20121021 En

7/31/2019 20121021 En

1/13

Pahayagan ng Partido Komunista ng PilipinasPinapatnubayan ng Marxismo-Leninismo-MaoismoANG

English EditionVol. XLIII No. 20

October 21, 2012www.philippinerevolution.net

Editorial

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the national-democratic revolutionary forces are among the most ardentadvocates of the Moro people's struggle for their right to na-

tional self-determination.

Support the Moro struggleagainst the Aquino regime's duplicity

and political power of the reac-tionary state upon the Moropeople.

The violent suppression ofthe Moro people has sparkedtheir armed resistance through-out history. They largely suc-ceeded in resisting over threecenturies of Spanish colonial-ism. Their aspiration for self-de-termination was, however, more

effectively suppressed with thesupplanting of the Spanish colo-nialists by the new US colonialpower. Using its bigger, moreeconomically and technological-ly advanced capability, US impe-rialism, and later, its puppet re-actionary state were eventuallyable to completely dominate theMoro homeland.

In this issue...

Lessons fromthe antifeudalstruggle 4

Exemplerary

lives ofKa Jacksonand Ka Steve 7

New attackon wages 12

The Program for a People'sDemocratic Revolution supportsthe struggle of national minori-ties against chauvinism and op-pression and recognizes theiraspirations for autonomy and

their right to secede from theruling oppressive state. Thissupport is also unequivocallycontained in the 12-Point Pro-gram of the National Democrat-ic Front of the Philippines(NDFP).

The struggle of theFilipino and Moropeoples are tightly

intertwined.

Both of them resist the same re-actionary state that oppressesand exploits the toiling masses.As an instrument of US imperial-ism, the Philippine puppet reac-tionary state tramples on the

rights of the Filipino people tonational liberation in allowingAmerican and foreign big com-panies to exploit the Filipino na-tion's natural resources. It fur-ther allows the US military to in-terfere, dominate and freely op-erate in the country and makeuse of the Philippines as a plat-form for its power-projection

and interventionism in oth-er countries.For the past several

decades, this same re-actionarys t a t e ,

from the Mar-cos to the current Aquinoregime gravely abused theMoro people's political,economic and culturalrights. Fascist troops ofthe Armed Forces of thePhilippines (AFP) and thePhilippine National Police

(PNP) occupy the ancestralland and political territory ofthe Moro nation in an effortto impose the constitution

7/31/2019 20121021 En

2/13

2 ANG BAYAN October 21, 2012

It was only through persist-ent revolutionary armed strug-gle since the 1970s that the Mo-ro people were able to defendthemselves, gain recognition fortheir struggle for self-determi-nation and provide it a more na-tional form. The Maguindanao,Maranao, Tausog, Samal, Yakanand other Moro groups unitedunder the banner of armedstruggle. Since the start of theirnational armed revolution, therevolutionary movement hasbeen one with the Moro peoplein advancing their struggle fortheir right to national self-de-

termination.For the past four decades,

the CPP and the revolutionaryforces have been working withthe various organizations of theMoro people that uphold andfight for their revolutionarycause. In the 1970s, the CPPand the New People's Army(NPA) waged revolutionary

armed struggle parallel to thearmed resistance waged by theMoro National Liberation Front(MNLF) until the latter accededto the constitution of the reac-

tionary government in the 1976Tripoli Agreement and eventual-ly capitulated completely to theRamos regime.

Since the 1990s, the revolu-tionary forces under the NDFPhave maintained felicitous rela-tions with the Moro Islamic Lib-eration Front (MILF) in recogni-tion of its repudiation of theMNLF's capitulation to the op-pressive Manila government in1996 and its revolutionary as-sertion of the Moro people's as-pirations for national self-de-termination.

In 1998, the NDFP and the

MILF signed an agreement ofmutual understanding declaringmutual support for the strugglefor self-determination of theMoro people and the strugglefor national and social liberationof the Filipino people. Forces ofthe NDFP and MILF have sincethen extended mutual assist-ance and exchanged experien-

ces in confronting a common en-emy.

The revolutionary movementconsiders the MILF's negotia-tions with the Government of

the Philippines and its recentsigning of the Framework Agree-ment which outlines the forma-tion of the Bangsamoro Govern-ment as part of the Moro peo-ple's continuing efforts to asserttheir rights.

Although there is generalrecognition for the aspirationsof the Moro people to set uptheir own nation and govern-ment, the greater part of theagreement is lopsided in favor ofthe reactionary state and main-taining the latter's dominanceover the Moro people.

The agreement is fraught

with many dangers and trapsthat will surely be at the centerof continuing conflict when theMILF and the GPH meet again tonegotiate. The negotiationshave a long way to go before afinal agreement can be forgedbetween the MILF and the Aqui-no government. Among thepoints to be grappled with is the

key issue of the disposition ofthe MILF's Bangsamoro IslamicArmed Forces (BIAF) which thereactionary state has long want-ed to disarm. A related issue iswhether the Bangsamoro gov-ernment will be given controlover the armed military forcesand police in their territory, andeven over the direction of their

economy and the exploitation ofnatural resources within theBangsamoro lands.

The CPP calls on the Filipinoand Moro peoples to rallyaround the cause of Moro self-determination and support ef-forts by the representatives ofthe Moro people to resist theduplicity and maneuvers of the

Aquino regime and reactionarystate in the course of the nego-tiations. The CPP trusts that theMoro revolutionary forces willcontinue to steadfastly hold onto the victories that they havegained through armed resist-ance. ~

Ang Bayan is published fortnightly by the Central Committee

of the Communist Party of the Philippines

Ang Bayan is published in Pilipino,

Bisaya, Iloko, Hiligaynon, Waray and

English editions.

It is available for downloading at

the Philippine Revolution Web Central

located at:

www.philippinerevolution.org.

Ang Bayan welcomes contributions

in the form of articles and news.

Readers are likewise enjoined to sendin their comments and suggestions for

the betterment of our publication. You

can reach us by email at:

[email protected]

Vol. XLIII No. 20 October 21, 2012

Contents

: Support the Moro struggle against

Aquinos duplicity

Lopsided Framework Agreement

Lessons from the antifeudal struggle

Ravaging poor fisherfolks

Exemplary lives

Anomalous 4Ps

Massacre in South Cotabato

AFP arrests and tortures civilian

Anakbayan assails Akbayan

BM, Anakpawis resist disqualification

US to use Subic facilities again

2-tier wage system

Chavez wins anew in Venezuela

ANG

7/31/2019 20121021 En

3/13

3ANG BAYAN October 21, 2012

The statements read thatday all created the impressionthat peace and the terminationof the armed conflict betweenthe GPH and MILF were nowwithin reach. The media hypesurrounding the signing ceremo-ny served as a temporarysmokescreen obscuring the Fili-pino people's basic problemssuch as the series of price hikesof oil and other leading com-modities, the demolition of ur-ban poor communities, the ab-sence of genuine land reformand national industrialization

and US military intervention inthe Philippines.

The Framework Agreement,however, is utterly lopsided infavor of the GPH and posesmany dangers to the Moro peo-ple's aspirations for self-deter-mination.

The most critical issues con-cern the dissolution of the

MILF's army (the BangsamoroIslamic Armed Force or BIAF)and the subordination of Bang-samoro to the Aquino regime'spolice force.

The agreement calls for po-lice functions to be graduallytransferred from the AFP to theBangsamoro police. But thereare no clear provisions for the

AFP to withdraw from Bangsa-moro territory. On the otherhand, the Aquino regime hasmade it very clear that the BIAFmust be dismantled once the fi-nal agreement is forged in threeyears.

The division of Bangsamoro

resources still has to be agreedupon. There is a provision forthe Bangsamoro gov-ernment to receive a"just and equitable"share of the territory'snatural resources. Butthere is serious dan-ger that the Bang-samoro governmentwill not be given thechance to determineits own economic poli-cies and prioritiesapart from those of thedominant semicolonial

and semifeudal systemin the Philippines.

The Aquino regime and bigforeign companies can be ex-pected to come in for the kill andpush projects and programs thatwould pave the way for the en-try of big foreign businesses. Oiland mining giants have longbeen drooling over Liguasan

Marsh, which has very rich oiland mineral deposits. In fact, asfar back as 2008, and again in2009, high-ranking US Embassyofficials met with the MILF topledge support for the peacetalks then under the Arroyo re-gime. One of the reasons for theUS' keen interest in seeing apeace agreement forged be-

tween the MILF and the Aquinogovernment is its desire toachieve the stability beingsought by foreign banks, agen-cies and multinational compa-nies that would like to invest inBangsamoro territory.

In any case, none of the pro-

Framework Agreement

Lopsided in favor of GPH

The US-Aquino regime whipped up a media storm during thesigning by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and theGovernment of the Philippines (GPH) peace panels of the

Framework Agreement on October 15. Through the agreement, theAquino regime ostensibly recognized the Moro people's desire for anautonomous region to realize their aspirations for self-governance.The autonomous region will be called "Bangsamoro."

visions of the final agreementcan be realized unless they arein accordance with the GPH con-stitution. The Arroyo regime hadalready tried in 2008 to createwhat it then called the Bang-

samoro Juridical Entity (BJE)but the plan was shot down bythe Supreme Court which de-clared it unconstitutional. TheArroyo regime eventuallyshelved the BJE and armedclashes once more erupted be-tween the AFP and BIAF. Thislikewise led to the creation ofthe Bangsamoro Islamic Free-dom Fighters (BIFF), a breaka-way group that declared its dis-

enchantment over thecourse the peace nego-tiations were taking.

The BIFF chargedthat the AFP contin-ued to attack Morocommunities despitethe existence of aceasefire agree-

ment.At present, the formation of

the Transition Commissionwhich is tasked with creatingBangsamoro step by step is de-pendent on the issuance of anExecutive Order by Aquino andfunds to be released by his re-gime. The Aquino regime intendsto tightly control the entire

process to ensure that the Gov-ernment of the Philippines andits foreign master maintain theiradvantage and the interests ofthe Moro people remain disad-vantaged.

Because of these provisionsin the Framework Agreementthat pose grave dangers to theMILF and the Moro people, it is

the coming negotiations thatwill determine whether the Moropeople will indeed achieve genu-ine autonomy and self-determi-nation through the final agree-ment, or whether the bases forthe Moro people's armed resist-ance will persist. ~

7/31/2019 20121021 En

4/13


Lessons from the antifeudalstruggle in Eastern Visayas

This is the second of a two-part article featuring the antifeudalstruggles launched by the revolutionary peasant movement in

Eastern Visayas (EV) from July-December 2011. The first articlecame out inAng Bayan's October 7 issue.

Of equal importance tothe economic gainsachieved in the antifeu-

dal struggles were the politicaland organizational advances at-tained by the peasantry. Thesevictories strengthened the dem-

ocratic power of the masses.Raising the masses' capabili-ty to use their democraticstrength enables them to sus-tain and further advance theireconomic gains and thwart thechallenges that come their wayin the neverending process ofclass struggle.

In the months that the anti-feudal struggles gained momen-tum in a number of guerrillafronts in EV, members of massorganizations were able to raisetheir political consciousnessthrough intensive education,propaganda and cultural activi-ties.

The membership of revolu-tionary mass organizations in-creased significantly. In the five

months that the antifeudalstruggle was launched in onefront, the membership of thePambansang Katipunan ng mgaMagbubukid (PKM) grew by45%, that of the MakabayangKilusan ng Bagong Kababaihanby 48% and the Kabataang Ma-kabayan by 39%.

All local Party branches were

consolidated and their member-ship grew by 17%. The guerrillaplatoon that directly assisted inthe antifeudal struggles enjoyeda 56% boost in the number ofRed fighters.

The enduring solidarity andsolid grasp of the principles,

policies, tactics and methodsthat guided the successful anti-feudal struggle were likewiseimportant requisites.

a iOne should never fight a battlewithout sufficient preparation.

The most important part of pre-paring for the antifeudal strug-gle was the conduct of Social In-vestigation and Class Analysis(SICA). Through the SICA, theparticipants were able to deep-en their understanding of theprevailing exploitative relationsin the area, identify who amongthe villagers were mobilizableand who should be the target ofstruggle. The SICA made it pos-sible to form a firm basis for theantifeudal struggle.

Efforts must be made tosum-up the results of the SICAat the inter-barrio o municipallevel at the minimum to be ableto come up with a broader and

deeper peasant situationer inthe area, know how the variousissues are linked and identifythe breadth and base of opera-tions of the targets of antifeudalmobilization. To do this quickly,the use of standardized and sim-ple charts and particular guide-lines that could easily be fol-lowed even by comrades in thelocality were a great help.

Mobilizing and training themasses in conducting the SICAwas the way to ensure thebreadth, depth and accuracy ofthe results. The NPA and themass organizations cooperated

in this endeavor. Mass meetingswere held to present and ana-lyze the data collected. The SI-CA also contributed significantlyin a separate investigation con-ducted to come up with casestudies of exploitative relationsof production. The case studiesfurther confirmed the appropri-ateness of the peasants' de-

mands.The SICA was also useful in

instituting measures within themass organizations to deter-mine whether the leadershipwas already being dominated bythe upper classes and whethereveryone in the village who be-

7/31/2019 20121021 En

5/13


longed to the basic strata of thepeasantry had already been or-ganized.

l The anti-feudal campaign proved that itwas not enough to issue a gen-eral call and rely on the initi-ative of fledgling cadres tolaunch the struggle. Sincethe cadres and members ofthe basic Party units in thepeople's army or barrio hard-ly had any experience inlaunching mass struggles, it be-came crucial for the more expe-rienced cadres to join them inthe actual planning and conduct

of the campaign. They coordi-nated directly with the CPP Sec-tion Committee and branch toassist and guide the new cadresand activists in drafting com-prehensive and detailed plans,correctly analyze matters andresolve the various issues in-volved in the antifeudal mobili-zation.

It is necessary to promptlyimplement the points agreed up-on in the negotiations, while theissues remain current and themasses are active and their mo-rale is high. It is in the actualimplementation that the eco-nomic gains are fully realized,and this constitutes half theburden in the task of advancing

the antifeudal struggle.It is also important to con-

duct regular assessments of ev-ery significant part of the strug-gle in order to promptly unite onthe analysis and the measuresneeded to address problems.One example are appeals fromthose who have been classifiedas landlords. If their complaints

are not patiently addressedforthwith, their comments willbecome a source of discord.

Experience has proven thatactual participation in the entirecampaign can serve as a big op-portunity to train an entire NPAguerrilla platoon or PKM munic-

ipal chapter. Allotting enoughtime to train NPA forces and the

PKM leadership must be madepart of the equation. Conductingdry runs of the actual negotia-tions and the use of simplifiedand detailed implementingguidelines also helped.

Most of all, the entire expe-rience must be summed-up foreveryone to unite politically andto propagate the lessons that

have been learned.a s

P a o b o -Preparing the masses

is not simply a matter of unitingon the issues and demands, butof raising their overall level ofpolitical consciousness.

It is crucial for them tograsp the exploitative relations

they find themselves in as aclass in order for them to em-brace the antifeudal struggle,determinedly unite and take ac-tion to resist their exploitationand oppression. This necessi-tates launching a creative andsustained education and propa-ganda campaign among the ba-sic masses, the middle classes

and even among the ranks of en-lightened landlords.Consolidating and expanding

the peasant mass organizationscan be done effectively by mobi-lizing them for class struggle.On the other hand, their organi-zation must also be prepared

comprehensively in order toforge a powerful force for theantifeudal struggle, and for peo-ple's war as a whole. Among thenecessary steps to take is to

ensure that they actuallylead the struggle throughtheir class organization, thePKM. Whether at the inter-

barrio/municipal or village lev-el, the PKM is the correct ma-chinery.

The greater part of agrarianrevolution therefore involvesputting the PKM in shape. Noless than having the peasantslaunch and take responsibility in

leading the struggle against op-pression and exploitaion will im-pel the invigoration of mass or-ganizing for the PKM. By steel-ing its members in the furnace ofantifeudal struggles, the PKM'sclass standpoint is strengthenedand developed for the interestof the basic and most oppressedstrata of the peasantry.

As crucial as being preparedis using the correct tactics tomobilize the peasantry andachieve success. Mobilizing atthe municipal and inter-barriolevel, and presenting a packageof demands provide greater ad-vantage in training the peasant-ry for higher levels of leader-ship. At that level of coordina-

tion, discussions are meatierand the natural talents and cre-ativity of peasant leadersemerge.

c et u o u f t -It was important to have

used the form of struggle andconfrontation appropriate tothe character of the target to be

confronted. Since most of thetargets were enlightened land-lords, it was fitting to use nego-tiations as the form of struggle.

The targets were patientlyconvinced. The peasants pre-sented case studies to show thereasonableness and justness of

7/31/2019 20121021 En

6/13

Fund for counterrevolution

The Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) iscurrently implementing a counterinsurgency program

with the clear purpose of suppressing the fisherfolks' oppo-sition to destructive government projects. BFAR has allot-ted up to `243 of its budget for counterinsurgency opera-tions while allocating only `135 million for environmentalprotection, fisheries development and disaster prepared-ness. Out of the `243 million, `123 million will be pouredinto the Payapa at Masaganang Mamamayan (Pamana)through surveillance and intelligence operations in poorfisherfolk communties, particularly in the Bicol Region andWestern Mindanao. The BFAR is required to give regular re-ports on Pamana to the Office of the Presidential Adviser onthe Peace Process. ~


their demands. The package of is-sues and demands was likewise cal-culated so as not to be too over-whelming in order to guaranteesuccess and make the negotiationsserve as a tool for raising the PKM'slevel of consolidation.

It was correct not to lump to-gether as targets the rich peasantsand the other middle strata in thestruggle to reduce land rent and in-stead focus on the landlords. Thisenabled the peasantry to forge anantifeudal united front in the area.

Shortcomings in tacticizingwere traced to a poor grasp of themasses' concrete conditions in the

area and of the basic policies thatguide the conduct of agrarian revo-lution.

The peasants were likewise ableto anticipate the possible counter-demands and reactions of the tar-gets and plan accordingly. Whennegotiations hit an impasse, thepeasants did not force the issue.Rather, a few minutes or hours of

recess was called to enable the ne-gotiators to consult each other onhow to resolve the problem. Thepresence of a cadre who couldclosely monitor the course of thediscussions is important, even if heor she is not directly involved in thestruggle.

w e a An-other important lesson learned in

one of the guerrilla fronts is thatantifeudal struggles can be pursuedeven in the face of military opera-tions. At times, the preparationshad to be done in secret because ofthe difficult situation.

The peasants took on most ofthe tasks and negotiations wereconducted before or after every en-emy operation which usually lasted

a week. They asked help from themilitia unit and the village councilsin securing the area while the nego-tiations were going on.

It is correct to consider anti-feudal struggles as part of theoverall tactics of confronting OplanBayanihan. ~

Ravaging the livelihoodof poor fisherfolk

T

he situation of small fisherfolk in the Philippines has gonefrom bad to worse. They have been badgered by "develop-

ment projects," eco-tourism and offshore mining funded bythe national and local governments in collaboration with foreignbusinessmen.

In Iloilo City, some 10,000fisherfolk and urban poorfamilies living along the banksof the Iloilo River are set to beevicted to give way to an eco-tourism projects called Espla-

nade. In Cordova, Cebu, morethan 5,000 poor fisherfolk andpeasant families living on

a 110-hectare land-holding will also be

displaced togive way tp

an ecozone free port area andinternational airport. Thegovernment likewise plans touse 3,500 hectares of shore-line and mangrove forest inCordova if not for the people's

fierce resistance.In severaltowns of Camarines Sur andAlbay, 959,000 hectares ofocean have been covered byconcessions for the offshoremining of black sand. In Bat-angas, the provincial govern-

ment has, through ProvincialBoard Resolution No. 253,

granted permission tothe Canadian-

owned AsianA r c - C r a z yHorse MiningCompany andits subsidi-

ary Ku-

continued on page 7

7/31/2019 20121021 En

7/13


makata Mining Inc. to extract gold, copper, leadand zinc in 12,000 hectares of Taysan town. Theprovincial government had also earlier granted anexploration permit and a Mineral Production Shar-ing Agreement to Mindoro Resources Ltd. (MRL) tooperate on a 29,000-hectare area encompassingpoor fisherfolk and peasant communities in Batan-gas City and the towns of San Juan, Rosario, Tay-san and Lobo.

In Medellin, Cebu, the government has sold the209-hectare island village of Gibitngil to privatebusinessmen as a means of enticing foreigners andlocals to invest in the tourism industry. In Bohol,the government plans to reclaim land to create twoislands. The plans have been stymied after objec-tions from residents, local environmentalists andthe Panglao Island local government.

The Aquino government has already approved

15 contracts for mining oil and gas. Most of thecontracts are for the South China Sea off the coastof Palawan. There are also exploration contractsfor oil and gas in Sulu, Antique, Ragay Gulf and theVisayan Sea. Offshore mining in Palawan provincewill cover 10 million hectares of ocean, with in-vestors coming from the US, Europe, Japan andAustralia.

The living conditions of poor fisherfolk will be-come more miserable due to these projects. Theirincomes will plummet further. Rising expenses cou-pled with dwindling prices for their catch is result-ing in widespread poverty and hunger. Small fish-erfolk usually earn only from `50 to 150 per day.They are victims of big foreign and local capitalistfishing and of various municipal ordinances thatdisplace them in favor of capitalist fishing or own-

ers of resorts and other tourist enterprises. ~

in Camarines Norte.Ka Jackson had an exempla-

ry record in his three decades ofserving the people. Wherever hewas assigned, he went allout inperforming his duties despitethe difficulties. He had to trans-fer his wife and children becauseof intense enemy harassment.He steadfastly confronted andlook for an appropriate solutionto the illness of one of his chil-dren who was discovered to besuffering from a congenitalheart disease. He persevered inhis tasks despite his own illness.

He went on medical leave whenhis leukemia grew intolerablyworse.

Ka Jackson was calm andcollected, but militant and au-thoritative. This was how he em-bodied the NPA in confrontingthe enemy and bad elements. Hehad a high level of military alert-ness and had a keen ability to

assess the military situation. Healways had his firearm on hisperson. Never was he corneredby the enemy in any firefight. Hewas always able to prevail evenduring defensive battles.

S Antonio MoralRodriguez (Ka Steve) hailed

The exemplary livesof Ka Jackson and Ka Steve

T

his year, two ordinary people from the peasant class were hon-ored by the revolutionary movement because of their exempla-ry lives as Red fighters and cadres of the Communist Party of

the Philippines (CPP). They were especially known for their dedica-tion to duty. They never thought of retiring as Party cadres, despitetheir age and illnesses.

J Jaime M. Velas-co (also known as Ka Jackson orKa Guiller) passed away at theage of 72 because of leukemia.He was born in Camalig, Albay

and had eight children, includingtwo who became Red fighters ofthe New People's Army (NPA).

Ka Jackson hailed from thepeasantry. But he also became aworker at a logging company inthe latter part of the 1970s. Hiswork brought him to various pla-ces like Isabela and Palawan. Hehad a work-related accident,

forcing him to leave the compa-ny. He chose to return to Albayin 1981. It was in his village thathe first encountered the NPA.

He immediately joined or-ganizing efforts in their barrio.Ka Jackson's political conscious-ness was quickly broadened and

consolidated due to his experi-ences as a worker. The need forsystemic social change for thetoiling masses became clear tohim. After a few months, he de-

cided to become a fulltime Redfighter. Since then, his politicalinvolvement never waned.

He assiduously performedhis various tasks. In 1984, hebecame a member of the DistrictCommittee of the CommunistParty of the Philippines (CPP)and became the commander ofthe NPA unit. He later became a

member of the committee ad-ministering two Party districtsin Albay. He was appointed analternate member of the CPPRegional Committee in Bicol in1994 and eventually became aregular member. He was ap-pointed to the Party secretariat

7/31/2019 20121021 En

8/13

In a study conducted by theRodante Urtal Command (NewPeople's Army-Northern Sam-ar), peasants enrolled with 4Pswere found to be on the losingend, especially when it was first

implemented in 2009. Peasantsfrom Catubig and Las Navasended up losing a minimum of`900.00, the equivalent ofspending transportation moneyand not working for one to threedays just to be able to go to thecapital town of Catarman to col-lect the money.

Worse, however, local politi-

cians have been using 4Ps as asource of kickbacks and to ad-vance their political interests.In particular, the Daza dynastyof Northern Samar has beentaking advantage of the imple-mentation of 4Ps.

The Rodante UrtalCommand's investigationrevealed that as far

back as the 2010 elec-tions, the Dazas hadalready used 4Ps as ameans to dissim-ulate their elect-oral fraud andv o t e - b u y i n g .Months beforethe election, thedistribution of cash under

4Ps was suddenly stopped.Beneficiaries were warnedthat they would be strickenoff the list if they did not votefor the incumbents. The moneywas given only after the elec-tions. The accumulated amountreceived by the peasants was

rather large, with the electionwinners insinuating that it was afavor from them.

At first, beneficiaries gottheir money from a bank in Ca-tarman. In 2011, however, the

money was given in the form ofG-Cash ostensibly to make iteasier on the beneficiaries. Butthe real beneficiary was Johnsonde Asas, a businessman and oneof Daza's men. De Asas owns themoney transfer business in thetowns of Catubig, Las Navas,Lao-ang and Palapag.

Beginning in 2012, on the

other hand, the money from 4Pshas been distributed via the Ru-

ral Bank of Catubig. Thisbank is owned by anumber of wealthyfamilies in NorthernSamar. Thus, the

transfer is anoth-er political favorfrom the Daza

dynasty to con-solidate its posi-tion in the com-ing 2013 polls.

It is thereforehypocritical tosay that 4Ps is

for the poor, sincethe corrupt andthose in power have

been benefitingfrom it.The peasant

masses must be made aware ofthe fact that they are beingswindled and that they must re-pudiate the Aquino regime'sempty 4Ps program. ~


from an upper middle peasantfamily in Albay. He finishedhigh school at Republic Col-lege in Guinobatan, Albay. Hebelonged to a well-known andrespected family.

His first contact with theNPA was in 1981 when Redfighters first operated in theirbarrio. He became an activeyouth organizer before be-coming a fulltime NPA guerril-la and Party member in 1982.

He was among those as-signed to the District Guerril-la Unit in 1983 and was ableto join many battles. He be-

came secretary of the Partycommittee in Albay in 1986.By 1994 he was appointed amember and officer of theguerrilla front. He wasamong those appointed tothe CPP Albay ProvincialCommittee's Executive Com-mittee in 1999.

He married a widow with

three children. He was such agood stepfather to them thatthey loved him even morethan their own father. Theytirelessly cared for him duringhis lingering illness.

Ka Steve was a goodspeaker, instructor and prop-agandist. He held fast to rev-olutionary principles and poli-

cies. He was close to com-rades and the masses. He wasan excellent negotiator withclass enemies. His record inthe movement was flawless.He refused to be swayed bythe bad practices that wereprevalent when discipline be-came lax because of disorien-tation.

He suffered a mild strokein 2006 because of his hyper-tension. He resumed his du-ties after recovering and didnot leave his unit until hissecond stroke in 2009. Hedied at the age of 59 in March2012. ~

Anomalies in implementing4Ps in Northern Samar

T

he Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) has not broughtany significant change in the economic conditions of impover-

ished people. In exchange for a small sum, the people are fedlies that the reactionary government has concern for and is doingsomething for them, even if in fact, their exploitation and oppressionhave worsened.

7/31/2019 20121021 En

9/13


1 Soldiers of the27th IB massacred the wife andtwo children of Daguil Capion,an antimining activist opposedto the operations of the giantXstrata-Sagittarius Mines Inc.

(SMI). According to a report re-ceived by KARAPATAN, Daguil'swife Juvy, 27, went to their farmon October 17 with her threechildren Pop, 13; John, 8; andVicky, 7. Because they were notable to finish farming, theyspent the night at their hut inFayahlob, Sitio Datal-Ayong,Barangay Danlag, Tampakan,

South Cotabato. At aboutsix oclock the next morning, el-ements of the 27th IB strafedthe hut while the family was stillasleep. After the shooting, Juvy,Pop and John were found deadwhile Vicky was wounded. Juvywas two months pregnant whenshe was slain. The three bodieswere left lying out in the sun for

eight hours.Daguil was seriously wound-ed but was able to escape. Con-trary to the 27th IB's claims,there was no exchange of fire.The military gunned down a de-fenseless family.

1 The houses of100 families along BIR Road,Barangay Central, Quezon Citywere torn down allegedly to giveway to a road-widening projectfor the Quezon City CentralBusiness District. Two urbanpoor residents were arrestedwhen they resisted the policeand the demolition team.

While the demolition was go-

ing on, the residents trooped tothe office of the Department ofInterior and Local Government(DILG) to protest the demolitionwhich they said was illegal be-cause it was being done without

a court order and notice of evic-tion. They likewise assailedDILG Secretary Mar Roxas forreneging on his pledge that nodemolitions would be conductedin the area.

1 Two men aboarda motorcycle attempted to killDaisy Ayo, a member of GABRI-ELA-Southern Tagalog. Ayo was

able to run but she was hit in thebuttocks. The first attemptedkilling of a woman activist in theregion took place in BarangayLucsuhin, Calatagan, Batangas.

Prior to this, Ayo was al-ready being threatened and in-timidated by the military. Thevictim was actively leading thestruggle against the destructive

mining activities in the area ofAsturias Chemical IndustriesInc. The company is owned bybig businessmen Ramon Ang andIigo Zobel. Asturias ChemicalIndustries Inc. operates on a35,000-hectare concession inthe towns of Lobo, Rosario, Tay-san, San Juan and Calataganand in Batangas City.

1 Policemen ar-rested six residents after a vio-lent demolition in North San Ju-an, Barangay Centro Agdao,Davao City. The victims wereidentified as Vicente Rosalada,Kim Pullido, Darwin Valliente,Primo Lopez and two minors.

Rosalada was among severalresidents seriously injured whenelements of the Davao City Po-lice and demolition team brokethrough the ranks of protestingurban poor.

Thirty-five families will beaffected by plans to construct aprivate company in the area.

This is but the latest of a se-ries of violent demolitions. Ac-cording to the Kalipunan ngDamayang Mahihirap (KADA-MAY), demolitions in various ar-eas nationwide have claimed thelives of 11 persons under Aquinoand affected up to 16,000 fami-

lies.5 Combined forces

of the Cebu City Police Intelli-gence Unit and the Military In-telligence Group illegally arr-rested Jimmylisa Badayos, 36,and her husband Calixto Vistal,38, in Mandaue City, Cebu.

The couple had just comefrom work when they were sud-

denly picked up by men in civil-ian clothes. They choked Bada-yos and planted a gun in herbag. The men stole her passport,ATM card, broadband stick and`2,300 in cash.

The military transferred Ca-lixto after three days to the Ne-gros Oriental Jail in DumagueteCity. He has been accused by

Gen. Jose Mabanta of the Philip-pine Army 3rd Infantry Divisionof being a leader of the NewPeople's Army (NPA) allegedlyresponsible for attacks in Boholand Leyte in 1999 and 2000. Ba-dayos, on the other hand, wasaccused of heading the NPAcommunications and technicalgroup in Southeastern Negros.

Badayos is a member of Sonsand Daughters of Desaparecidosand her father Jimmy Badayoswas a victim of abduction 22years ago. KARAPATAN has de-manded Badayos' immediate re-lease since she suffers from se-vere anemia and has been hospi-

AFP massacres familyin South Cotabato

A

massacre, a case of extrajudicial killing and attempted mur-der, two demolitions of urban poor communities, threats

against women and children and illegal arrest. These were thereports of human rights violations gathered by Ang Bayanin the pastseveral weeks.

7/31/2019 20121021 En

10/13

Anakbayan assails

Akbayan Partylist

Members of Anakbayan-NationalCapital Region (Anakbayan-NCR)

barged into a press conference beingheld by Akbayan Partylist on October 16in Ermita, Manila to demand Akbayan'sdisqualification from the partylist elec-tions.

Anakbayan-NCR said that Akbayandid not deserve to be among the partiesrepresenting the poor and marginalizedsectors of society because it was clearlyclose to Malacaang. The Parish Pastoral

Council for Responsible Voting also sup-ported the call for Akbayan and the Blackand White Movement's disqualificationin the 2013 partylist elections becauseofficers and members of these groupshad been appointed to high-ranking posi-tions in the Aquino government.

Among the ranking officers of Ak-bayan now ensconced in the Aquino ad-ministration are Ronald Llamas, formerAkbayan president and now PresidentialAdviser on Political Affairs; Loretta AnnRosales, another former Akbayan presi-dent and now chief of the Commissionon Human Rights; Joel Rocamora, also aformer Akbayan president and now headof the National Anti-Poverty Commis-sion (NAPC); Percival Cendena, commis-sioner-at-large of the National YouthCommission; and Mario Aguho, boardmember of the Government Service In-

surance System.Akbayan also has nominees for the

2013 elections who are currently hold-ing government positions such as BarryGutierrez, 2nd nominee and Malaca-ang's Undersecretary for Political Af-fairs; and Angelina Ludovice-Katoh, 3rdnominee and currently a commissionerat the Presidential Commission for theUrban Poor.

Anakbayan also assailed Akbayan's"Red-baiting" where activists are mali-ciously linked to the armed revolution-ary movement. Such "Red-baiting" usu-ally took place before the victim becamea target of extrajudicial killing. Onesuch victim was Cris Hugo, regional co-


AFP arrests, tortures civilian,

tags him as NDFP leader

Elements of the 2nd ID and various intelligence agenciesand military and police units illegally arrested and mer-

cilessly beat up an ordinary civilian after he was mistaken fora cadre of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Rolly Panesa, 48, was arrested at around 11:30 p.m. infront of the Ministop Convenience Store at the corner of Au-rora Blvd. and Anonas St. in Quezon City. Arrested with himwere his wife Maritez Chioco, their son Conierey and the lat-

ter's wife. Panesa works for Megaforce Security and is a res-ident of F. Castillo St., Project 4, Quezon City. He is assignedat the ACP Compound in Eastwood, Quezon City.

Even if Panesa' arrest was a clear case of mistaken iden-tity, AFP Southern Luzon Command chief Maj. Gen. Alan Lu-ga went ahead and announced that the man they had arrest-ed was "Benjamin Mendoza," allegedly the secretary of theCPP Regional Committee in Southern Tagalog and one of theconsultants of the National Democratic Front of the Philippi-nes (NDFP). The military merely wanted to cover up its sna-fu and collect the `5.6 million reward for "Mendoza's" cap-ture. General Luga also wants to create the impression thatthe AFP is succeeding in its objective of crushing the revolu-tionary movement in Southern Tagalog.

Meanwhile, KARAPATAN showed pictures of Panesa'sface in a press conference on October 17, showing clearmarks of the torture he suffered in the hands of the military.He has been slapped with a trumped-up case of rebellion.~

talized a number of times.2 Elements of the 9th ID illegally arrested

and mercilessly killed Antonio "Ka Eddie" Perelonia not farfrom his house in Barangay Teongson, Ligao City. Ka Eddie, a63-year old Red fighter was undergoing treatment for diabe-tes, hypertension and a heart ailment and was unarmedwhen arrested. The 9th ID claims that he was killed in an en-counter.

There have been 35 victims of extrajudicial killing by the9th ID from June 2010 to September 2012.

-O The military in Davao City harassedAnalyn Pesoro and Niza Cabonillas because they were wivesof Red fighters.

Pesoro was summoned by the 69th IB ostensibly to ar-range for her husband's surrender. On the other hand, Cabo-nillas, a resident of Fatima Village, Paquibato District, saidthat whenever her children go to school, soldiers point to

them, saying, "they're an NPA family." The children havesince been afraid to go to school.

Earlier, Lyn-lyn Genita and Irish Bregole, both residentsof Pandaitan, Paquibato District and wives of Red fighterswere likwise intimidated and interrogated by elements of the69th IB's Peace and Development Team. ~

7/31/2019 20121021 En

11/13


ordinator of the League of Filipino Students-Bicolwho was killed in 2006.

Meanwhile, anomalies involving Akbayan as aco-conspirator of the Aquino regime have begun toemerge. Rocamora is currently finding it difficult toexplain to the Commission on Audit why the NAPChired 81 contractual employees and 19 consultants

in 2011. Instead of maximizing its fulltime staff, theNAPC also hired an additional 49 part-time employ-ees as "documentors, transcribers, researchers andfacilitators."

These additional employees were paid `27.97million from the NAPC's budget for "maintenanceand other operating expenses." ~

Activists to resistattempts to disqualify

BM, Anakpawis

VARIOUS sectors are set to resist a deci-sion by the Commission on Elections (Come-

lec) not to allow multisectoral parties in thepartylist elections.The Comelec announcement that it would

allow only sectoral representation will pavethe way for the disqualification of genuinepartylist groups like Bayan Muna (BM) andAnakpawis, which represent two or morepoor sectors.

Former Bayan Muna Rep. Satur Ocampowho represented BM for three terms saidBayan Muna is composed of various poorsectors and is recognized by the partylistlaw, while Anakpawis comprises workers,peasants and urban poor.

ACT Teachers' Partylist Rep. Antonio Ti-nio said it was sheer foolishness to includeBayan Muna and Anakpawis on the Come-lec's list of disqualified parties, such as AkoBicol and many others. Ako Bicol was dis-qualified allegedly because there were otherlawmakers already representing the Bicol

Region. It topped the partylist election in2010 and won three seats at the LowerHouse.

No one could be poorer than the constit-uents of parties like Bayan Muna and Anak-pawis. Even the representatives of these twoparties are from the unrepresented andpoorest sectors.

According to the clean elections advo-cate Kontra Daya, the Comelec's plan to

purge fake partylist groups should not be de-railed by disqualifying legitimate groups thatrepresent various sectors. Kontra Daya con-venor Fr. Joe Dizon said that only groupsthat do now truly represent the poor and un-represented in Congress should be removed,as stated in Republic Act 7941 or the Partyl-ist System Act and Jurisprudence.~

CPP slams plans to return

Subic military facility to US

The Communist Party of the Philippines strongly con-demned plans by the Aquino regime to allow the grow-

ing number of US military troops involved in various oper-ations in the Philippines to use anew the facilities of theformer Subic Naval Base.

Executive Director Edilberto Adan of the Visiting ForcesCommission has confirmed plans to add to the number ofjoint military exercise and undertake steps to prepare Su-bic International Airport to become a military airport forthe use of US troops.

Subic Naval Base was one of the biggest US militarybases in the Philippines until the early 1990s. It servicedUS submarines and warships. Strong mass protests againstthe US military bases prompted the Senate in 1991 not torenew the 1946 Military Bases Agreement. Subic NavalBase and other US bases, camps and facilities were re-turned to the Philippines as a result. Under the VisitingForces Agreement (VFA) signed in 1998, however, US sub-marines and warships have been able to dock once more atSubic.

Giving US military troops access to the facilities at Su-bic was one of the items agreed upon by the US and Aqui-no governments at the Strategic Defense Dialogue last Jan-

uary. Such plans will inevitably lead to the renewed domi-nance of US military bases in the country.

Meanwhile, the CPP likewise assailed the docking at Su-bic of another US submarine, the USS Olympia. It is thefifth US war vessel to dock in Manila and Subic in twomonths. Since August, the USS North Carolina and the USSHawaii, both nuclear-powered attack submarines and thewarships USS Milius and USS Frank Cable have docked inthe Philippines. The USS George Washington, one of theUS' biggest warships is set to dock at Subic on October 24.

The CPP also lambasted the arrival of more than 2,000US troops to join the Philippine Amphibious Landing Exer-cise along with 1,600 AFP soldiers from October 8-18.

The frequent dockings of US warships in the Philippinesstrengthens the US military presence and intervention inthe Asia-Pacific region. In connivance with the Aquino gov-ernment, the US has been using the Philippines as a launch-ing base for its interventionist operations. ~

7/31/2019 20121021 En

12/13

the food threshold from `52 perday to `46 per day by arbitrar-ily substituting cheaper fooditems and removing certainitems (such as milk) from thefood bundle.

The second wage level isbased on the workers' produc-tivity in a company or industryline. It is the company that de-termines productivity based onits own assessment of its work-ers. Because different factorieshave different productivity lev-els, depending on type, size, in-dustry line and other factors,companies can easily come up

with arbitrary figures. Worse,productivity-based wage in-creases are not guaranteedsince they are voluntary. Theydo not become part of the basicpay and are not considered incalculating benefits.

Through the 2TWS, the min-imum wage becomes irrelevant.It intensifies labor flexibiliza-

tion. Capitalists can keep tech-nology backward while raisingworkers' quotas in order to raiseproduction. The entire scheme isin line with the labor contractu-alization policy, where capital-ists can pay new contractualworkers

2-tiered system,a new attack on wages

The US-Aquino regime is now enforcing the insidious 2-tier wagesystem (2TWS) in 11 regions in the Philippines. Under the

2TWS, already low minimum wages will be replaced by evenlower wage standards. Estimates put the average reduction in wagesat 30% at the least. The 2TWS forms part of Aquino's program to at-tract foreign investors by further slashing labor costs.

Aquino was expectedlypraised by businessmen, amongthem the American Chamber ofCommerce. But he has earnedopprobrium from the workingclass. They know full well that

the 2TWS will only further pullwages down and must be thor-oughly opposed by all Filipinoworkers. The struggle againstthe 2TWS is part of the strugglefor a national minimum wage, ajust wage increase for all work-ers and sufficient compensationfor their work hours.

The 2TWS is a direct attack

on the rights of workers for de-cent wages and minimum wageregulation and for collectivebargaining. It worsens the ef-fect of the regionalization ofwages and the wage inequalitiesbetween regulars and contrac-tuals, old and new workers andthose working in big and smallenterprises. It gives capitalists

free rein to pay wages that areeven lower than the currentminimum and further underminethe ability of unions to repre-sent workers in negotiations.

In 1989, the reactionarystate dismantled the nationalwage by approving the WageRegionalization Act (RA 6727).The law diffused the workers'nationwide strength by grantingRegional Wage Boards the au-thority to determine minimumwages. Wage hikes were limitedto one a year. For more than adecade since, minimum wageswere hardly raised, with onlyminimal adjustments in the Cost

of Living Allowance (COLA). Thereal value of wages has contin-ued to plummet in the last 22years.

Regionalizing the determina-tion of minimum wages has

caused untold oppression to theworkers. Now this will be wor-sened by the 2TWS. In essence,the new wage scheme disman-tles the minimum wage. Underthe 2TWS, wages and any wageincreases are determinedthrough two methods. The firstlevel, called the "floor wage" isbased on the "poverty thresh-

old" for every region. The pov-erty threshold is the minimumincome needed by a family for itto be classified above the impov-erished sectors. The amount in-cludes a minimum for food andother needs like education, wa-ter, electricity and house rent.

These thresholds are deter-mined by govern-

ment agenciesand areo f -t e nm a -n i p u -l a t e dto cre-ate theimpres-sion ofreduced pov-erty inci-dence in thecountry. In2011, theAquino re-gime lowered


7/31/2019 20121021 En

13/13

13ANG BAYAN Oktubre 21 2012

wages lower than those received byregular workers.

The 2TWS is already being imple-mented in CALABARZON (Cavite-Lagu-na-Batangas-Rizal-Quezon) and theNational Capital Region (NCR) even ifthe Wage Regionalization Act has notyet been formally revoked.

It was first tried on an experimen-tal basis in CALABARZON through amemorandum order issued by the Re-gional Wage Board in May that peggedthe floor wage at `255 for the nextfive years, based on the region's pover-ty threshold instead of the inflationrate. Only workers receiving less than`255 daily are entitled to pay hikes.

Workers receiving the regional mini-mum wage of `377 per day will bebanned from enjoying any addition totheir current pay. The order, in effect,was a cunning way of imposing a five-year moratorium on wage increases.

In the NCR, the 2TWS was able toslip through the cracks through an or-der by the Regional Wage Board set-ting a `259 daily floor wage for busi-

nesses with not more than `3 million incapital (the so-called Barangay MicroBusiness Enterpirse or BMBE). As inCALABARZON, the NCR floor wage isalso based on the region's povertythreshold. The NCR Wage Board claimsthat this redounds to the advantage ofworkers in the BMBE because such en-terprises are exempt from the minimumwage requirement. Nonetheless, the

`259 floor wage is a long way off fromthe regional minimum wage of `426per day.

The 2TWS is set to be implementednationwide by 2013. ~

Chavez wins anewin Venezuela

F

or the third time, Hugo Chavez won as president of

Venezuela in elections held October 7. Chavez gar-nered 55% of the votes, defeating the US-support-ed candidate Henrique Capriles Randoski. More than 80%of the electorate voted in the polls.

Chavez, an anti-imperialist, has led Venezuela since1999. The Chavez government boasts of having imple-mented new social policies addressing the needs of thepoor. For instance, the government constructed 250,000new housing units in the past few years. Minimum wages,which rose 30%, are now the highest in Latin America.Unemployment was reduced from 12% in 1998 to 6.5% in2010. Retirees now receive bigger pensions. The govern-ment continues to provide free health services and edu-cation, raising literacy rates by 99.6%. Poverty incidencehas been reduced by almost 50% since 1999.

The robust and widespread support enjoyed by Presi-dent Chavez is due to his strong determination to assertthe country's national soivereignty against US domina-tion. Since 1999, more than 1,000 foreign companieshave been nationalized, among them local branches of UScompanies like Goldman Sachs and Bank of America. Also,

through the Hydrocarbon Law of April 2001, the govern-ment has effectively been nationalizing the oil industry.

Chavez' anti-imperialism is part of the BolivarianMovement, an anti-imperialist movement resisting USdomination over countries in Latin America. Chavez alsomaintains friendly relations with countries that the US ishostile to, like China and Iran.

Chavez has thus earned the ire of the US government,which has tried time and again to oust him from power.The US unabashedly supports anti-Chavez parties such as

Primero Justicia. The party, which receives $40 millionannually, is the biggest group bankrolled by the US inLatin America. The US also supported a failed coupagainst Chavez in 2002. ~

Documents

20121021 En