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Author: Anthony Russell
A Critical Review of Van Bortel, G. and Mullins, D. (2009) Critical Perspectives on
Network Governance in Urban Regeneration, Community Involvement and Integration.
Housing and the Built Environment 24 203-‐219.
In their paper, van Bortel and Mullins (2009) set out to describe the shift in power structures
of urban regeneration initiatives, and to assess how the move from traditional vertical
approaches towards horizontal networks and partnerships is generating positive outcomes.
The authors present this analysis through case study examples, showing how increases in
community consultation are able to encourage regeneration that is fit for end-‐users. As a
result of this trend, stakeholders involved have moved from predominantly central
government to including local councils, the private sector, and community members. This is
viewed as a progressive phenomena, as wider issues including environmental degradation
and climate change are increasingly encouraging the power of the individual as a force for
change in their community. This critical review will make comparisons across the literature to
provide an assessment of the gains and losses of the network approach upon urban
regeneration projects, assess change in regeneration governance, highlight examples of
positive results, and provide recommendations for best practice in future urban regeneration
initiatives.
In previous decades, urban regeneration initiatives were governed vertically, which is a top-‐
down approach where decisions are made at higher levels of central government and
implementation is delivered through markets and actors lower in the hierarchy, being
regional and local councils (Jones and Evans, 2013). This practice began to change as the
needs of societies were taken under more prominent consideration, going further than
infrastructure alone and working towards social improvements. This shift increased the
prevalence of horizontal governance, where decisions are made on a local level, by people
who will also be involved in implementation, and is more collaborative with the community
involved. Van Bortel and Mullins (2009) raise the point that both vertical and horizontal
coordination methods have their positive and negative traits, and that one may be more fit
than another depending on the issues on the table, the actors working to solve these issues,
and to what degree decisions are being made collaboratively.
This is consistent with Clift (2008) who found that voluntary and community
organisations (VCOs) in London were playing a key role as partners in urban regeneration
policy, showcasing that the participatory approach was very much at the core of modern
initiatives. Interestingly the author found that VCOs exercise their powers selectively, in line
with their capacities and strengths, whilst choosing not to actively engage in aspects which
they are less capable. This was preceded with investigation by Davies (2002a) who found that
although communities would participate and commit to the Hunts Partnership across three
years, these communities struggle to turn their ambitions into action. Individuals would act to
encourage others in the community to take part in the sustainability agenda, however over
time these efforts erode, due in part to a lack of professional sustainability knowledge,
training, and capabilities of these individuals; this is supported by Couch and Dennemann
(2000) who acknowledge that decision-‐making needs actively to take the views of citizens on
board. These studies suggest this is not currently the case, as the status quo prefers to neglect
community input and instead to utilise expert knowledge from private companies, and
leadership from developers.
Alternative viewpoints are proposed by Davies (2002b) and Rhodes (2007). The
former proposes that central government is becoming increasingly influential in urban
regeneration, and that networks are less powerful than hierarchy; the latter goes on to state
that local councils are still working under a hierarchy, and as such may not be able to leverage
the equivalent power that another actor, such as a development corporation, brings to a
negotiation. Local councils have however been afforded greater autonomy through the
‘hollowing out of the state’; this is where responsibility has shifted above, from central
government to supranational actors such as the European Union, as well as shifted below,
with responsibilities delegated to regional and local government (Jones and Evans, 2013).
Despite an increase in power, disparity can still exist between a local council and a
development corporation, as the developer can provide capital, whereas the council is reliant
upon funding streams, which are at risk of budget cuts coupled with an increased level of
responsibility. This argument portrays one of the negative side effects of the increasing
prevalence of network governance, which will now be discussed in detail.
The state, although commonly referred to as a single entity, is more correctly described as a
network of actors working across a breadth of policy aims. Departments within a government
collaborate along a scale, from working entirely independently from each other, to building
and maintaining partnerships to pursue a common goal (Jones and Evans, 2013). By drawing
upon examples discussed in case studies, it is possible to guide the optimum level of
community participation in the planning stages of urban regeneration. Van Bortel and Mullins
(2009) describe the examples of Sweden and England, whereby marginalised groups were
able to enjoy an increase in their representation in governance networks. These are strong
examples of how essential community engagement is to the success of a regeneration
initiative. Conversely, an urban renewal project in Arnhem, the Netherlands, describes an
example of a lack of community engagement. In developing a plan for the area, the network
purposely waited until they had an idea to deliver to the public. With the emergence of strong
opposition by residents, the planning was forced to begin again from scratch. This would have
been a considerable cost in both time and money, and acts to highlight the importance of
anchoring regeneration initiatives in democratic inclusion with local stakeholders. The
authors argue that network governance must be anchored in this way, both in order to
achieve a desired philosophy of inclusivity, as well as to achieve the aims of the process.
Couch and Dennemann (2000) worked previously to develop this notion of
democratic, inclusive urban regeneration. Their case study of the Liverpool Rope Walks
identifies the unequal balance between sustainability in the built and natural environments.
This initiative made little effort to enhance green spaces or habitats for wildlife and
vegetation, indicating that the agenda was skewed to the interests of development companies
and not achieving the democratic balance van Bortel and Mullins (2009) later go on to
champion.
Earlier still, Atkinson (1999) disagreed with the notion of community engagement
being actively encouraged on the ground, insisting that official policy remains top-‐down with
only selective community inclusion in urban regeneration. The author specifies that these
policies may only exist to pay lip service to the need to involve communities, and that no
enforcement mechanism exists to ensure local stakeholders are involved. This aligns with the
1980’s witnessing a significantly negative impact upon the power of local and regional
governments, reducing the ability for networks to function as Margaret Thatcher worked on
“tearing up” the welfare state (Rhodes, 2007).
In conclusion, it is interesting to imagine a timeline constructed by Atkinson (1999), Couch
and Dennemann (2000), and van Bortel and Mullins (2009), whereby community engagement
in urban regeneration appears to have improved and strengthened over time. The former
found that in practice, communities were not engaged in the process as well as they could
have been, and it is positive to see that with time, in the latter’s example in Arnhem, that an
enforcement mechanism had developed by means of the denial of planning permission by
local council. In light of these findings and in the context of increasing pressure to act on
issues including atmospheric carbon and biodiversity loss, it is hopeful that future
regeneration will seize and champion opportunities for environmental benefits. These include
the expansion and protection of nature areas, monitoring the health of vegetation and
habitats for wildlife, and ensuring that developers do not cause harm to the immediate
environment. To achieve these goals, it is essential to include community members and
ecology professionals early in planning and decision-‐making, so they are encouraged to play
an active role through each stage in a project lifecycle. This is highly recommended so as to
work towards a future where urban regeneration is an engine for strong environmental
improvements.
References
Atkinson, R. (1999) Discourses of Partnership and Empowerment in Contemporary British
Urban Regeneration. Urban Studies 36:1 59-‐72.
Clift, S. M. (2008) Governance, Community Participation and Urban Regeneration: A New Role
for Third Sector Partners? PhD Thesis, Middlesex University.
Couch, C. and Dennemann, A. (2000) Urban Regeneration and Sustainable Development in
Britain. Cities 17:2 137-‐147.
Davies, A. R. (2002a) Power, Politics and Networks: Shaping Partnerships for Sustainable
Communities. Area 34:2 190-‐203.
Davies, J. S. (2002b) The Governance of Urban Regeneration: A Critique of the ‘Governing
without Government’ Thesis. The University of Warwick.
Jones, P. and Evans, J. (2013) Urban Regeneration in the UK. 2nd Edition. SAGE, Los Angeles.
Rhodes, R.A.W. (2007) Understanding Governance: Ten Years On. Organisation Studies 28:8
1243-‐1264.
Van Bortel, G. and Mullins, D (2009) Critical Perspectives on Network Governance in Urban
Regeneration, Community Involvement and Integration. Housing and the Built Environment 24
203-‐219.