35220304 Strategic Nonviolent Struggle Training Manual

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STRATEGIC NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE:A TRAINING MANUAL

Christopher A. Miller

AFRICAPROGRAMME

EDUCATION

FOR PEACE

NONVIOLENT TRANSFORMATION OF CONFLICTAFRICA


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The mission o the University or Peace is to provide humanity with

an international institution o higher education or peace with the

aim o promoting among all human beings a spirit o understanding,

tolerance, and peaceul coexistence, to stimulate cooperation among

peoples, and to help lessen obstacles and threats to world peace and

progress in keeping with the noble aspirations proclaimed in the Char-

ter o the United Nations.

Charter o the University or Peace,

Article , approved by the UN General Assembly

in Resolution A/RES/5/55

AFRICAPROGRAMME

EDUCATION

FOR PEACE

University or Peace, Arica Programme

PO Box 794, code 50

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Tel: +5--68099

Fax: +5--68099

Email: [email protected]

Website: www.arica.upeace.org


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Additional titles in this series:

Bite Not One Another: Selected Accounts o Nonviolent Struggle in Arica

Only Young Once: An Introduction to Nonviolent Struggle or Youths

Also available:

Teaching Model: Nonviolent Transormation o ConictTo order, contact [email protected]


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STRATEGICNONVIOLENT

STRUGGLEA TRAINING MANUAL


Mary E. KingSeries Editor

AFRICAPROGRAMME

EDUCATION

FOR PEACE University or Peace, Arica Programme

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia



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Copyright 006 University or Peace

All rights reserved. The views o this publication are those o the author. They do

not necessarily reect the views o the University or Peace.

Printed in Switzerland

ISBN 9977-95-49-6

Cover photo: Strained relations among the more than sixty ethnic groups in Cte

dIvoire were exacerbated by the civil war that began in 99. Interethnic relations

within the nation are thus a key actor in seeking a representative and democratic

government and building national unity and sustainability. In this photo, elders rom

the Yacouba and Burkinabe groups come together in a peace alliance organised with

assistance rom Search or Common Ground. The oerings or peace are a stark but

welcomed alternative to the militancy that dominates most interethnic relations.

Photo: Search or Common Ground.


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CONTENTS

Foreword 9

Preace

The World o Nonviolent Struggle, Nonviolent Struggle 5

and the World

Understanding Your Environment 5

Bringing Strategy into the Fold 4

4 The Everyday Stu o Nonviolent Action 57

5 Heading towards Success

6 Conclusion

Appendix 7

Learning More: Training Programmes and

Other Resources

Bibliography 7


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Foreword

The oil-rich Niger Delta has been a resource as well as a curse. It

has generated substantial revenue or Nigeria or development, but

such activity oten has been accompanied by inefciencies and lack

o transparency. Worse still, the people o the delta are yet to beneft

rom this taunted development, as residents complain o environmen-

tal degradation, social and human rights abuses, economic misman-

agement, and political repression. Such abuses and deprivation in the

ace o plenty have ueled sustained and oten-violent local resistanceresulting in the loss o lie, destruction o oil production acilities,

disruption o oil deliveries, and threats to global economies.

The University or Peace (UPEACE), established by a resolution o the

UN General Assembly in 980, seeks to promote social justice through

strategic nonviolence. Pursuant to this approach, UPEACE has worked

in partnership with the National Universities Commission, Abuja, and

the University o Jos to strengthen the capacity o Nigerian institu-tions in the areas o conict prevention, mediation, conict resolu-

tion, reconciliation, and peace building. Nonviolent Transormation o

Conict, a workshop held in the Niger Delta region 7 November

005, represents an eort by this partnership to transorm the delta

rom a theatre o political upheaval to a region in which young people

fghting or social justice can embrace realistic alternatives to armedstruggle by channeling their energies into becoming active agents o

social change and nonviolent transormation. The workshop exposed

youths to the philosophies, principles, and theories o strategic nonvi-

olence and oered them opportunities to develop their own analyses,

learn how to defne goals, make assessments, prepare to strive towards

their vision o the uture, learn how to build constructive plans, and

identiy resources or nonviolent struggles.


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Strategic Nonviolent Struggle: A Training Manual discusses strategies

or embarking on the path o peace by applying nonviolent approaches

to resolving issues and conict. It presents an overview o nonviolent

action, including accessible explanations o theories, methods, dynam-

ics, and mechanisms. Case studies rom Arica counter the myth that

nonviolent action has not been used or has been unsuccessul among

the continents constituent nations and societies. Such studies help to

awaken curiosity and shed light on important, but sometimes orgot-

ten, popular struggles that have achieved justice, transormation, rec-

onciliation, and human rights through the use o nonviolent struggle.The contents o this publication will serve to crystallise thinking on

nonviolent action in the minds o its readers, and it is hoped, lead to

constructive dialogue and the peaceul resolution o conicts. I wish

to commend the worthy eorts o the University or Peace and every-

one involved in the production o this booklet. I recommend it to all,

especially to those who believe that conict must be resolved through

violent struggle.

Proessor Placid C. Njoku

Resident Adviser to the Rector, University or PeaceDirector, Quality Assurance, National Universities Commission, Abuja


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Preace

This projectinitiated by the Arica Programme o the University or

Peace (UPEACE), an afliate o the United Nationsresulted rom con-

sultative missions to thirteen countries. In meetings at more than fty

universities and fve hundred non-governmental organisations (NGOs)

throughout the continent o Arica, specifc requests were made by

Aricans to address the dearth o materials on strategic nonviolent

struggle. Among innumerable enriching encounters, the team recalls

one historian at the University o Natal at Durban who spoke withpride o what he called South Aricas strong indigenous tradition o

nonviolent strugglethe tradition o Gandhi, Lithuli, and Biko. He

was reerring to Mohandas K. Gandhi who had worked in South Arica

or twenty-one years, the Zulu chie and Nobel Peace Prize winner

Albert Luthuli, and the anti-apartheid leader Steve Biko.

A urther spark or this training manual came rom a youth orum in

March 004 in Abuja, Nigeria, ollowing a UPEACE curriculum develop-

ment workshop jointly sponsored with Nigerias National Universities

Commission, specifcally Proessor Placid C. Njoku. During the orum,

Nigerian youth leaders asked or help in learning how to seek justice

with nonviolent political tools, because the only thing we hear about is

violence. Subsequently, a workshop was held or civil society leaders

many o them youngin Port Harcourt, Nigeria, in November 005. Thisactivity reinorced the need or such an instruction booklet.

This manual is thus a direct result o concrete requests by Arican

academicians, civil society leaders, and youthul peace builders who

asked that the UPEACE Arica Programme develop and circulate materi-

als to share knowledge on nonviolent struggle and transormation o

conict. It is one in a series o publications related to the broad topic

o nonviolent action and is meant to serve as a practical guide or di-

rectors o youth programmes, youth leaders, and civil society leaders


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organising workshops on how to press or social justice without vio-

lence. I hope this small contribution can aid in meeting some o the

needs o such determined and inspiring individuals and organisations.

The other, related publications rom the UPEACE Arica Programme are

as ollows:

Teaching Model: Nonviolent Transormation o Conict

A twelve-module teaching curriculum with theoretical and historical

background on the feld o nonviolent struggle, notes or instruc-

tors, suggested readings, expected learning outcomes, and sug-gested class exercises.

Bite Not One Another: Selected Accounts o Nonviolent Struggle in

Arica

Accounts o nonviolent action rom across sub-Saharan Arica cov-

ering nonviolent independence movements during the colonial era,

contemporary struggles or human rights and social justice, and ex-

amination o the inuential role o women as nonviolent activists.

Only Young Once: An Introduction to Nonviolent Struggle or Youths

A practical introduction to the dynamics o nonviolent struggle em-

phasising the need or strategy and the crucial role played by youths

in such movements.

The purpose o this training manual is to serve as a tool or civil so-

ciety leaders interested in running or acilitating seminars, workshops,

and training programmes on the use and eectiveness ononviolent

struggle. It can be used as an enhancement with Only Young Once, the

youth introduction. This manual may also be used by academicians and

lecturers in institutions o higher learning, perhaps as a supplementor ormal classroom and course usage with the Teaching Model.

STRATEGIC NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE


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Although nonviolent struggle has long been a orm o individual

and personal witness, this manual is concerned with its employment

as a technique ofghtingor social change. The concern here is not

with interpersonal conicts, which deserve a manual o their own, but

instead with disputes and strie among groups at the local, communal,

municipal, state, national, regional, and even international levels. The

ocus is not on addressing nonviolence in the normative sense, as a

value, although the moral attributes o fghting or justice without do-

ing harm to the target group, combined with its practicality, make this

method highly desirable. Also not being considered are spiritual, aith-based, religious, intimate, and amilial uses o the term nonviolence.

Ultimately, nonviolent struggle is engagement that utilises political

tools instead o military weaponry. It is known by many names, in-

cluding nonviolent direct action, nonviolent resistance, active nonvio-

lence, militant nonviolence, and civic resistance.

Nonviolent struggle is thus oered as an alternative to violent orms

o engagement, yet the technique can also be utilised eectively in

conjunction with other orms o conict resolution. Nonviolent strug-

gle is oten employed by those who are also pursuing negotiation,

mediation, and various types o conict transormation. Thereore, it

can in some cases be necessary to use such approaches in tandem.

Throughout this manual, the terms nonviolent struggle and nonvio-

lent action are used in their unhyphenated orms, which have a dis-tinct history and connotation in modern English usage. Experts in

the feld believe that without hyphenation the words nonviolence and

nonviolentare no longer merely in opposition to violence, but become

afrmative in their own right.

Appreciation and thanks are extended to the many individuals who

helped to make this project possible. I am especially grateul to two

graduates rom UPEACE who put their new masters degrees to im-mediate use in assisting with this undertaking: Nigerian journalist

PREFACE


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Jide Fajoyomi and Nigerian lawyer Iyenemi Wokomo, both o whom

went to enormous lengths under trying conditions to provide research

assistance. Dr. Mary E. King, proessor o peace and conict studies

at UPEACE, undertook painstaking reviews o drat manuscripts and

provided continuous encouragement. Michael Beer, director o Non-

violence International, and clinical psychologist Dr. Mubarak E. Awad,

adjunct aculty o the American University, Washington, D.C., gener-

ously oered eedback and constructive criticism. Personally, the most

challenging moments were overcome by the inexhaustible support o

my wie, Aygul. The project would not have been possible withoutthe backing and support o the UPEACE Geneva ofce, specifcally

its executive director, Ameena Payne, programme assistants Dominic

Volonnino and Celia Solari, and education and technology ofcer Jou-

tiar Saleh. Their commitment to responding to the cogently expressed

needs o Arican scholars, practitioners, and activists provided me with

essential bolstering. While the assistance that I have received has

been extensive, any shortcoming or defcits in this manual remain my

own responsibility.




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The World oNonviolent Struggle,

Nonviolent Struggleand the World


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G

rievances, disputes, and conicts are inevitable. They occur all

the time in every society, among and within amilies, civil so-

ciety groups, governments, regional institutions, and interna-

tional organisations. Some are highly visible. Others are not evident

and may remain latent or dormant or some time. In any case, such

situations are essentially disagreements or conrontations over goals,

aspirations, objectives, or the ways to achieve certain ends.

When aced with such situations, individuals and groups ultimately

have choices (see chart, p. 9). They can accept the events and circum-

stances, or they can act. Most o you reading and using this trainingmanual have decided to act. For you, the question is How will you act?

This manual outlines a unique orm o action that can be utilised by

groups aspiring to overcome social oppression, to ensure air and equi-

table recourse to justice, to advance democratic ideals, and to change

their societies constructively. The technique is strategic nonviolent

struggle, and throughout this manual practical, easible, and realistic

ways to press or reorm or transormation without relying on violence

or brutality will be discussed. Nonviolent struggle is not a magic po-

tion and is oten counterintuitive. Thereore, it must be learned.

Some people, especially youths, may be vulnerable to the argument

that violence is the sole way to address injustice, especially in the

ace o a violent opponent. What has been taken by violence must be

returned by violence is a common rallying cry or persons and groupsdemanding social change. In such an atmosphere, admonishing youths

and young adults not to fght may be utile. People will not notfght.

Forms o armed struggle have benefted rom centuries o practice,

attention, and examination. A realistic alternative to violent struggle

usually has not been persuasively oered, and accessible inormation

has oten not been available on how to plan and conduct strategic

nonviolent action.In many societies, institutions have been established to address


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dierent orms o grievances and conicts. The rule o law and par-

liamentary processes, accountable governance, and organisations or

meting out justice normally resolve most disagreements or disputes.

A range o supplementary initiatives has been developed as well, such

as arbitration, diplomacy, mediation, and negotiation. Yet, some so-

cieties and communities have ailed to develop stable and equitable

measures and vehicles or responsible resolution o conicts. Discrimi-

nation, animosities, hatred, blame, and ignorance can all contribute

to creating obstacles. Power imbalances can also impede constructive

problem solving. In democracies, the majority may ignore the rightso minorities. Elsewhere, when a group eels strong enough to do as it

pleases, it can lose incentive to cooperate with others. Continuation

o conict is sometimes viewed by certain elements as more avour-

able than resolution. Such situations are particularly relevant today in

weak nation-states and during state ailure or collapse. Rebel guerrilla

groups that have managed to gain a oothold in a weak power struc-

ture, or instance, do not want a return to politics as usual; neither

do the arms traders or corrupt government ofcials who stand to gain

rom turmoil and instability.

Where the legal and parliamentary channels to address disputes and

grievances have broken down or are not working, conict transorma-

tion can still be sought constructively. Nonviolent struggle is unique

in that its proponents recognise the link between the means and theends in conict. Groups are still able to stand up or what they believe

and want when conict resolution is not possible. Seemingly unavour-

able conditions need not prevent people rom pursuing social justice.

Indeed, nonviolent struggle is usually adopted precisely because legal

or parliamentary methods o seeking redress have ailed, resulting in

severe strie or protracted conicts.

When those aced with a conict or dispute are concerned onlyabout meeting certain needs, desires, or objectives, alleviating griev-

THE WORLD OF NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE


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ances can be seen purely as an end-game. Immediate results take

precedence, and indirect and long-term risks and benefts are usually

dismissed. The means chosen to overcome hardships, however, have

both short-term and long-term consequences. This connexion between

the means and the ends is a undamental component and advantage o

implementing the technique o strategic nonviolent struggle.

When groups choose to employ guerrilla war or terrorism to allevi-

ate a grievance or hardship, a path o destruction is let in their wake.

People are harmed in the immediate sense, and violence begins to

substitute or addressing grievances and more general political pro-cesses. Changes in the society or community may still occur, yet vio-

lence leaves long-term trauma that oten requires psychological heal-

ing, reconciliation, and other peace-building techniques. Such eorts

are necessary not only or individuals who have suered at the hands

o violence, but also or the larger society to restore trust, security,

and the capacity to operate normally.

An opponent may possess superior material resources, skills, and

knowledge in relation to dierent orms o violence. A decision to

conront an adversary where it is strongest is not likely to result in

success. It is oten suicidal. This explains why target groups requently

try to goad nonviolent resisters towards violent actionsthe oppo-

nent can not only justiy a violent response but also dictate the rules

o engagement, which ultimately avour its strengths.The conditions under which nonviolent struggle has been employed

throughout history are extensive, whether called by this or another

name. The technique possesses no demographic boundaries. It has

been used across the globe by men, women, children, the elderly, the

unemployed, peasants, labourers, merchants, bureaucrats, consumers,

producers, the poor, the middle class, and the wealthy. It has been

used in seeking humanitarian goals, human rights, surage, labor andother reorms, and independence, as well as or national deence. It



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has been employed under dictatorships, communism, authoritarian-

ism, oligarchies, military occupations, and democracies. No political,

economic, or cultural milieus have restricted the use o nonviolent

struggle.

Source: Kurt Schock, Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies(Minneapolis, University o Minnesota Press, 005), .

Situation o political oppressionand injustice

Nonrecognition Recognition

Acceptance Nonacceptance

Institutionalaction

Noninstitutionalaction

Violent action Nonviolent action

Exit Everyday orms o resistance

Political action


RESPONSES TO POLITICAL OPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE


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Decades o changing tactics and strategies in the anti-apartheid

movement in South Arica had shited almost exclusively by the 980s

towards nonviolent struggle. Extensive noncooperation, including con-

sumer and student boycotts, contributed to undermining the power

bases o the apartheid regime and to gaining tangible international

support. The internal and external pressure on the apartheid govern-

ment eventually proved to be too ormidable.

Mourners march in a uneral procession during the 985 International Day or the Eliminationo Racial Discrimination, Langa Township in Uitenhage, South Arica. The day commemoratesthe anniversary o the March 960 Sharpeville massacre, in which 69 died and more than00 were injured. Large assemblies were orbidden under apartheid; uneral processions thus

assumed huge symbolic importance as a method o nonviolent action. Photo: UN Photos.



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The People Power movement in the Philippines in 986 led to the

disintegration o the Ferdinand Marcos regime. The combination o an

inormed and active civil society and extensive noncooperation by civil

servants, including military personnel, undermined the ability o the

government to unction and shited legitimacy towards the democratic

opposition.

Polands Solidarity Union movement represents the most unlikely o

success stories. Against a history o guerrilla resistance, with the pres-

ence o the overpowering strength and inuence o the Soviet Union, a

leadership and support structure emerged or a nonviolent movement,which ought with very limited resources. Launched initially to push

or greater economic and political reedoms, the movement solidifed

the demands or trade unions and, with this success, was able to shit

towards political goals o elections and the end o Soviet dominance.

Ater years o resisting but having only limited eect, nonviolent

protagonists in Serbia, in the Balkans, developed a comprehensive,

strategic plan, which combined their previous experience with study

o the nonviolent technique. The international community later viewed

the movement and its success strictly rom the perspective o Slobo-

dan Milosevics orced resignation as president in 000. Strategic non-

violent struggle in Serbia, however, included dismantling the support

structures o the Milosevic regime, bringing the democratic opposition

parties together in cooperation, encouraging the general population tovote, holding the regime accountable or potentially alsifed election

results, and fnally, when the latter occurred, ensuring the departure

o Milosevic.

The lessons learned in Serbia have been shared and implemented

by those leading other nonviolent movements. For example, a similar

model was adopted in the successul struggle in the ormer Soviet

republic o Georgia in 00, leading to the resignation o long-timepresident Eduard Shevardnadze in what is now reerred to as the Rose



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Revolution. Similarly, in 004, Ukraine experienced the Orange Revolu-

tion, which saw the end o the authoritarian rule o President Leonid

Kuchma. Also among the ormer Soviet republics, the Tulip Revolu-

tion o 005 led to the dismissal o President Askar Aliev, who had

ruled Kyrgyzstan since its independence in 99. As o early 006,

large-scale and small-scale nonviolent struggles or social and political

change were under way across the globe, rom Iran and Venezuela to

Belarus and Zimbabwe.

Despite the results and prominence o the above victories, nonviolent

struggles are not always successul. Such movements in Burma in 988and China in 989 led to massive crackdowns in both countries, which

continue to experience political repression. A sophisticated movement

in Kosovo, operating between approximately 988 and 998, created

parallel institutionsone o the most advanced methods o nonviolent

struggleto oversee the provision o basic needs and services. It was

completely eroded with the rise o the Kosovo Liberation Army, which

precipitated changes in policy by the Yugoslav government and the

international community. The frst Palestinian intiada, or uprising,

ailed to secure a recognised homeland or the peoples under Israeli

military occupation in the territories set aside or the Palestinian Ar-

abs by the United Nations.

Historical examples show that nonviolent action is global in appli-

cation and is not limited to any people, group, region, or worldview.Hidden or untold chronicles can prove revealing and insightul. As

a political and social technique, nonviolent struggle oers a unda-

mental re-conception o power and strength. Knowledge o nonvio-

lent action is growing, as it becomes evident that it can be eective

in diverse conicts. By attacking the power o an adversaryas op-

posed to the well-being, limbs, or lives o an opponentnonviolent

action operates on the principle that all political relationships requiredegrees o obedience, cooperation, and acquiescence. The sources o



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such cooperation can be identifed, and, once identifed, they can be

purposeully or strategically withdrawn. In other words, all systems

rely on compliance and assistance, which can be withheld. When this

happens, the relationship among the parties involved can be altered.

This is a simple explanation o the pluralistic theory o power, in which

political power is spread throughout a society, and the decisions and

actions o groups aect its equilibrium. This conception lies in stark

contrast to more dominant monolithic models o power, seen as rigid,

pyramidal structures in which an individual or group sits atop a passive

and ineectual society.Withdrawing cooperation and support rom a target group or an op-

ponent can take specifc and pointed orms, usually reerred to by the

term noncooperation. Hundreds o nonviolent methods have been iden-

tifed. Other psychological, social, economic, and political weapons

include orms o protest and persuasion as well as nonviolent interven-

tion. It is also true that novel and ingenious methods continue to be

developed in many struggles.

Although an important topic, explaining how conicts arise or why

grievances emerge is beyond the scope o this manual. Instead, the

implicit aim is to reveal the opportunities that tend to hide behind the

negative connotations associated with or imposed upon how people

deal with disputes and conicts. How persons respond is a choice,

and such decisions require inormed consideration. Stories, narratives,coverage, and reportage o conventional war, guerrilla warare, and ter-

rorism abound. This manual presents an overview o a dierent orm o

engagementstrategic nonviolent struggle.



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Understanding YourEnvironment


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[A]lthough conicts have negative connotations . . . [many] con-

stitute an essential creative element or changing societies and

achieving the goals and aspirations o individuals and groups.

Otite and Albert 999: 7

Anyone considering using nonviolent struggle should have a thor-

ough understanding o the situation and the context in which

developments will unold. As much as possible, the collecting o

inormation and data should precede any campaign or activity, espe-

cially i large in scale. Although perect inormation is impossible, cre-ating an encyclopaedia about the situation helps in ormulating plans,

evaluating actions and reactions, making adjustments, and maintaining

continuity among the various actors that inuence decision making.

This holds regardless o the composition and character o aggrieved

and target groups, the issues at stake, and desired outcomes.

Learning as much as possible about your situation might seem be-

side the point, but decisions in the midst o struggle should be based

on more than intuition or ethical positions, although such actors may

come into play. The greatest challenge in an ongoing campaign is

the collecting o accurate and timely inormation, which changes be-

cause o the dynamic nature o documentation and reporting on social

events. One o your most useul tools may be a radio or a typewriter.

In military terminology, the process o gathering inormation aboutthe struggle environment is reerred to as the preparation o a strate-

gic estimate. (For more inormation, see under Books in the Appendix:

Robert Helvey.) This notion is directly relevant or nonviolent struggle

as well. A strategic estimate includes a range o actors geographic

climatic, social, economic, political, and culturalthat can be cat-

egorised into fve areas:


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General grievance and possible solutions

Objectives and issues at stake or the parties to the conict

Strengths and weaknesses o the opponent or target group

Strengths and weaknesses o the nonviolent struggle group

General environment o the conict or struggle

Whats the Problem?

Specifc grievances or problems in a society are oten expressed invague and overarching ways: The problem is the government. We need

greater equality and economic opportunities. Every time we try to do

something, we are harassed, arrested, or worse. The problem is capi-

talism. The problem is corruption. The problem is globalisation. Such

statements may contain threads o truth, but they say little to identiy

the real predicament that needs to be addressed or the best way to

approach it.

Any number o grievances may exist in a society, and countless ail-

ures o governing bodies or institutions may occur. Beore action is

taken, however, the grievance should be unmistakably understood and

clearly declared. This is true or several reasons. Clear articulation o

the grievance could begin to address the problem. It gives others an

opportunity to develop an opinion about the issue and potentially o-ers the target group a chance to alleviate any hardships that might

exist. A solution cannot be oered unless the problem is known. In-

orming those who are responsible or either creating or resolving a

grievance is an attempt to solve a problem efciently. Perhaps the

grievance can be alleviated simply by writing a letter or making a pub-

lic announcement instead o organising a campaign o nonviolent ac-

tion. Because the resources in any nonviolent struggle are the peoplethemselves, one would want to preserve human resources as much as

UNDERSTANDING YOUR ENVIRONMENT


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possible. Whether rom the point o view o the opponent, neutral par-

ties, or supporters, everyone should be made aware o the problem at

hand. Clariying particular grievances, hardships, and problems is the

frst step in attempting to fnd a solution.

From Grievances to Objectives

Visions o a time when a grievance has been overcome are important

in creating hope and a realistic picture o a new, resolved situation.

When wrongs are loosely conceptualised, visions or overcoming them

will be equally vague. Visualisations are usually ramed in terms o so-cial justice, reedom, or human rights, and i they involve long-term,


Listeners in Burundi tune in to radio programmes sponsored and produced by Search or Com-

mon Ground. Community radio is a potent tool or educating communities that it is possible tofght or justice with eective and realistic alternatives to violent struggle, namely, nonviolentaction. Photo: Search or Common Ground.


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broad aspirations and goals, it helps or as many persons as possible

to share the vision.

During the fnal years o European colonial rule in Arica, disputes

emerged pertaining to government policies and political leadership.

Where nonviolent struggle played a signifcant roleas in Ghana,

Kenya, South Arica, and Zambiathe general dissatisaction with

oreign rule translated directly into the objective o political inde-

pendence. Even as the colonial era came to a ormal end, Arica still ex-

perienced grievances and disputes on the national level. For instance,

overwhelmingly nonviolent movements in Sierra Leone rom 997 to998, in Madagascar in 00, and in Zimbabwe in recent years have

sought and are seeking air governance and ree elections to choose

new leaderships. Broad grievances with governments were transormed

into specifc objectives or replacing them. Grievances on the national

level may be articulated in objectives other than dislodging a govern-

ment. Nonviolent protagonists may seek responsive ofcials, changes

in policy, or enorcement o existing legislation. For example, several

peoples in the Nigerian oil-producing states have been struggling or

more equitable distribution o oil revenues and cessation o environ-

mental degradation. Peoples rom Togo to Ethiopia to Mozambique

have been seeking ree and air elections. Many disputes occur at the

local and communal levels as well, yet clariying grievances and trans-

lating them into objectives is equally necessary at the municipal anddistrict level. This is true whether the issue concerns grazing areas,

clean water supplies, or corruption.

To make visions o tomorrow become realities o today, grievances

and goals must be translated into tangible terms. This is accomplished

by ormulating objectives, that is, steps along a process that lead to

a goal. Objectives should be careully chosen, defned, agreed, and

understood well beore any large-scale activities are undertaken. Iyou can solve your grievance with a petition or a representative del-



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egation, it is much better to do it that way, because it allows you to

conserve your energies. When you are not sure where you are going,

the likelihood o wasting resources or being diverted rom the main

issue increases. Identiying objectives is, thereore, a crucial step, and

several actors should be kept in mind during this process.

First, the more concrete the objective, the more easily tangible re-

sults can be identifed. Such specifcity helps to determine the eec-

tiveness o actions and strategies; it keeps you abreast o whether you


Members o Women o Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), a nonviolent civil society organisation, marchpeaceully in Mabutweni in Bulawayo in December 005 to raise awareness o the pervasive

problem o sexual violence against women, oten an accompaniment to war. Marches anddemonstrations are among the basic nonviolent action methods o protest and persuasionthat send a message or communicate a problem, oten through the use o amiliar symbols.Photo: WOZA.


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are heading in the right direction. This holds true whether you are, or

example, seeking a reerendum, ensuring air agricultural policies, or

ousting a non-responsive school board.

Tips on objectives

Objectives should be concrete and measurable

Multiple objectives towards a common goal are better than only one

objective

Objectives should appeal to the widest possible audience, includingopponents and those who have not taken a stand

Achievement o objectives, even i small-scale, should be promoted

Failure to achieve an objective should be evaluated to help deter-

mine uture action

Second, many problems have more than one solution, and identiy-

ing multiple objectives or achieving the same result has several ad-

vantages. When only one objective is sought, several paths towards its

achievement should be identifed. A single path to success can be too

easily blocked. Equally useul activities should continue when particu-

lar actions are impossible. In Central Europe, the Poles ultimate goal

in the Solidarity Union, which eventually had ten million participants,

was to improve the lives o everyday people and regain control o theirpolitical system rom the communist apparatus. Yet, none o their ob-

jectives specifcally articulated this broad purpose. Instead, multiple

campaigns and activitiescreation o labour unions, practice o ree

speech in various orms despite its orbiddancehelped eventually to

meet broader goals. Solidarity leaders realised that Soviet dominance

and control could not be met head on. Although demanding complex-

ity, continuous pressure and a series o activities directed towardsseveral objectives work best.



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Third, an eective way o pursuing multiple roads towards reaching

a shared goal is by identiying numerous objectives that appeal to the

widest possible audiences, and not solely to those who are already

committed to participating in an activity, campaign, or movement.

Neutral and indierent parties, and even the opponent group, need to

have options or participation. Widely shared objectives are more likely

to increase active participation, which distributes and thereby reduces

risks. Try to adopt objectives that are extremely difcult to reute logi-

cally. No one can deny the necessity o clean drinking water or ood.

Basic broad-spectrum objectives garner widespread support and widerattention than do narrow or parochial concerns.

Fourth, persons who participate in a given campaign or particu-

lar method o nonviolent action need to know when they are being

successul or unsuccessul. In other words, eorts must be made to

promote the accomplishment o objectives. Failure to do so (or works

in progress) should be evaluated so that inormed decisions can be

made about continuing activities. This is crucial to the momentum,

confdence, and morale o all parties to the conict as well as in inu-

encing the role o external parties. Framing the struggle in relation to

benchmarks allows the depiction o the story as it unolds to partici-

pants and observers. Such an approach can be addressed as part o a

communications strategy.

What Is at Stake?

Institutional vehicles and established mechanisms oten operate well in

resolving disputes or conicts. When such organisations and processes

are unctioning properly, the need or groups and individuals to adopt

nonviolent action lessens. When breakdowns occur, however, groups

may consider that they are obliged to act and deal with disputes. Suchobjectives tend to lead to reorm. When the means o handling dis-



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putes have not been well established or agreed upon, grievances tend

to generate objectives that are more transormational. In such situa-

tions, groups may seek the ormation o new organisations, processes,

and practices. In other words, the struggle may be over establishing

the rules o the game.

The use o nonviolent struggle can be seen on a spectrum rang-

ing rom reormist to transormational to revolutionary. This becomes

evident through an examination o diverse settings in which nonvio-

lent struggle has been employed. Under European colonialism, Ari-

cans made numerous attempts at reorm using nonviolent methods. Theburning o passes and identity cards and the ormation o labour unions

throughout much o the continent, or example, were intended to se-

cure individual rights and reedoms as well as political space to move

towards increased sel-governance. At frst, such initiatives did not aim

to expel European colonialists. As it became clear that such reormist

objectives would not be sufcient to ensure air and equitable vehicles

to address disputes, however, many Aricans shited their objective

towards more transormational and, in some cases, revolutionary ends.

This was especially true, or example, in Ghana and South Arica.

Whos Standing Where? What Are They Providing?

Chapter discussed the importance o the pluralistic theory o power,which acknowledges that power is diused in many centres throughout

a society. In this sense, power is ragile and can shit among various

groupings. To develop strength, a group needs to gain the consent and

cooperation o other groups within the society. I persons make groups

strong, they can also make groups weak. What is it that individuals

provide that makes a group powerul? The academician Gene Sharp

identifes six elements, or sources, o power that people provide toempower groups:



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4

Authority is essentially a quality that signifes the voluntary ac-

ceptance o procedures, such as laws, orders, decrees, decisions,

and judgements. This actor is also called legitimacy. It is some-

thing that is bestowed on the ruler when individuals and groups

voluntarily obey. In some societies, a fne line exists between

authority and legality. Regardless, those who possess authority

are able to establish rules and have them ollowed with minimal

resort to coercion because o their position, experience, exper-

tise, and credibility.

Material resources are the most easily identifed and quantifablesource o power, but their importance is oten the most over-

stated. Money, property, natural resources, transportation, com-

munication, and various supplies all comprise material resources,

and they are absolutely critical i success is expected. More mate-

rial resources, however, do not necessarily translate into greater

eectiveness or inevitable success. Material resources must be

managed and used eectively and efciently.

Human resources reers to the sheer number o persons who sup-

port a nonviolent movement or an opponent. Numbers are impor-

tant.

Skills and knowledge are usually more important than the num-

ber supporting a nonviolent struggle. Nonviolent action requires

an array o skills and knowledge, including technologies. Intangible actors are not as ephemeral as one might suppose.

They can be identifed as aspects that enhance or impede obedi-

ence, acquiescence, and submission. Such actors might include

customs, religious belies, cultural norms, values, and traditions.

Sanctions and the ability to enorce them are used both to punish

and to deter acts o disobedience or noncooperation. Sanctions

may assume various orms, including political and legal measures,economic pressure, and physical coercion.



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5

No group is likely to possess all six sources o power in totality.

Given the voluntary and dynamic nature o obedience, the availability

o each o these sources tends to vary over time and in degree.

The sources o power are provided by or maniested through the in-

stitutions and organisations distributed across a society. Such pillars

o support allow a party or group to maintain and exert power. Al-

though every society is unique, they have in common several pillars o

support. The table below lists them and indicates the sources o power

that they usually are capable o providing. Take some time to identiy

the pillars in your own community or society, and try to identiy whichsources o power they supply.


Authority

Material

res

ources

Human

resources

Skillsandkn

owledge

Intangiblefactors

Sanctions

Business community

Civil servants

Cultural and issue-oriented organisations

News media Military

NGOs

Police

Political parties (including youth wings)

Religious organisations

Student unions

Workers and labour organisations

Pillars o Support

POWER ANALYSIS

Sourcesof

Power


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6

-0 +0

Nonviolent protagonists

Opponents

Authority

0

How Do You Stack Up?

Having identifed the various organisations and institutions throughout

your valley, town, preecture, district, county, or society, you should

have a solid understanding o what types o support and sources o

power they provide. The next task lies in analysing how such groups

stand in relation to your purpose or cause, and how they relate to

your opponent or target group. The circumstances and relationships

between your group and the target group are likely to change over the

course o a dispute or conict. Thereore, how you stack up should beevaluated consistently.

The ollowing graphs represent a general approach rom which deci-

sions and evaluations can be made according to an assessment o the

situation. Provide estimates ranging between 0 and +0 or each

source o power or your cause and or your target.

-0 +0


Opponents

Material Resources

0


COMPARISONS OF POWER ANALYSIS


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7

-0 +0


Opponents

Human Resources

0


-0 +0


Opponents

Skills and Knowledge

0

-0 +0


Opponents

Intangible Factors

0

-0 +0


Opponents

Sanctions

0


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8

The ollowing chart is a hypothetical assessment by a group early in

its quest, which is committed to nonviolent struggle in achieving civil

liberties and gaining general recognition o human rightsa scenario

common or many nonviolent struggles.

Source o Power

Nonviolent

movement

Opponent or

target group

Authority -5 +

Material resources + +5

Human resources 0 -

Skills and knowledge +5 +5

Intangible actors -5 +

Sanctions -8 +8

Their human resources are small, but their supporters are quite com-mitted. There is limited access to material resources, but skills and

knowledge, as well as ingenuity, allow or certain activities and cam-

paigns to be organised. All other actors are against them. They do not

yet possess authority, and any intangible actors tend to push the gen-

eral population towards greater obedience or conormity with the ad-

versary. The opponent seems to hold the advantage in every instance.

The adversarys material resources are much greater, as is its ability to

recruit the support o individuals with needed skills and knowledge.

Opponents, however, are oten understaed. Although a general dis-

like o the target group may be prevalent, it usually retains a degree o

authority, and its ability to enorce sanctions is extensive.

This approach helps in constructing a picture o the general situa-

tion in which the dispute is taking place, and it may help you to beginanalysing how you stack up against the target group. You may want to


SAMPLE POWER ANALYSIS


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9

urther break down your analysis by identiying the sources o power

supplied to your nonviolent group, as well as your opponent, through

the pillars o supports in your community or society.

What Kind o Political Space Do You Have?

Political space directly aects what kinds o activities can be planned

and undertaken. The closing o political space can limit the exchange

o ideas among nonviolent protagonists, oten shiting the emphasis

rom long-term goals and objectives to short-term and small-scale ac-tivities. When you do not have the capacity to look down the road,

your response is usually to concentrate on your immediate surround-

ings and situation.

Opponents generally try to limit the amount o political space in one

o two ways to keep nonviolent protagonists rom pursuing long-range

goals. Repression is oten the frst measure adopted. By discouraging

or orbidding certain activitiesor example, assembly, association,

access to inormation, and speechadversaries hope to isolate indi-

viduals and groups. Such measures can also be accompanied and rein-

orced by violent repression. Closing political space oten represents

an attempt to make acts o resistance appear ineective, deviant, or

hopeless. A second and more complex pattern is when an opponent

tries to co-opt, control, or eliminate groups that show dissatisactionwith the adversarys policies, procedures, or stances.

In pursuing either o these two strategiesrepression or control

an opponent is orced to create rules, ordinances, and practices and

to rely on greater numbers o representatives and aides to carry out

orders. Eventually enorcement becomes difcult, especially when non-

violent methods are being used by increasing numbers o people and

by diverse strata in a society. In act, the more an opponent repressesor tries to control political space, the more it must rely on agents



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40

to enact or enorce measures. Restricting political space can thus be

costly to an opponent.

Individuals can learn what acts will be punished and what will be

overlooked. In many situations, spontaneous, undirected, or even un-

disciplined nonviolent methods occur all the time, as when custom-

ers stop buying rom a store with inated prices. Although such acts

usually result in limited success or progress towards broader goals,

recognising the types o methods used in such cases helps one to grasp

the concept o political space and to develop realistic strategies or

achieving identifed objectives.

Assessing Your Situation: Nothing Is Static

In addition to the considerations discussed throughout this section,

nonviolent protagonists should gather, or know where to obtain, in-

ormation on geography, climate, and more general political and eco-

nomic processes in relation to their dispute. Readily accessible inor-

mation is a vital asset in the midst o waging a struggle when time

can be limited.

Collecting data, organising events, and recording themes and aspects

o a situation in relation to a grievance can oten be accomplished

with relative ease. The ongoing monitoring o a situation, however,

can be extremely complex. Players change, bringing into play dierentbackgrounds and experiences. Perhaps teachers have just joined your

eort. Parties to the conict and external parties shit their positions

over time. Your issue may fnally catch the eye o international media.

Resources rise and all with their use and acquisition. Rainstorms can

hamper the delivery o expected supplies. Communications can be in-

terrupted. Your only printing press may collapse. Such possibilities can

drastically aect a conict situation. Nonviolent protagonists mustkeep abreast o all such developments.



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4

Bringing Strategyinto the Fold


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4

[T]he quality o the strategic choices made by nonviolent protagonists

matters to the outcome o nonviolent struggle. . . . [I]n any human

enterprise, to think well about something should enable one to do

it more eectively. So, to think clearly about the exigencies o non-

violent struggle and the good and bad eects o certain kinds o

choices should result in more successul campaigns, more gains and

ewer losses. One should need only to do the strategic thinking to

improve perormance.

Ackerman and Kruegler 994:

In practical terms, elements o strategic planning are parts o

everyday lie. Individuals think about how they will take care o

their amilies, go to work, pay or their needs, and enrich their

lives. Admittedly, many may not approach such issues in a systematic

ashion. Regardless, when problems occur and the issues at stake can-

not be solved by ordinary processes, outcomes should not be let in

the hands o chance and impulse. The quality o choices or handling a

grievance matters. It also aects the outcome.

I individuals plan aspects o their lives every day, rom religious

ceremonies to recreational events, then why should organising to over-

come a hardship be any dierent? Although burdens may be thrust

upon ones shoulders, this act should not discourage planning. Per-

sons caught in a predicament must decide whether it is better to en-gage in struggle completely unprepared or to take time to ready them-

selves. Although creativity and improvisation can play signifcant roles

in nonviolent struggles, happenstance should not be conused with an

anything-goes approach. One must be ready to seize opportunities,

yet specifc tasks are needed to help remain ocused. Guidelines also

help prevent difcult situations rom turning chaotic or disastrous.

Forethought and planning are undamental to directing purposeul andeective action. One o the most essential aspects o nonviolent strug-


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4

gle is the principle that it is best to solve a problem with the simplest

means possible. When the resources are human beings, one does notwant to squander their energies.

Those using nonviolent action, thereore, ace a undamental ques-

tion: Ater deciding that they must fght, how do they do it? Many

roads may lead to success, or ailure or that matter, and the strategies

and methods used directly aect the outcome. Yes, nonviolent action

occurs on streets and plazas, in bureaucracies and ofce buildings, andacross markets and universities, but the situations in which nonviolent

BRINGING STRATEGY INTO THE FOLD

In 985, young people in the townships around the industrial city o Port Elizabeth, SouthArica, concluded that armed struggle would not end apartheid. They decided instead thatnonviolent struggle provided them better odds or success than did guerrilla strategies. ThePort Elizabeth Youth Congress utilised a wide range o nonviolent methods, including boycotts

o white-owned businesses, while also demanding withdrawal o troops and release o politicalprisoners. Consumer boycotts and rent boycotts were among the extensive methods o non-violent noncooperation used by South Arican grass-roots organisations to erode the statespower to govern by repression. Photo: UN Photos.


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44

protagonists fnd themselves should never be unexpected.

The application o strategy to nonviolent struggle must be inormed

by the history, politics, ethics, traditions, and cultures o the groups

implementing the technique. In other words, strategic planning can-

not be done by outsiders or parties external to the dispute. This re-

sponsibility must all solely on the shoulders o the individuals who

have made the decision to fght with nonviolent methods.

Strategic Planning and Operational Planning

The use o strategy is most requently thought o in connexion with

warare, but the concept permeates politics and felds such as business

and communications as well. The wordstrategyin English derives rom

a Greek term or ofce or command o a general. Any military general

has to fgure out how to achieve a given purpose. Some generals even

speak o the art o war. In the end, strategy is essentially the applica-tion o means to attain desired ends. It reers broadly to the process

and the plan to achieve objectives and goals as efciently as pos-

sible, usually in the ace o objection rom or competition with others.

Thus, strategy ocuses on questions o how, when, and where, and it

determines how the answers to such questions are interdependently

derived.

Strategies or nonviolent action may take three broad orms: o-ensive, deensive, and deterrent. (For more inormation, see under

Books in the Appendix: Stephen King-Hall; Anders Boserup and An-

drew Mack.) Oensive strategies mean seeking objectives actively

through ones own initiative: or example, getting a trafc light in-

stalled despite opposition rom city hall. Deensive strategies involve

denying the accomplishment o the objectives o an opponent: or

example, a preect or district ofcial wants to build a road through the



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45

middle o a playground, but the community leaders join together to

make this idea so untenable in the public view that it gets dropped.

Deterrent strategies aim to persuade an adversary to dismiss certain

objectives or actions in light o the perceived cost o such pursuit: or

example, documentation o human rights abuses is implicitly deterrent

in that the promotion o injustice or atrocities aims to make urther

violations too politically costly in the uture. In each case, strategic

development is a dynamic process that must be adjusted in real-time

circumstances.

Although based on acts, strategic planning is primarily an abstract

process in which political ideals are translated into steps or achieving

concrete realities. Yet, the jump rom the hope and ideal to pursuit othe reality must still be fltered through what is reerred to as opera-

tional planning.

In relation to nonviolent struggles, the skill o operational planning

has usually received more attention in theory than practice. Recent

exceptions include the Serbian student group Otpor! (Resistance!) and

to a lesser degree in the post-Soviet Republics o Georgia and Ukraine.

From 998 to 000 in Serbia, in the Balkans, nonviolent protagonistsollowed a basic two-pronged strategy: to root out the authoritarian


STRATEGIES OF NONVIOLENT ACTION

Oensive

Deensive

Deterrent


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46

president, Slobodan Milosevic, and to have new leadership democrati-

cally elected. These two broad goals incorporated numerous long-term

and short-term objectives along the way, but all Otpor! campaigns

and activities were directed towards delegitimising Milosevic and his

regime, encouraging popular voting, and the uniting o the opposition

parties.

Similarly in Georgia in 00, the student group Kmara, or Enough,

and a loosely knit coalition o democratically minded NGOs designed

their strategies to orce the resignation o the then-president, Eduard

Shevardnadze, ensure ree and air parliamentary elections, and re-duce corruption among government ofcials. Both Serbs and Georgians

made conscious and deliberate eorts to pursue simultaneously posi-

tive and negative campaigns.

The result o a sound operational-planning process is likely a docu-

ment that includes items listed in the box below. Operational planning

documents should not suggest permanence, although drastic revisions

are likely to be minimal.

Summary o an operational-planning document

Clear statement o the purpose or policy

Objectives

Overview o the situation and issues at stake Summary o the technique(s) o action being employed

Description o initial engagement (i not already under way)

Description o steps, stages, activities, and campaigns

Inventory o resources (possessed and needed)

Estimated divisions o labour and responsibilities

Assessment and evaluation methods

Proposed conclusion, or termination, upon success



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47

Operational planning is oten designed according to one o three

methodologies: sequential, cumulative, or inverse. Sequential opera-

tional planning suggests a linear progression o actions. Each activity

proceeds as i along a straight line. Such activities or campaigns may

be time-specifc, or proceeding to the next activity may be based on

the accomplishment o previous ones. Cumulative operational planning

ollows a more integrated design o activities that incorporates prereq-

uisites as well as constraints. Instead o a linear progression, tasks are

oten mapped onto a circular owchart with campaigns surrounding

and eeding into an overall goal. This approach is oten preerred bystrategists within a movement, because it helps keep the methods and

activities o various campaigns integrated towards a larger, broader

direction and prevents internal contradictions. Evaluation o this pro-

cess, however, is more complex than or sequential planning. Inverse

planning begins with the conclusion, and plans are ormulated working

backwards with the fnal stages serving as the initial steps o action.

Goals are listed and then implemented objective by objective, with the

various tasks and activities identifed or each one. Such methodolo-

gies are not mutually exclusive and are largely a matter o individual

preerence.

While operational plans are airly rigid, strategic plans must account

or the actions and capacities o the opponent as well as those o

third parties that may be directly or indirectly involved in the disputeor conict. This requires a coordinated eort o analysis and action,

which is best accomplished through what are oten called eedback

loops, tools developed to provide inormation rom on-the-ground

situations. (For more inormation, see under Books in the Appendix:

Susan Allen Nan.)

Dierent types o eedback loops are oten used in various circum-

stances. Corporations and businesses use surveys and market testing.Politicians and political parties utilise opinion polls. Governments



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48

gather intelligence. Citizens turn to media sources. Groups consult ad-

visers. The point is to develop reliable measures or determining how

well or poorly activities are being implemented and what response

actions elicit. This will help in ormulating strategies, conducting cam-

paigns, adjusting plans, and even engaging in particular actions.

From Policy to Tactics

The broad concepts discussed so arthe grievance and the general

situation, the parties involved and where they stand, and how to moverom grievances to a general vision or the uture through identiy-

ing specifc objectivesmust be translated into more concrete terms

through outlining plans and activities. Nonviolent engagement over a

conict or dispute may occur on several levels. On a military battle-

ground, the termgrand strategyis used to describe a general course

o action. In the political arena, policy is comparable in relation to

nonviolent action. In this respect, the discussion here has been about

developing a vision o tomorrow. The next level is strategy, which re-

ers to the process and the plans or achieving goals and objectives as

efciently as possible. Within any given strategy, campaigns are devel-

oped. The next level is tactics, limited and particular actions decided

on short-time bases. Although many nonviolent protagonists operate

eectively on the tactical level, it is crucial to appreciate the needor long-term strategic thinking. When tactical decisions and actions

are taken without guidance rom strategies and policies, the chances

o wasting resources and energies increase. Creativity and ingenuity

can be decisive in tactics, but tactical actions should not be chosen

randomly. Instead, they should strive towards achieving more general

campaigns or strategies.

The struggle o the student movement Otpor! was one o the most

extensively planned and orchestrated o recent national nonviolent



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49

struggles. Local campaigns were organised and conducted through 0

branches dispersed across the country. The slogan He is fnished, or

example, appeared on leaets, posters, and commercials to promote

a simple message: the end o the Milosevic regime. Resistance in the

neighbourhood was another catchphrase used to spread the ideas and

image o Otpor! and to recruit volunteers. These sayings were oensive

(as opposed to deensive) in the sense that they took the initiative in

pursuing an objective. Yet, they were also negative in that they mo-

bilised against an identifed target. Encouraging people to vote or a

candidate other than Milosevic was also oensive, but such aims werepositive in that they sought certain results. The motto It is time was

widely displayed, essentially or get-out-the-vote initiatives. It ap-

peared on T-shirts, grafti, bumper stickers, and posters to promote

voter registration, encourage people to vote, and seek unbiased elec-

tion observers and monitors. Under each o the tactics, urther logisti-

cal details needed to be kept in mind, such as timing, location, numbers

o people (or specifc persons), and translation requirements, among

others. The frst chart below suggests a mental map that can help in

outlining and making decisions on policies, strategies, campaigns, and

tactics. The second chart illustrates how Serbs took action.


THEORETICAL PLANNING MODEL

Grand strategy

Strategy Strategy

Campaign Campaign Campaign Campaign


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50

Organising a Campaign: Positive and Negative

Campaigns are one o the most common eatures o nonviolent strug-

gles. Nonviolent strategists and protagonists oten need to organise

and conduct both positive and negative campaigns. In basic terms,

negative campaigns are against a practice, threat, proposal, law, in-

terpretation o law, leader, policy, or issue. The majority o negative

campaigns tends to ocus on identiying a common enemy, but in rela-tion to developing group solidarity, such eorts tend to produce only


SERBIAN PLANNING MODEL (19982000)

Remove Milosevic rom power and help install a newdemocratically elected government

DeligitimiseMilosevic

Encourage thepopulation to vote in presi-

dential elections

He is fnished Resistance in the

neighbourhood

It is time Shaming the

opposition


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5

temporary unity. Negative campaigns can be eective, however, when

nonviolent protagonists are attempting to delegitimise an opponent,

as with, or example, Gandhis Quit India campaign, which aimed to

contribute to ending British colonialism in India. Legitimacy or au-

thority is one o six sources o power, as delineated by Sharp, or an

opponent as well as the nonviolent protagonists.

On their own, such campaigns can have destructive eects even

when the objectives o the campaign are achieved. Negative cam-

paigns can also aect the opinions o the opponent and neutral groups.

Movements that rame themselves against someone or something canthemselves be viewed as strictly negative, and they may lose support.

Nonviolent protagonists do well to cast themselves in a positive light,

because they are working with tools that have the potential to gener-

ate not only broad support among large numbers o the aggrieved, but

also among some contingents o the adversary and previously indier-

ent groups. This was resoundingly the case in East Timor rom 995 to

999. Ater waging generally unsuccessul guerrilla warare or several

decades against the Indonesian government, in which approximately

50,000 persons had been killed, the East Timorese guerrillas eventu-

ally opted or nonviolent resistance in pursuit o their political objec-

tive o securing an independent nation-state rom Indonesia. They set

about thereore to learn how to fght with nonviolent tools, much as

you are now. Their change in technique and a positive campaign osel-governance caused a dramatic shit in international support or

the nonviolent protagonists. The ow o sympathy and support or

the nonviolent movement ultimately proved to be the crucial actor in

securing the countrys independence.

In everyday lie, ideals must be accompanied by action. This was

the conception o nonviolent struggle advanced by Kwame Nkrumah,

the leader o the Ghanaian anti-colonial movement against the Britishin the late 950s and early 960s. In what he promoted as positive



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5

action, Nkrumah recognised the importance o noncooperation with

the British and saw that their political domination and discrimination

was possible only through the assistance and passivity o Ghanaians.

He also realised that i and when the British were expelled, others

would need to be prepared to grasp the reins o government with the

aim o improving the everyday lives o people. The end o colonial-

ism would not automatically lead to a better Ghana; a positive vision

and approach were needed in addition. It is well documented and

Nkrumah himsel acknowledged that his conception o positive action

was greatly inuenced by Mohandas K. Gandhi. Although Nkrumah didnot share Gandhis absolute creedal commitment to nonviolence as a

way o lie, the eectiveness o the approach would be historically in-

disputable or Ghana. (For more inormation, see under Books in the

Appendix: Kwame Nkrumah.)

Gandhi outlined how to develop what can essentially be understood

as many positive campaigns. He fgured out a way to begin living un-

der new circumstances beore the old injustice had been resolved. He

called this approach the constructive programme. As envisioned by

Gandhi, a constructive programme aims to increase sel-reliance and

confdence, build a sense o community, and provide needed services

through parallel institutions, also called alternative institutions. It

is a way o meshing means and ends. Communities begin living their

goals at the grass-roots level, by organising small sel-reliant institu-tions and village industries beore they are able to assume the reins o

power. Such an approach begins to constitute sel-rule.

Lack o government capacities and political wherewithal have led

groups to organise parallel institutions throughout much o Arica.

These alternative institutions, such as cooperatives and credit unions,

address an array o issues and grievances. A common example is the

innumerable community-based organisations operating across the con-tinent whose goals range rom development and education to peace



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building and conict resolution to security. Whether ormal or inor-

mal, alternative institutions can be seen rom the esusu (indigenous

savings and credit associations) in Nigeria to thegacaca trials (a tra-

ditional mechanism or addressing disputes over land and other com-

munal issues) in Rwanda.

Further afeld, parallel institutions played a signifcant role in the

Polish Solidarity movement during the 980s. Having no intention o

overthrowing or taking over the state, the Poles also did not want

to attack communist ofcials themselves. Their target was the gov-

ernmental apparatus o control. They were ultimately concerned withachieving immediate changes in daily lie, and they sought to press

or reorms without producing destructive eects on the economy and

society. Some observers later said that the Poles were a civil society

in process. (For more inormation, see under Books in the Appendix:

Adam Michnik.)

Developing and pursuing a constructive programme can accomplish

several purposes, including

bringing about concrete positive changes in the everyday lives o

people

empowering individuals to act and to realise their power potential

encouraging persons to support activities that a nonviolent move-

ment might some day undertake altering the power relationship among groups in a society, and

providing a nonviolent movement a positive, practical ace or the

beneft o all persons

A range o organisations can address such issues and objectives, and

each can vary in its approach to accepting, challenging, or altering

existing power relations in a society or a community, as the ollowingchart illustrates.



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OBJECTIVES OF ORGANISATIONS

Source: Kim Bobo, Jackie Kendall, and Steve Max, Organizing or Social Change: Midwest Acad-

emy Manual or Activists, rd edn (Santa Ana, Caliornia, Seven Locks Press, 00), .

Goals and Themes: Pragmatism or Principles

Thus ar, nonviolent struggle has been discussed strictly in political

and pragmatic terms. Nonviolent action is commonly conused with or

incorrectly substituted or nonviolence. Although the two terms are not

mutually exclusive, the undamental dierences between them shouldbe noted.

Nonviolence is a belie in and practice o abstaining rom violent

acts. In some interpretations, this means abstention rom mental dam-

age, verbal assaults, and physical harm to others, ones sel, and the

environment. Sometimes a belie in nonviolence derives rom religion,

ethics, or principles. It is oten normative in use; that is, it can reerto a deeply held value.


Accepts existingpower relationships

Challenges existingpower relationships

Direc

tservice

Self-h

elp

Education

Advocacy

Nonvi

olentaction


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Practitioners o nonviolence may take part in nonviolent struggles

or even lead nonviolent movements. Faith-based or moral belies are

not required. Nonviolent action as considered here is not necessar-

ily synonymous with philosophies o principled nonviolence, nor is it

the same as pacifsm. In some struggles, such as the 960s U.S. civil

rights movement and the East German pastors movement o the 980s,

the role and impact o belies in and practice o nonviolence were

central to large numbers o participants. In both o these struggles,

although divided by decades, the methods o nonviolent action were

extensively utilised to secure political reedoms and civil liberties. InEast Germany, the Protestant churches provided autonomy. Clergy had

maximum reedom rom the intererence o state intervention. East

German churches were the location rom which eventually emerged

massive demonstrations against state controls and the secret police.

Mass meetings in black churches in the U.S. South provided the place

or community training in nonviolent action. In both instances, aith

motivated many, yet not all, activists to pursue this technique o ac-

tion. Such powerul and penetrating moral commitments, however, are

not prerequisites or engaging in nonviolent struggle. Persons who

base their actions on aith or values can work side by side with indi-

viduals whose commitment is purely pragmatic; behaviour defnes a

nonviolent movement, not the convictions o its participants.

I admit at once that there is a doubtul proportion o ull believers in my theory

o non-violence. But it should not be orgotten that I have also said that or my

movement I do not at all need believers in the theory o non-violence, ull or im-

perect. It is enough i people carry out the rules o non-violent action.

Gandhi 957: 8

Although wholesale renunciation o violence across any society isimprobable, criticisms have nonetheless suraced regarding the use



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o the technique o nonviolent action simply as a tactic, strategy, or

policy. The experiences and writings o Gandhi are thus highly relevant

and insightul, or he wrestled with this question extensively. In his

opinion, when people eel they must act or oer resistance, it is al-

ways better that they rely on nonviolent methods, because the means

that are used directly aect the ends or results. In this sense, Gandhi

proposed nonviolent action as a political expedient to be used in the

Indian independence struggle. He realised that it was unlikely that an

entire population could adopt religious or spiritual views similar to his

own, and more important, there was not enough time to wait or theconversion o 700,000 villages, even i it were possible. Gandhi never

expected that all Indians would live by the personal standards that he

set or himsel, but he always maintained a keen eye or how nonvio-

lent action ft into political reality. His writings show that he wanted

nonviolence as a policy, not necessarily as an absolute creed aecting

all spheres o lie.



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The Everyday Stu oNonviolent Action4


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Regarding the British good conscience and the view that the Brit-

ish handed Ghana her independence, Dr. Botchway laughed: People

who say that just dont know their history. The struggle started

beore Nkrumah and went on until 957. Its a hell o a thing to say

that the colonists were tired and just wanted to give up. They shot

people dead. No, it was not a case o a tired empire giving in. There

was a bit o a weariness, yes, but it didnt stop them rom fghting,

frst with repression andwhen that didnt worktrying to steer

people away rom Nkrumah and nonviolence so that they could make

their peace with a more reormist and conciliatory crowd. By thetime the British realized that Nkrumah could not be deeated, it was

too late to make a deal with the so-called moderates.

Sutherland and Meyer 000:

Despite all the resources available to nonviolent protagonists

these days, the best place to start gathering inormation and

preparing is usually right under ones nose. Arican oral accounts

oten include stories o nonviolent action that reach deep into his-

tory and draw upon distinctly Arican cultural practices. Such methods

and strategies are reerred to as endogenous meansin other words,

means that are engendered, produced, grown, or ound within, with

the additional element that they may be aected by contacts with

surrounding or other inuences.Many methods and strategies o nonviolent struggle are natural, in-

tuitive, and acceptable in a given society, and they provide an excel-

lent launching point. Although novelty and even shock can at times be

appropriate and eective, it is usually not wise to start with surprise.

Strikes, processions, vigils, symbolic clothing, occupation o particular

sites, and even hunger strikes have become airly permanent tools in

the repertoires o civic resistance throughout Arica. Yet, althoughdisrobing as a orm o protestrecently used by groups o women in


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59

Nigeria to voice their displeasure

with the policies o international

oil companies operating in the

countrymay generate atten-

tion, it may not make clear the

grievances that need to be solved

or attract the kind o widespread

sympathy and consideration that

would produce concrete results.

Among some o the peoples oWest Arica, disrobing, or ex-

ample, carries historical and tra-

ditional symbolism that is not

shared by other cultures across

the continent and the rest o the

world.

Any group hoping to overcome

a grievance or to achieve particu-

lar goals must take into consider-

ation the traditions and practices

o its own culture. Although comparing principles and methods ound

in struggles elsewhere and abroad can be useul, any external theories

and practices must always be combined sensitively and appropriatelywith the cultural and political aspects o communal, regional, and na-

tional experiences.

Nonetheless, in nearly every struggle the goals and objectives de-

veloped require some type o change on behal o peoplein their

behaviours, actions, opinions, or attitudes. So, while you begin

with what you already know, you will likely need to put a new ace

on amiliar acts or to interpret new behaviour through traditionallenses. For example, in South Arica during the later phases o the

THE EVERYDAY STUFF OF NONVIOLENT ACTION

The Mother Hunger Strike in Kenya was organ-ised by women to protest their children beingheld as political prisoners in 99. Photo: Am-nesty International.


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anti-apartheid movement, the government orbade gatherings o large

groups throughout the country. The aim was to limit public meet-

ings where people might discuss and organise activities as well as to

make activists who disapproved o the government eel isolated. Yet,

certain gatherings continued. South Aricans regularly met or uner-

als. In an unprecedented development, unerals and public mourning

evolved into nonviolent political marches. The government ound itsel

in the difcult positio

Documents

35220304 Strategic Nonviolent Struggle Training Manual