailing. The public policy has to assist the small commerce either to convert orto specialize or, at least to modernize and to upgrade existing stores, with incentives.

Finally, this research is not exempted from limitations which open interestingresearch avenue. The first being the difficulty to extend the results (beyond big cities tomedium size ones) since the data collection took place within the city of Rabat, the capitalof Morocco. A second shortcoming underlines the study of the single food retail sectorand raises the question of expanding on the new consumption and shopping practicesobserved in non-food sector such as the ready-to-wear (with store signboards like Zara,Morgan and Etam) and cosmetics (with the recent setting up of Sephora) which aregrowing rapidly in the main cities of this country.

Notes

1. According to the department “Haut Commissariat au Plan” of the Economic and FinancialMinistry.

2. Approximately ten Dh (Dirham is the Moroccan currency) equal e1.

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Appendix

Customers Social classa Genderb Age (years)

C1 H F 25-34C2 M F 35-44C3 H F 25-34C4 H F 25-34C5 M F 25-34C6 M M 25-34C7 M F 45-54C8 L M 25-34C9 H F 35-44C10 L M 45-54C11 L F 35-44C12 L F 45-54C13 H F 45-54C14 L F 25-34C15 M M 45-54C16 H F 18-24

Notes: aCategorization of interviewees in high (H), middle (M) and low (L) social classes is based onincome, education level, housing location and owning transportation means; bF – female and M – male

Table AI.Customers intervieweesprofiles

Retailers Function Hypermarket signboard

R1 Store director MarjaneR2 Marketing director Aswak assalamR3 Marketing director Marjane

Table AII.Retailers intervieweesprofiles

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About the authorsAbdelmajid Amine is Professor of Marketing at IAE Gustave Eiffel School of Management,University of Paris-Est, France. He was formerly Director of Institute of Research in Management(IRG) at the same university. He received his PhD in Marketing from University of Paris PantheonSorbonne and a qualification to supervise doctoral theses from University of Paris Dauphine. Hisresearch interests include consumption practices, online communities and retailing in emergingcountries. He is the author of a book on consumer behavior and has published many articles inFrench and English academic journals. Abdelmajid Amine is the corresponding author and can becontacted at: amine@u-pec.fr

Najoua Lazzaoui is a PhD student in Marketing at IRG, University of Paris-Est, France. Aftergraduating from ENCG Business School of Settat in Morocco in 2003, she holds a Master’s degreein Marketing Research from the University of Paris-Est (IAE Gustave Eiffel School ofManagement). Her current research interest includes consumer behavior in emerging countries,modern and traditional retail, consumption symbolism and cultural values. Prior to entering thedoctoral program, she worked as a Customer Relation Manager in an international bankestablished in Morocco and as a Marketing and Communication Manager of the Moroccan TVsport channel for more than three years.

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