40276629 Identity in the Making Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean During the Iron Age Alexander Fantalkin

© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 199

Abstract

Although Greek contacts with the Southern Levant during the IronAge have been studied at length, the matter remains controversialin many aspects. The present study provides an overview of East-West contacts during the first half of the 1st millennium bc,suggesting to divide it into five major periods of contact. Theseperiods, involving a different chronological setting, arecharacterized by different ‘total contexts’, heavily shaped by geo-political dynamics. It is suggested that every period of contacts (ortheir absence) requires a different explanation.

Introduction

For scholars interested in Greek contacts with the SouthernLevant during the Iron Age two developments in the late 7thcentury bc are truly remarkable: the establishment of Naukratisin Egypt and the massive appearance of East Greek pottery onthe eastern shores of the Mediterranean. It is not surprisingtherefore that these themes were chosen, inter alia, for the 28thBritish Museum Classical Colloquium.1 However, any attempt atdiscerning and decoding patterns in the dispersion of East Greekpottery in the Levant, as well as explaining the Naukratisphenomenon, requires an understanding of East–West contactsduring the first half of the 1st millennium bc. Such an overviewis undertaken here.

However, since I could not hope in the present format to dojustice to the whole range of issues that preoccupy scholarsdealing with Greeks in the East, I offer instead an extremelybrief synopsis of Greeks in the East during the Iron Age, withspecial emphasis on a few thorny issues.

Since I shall concentrate on a number of broadhistorical/archaeological issues, it is perhaps prudent toacknowledge that every generation writes its own history andthat every scholar has a view of the past coloured by his/hereducation, experience and environment. I have no pretensionstherefore that my interpretations of East–West contacts will betaken as the only possible scenario. On the other hand, I hopethat among the pool of potential explanations for the changingnature of East-West contacts, the model I offer best accounts forthe available evidence.2

From an epistemological point of view, I am on the side ofmany who argue that among the three main poles – realism,positivism and idealism3 – it is usually realism that offers themost useful point of departure for any archaeologicalreconstruction, especially when this realism is combined with ahealthy dose of scepticism and a pinch of imagination.4 Andalthough I can accept, at least to a certain extent, that in toomany cases ‘there are no facts, only interpretations’, archaeologydoes often supply facts. Some facts, such as the presence orabsence of Greek pottery on the eastern shores of theMediterranean, matter a great deal. The question remains: whatwe are going to do with these facts? But before I embark on the

‘pots and people’ question, I would like to emphasize thesignificance of the historical/chronological context – thebackbone of any historical interpretation.

The accumulation of data, an essential beginning, shouldlead to contextualization involving the understanding thatdifferent chronological settings may represent different geo-political dynamics. Ian Morris rightly observes that one of themajor shortcomings of the post-modern trend of emphasisingconnectivity and mobility is its timelessness.5 He points out thatmany of what he calls first wave studies ‘showing links betweenGreek and Near Eastern cultures, often threw together evidencescattered across centuries, disregarding traditionalchronologies’.6 The recent contribution of Horden and Purcelltakes this approach even further,7 arguing ‘againstinterpretations that emphasize radical change and violentdiscontinuity in the Mediterranean past’.8 What is offeredinstead is a vision of a permanently integrated Mediterranean,wherein change is constant and ubiquitous, but generally localin its effects. Such a reconstruction, with its emphasis onmicroregions, leaves little room for pivotal turning points inMediterranean history, since the assumed connectivity stretchesacross extremes of time, by-passing geo-political boundaries andempires, together with symbolically expressed ideologies ofeconomic exchange and political domination.9

With mobility as the norm and a permanent feature ofhuman activity around the Mediterranean shores, we are forcedto ask questions differently. Or, as Emma Blake recently put it,‘rather than ask, why did people move, one may ask, why didpeople stay put in some cases?’10 Heavily affected by currentglobalization,11 Horden and Purcell’s vision of theMediterranean is already considered by some, and not withoutreason, as ‘one of those manifest watersheds in the study ofantiquity’, which will take a generation of historians to digest.12

Indeed, taking into consideration a number of earlier studies infavour of a permanently connected Mediterranean, one istempted to suppose that we are witnessing a paradigm shift.13

What is missing in the portrait of a permanently connectedMediterranean, however, is the notion of historical/chronological context. In this regard, Bakhtin’s concept of thetotal context of an utterance provides an applicable insight. Thetotal context relates to the ways in which voices circulate in bothspoken and written dialogues and, according to Bakhtin, isunrepeatable.14 Even if one repeats the words employed in thesame order, the total context would be always different, if for noother reason than because the words have already been utteredonce.15

And when Horden and Purcell insert the distribution of LateBronze Age ox-hide ingots into the model of a permanentlyconnected Mediterranean, for instance, comparing itsimplistically with the whole spectrum of later metallurgicaldistributive systems,16 the ‘total unrepeatable context’ of

Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age Alexander Fantalkin

© The British Museum200 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt

Fantalkin

particular periods is lost. The problem is not one of comparingsome chronologically distant metallurgical distributive systems.After all, the merits of the comparative approach areundeniable.17 Likewise, analogies are appropriate tools andsalient features of any historical/archaeological investigation.The problem is a deliberate unwillingness to recognize that thedistribution of Late Bronze Age ox-hide ingots should beunderstood on its own terms and against the background of LateBronze Age geo-political dynamics,18 which are a world apartfrom the distributive systems of the Greeks and Romans, letalone those of medieval Genoa. Or, as Mario Liverani observes,‘the “Bronze Age”, invented as a classificatory device for toolsand weapons, can still be used as a large historical label,encompassing similarly structured socioeconomic systems andquite sharply opposed to the (differently labelled) preceding andsucceeding periods’; (emphasis added – A.F.).19

Although it might be relevant, I am not concerned here withthe long-running debate involving polarising tendencies ‘to seethe past as Same (a primitive version of our present, whichteleologically evolves into it) or as Other (as a remote, alien,fundamentally different world)’.20 My main concerns are sociallyembedded cultural contexts21 and their chronological settings.Therefore, with regard to metallurgical distributive systems, theonly reliable conclusion that may be deduced from the analogiesscattered across the centuries is, in my view, anacknowledgment that different distributive systems have existedin the Mediterranean at different times. However, in order tounderstand the forces driving these and other exchangeactivities, they must be viewed in their proper chronological/historical contexts. It is not helpful to gather all the cases ofconnectedness and mobility under the same rubric of apermanently interconnected Mediterranean withoutdistinguishing between different historical periods.

Indeed, the presence or absence of Greeks in the EasternMediterranean during the Iron Age suggests that there is nosingle model that would explain these contacts (or theirabsence) through different time periods. Quite the opposite:judging from the facts on the ground (and there are some),every subsequent historical period requires a differentexplanation, a different narrative.

Greek contact with the eastern Mediterranean during the Iron

Age: stressing the context

The area under discussion runs from the coast east of Ciliciadown to the Sinai Peninsula. The contacts in question may bedivided roughly into five major periods, each involving adifferent chronological setting. These settings are characterizedby different ‘total contexts’ heavily shaped by geo-politicaldynamics.

First period: a renewal of contact

The first period is characterized by the presence of mainlyEuboean pottery (but also Attic and Atticizing) found innorthern Syria, Phoenicia and northern Israel in the late 10th,the 9th and the better part of the 8th centuries bc.22 Theassumed Phoenician superiority in virtually everything leaves,according to many modern scholars, no room for independentEuboean ventures at such an early date, especially to the East.When even pure Cypriot ventures are labelled Cypro-Phoenician,23 it is quite obvious that Euboeans could not

compete with the advanced Phoenicians, let alone establish atrading post at Al Mina toward the end of the 9th century bc.The dominant view among Aegean specialists, although withnotable exceptions, is that the Phoenicians brought Euboeanpottery with them to the East.24

However, the trend during the last decades of pinpointingthe beginning of Phoenician expansion to as early as the11th/10th centuries bc,25 if not earlier, is based almost entirely ona handful of presumably historical sources: to a lesser extent onthe so-called ‘Report of Wenamun’26 and to a larger extent on thebiblical accounts regarding the cooperation between KingsSolomon and Hiram I.27 These sources can no longer be treatedas reliable.28 Furthermore, the low Iron Age chronology,advanced in Israel nearly a decade ago,29 has enormousimplications for the Aegean world.

First, it leaves no room for Phoenician colonial expansionbefore the late 9th–early 8th centuries bc.30 The presence ofimported Phoenician vases in the assemblages at PalaepaphosSkales31 should not imply the beginning of Phoeniciancolonisation of Cyprus before their establishment in Kition at thelate 9th century bc.32 Indeed, judging from availablearchaeological evidence, the initial Phoenician expansionoverseas, accompanied by settlements abroad, took place only inthe second half of the 9th century bc; and I refer to the well-known Phoenician establishment at Kition,33 but also to evidencefrom new radiocarbon dating from Carthage34 and SouthernSpain.35

In my view, this expansion may be explained as a result ofpressure from Hazael, the king of Aram Damascus.36 A plethoraof archaeological data accumulated in Israel, such as Hazael’sinscriptions37 and possible destruction layers, mostly in northernIsrael,38 but also to the south in biblical Gath,39 suggests thatHazael’s kingdom was one of the most serious players in theSouthern Levant during the second half of the 9th century bc.40

I believe that Susan Frankenstein’s theory,41 that thePhoenician specialization in trade, accompanied by theirsettlements abroad, should not be seen entirely as free-tradeactivity, but rather in the context of their functioning ascommercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire, is basicallycorrect. However, judging from the archaeological dataregarding the beginning of Phoenician expansion overseas, thisdelicate arrangement, which eventually transformed thePhoenicians into pan-Mediterranean traders, started in the daysof Hazael, with Phoenicians serving the trade ambitions of AramDamascus.42

Second, and even more important, the low Syro-Palestinianchronology provides, finally, an anchor for Aegean Proto-Geometric and Geometric chronologies.43

A minimalist approach to the beginning of Phoenician affairsin the Mediterranean44 leads, in conjunction with a lowchronology,45 to an emphasis on the principal role played by theEuboeans in the renewal of contact between East and West,46

culminating in the establishment of Al Mina sometime around800 bc.47 This, of course, occurred on behalf of local rulers.48 Thesame pattern will be observed almost 200 years later, with theestablishment of Naukratis in Egypt. In this regard, Boardman’snotion that we should consider a trading port at Al Mina as amodest precursor of Naukratis is rather attractive.49 The Greekpresence in the Eastern Mediterranean at this early periodseems always to be restricted and controlled by local


Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age

authorities.50 Therefore, I strongly disagree with the idea thataccepting a prominent Euboean role in Early Iron Age journeysto the East makes one Helleno-centrist.51 The Euboeans wereconducting these journeys because they were interested in re-establishing lost contacts with the East.52 It would give to theruler of Lefkandi, for example, an enormous advantagecompared to other contemporary Greek rulers.53 For the Greekside it meant a great deal. For the East, it does not seem to meanmuch at all. But for the Greeks it meant the beginning of theOrientalizing movement, with a minor Phoenician contribution,but mainly, through the Syrians, as was already suggested longago and on many occasions by John Boardman. To this, oneshould add the adoption of the Greek alphabet, sometimearound the middle of the 8th century bc.54 All in all, althoughthe renewal of contact may be attested during the 10th/9thcenturies bc, it certainly intensified during the better part of the8th century bc at least until the beginning of the Neo-Assyriandomination over the Southern Levant.

Second period: the Neo-Assyrian domination

Greek contacts with the East were halted by Assyrian expansion;here we arrive at a second period, the period of Assyriandomination. The recent understanding of the processes thattook place in the Southern Levant near the end of the 8th andduring the main part of the 7th centuries bc showsunprecedented involvement of the Assyrian administration inlocal affairs. This involvement may be seen in a variety of fields,such as the annexation of many Levantine kingdomsaccompanied by the transformation of some of them intoAssyrian provinces; population exchanges; re-arrangement ofthe borders and intensive construction activity. The latter isparticularly visible in the coastal area, which is dotted withAssyrian emporia and fortresses.55 One of the most importantAssyrian goals was the supervision of Phoenician tradingactivity. In this regard, as I have already stated, SusanFrankenstein’s theory viewing the Phoenicians as commercialagents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire seems to be basicallycorrect.56 Concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, it is quite clearthat every aspect of Phoenician commerce was closely overseenand taxed by Assyrian officials. What we are witnessing here is adelicate balancing act. On the one hand, the Phoeniciansenjoyed the stability produced by the pax Assyriaca and theexclusive access to the network of trade-routes and trade-centresacross the Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, theircommerce was strictly regulated and taxed.57 The Phoeniciansinvolved in commercial and colonial activities in the WesternMediterranean, far from their Assyrian masters, doubtlessenjoyed a higher degree of flexibility than their counterparts inthe Eastern Mediterranean. From the point of view of thepresent colloquium, however, the most important conclusion isthat, with regard to the southern Levant, this new world-orderleft most of the mainland Greeks quite effectively out of thegame.

The single limited point of contact that was left was again AlMina, which became a port of trade toward the end of the 8thand during the 7th centuries bc. But after c. 700 bc, Euboeanimports to the Southern Levant almost disappear. Starting fromAl Mina’s Level 6, it is mainly East Greek pottery that shows upduring the period of Assyrian domination, not Euboean. Besidesit is not yet entirely clear who was responsible for carrying this

pottery to Al Mina. Did it arrive directly from Eastern Greece orwas the Cypriot connection involved? What appears to be quiteclear, however, is that mainland Greece seems to be withoutdirect connections with the East, starting from the period of theNeo-Assyrian domination. In fact, excluding Al Mina, while evenat this site there is a clear structural break between Levels 7 and6, Greek pottery (except for a few insignificant cases) is almostnon-existent in the Neo-Assyrian contexts.58 This contrasts witha much broader distribution prior to the Neo-Assyriandomination and, especially, immediately after its collapse.

Lanfranchi’s recent speculations regarding Greek contactwith the Neo-Assyrian Empire,59 which are based,archaeologically, almost exclusively on Haider’s earlier study,60

will find no echo in the archaeological realities of the SouthernLevant. Dependent as they are on mistaken representations andunderstandings of the archaeological data involved,61

Lanfranchi’s historical implications, according to whichAssyrians favoured Greeks over Phoenicians in commercial andsettlement activities in the southern Levant,62 can confidently berejected. Similar confusion regarding the Greek pottery in theSouthern Levant appears in Rollinger’s recent attempt to draw apicture of Greek contacts with the East during Neo-Assyrianperiod.63 Likewise, his suggestion that we consider theindividuals mentioned in the Near-Eastern texts as Iaman +suffixes other than aya as possible Greeks acting in the midst ofthe Neo-Assyrian Empire, seems to reside on rather shakyground.

Both archaeological and historical data suggest that duringthe Neo-Assyrian regime the Greeks occupied a marginal spacein the Mesopotamian understanding of the universe. Bearing inmind the Neo-Assyrian imperial ideology, with its pretensions ofruling a universal domain,64 such a role for Greeks isunderstandable. Located in the ‘midst of the sea’,65 where theNeo-Assyrian regime was not able to insert them physically intothe ‘correct relationship’ with the imperial new-world order,Greeks were reduced to the status of ‘disparate, remote peopleliving on the edge of the world’66 in the Neo-Assyrian mappamundi.

The Phoenicians apparently were chosen to serve ascommercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian empire not becausethey were natural-born traders,67 although their expertiseshould not be underestimated, but because the Neo-Assyrianregime was able to control their trade, which was not withoutbenefits for both sides. Given this state of affairs, I tend to agreewith Helm’s suggestion that, for the Greek side, ‘the imperialobligations imposed on permanent residents in Assyrianprovinces made life in the Levant unattractive’.68 Indeed, asHelm pointed out more than 25 years ago:

Even in the few nominally independent port cities such as Arvad,Tyre, Ashkelon and Gaza it is likely that Greek traders would haveencountered Assyrian administrators, commercial regulations andeconomic institutions. It was doubtless these contacts, and thecontacts with other representatives of Assyrian provincialgovernment, which gave visiting Greeks the not inaccurateimpression that the entire east Mediterranean coast comprised’Assuri&h.69

The unprecedented involvement of the Neo-Assyrianadministration in the local affairs of the Southern Levant (seeabove), attested both historically and archaeologically, iscertainly in accord with Helm’s suggestions. In this regard,Amélie Kuhrt’s rather sceptical look at the evidence for direct


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contact between Greece and the Mesopotamian empires isparticularly revealing.70 Although, as in the earlier periods, theGreeks definitely continued to meet Easterners, this time thesewere mostly Phoenician competitors. And these are indeed theHomeric Phoenicians.71

The nature of direct contact between the Greeks and theNear East during the second period in my provisional schemesuggests therefore the beginning of a ‘Great Divide’ rather thanBurkert’s Orientalizing revolution.72

It should be explicitly stated, however, that the concept of aGreat Divide does not imply an immediate break in contacts. It isbetter described as a gradual process, starting with Tiglath-pileser III’s annexation of the kingdom of Unqi/Patina in738/737 bc. If Zadok’s identification of Al Mina as A∆tâ inTiglath-pileser’s inscription on the Iran stele is correct,73 thismight indicate that right after the annexation of Unqi, anAssyrian emporium was installed at Al Mina,74 in order toregulate and incorporate the existing Greek enclave into thesphere of the Neo-Assyrian realm. Already at that time, a letterfrom Calah (Nimrud)(ND 2370), sent most probably to Tiglath-pileser III by Qurdi-Aššur-lamur, points to a possible Ionian raidon the Phoenician coast.75 To this one may add a reference to thetown of Yauna, mentioned in a Neo-Assyrian letter (ND 2737)published a few years ago by Saggs.76 The letter contains nofirmly dateable details. However, the themes discussed and thearenas of operation seem to be echoed in the letters of Qurdi-Aššur-lamur, who was probably the governor of S.imirra in thetime of Tiglath-pileser III.77 In this regard, Na’aman’s suggestionthat we identify the town of Yauna with Ras el-Bassit,78 would, ifaccepted, point to a possible Greek presence at this site at thattime. Hereafter, however, the handful of Neo-Assyrian sourcesthat mention Ionians, mostly in hostile contexts,79 whencombined with an almost total lack of Greek pottery in the Neo-Assyrian assemblages (see above), leave little doubt about anintensification of the Great Divide.

Third period: stressing the significance of the late 7th-century BC

contact, during a brief period of Egyptian domination

The next period, although chronologically brief, is the mostimportant for the purposes of the present colloquium. I refer tosome 20–25 years of Egyptian rule in the Southern Levant,following the Assyrian withdrawal. When the Assyrians pulledout from the Levant sometime in the twenties of the 7th centurybc,80 the Egyptians took over their territories and ruled until theBabylonian invasion. This period, the third in my provisionalschema of the Greek presence in the Levant, lasted until theBabylonian destructions at the end of the 7th and in the early6th centuries bc.

The sudden and massive appearance of East Greek potteryon the coastal plain of Israel toward the end of the 7th centurybc81 and its subsequent disappearance after only a few years fitthe time-span during which the area fell under Egyptian rule.82

Following Nadav Na’aman’s insightful observations, I haveelsewhere discussed at length the East Greek potteryassemblages found in places such as Ashkelon, and thefortresses of Mez.ad H. ashavyahu and Kabri, arguing that theserepresent Greek mercenaries in the employ of the Egyptians.83 Inthis reconstruction, the placement of these garrisons along thecoast together with the employment of Kittim along thesouthern fringe of the kingdom of Judah, conformed to two

Egyptian goals: first, to protect the coastal plain – the main routeto the North; and second, to protect the Arabian trade networks,which the Egyptians inherited from the Assyrians.84 The modestfinds of East Greek pottery in the vicinity of major militarybases85 probably reflect Greek mercenary activities in these areasrather than pottery trade.

Many scholars, however, have claimed that the abundanceof East Greek pottery should be taken as evidence of East Greektrade.86 In these reconstructions even the coarse East Greekcooking pots are considered a tradable commodity to the East.87

In my view, most of these reconstructions are untenable. Theattested distribution and the nature of East Greek finds in theregion of Palestine are insufficient to prove either the existenceof a developed pottery trade88 or the existence of a directionalexchange of other goods that may be less visible in thearchaeological record.89

An additional point that argues in favour of East Greekmercenary garrisons rather than trading emporia is therestriction of East Greek trade to Naukratis in Egypt.90 It must beremembered that the establishment of Naukratis toward the endof the 7th century bc overlaps with the appearance of East Greekpottery on the Israeli coast. There is hardly any doubt that theentire coastal plain up to Phoenicia should be consideredEgyptian domain.91 In these circumstances it is reasonable toassume that Egyptians would not have allowed the uncontrolledestablishment of East Greek emporia on the Southern Levantinecoast, just as they did not allow it in Egypt itself. While Phoeniciaproper and the areas to the north might have enjoyed East Greektrade during the Egyptian interlude,92 the evidence collected sofar from the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean pointsmainly to East Greek mercenary activity.93

The sudden appearance of Greek mercenaries in the Eastand their employment by the different Near Eastern Powerscontinues to be a subject of debate.94 In my opinion, bothhistorical and archaeological evidence suggests that thepresence of Greek mercenaries in the region should beexplained as an organized movement orchestrated by a centralEgyptian authority. These Greeks were not individualmercenary adventurers but were formally garrisoned.95 I cannotaccept the ideas expressed by several scholars that East Greekassemblages point to individual adventurers or small groups ofGreek mercenaries96 pursuing Homeric honour and glory.97 Idealt with this issue in detail a few years ago,98 and I intend toexpand the discussion elsewhere. Likewise, today I am evenmore convinced that attempts to attribute the employment ofGreek mercenaries to Egyptian vassals, be it the kingdom ofJudah or the kingdom of Tyre, should be abandoned.

Most recently, however, Wenning99 defended his date for theestablishment of Mez.ad H. ashavyahu between 600 and 598 bc,under the reign of King Jehoiakim.100 This is in contrast toNa’aman’s suggestion that the fortress of Mez.ad H. ashavyahuwas abandoned in 604 bc, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar IIlaunched a campaign to the Philistine Coast and destroyedAshkelon.101 In my opinion, however, Na’aman’s scenarioremains the most plausible option. Moreover, I hope I was ableto demonstrate that since the abandonment pattern attested atMez.ad H. ashavyahu points to a ‘planned abandonment withoutanticipated return’,102 it fits nicely with the assumption that thisEgyptian fortress was intentionally abandoned in face of theapproaching Babylonian army.103



The historical improbability of Wenning’s scenario, on theother hand, which attributes the employment of Greekmercenaries to Jehoiakim, who was an Egyptian vassal, hasalready been demonstrated104 and there is no need to revisit ithere. Likewise, from a strictly archaeological point of view,Wenning’s entire case rests on the presence of a single potterysherd he attributes to the North Ionian Late Wild Goat style.Even if we assume that the sherd has been identified correctly,Wenning’s belief that it cannot be earlier than 600 bc isuntenable. The East Greek pottery chronology for this period,with its approximate dates, rests on synchronisms withPalestinian destruction levels and on synchronisms withCorinthian and Attic pottery.105 It is simply impossible to assumesuch precision (+/– 4 years, which is the difference betweenWenning and myself!) in dating this North Ionian East Greeksherd. In terms of absolute chronology, both the East Greekpottery and the local pottery from Mez.ad H. ashavyahu may beplaced either in the late 7th or in the early 6th centuries bc.106

Therefore one must consider the broader historical situation. In support of his thesis, Wenning cites Niemeier’s response

to my treatment of the finds from Mez.ad H.ashavyahu.Niemeier’s critique, however, is confused. First he concurs withWenning that ‘Mez.ad H. ashavyahu was erected by KingJehoiakim during the brief period of possible Judahiteautonomy after 600 bc and was abandoned whenNebuchadnezzar II attacked Judah in 598/97 bc’.107 On the nextpage, however, he contradicts himself, claiming that the potteryassemblage at Mez.ad H. ashavyahu may be interpreted ‘asevidence that Greek mercenaries were in the service of Egypt atthe site, since the Egyptian army was the only army in whichlarge units of Greeks served’.108

The main issue in Niemeier’s reply, however, is to reject mysuggestion to attribute the presence of the Greek garrison at TelKabri to the Egyptian administration, since, according toNiemeier, these Greek mercenaries were in the pay of Tyre.Niemeier’s conclusions are based on two assumptions: first, thatafter Assyrian withdrawal Tel Kabri belonged to Tyre; andsecond that the small proportion of Greek pottery found at thesite points to individual soldiers of fortune pursuing Homericvalues. Even if the first assumption is true, it would simply implythat the kingdom of Tyre, like the kingdom of Judah, wasrequired to provide supplies to Egypt’s East Greek mercenaries.Likewise, Niemeier’s second assumption is hardly defensible.The proportions may be misleading, since only a small portionof the Late Iron Age fortress at Tell Kabri was excavated.109

Besides, it is not necessary to deduce that a small proportion ofGreek pottery should represent individual adventurers on behalfof Tyre rather than a small contingent stationed by theEgyptians.

All in all, it appears from the archaeological record thatdependent local powers were obliged to provide supplies toGreek mercenary units, and to cooperate with these Egyptianrepresentatives in every possible way.110 The rationale behind theestablishing of the fortresses at Mez.ad H. ashavyahu and TellKabri is logistical. These and, most probably additional hithertoundetected fortresses, served as focal points for collectingsupplies for Egyptian troops on their way to the Lebanese coastand northern Syria and, no less important, on their way back toEgypt.111 More important, places like Mez.ad H. ashavyahu, whereEast Greek mercenaries co-existed with Judahites, definitely

offered points of direct contact, and provided channels ofcultural exchange through which certain Greek ideas penetratedinto Judahite texts and vice versa.112 But the employment of EastGreek mercenaries was an Egyptian prerogative, not Judahite orTyrian. And this is where we find the Lydian connection.

The crucial role played by the Lydians with regard to thethousands of Ionian and Carian mercenaries hired byPsammetichos I emerges from the Rassam Cylinder, in whichGyges, King of Lydia, is accused by Ashurbanipal of having senthis army to the aid of Psammetichos I.113 It appears that the firstMermnad ruler might have imprudently challenged theAssyrians during the reign of one of the most powerful Assyriankings. In my view, Lydian imperial policy triggered a suddenexplosion of East Greek activity in different directions.

Space constraints prevent me from addressing this issue atproper length but I intend to do so elsewhere. I think, however,that there are good reasons to suspect that, contrary to scholarlyconsensus, which connects the dispersion of Ionians abroadwith an aggressive Lydian and later Persian policy toward theIonian cities,114 it is cooperation rather than confrontation thatwe are witnessing here. In the East, via Egyptian connections,Lydian imperial ambitions opened the way to Greek mercenarypenetration, followed by the establishment of Naukratis. In theNorth, it opened the way to the Ionian colonization of the BlackSea, which, I believe, is better explained in the context of risingLydian imperialism. The role that East Greeks played on behalfof Lydian domination is much the same as that played by thePhoenicians on behalf of the Assyrians.

The negative view suggested by Herodotus’ remarksregarding Ionian enslavement, first by the Lydians and later bythe Persians (Hdt.1.6; 1.169), is somewhat misleading, since,archaeologically, these are the most prosperous periods in EastGreece, at least until the Ionian revolt. This is quite contrary tothe situation observed during the period of Atheniandomination.115 Besides, there is little doubt that Herodotus’biased account on this issue, addressed mainly to a mid-/late5th-century-bc Athenian audience,116 reflects the realities andperceptions of the time of his writing, rather than genuine statesof affairs in earlier periods.

Summarizing the third period in my provisional schema, Iwish to emphasize that from the second half of the 7th centurybc, East Greece, via Lydian mediation, rediscovered Egypt andthen, during a brief period of Egyptian expansion toward theend of that century, the rest of the Eastern Mediterranean. But itis East Greece that was involved in both mercenary and tradeactivity in the Eastern Mediterranean. For mainland Greece theGreat Divide was still there. Even in the later period, during thereign of Amasis, when we hear of an Aiginetan presence inNaukratis, the Aiginetans, being the sole representatives of abroadly taken mainland Greece, ‘did set up separately a temenosof Zeus on their own initiative’.117

What can we learn from the fact that the Aiginetans wereexcluded from the Hellenion, which was established by Ionians,Dorians and Aeolians in a very unusual act of early Greekness? Is it possible that the common denominator behind the mixtureof the poleis that participated in the establishment of theHellenion has more to do with the fact that all of them werelocated in East Greece? Whereas for the Samians and Milesians,who also kept their temene separately, a good case can be madethat their presence in Naukratis goes back to the late 7th century


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bc, it would be hard to postulate the same for the Aiginetans.Perhaps what we are witnessing here is not an all-embracingpan-Hellenism118 but rather the crystallization of an East Greekidentity, dictated by geography?

Fourth period: the Neo-Babylonian Empire

The Neo-Babylonian period is characterized by a total lack ofGreek material in the southern part of the EasternMediterranean.119 During the major part of the 6th century bc,the period of greatest prosperity at Naukratis, this part of theLevant, except for a few inland areas, is in ruins, chiefly servingas a buffer zone with Egypt.120 In the northern part of theEastern Mediterranean, there is a settlement gap at the site of AlMina. However, a good quantity of 6th century East Greekpottery found at Tell Sukas suggests that it may have served as apoint of contact. This notion, however, should be accepted onlywith hesitation, since it is possible that the majority of EastGreek material can be dated to the last two decades of the 7thcentury bc/very early 6th century bc, implying that the mainphase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may have startedduring the period of Egyptian political domination, slihgtlyoverlapping with the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian rule.After a certain gap in the settlement’s history during the betterpart of the Neo-Babylonian period, the next phase of the Greekpresence at Tell Sukas may be pushed into the last third of the6th century bc,121 implying that it should be viewed mainly as theresult of Persian rule and not necessarily Neo-Babylonian. Thisissue, however, deserves additional study.122

Fifth period: the beginning of Persian domination

The fifth and final period in my short overview begins with theend of Babylonian and the beginning of Persian rule during thelast third of the 6th century bc. A significant difference (thatfinds expression in the pottery repertoire) must be notedbetween East Greek assemblages from the end of the 7th centurybc and the renewal of East Greek imports observed toward theend of the 6th and during the 5th centuries bc, which may pointto commercial activity. This time, unlike in the earlier period,there is an abundance of amphorae made in Chios and Samos(but other localities are also represented) as well as bandedbowls. The distribution is considerably wider than during thethird period.123 During the 5th century bc, East Greek pottery isgradually replaced by Attic imports. Properly appreciating thenuances of the Persian period, however, would require aseparate study well beyond the scope of the present endeavour.

Greeks and the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age:

some final observations

Nowadays, no scholar would even imagine reconstructing thehistory of Greece without considering oriental influences. And,to my mind, the only way to understand the genesis of Greekcivilization is by putting it into a broad geo-political context: it isthe western periphery of the East. However, I also think thatmaking everything that has emerged on Greek soil ‘a gift fromthe East’ simply misses the point. If, as many modern scholarswant us to believe, the impact of Eastern civilizations andinfluences was so total and tremendous, how and why did theancient Greeks manage to produce the idea of the polis, acommunity of equal, local-born men, which stands in totalopposition to everything which the East symbolizes?124

Obviously, something has gone wrong. In my view, it is striking to realize that after the lively traffic

and renewal of contact during the late 10th, the 9th and,especially, the better part of the 8th centuries bc,125 mainlandGreece, on the whole, seems to be without direct connectionswith the Eastern Mediterranean from the end of the 8th–early7th centuries bc until perhaps the Persian period. TheOrientalizing period in Greek history turns out to be the periodof the Greeks’ exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu, the mainsource of cultural borrowing in the preceding centuries.

But what does it mean? Does it imply viewing one of themost important developments in Greek history, the late 8thcentury bc ‘structural revolution’,126 as essentially untouched byexternal influences? I think it requires quite the opposite. Just asthe quest for the origins of European identity in the Minoan andMycenaean civilizations appears to be the fruit of Eurocentricimagination,127 the lengthy disengagement between mainlandGreece and the Near East, triggered by the Neo-Assyrianexpansion, need not imply that the rise of Greek polis cultureoccurred in total isolation from Near Eastern influences. In anycase, we are better off de-familiarizing ourselves with the pastthat we study,128 throwing away an endless search for theimaginary, pristine origins of the different civilizationsconnecting remote antiquity to the present.129 Concerning the‘East–West’ question, we are best off treating the history of bothsides as one.130

Although in many cases it is hard to pinpoint all possiblechannels of transmission, it is clear that even after what I havecalled the Great Divide, Eastern influences continued topenetrate into Greece through numerous channels: through theinteraction with the Phoenicians (gradually changing fromfriendly to hostile),131 through Ionian craftsmen,132 etc. But thegeneral path of development witnessed in many parts of theGreece from the end of the 8th century bc and later yieldedsomething quite different from that found among the NearEastern cultures,133 including the Phoenicians.134 As a matter offact, the difference is tremendous.135 Ian Morris captures itbrilliantly, comparing the main messages behind Hesiod andprophetic literature: ‘whereas Hesiod’s instructions call for thebasilees to share power with the geitones, the prophets want thekings of Judah and Israel to reform the priesthood’.136

In the same vein, Susan and Andrew Sherratt have observedthat by the 7th century bc ‘many forms of east Mediterraneangoods seem to have been bypassing the Aegean, althoughturning up in some numbers further west; and it seems likelythat some degree of ‘import restriction and substitution’ (alongwith other forms of cultural resistance) was taking place. At thesame time, by the later part of the 8th century, evidence of agrowing panhellenic consciousness in Greece itself, definedspecifically in relation to a Phoenician ‘other’, combined withthe rush to found overtly political colonies in the west, marks theinitial conception of the two distinct ideological, cultural andpolitico-economic spheres which were to dominate Greekrelations with the east for millennia to come.’137

Although it might be tempting to resurrect an unpopularnotion of binarism, the simplistic concept of ‘West against theEast’ offers little more than a dead end. Likewise, at least in ourcase, postcolonialism, and its constant obsession with hybridity,creolization and resistance, does not necessarily provide a betterperspective. It might be more helpful in the case of the Western



Mediterranean, although even there it too often serves modernpolitical agendas rather than unbiased historical interpretations.

Our case is Janus-faced: on the one hand, at least until thebeginning of the Persian Empire, the great powers of the NearEast show little interest in Greek affairs; on the other hand, evenin the periods of Greek exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu,the challenges posed by the older civilizations, and a variety ofGreek responses to these challenges, continue to be among thecentral factors in shaping Greek identities. In many ways theseinfluences were turned inward, negotiated among the Greeksthemselves as they attempted to make sense of the East. In thisregard, the concept of ‘negotiated peripherality’, developed byNick Kardulias138 and adopted by Ian Morris for Iron AgeGreece,139 is especially helpful. Morris argues for a nuanced andchronologically sensitive approach that takes into considerationa plethora of Greek responses to Near Eastern challenges. In hisreconstruction the ‘totality of context’ is prominent, sincechronologically different geo-political configurations yieldeddistinct Greek responses.140 Morris also convincingly shows thatthese responses, triggered by the renewal of contact with theEast, varied significantly among different Greek communities:some struggled to preserve the model of isolation, while othersembraced the East. The basic premises of Morris’ approach arereasonable. Nevertheless, in view of the low chronology inIsrael, they need to be modified in a way that emphasisesEuboean agency in the initial establishment of contact, ratherthan Phoenician (see above). And Morris also fails to recognize,like so many others, the significance for Greeks of the GreatDivide.

The Mediterranean was indeed, as Morris suggests, ‘asmaller place in 700 than it had been in 800’.141 However, despitethe assumed ‘collapse of distance’ (due to the technical advancesin shipbuilding), the Great Divide resulted in the gradualexclusion of mainland Greece from the Near Eastern koine andpaved the way for a re-negotiation of Greek peripherality.

I cannot discuss here all the possible consequences of thegeo-political disengagement between mainland Greece and theNear East after the Neo-Assyrian expansion. As a tellingexample, however, one may consider the widespreadappearance of domestic ‘Hero and tomb cults’ in late 8th centurybc mainland Greece. Indeed, even if the initial occurrences of‘tomb cults’ may be projected into the Proto-geometric period,142

it doubtless remains a salient feature of the Late Geometricperiod.143 One is tempted to ask therefore, what are the reasonsfor such a sudden obsession with ancestors and local heroes?How does it happen that only toward the end of the 8th centurybc, Greeks everywhere begin to rediscover and admire theirlocal past, attaching themselves to mythical ancestors andheroes? Many of the wide variety of explanations alreadyoffered have merit,144 but the concept of a Great Divide, assuggested here, may provide an additional, explanatorybackground for the sudden emergence of an active quest forlocal roots. Once again, it is a diversity of inwardly focusedGreek responses – this time to the exclusion from the NearEastern koine – that we are witnessing. It is worth mentioningthat unlike what will emerge as a poleis zone, with its Easterninfluences and abundant orientalia, the ethne, which were nevertruly involved in dialogue with the East, showed no interest inhero and tomb cults in the periods discussed.145

In my opinion, it is plausible to suggest that establishing ties

with a remote heroic past rather than with the East should beviewed as one of the main outcomes of the Great Divide.Furthermore, it is not at all improbable that the rise of whatMorris calls the ‘middling ideology’ in Archaic Greece,146

culminating eventually in Athenian democracy, should be seenand explained against the background of this Great Divide.147 Toa certain extent, this might be a real ‘Near Eastern gift’contributing in the most important way to the rise of the Greekpolis and its institutions. If things had turned out differently and,as in previous periods, the elites of mainland Greece hadmaintained their links with the East, the ‘middling ideology’would not necessarily have won. However, given that theAssyrians seem not to have had any interest in establishingdirect control over remote Greece, a Great Divide was verynearly inevitable.148

I want to conclude by pointing out that from the end of the8th century bc until the Persian period the ‘mainland Greeks’are barely if at all attested in the Near East. East Greece, themain mediator between East and West, is another story. But tomy mind, at least during the Archaic period, it should beconsidered more a part of the East than a part of the West. EastGreeks fully experienced this dual status. Physically they lived inthe East, and were part of the Eastern milieu. But, in partbecause of proximity they had constant contact with theirmother country and this and only this prevented East Greeksfrom losing their ethnic and cultural identity altogether. Thiswas otherwise a very real possibility: we need only recall thecomplete assimilation of the Philistines, who, in a much earlierperiod, penetrated too deeply into the Levant.

Notes1 I am grateful to Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing for their

kind invitation to attend the 28th British Museum ClassicalColloquium ‘The Naukratis Phenomenon: Greek Diversity in Egypt’.Likewise, I wish to express my gratitude to numerous scholars whohave offered valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper,including John Boardman, Margalit Finkelberg, Israel Finkelstein,Baruch Halpern, Peter James, Amélie Kuhrt, Irad Malkin, JamesMuhly, Benjamin Sass, Oren Tal, Alexandra Villing, Ran Zadok andespecially Ephraim Lytle. Obviously, the responsibility for the viewsexpressed henceforth rests with me alone.

2 In Lipton’s (2004) famous treatment of the ‘Inference to the BestExplanation’, this kind of explanation may be considered as the‘likeliest’ and the ‘loveliest’.

3 Trigger 1998.4 Joffee 2003, 82.5 Morris 2003, 42.6 See, e.g., Bernal 1987, 1991, 2001; S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1992, 2004;

Faraone 1992; West 1999.7 Horden and Purcell 2000; see also Purcell 2003; Horden 2005;

Horden and Purcell 2005.8 Horden and Purcell 2000, 5.9 Cf. Algazi 2005, 230.10 Blake 2004, 240.11 Morris 2003; Morris and Manning 2005, 20-1.12 Shaw 2001, 453.13 See, e.g., Shaw 2001; Morris 2003; Malkin 2003a, 2004; and see

papers in Blake and Knapp 2005.14 Bakhtin 1981, 275-85; 1986, 75, 105.15 Morson and Emerson 1990, 125-7; Joyce 2002, 29-34.16 Horden and Purcell 2000, 347-8.17 Kocka 2003.18 Cf. Kolb 2004, 579-86.19 Liverani 2005a, 48.20 Moreland 2000, 2, emphasis in original.21 Cf. Boggs 2004.22 A number of studies offer useful summaries regarding the earliest

Iron Age finds of Greek pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean: e.g.,


Fantalkin

Boardman 1990a, 1999a; Waldbaum 1994; Haider 1996; Sørensen1997; Crielaard 1999; Coldstream 1998a, 2000; Luke 2003. For themost recent finds from Tel Rehov, see Coldstream and Mazar 2003;Mazar 2004.

23 For the demolition of a long-standing scholarly consensus that thedispersion of Cypriot Black-on-Red pottery in the Aegean should beconnected with a Phoenician monopoly of commercial networks, seeSchreiber 2003, passim, esp. 312.

24 See Helm 1980, 95; Graham 1986; S. Morris 1992, 127, 141; Perreault1993; Papadopoulos 1997; Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; Markoe2000, 174; Sherratt 2003, 229-30; and contra Boardman 2002a,2002b; Lemos 2001, 2003; Luke 2003.

25 See Negbi 1992; Aubet 2000; Niemeyer 2000, 2004.26 For ‘Report of Wenamun’ as a piece of literature rather than

historical account, see Helck 1986; Baines 1999; Schipper 2005; forthe date of composition, see Sass 2002, with further references.

27 For the numerous supporters of Phoenician domination in theMediterranean already at the beginning of the Iron Age it mayperhaps come as some surprise to discover that the biblical testimonyregarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I doesnot reflect the realities of the 10th century bc, a fact that has beenrecognized for some time. The literature on the subject is enormous;see e.g. Knauf 1991; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001, 2006, withfurther references.

28 Needless to say that the same holds true regarding the Classicalliterary tradition, which suggests that the foundation of Cadiz, Uticaand Lixus took place at the turn of the 12th/11th centuries bc.

29 After Finkelstein 1995a, 1996, 1999. Whether or not to acceptFinkelstein’s low chronology is still a subject of ongoing discussion,mainly among Syro-Palestinian archaeologists. The literature isextensive and I do not intend to summarize the history of thequestion here. But judging from the most recent publications, the so-called conventional Palestinian chronology, with a huge UnitedMonarchy of Kings David and Solomon as well as early Phoenicianexpansion in the days of Hiram I is, at least to my mind, doomed.

30 Fantalkin (forthcoming a). That is not to deny the existence of somemeagre pre-colonial contacts with places like Cyprus, and see Gilboa2005.

31 Bikai 1983.32 Iacovou 2005. In any event, in terms of absolute chronology, the

beginning of Bikai’s Kouklia horizon (1987, 68-9) should certainly bedown-dated (Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003).

33 Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977, 7; Yon 1997.34 Docter et al. 2005; Nijboer 2005, with further references.35 Aubet 2001, 372-81; Torres Ortiz 1998, 2005. The recent suggestion by

Nijboer and Van der Plicht (2006), that the beginning of Phoeniciansettlement activity abroad may be pinpointed to the first half of the9th century bc, if not before, is barely defensible, as it is based on afew 14C dates obtained from a secondary mixed deposit at Huelva(south-west Spain).

36 For detailed accounts of Hazael’s realm, see Na’aman 1995a; Dion1997, 191-204; Yamada 2000, 310-20; Hafthorsson 2006.

37 See Biran and Naveh 1993, 1995; Na’aman 2000; Irvine 2005. 38 See Na’aman 2000; Coldstream and Mazar 2003; Finkelstein 2004.39 Maeir 2004.40 Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 30-2.41 Frankenstein 1979.42 Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 31.43 Fantalkin 2001a; Coldstream 2003. The most recent suggestion that

the Proto-Geometric period should start c. 1100 bc, if not earlier(Newton et al. 2005a, 2005b), is impossible to sustain. Such a drasticupward chronological revision for the Proto-Geometric period,based on the data from Assiros, is unacceptable as it stands againstall other data collected in the southern Levant. Besides, the Proto-Geometric amphora in question is not necessarily correctly identifiedand may belong typologically to Submycenaean or even LateHelladic IIIC (cf. Muhly 2003, 28). Likewise, the old wood affect maybe responsible for the high dendrochronological dates from Assiros(Finkelstein and Piasetzky [forthcoming]).

44 Following Muhly’s original suggestion from 1985 (unlike Muhly1999).

45 See Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003; Boaretto et al. 2005; Finkelsteinand Piasetzky 2003a, 2003b, (forthcoming); Sass 2005.

46 Cf. Coldstream 1998a. Although I tend to agree with Boardman(1999c, 42) that ‘the question of “who was first?”… seems quitemeaningless, indeed almost childish’, it has never disappeared from

view and remains the subject of continuous controversy.47 As anything connected to this site (cf. Boardman 1999b, 2002a,

2002b), the foundation date of Al Mina is a matter of controversy. Inmy view, the earliest possible dates suggested by Kearsley (1995) andDescœudres (2002, 50-1) are certainly too low and should be rejected(Fantalkin 2001a, 121; [forthcoming a]).

48 In the case of Al Mina, this should be the kingdom of Unqi/Patina, atleast until its incorporation into the Neo-Assyrian system in 738 bc(Harrison 2001; Luke 2003, 21, 36).

49 Boardman 2002a, 328.50 Möller 2000a, 203-8; Fantalkin 2001b, 137-46. A few authors have

expressed the view that Strabo’s account (17.1.18) of the Milesianarrival at Naukratis, accompanied by the foundation of the Milesianfort, should be taken literally (Braun 1982, 37-8; Kaplan 2002, 238,n.27; Petropoulos 2003, 50). This view , however, is hardlydefensible.

51 As may be deduced, inter alia, from Papadopoulos 1997; Morris andPapadopoulos 1998; Markoe 2000, 174; Sherrat 2003, 229-30;Niemeyer 2004.

52 Luke 2003, 59, with further references.53 For a useful model, although from a later period, see Spencer 2000;

he argues that the polis of Archaic Mytilene differed considerablyfrom its counterparts on the isle of Lesbos, due to Mytilene’sdeliberate ‘investment’ in international activities rather than in moretraditional avenues for the expression of power (such as large-scaleconstructions). In the case of Lefkandi, however, an unquestionabledesire for interactions abroad was accompanied by unprecedented(for Greece) large-scale construction.

54 Sass 2005, 133-54. Nowadays, however, especially in light of therecent upward revision of the Gordion dates (De Vries et al. 2003,2005; Voigt 2005; but see contra Muscarella 2003; Keenan 2004; andSass 2005, 147, n. 239, who questions Muscarella’s conclusions), eventhe adoption of the Greek alphabet directly from the Phoenicians isnot necessarily obvious. There are good reasons to suspect that theGreeks might have adopted the alphabet via Phrygian agency (Sass2005, 146-52, with extensive bibliography).

55 See Na’aman 1995b, 2001; Gitin 1997; Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz2001, all with further references.

56 Frankenstein 1979.57 Cf. Na’aman 1994; Kuhrt 2002a, 22-3; Edelman 2006, 219-23.58 Jane Waldbaum (1994, 59) summarizes the issue as follows: ‘A

curious gap in the roster of early Greek pottery in Palestine is thecomplete lack of Protocorinthian pottery of the late 8th throughmost of the 7th centuries, a lack that is nearly matched in Cyprus andTel Sukas, but not in Al Mina. Since Protocorinthian is the Greektrade ware for most of the 7th century bc, it is odd that so littleinterest was shown in it – and its contents of perfumed oil – in muchof the Levant.’

59 Lanfranchi 2000.60 Haider 1996. 61 Thus, for instance, one discovers, amazingly, that in the 8th century

bcat Tell Sukas Greek pottery ‘progressively overwhelms and finallyreplaces other foreign (especially Phoenician) items; in the 7thcentury its numbers increase to the point that a Greek settlementmay be almost safely envisaged’ (Lanfranchi 2000, 10). And so it goeson (ibid., 9-11). Judging from the excavation reports of Tell Sukas,however, one learns that only some 15 possible Greek sherds wereunearthed in the contexts of the late 8th century bcand only a few ofthem may be dated to the early 7th century bc (although to my mindthe latter statement remains uncertain). On the other hand, duringthe main part of the 7th century bc, i.e. the period of Assyriandomination, the Greek imports from Tell Sukas are virtually absent(Ploug 1973, 92-3). The amount of Greek pottery at Tell Sukasincrease impressively only toward the end of the 7th/early 6thcenturies bc, but this development has nothing to do with the Neo-Assyrian policies, since it occurred after the collapse of the Neo-Assyrian regime.

62 Thus, according to Lanfranchi 2000, 32: ‘… Assyria opposed theGreeks only on very limited occasions, and was ready to enhance andencourage their trade, presence and settling after its domination haddefinitely consolidated. But more, this happened, as attested byarchaeological data, at the expense of other concurrent traders, likeCypriotes or Phoenicians: and this should show, instead, thatAssyrians favoured Greeks over others in commercial and settlingactivities.’ (emphasis added – A.F.)

63 Rollinger 2001, 249-50, passim.



64 Liverani 2005b, 232.65 For detailed treatment of the Neo-Assyrian written sources,

mentioning, inter alia, the location of Ionia in the ‘midst of the sea’,see Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001.

66 Kuhrt 2002b, 27.67 As may be deduced from Coldstream 1998b, 257.68 Helm 1980, 113.69 Helm 1980, 112-13.70 Kuhrt 2002a.71 Cf. Muhly 1970, 1985; Winter 1995; Sherratt 2005, 35-6. 72 Burkert 1992, 2004, 1-15.73 Zadok 1996; accepted by Parpola and Porter 2001, 5 and Na’aman

2004. 74 Na’aman 2001, 261. For the text, describing the city of A∆tâ as an

‘emporium (b1t kari) on the seashore, a royal store-house’, seeTadmor 1994, 104-5, line 13.

75 Parker 2000; Kuhrt 2002a, 18; Na’aman 2004, 70, all with furtherreferences.

76 Saggs 2001, 166-7, pl. 33.77 I owe this observation to Nadav Na’aman.78 Na’aman 2004; corroborated, perhaps, by a minor presence of Greek

pottery there, although slight compared to Al Mina. 79 Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001. 80 Na’aman 1991a, 33-41; 1991b; Fantalkin 2001b, 134-5; 2004, 254-5. Or,

perhaps, slightly earlier, and see Vanderhooft 1999, 64-8, withfurther references.

81 The reliability of the Archaic Greek chronology has been questionedon several occasions (e.g., Francis and Vickers 1985; Bowden 1991).Recent and thorough contributions by James (2003; 2005) suggestlowering the Archaic Greek chronology of late 7th to early 6thcentury bcby roughly three to four decades. However, as for theearlier periods, the evidence supplied by the Levantine side appearsto be crucial. In fact, the destruction of Ashkelon by NebuchadnezzarII in the month of Kislev 604 bc, as reported in the BabylonianChronicle (Wiseman 1961, 68-9, 85; Stager 1996, 61*, n. 1) and theEast Greek pottery assemblage exposed in Ashkelon’s destructionlayer (Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Waldbaum 2002a), leaves noroom for any significant lowering of the Archaic Greek chronology.

82 The appearance of East Greek pottery in Levantine assemblagestoward the end of the 7th century bchas been summarized in anumber of detailed studies: see e.g. Waldbaum 1994, 1997, 2002a;Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Fantalkin 2001b; Niemeier 2001;Niemeier and Niemeier 2002; Wenning 2001, 2004.

83 Na’aman 1991a; Fantalkin 2001b, with further references. Likewise,references to units of Kittim in the Arad documents provideadditional evidence for the activity of these mercenaries in theservice of Egypt (Na’aman 1991a, 47-8; for Kittim in the later sources,see Eshel 2001). The Qrsy, mentioned in Inscription 18 from Arad,may relate to Carian mercenaries (cf. Zadok 2005, 80). It is possiblethat these units were also active during a brief period when Egyptreturned to the region (601/600–599/598 bc) as a result ofNebuchadnezzar’s unsuccessful campaign against Egypt in 601/600bc.

84 Na’aman 1991a; Finkelstein 1995b, 148, 152-3; Fantalkin 2001b.85 See e.g., Magness 2001; Fischer 2005a, 181, fig. 10; Fantalkin

(forthcoming b). 86 See e.g., Weinberg 1969, 90; Kelm and Mazar 1989; Waldbaum 1994,

60-1; Master 2003; Faust and Weiss 2005, 75.87 Master 2001, 167-8, 171; Waldbaum 2002b.88 In too many cases, scholars automatically assume that the presence

of imported pottery is evidence of pottery trade. But any validexplanation that deals with distribution of the imported potterymust take into consideration a wide spectrum of circumstances thatmay distinguish various regions during different periods (cf.Snodgrass 1980, 126-8; Gill 1994).

89 Fantalkin 2001b, 137-41.90 Hdt. 2.179; and see Möller 2000a, 204-8.91 Already in 616 bc, Psammetichos I and his army came to the aid of

Assyrian king Sin-shar-ishkun and fought alongside the Assyrians inthe far north, in the vicinity of Qablinu/Gablini (Wiseman 1961, 11-13, 44, 54-5; Spalinger 1978, 49-50; Zadok 1985, 135). In 612 bc,Psammetichos I’s rule certainly extended at least as far as theLebanese coast, as attested by various written sources in which thetribute brought by the kings of Phoenicia to Egypt is mentioned(Spalinger 1977, 228-9; 1978, 55, n. 27; Na’aman 1991a, 51-2).

92 In this regard, Ionian involvement in a slave and metal trade with

Tyre, as reported in Ezekiel 27:13, deserves to be mentioned.93 Saying all this, however, I do not wish to reject completely the

possibility of certain East Greek trade with the coast of Palestine,especially with places like Ashkelon. On the other hand, we shouldconsider the possibility that whatever East Greek trade existed, ifany, would have been directed mainly toward the East Greekmercenaries who were stationed in the region. In this case, thoseEast Greek mercenaries were able to receive some familiar goods(including pottery), otherwise inaccessible in the local environment.

94 Bettalli 1995; de la Genière 1999; Kearsley 1999; Trundle 1999, 2004;Niemeier 2001; Wenning 2001; Fantalkin 2001b; Kaplan 2002, 2003;Raaflaub 2004a.

95 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6.96 Helm 1980, 137.97 Bettalli 1995; Niemeier 2001, 2002. 98 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6.99 Wenning 2004, 31-2, n. 13.100 Wenning 1989.101 Na’aman 1991a, 47. 102 Cf. Stevenson 1982, 255-61. 103 Fantalkin 2001b, 10-49, 144.104 Fantalkin 2001b, 143-4.105 Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005.106 Fantalkin 2001b, 128.107 Niemeier 2002, 329.108 Niemeier 2002, 330.109 Lehmann 2002a, 77-87.110 As may be deduced from both Mez.ad H. ashavyahu and the Arad

ostraca; and see Na’aman 1991a, 46-8, in more details.111 The location of Mez.ad H. ashavyahu in the vicinity of the natural

anchorage of Yavneh-Yam (cf. Galili and Sharvit 2005), supportsNa’aman’s (1991a, 51) suggestion that Necho II and his army mayhave sailed as far as the Lebanese coast and launched campaignsfrom there. In this regard the increasing importance of the navalforces under the Saïte Dynasty should definitely be emphasized (cf.Lloyd 1972).

112 Finkelstein 2002.113 Luckenbill 1927, 297-8; cf. Jer. 46:9; Hdt. 2.152.114 See e.g., Kocybala 1978, 132; Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1992;

Tsetskhladze 1994, 2002; Gorman 2001, 67; Greaves 2002, 107-8. Itshould be noted that earlier scholarship tends to be moresympathetic to ‘Barbarian Asia’ when describing the relationsbetween the coastal Ionian cities and the Lydian and Persianempires, cf., e.g., Radet 1893; Hogarth 1909, 78; 1929; Lenschau 1913;Dunham 1915, 70-6; and more recently, Balcer 1991; Georges 1994,2000; Buxton 2002; Burkert 2004.

115 Is it a coincidence that Ionia’s cultural renewal, which is sometimescalled ‘the Ionian Renaissance’, started in the 4th century bc, mainlyafter the ‘King’s peace’ in 387 bc? Cf. Isager 1994; Pedersen 2004;Lawall 2006.

116 Hall 2002, 182, n. 44; Moles 2002.117 Hdt. 2.178.118 As may be deduced from Hall 1997, 49-50 and Malkin 2003b.119 Weinberg 1969.120 Cf. Vanderhooft 1999; Lipschits 2005.121 For instance, Frank Wascheck kindly informs me that most of the

Fikellura pottery fragments unearthed at Tell Sukas should be datedto the last third of the 6th century bc.

122 It is quite clear, for instance, that the so-called Greek temple of TellSukas is not Greek at all and is perfectly at home in a Near Easternmilieu (cf. Bonatz 1993; Mazzoni 2002).

123 Cf. Wenning 1981, 2004; Elayi 1988; Tal 1999, 107-9; Ambar-Armon2005.

124 It goes without saying that certain traditions of collective decisionmaking, mostly on the communal level, were already widespread inthe ancient Near East. Still, such phenomena, which are sometimescharacterized as ‘democracy’s ancient ancestors’ (Fleming 2004),remain a world apart from what was achieved on the Aegean side.

125 Cf. Coldstream 1983, 1995, 1998a, 2000; Lemos 2001. 126 Snodgrass 1980, 15-84; Morris 2005.127 Papadopoulos 2005.128 Hamilakis 2002, 18-19; Osborne 2004, 7-22.129 Turner 2001.130 Morris and Manning 2005.131 Cf. Boardman 2001a; Winter 1995.132 I think Muhly’s skepticism about the notion of so-called traveling


Fantalkin

Oriental craftsmen working as long-term residents on Aegean soil iswell-founded (Muhly 2005).

133 Snodgrass 1980.134 Raaflaub 2004b.135 See e.g. Thornton 2000; Boardman 2005.136 Morris 2000, 168.137 Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; and see also Sherratt 2005, 36.138 Kardulias 1999. 139 Morris 1999.140 See also Morris 2000, passim; Whitley 2001, 102-23.141 Morris 2000, 257.142 Mazarakis Ainian 1999.143 See e.g. Coldstream 1976; Antonaccio 1995; Mazarakis Ainian 1999.144 The literature is vast, but to cite a few: Coldstream 1976; Morris 1988;

Whitley 1988, 1994, 1995, 2002; Antonaccio 1994, 1995; MazarakisAinian 1999; Finkelberg 2004, 2005.

145 Antonaccio 1995, 254. Except for a few insignificant cases, seeMorgan 2003, 187-95.

146 Morris 2000, 155-91.147 Cf. Sahlins 2005, who convincingly demonstrates that the

intensification of any one opposition is likely to engage andaggravate all the other antagonisms. That is to say the small-scaleinitial disputes may easily be magnified into large-scale strugglesbetween nations and kingdoms, making macrohistories out ofmicrohistories and vice versa.

148 For a general framework of counterfactual approach, see Tetlock andBelkin 1996; Ferguson 1997.

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Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt |235


Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer

Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt

Studies on East Greek Pottery andExchange in the EasternMediterranean


The British Museum Research Publication Number 162

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The British Museum Press

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Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt

Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern

Mediterranean

Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer

Front cover: Fragment of North Ionian black-figure amphora (?) from

Naukratis. British Museum GR 1886.4-1.1282 (Vase B 102.33)

ISBN-13 978-086159-162-6

ISBN-10 086159-162-3

ISSN 0142 4815

© The Trustees of the British Museum 2006

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Contributors v

Preface vii

Naukratis and the Eastern Mediterranean: Past, Present and Future 1

Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer

I NAUKRATIS: THE SITE, ITS CULTS AND ITS POTTERY

The Hellenion at Naukratis: Questions and Observations 11

Ursula Höckmann and Astrid Möller

The Delta: From Gamma to Zeta 23

Alan Johnston

‘Drab Bowls’ for Apollo: The Mortaria of Naukratis and Exchange in the 31

Archaic Eastern Mediterranean

Alexandra Villing

Carian Mercenaries at Naukratis? 47

Dyfri Williams and Alexandra Villing

II EAST GREEK POTTERY AND ITS PRODUCTION CENTRES: ARCHAEOLOGY AND SCIENCE

The Study of East Greek Pottery 49

John Boardman

East Greek Pottery from Naukratis: The Current State of Research 53

Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing

Neutron Activation Analysis of Pottery from Naukratis and other Related Vessels 69

Hans Mommsen with M.R. Cowell, Ph. Fletcher, D. Hook, U. Schlotzhauer, A. Villing, S. Weber

and D. Williams

Naukratis: Les importations grecques orientales archaiques. 77

Classification et détermination d’origine en laboratoire

Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas

Archaic Greek Plates from the Apollo Sanctuary at Emecik, Knidia. 85

Results and Questions Concerning Dorian Pottery Production

Regina Attula

The Non-Figured Wares from the Anglo-Turkish Excavations at 93

Old Smyrna. Points of Contact with Naukratis

Stavros Paspalas

Chemical Provenance Determination of Pottery: The Example of the 105

Aiolian Pottery Group G

Hans Mommsen and Michael Kerschner

Contents


On the Provenance of Aiolian Pottery 109

Michael Kerschner

The Chian Pottery from Naukratis 127

Dyfri Williams

Some Observations on Milesian Pottery 133

Udo Schlotzhauer with contributions by P. Herrmann (†) and S. Weber

East Greek ‘Situlae‘ from Egypt 145

Sabine Weber with an Appendix: Neutron Activation Analysis Results by H. Mommsen, A. Schwedt,

S. Weber and M.R. Cowell

The Apries Amphora – Another Cartouche 155

Donald Bailey

III EAST GREEK POTTERY AND THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN: CONTACT, EXCHANGE AND

IDENTITY

The Greeks in Berezan and Naukratis: A Similar Story? 159

Richard Posamentir

Some Ceramic Inscriptions Istrian Sanctuaries: The Naukratis Approach 169

Iulian Bîrzescu

Naukratis and Archaic Pottery Finds from Cyrene’s Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter 175

Gerald Schaus

Imported Greek Pottery in Archaic Cyrene: The Excavations in the Casa del Propileo 181

Ivan D’Angelo

Etruscan and Italic Finds in North Africa, 7th–2nd century BC 187

Alessandro Naso

Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age 199

Alexander Fantalkin

Bibliography 209

© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | v

Regina Attula Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald Institut für Altertumswissenschaften Rudolf-Petershagen-Allee 1 17487 Greifswald [email protected]

Donald BaileyThe British MuseumGreek and Roman DepartmentGreat Russell StreetLondon WC1B 3DGUnited [email protected]

Iulian BîrzescuInstitute for Archaeology ‘Vasile Pârvan’ of the RomanianAcademyStr. Henri Coanda, nr. 11, sector 1010667 Bucharest [email protected]

John BoardmanAshmolean MuseumBeaumont StreetOxford OX1 2PHUnited [email protected]

Ivan D'AngeloUniversità di Napoli ‘L'Orientale’Dipartimento Mondo Classico e Mediterraneo AnticoPalazzo CoriglianoPiazza S. Domenico Maggiore80138 [email protected]

Pierre Dupont and Annie ThomasCNRS-UMR 5138,Archéométrie – ArchéologieUniversité Lyon 27, Rue Raulin69365 Lyon CEDEX [email protected]

Alexander FantalkinTel Aviv UniversityDepartment of Archaeology and AncientNear Eastern CivilizationsRamat Aviv, Tel Aviv [email protected]

Ursula HöckmannTaunusstr. 3955118 [email protected]

Alan JohnstonInstitute of ArchaeologyUniversity College London31–34 Gordon SquareLondon WC1H 0PYUnited [email protected]

Michael Kerschner Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut, ÖAIFranz-Klein-Gasse 11190 [email protected]

Astrid MöllerAlbert-Ludwigs-UniversitätSeminar für Alte GeschichteKollegiengebäude 1Werthmannplatz79098 Freiburg i. [email protected]

Hans MommsenRheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität BonnHelmholtz-Institut für Strahlen- und KernphysikNussallee 14–1653115 [email protected]

Contributors

© The British Museumvi | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt

Contributors

Alessandro NasoUniversità degli Studi del MoliseDipartimento di Scienze Storiche, Umane e SocialiVia G. de Sanctis, snc86100 [email protected]

Stavros PaspalasAustralian Archaeological Institute at AthensZacharitsa 23Koukaki11741 [email protected]

Richard PosamentirDeutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAIAbteilung IstanbulGümüssuyu/Ayapasa CamiiSok. 4834437 [email protected]

Gerry SchausWilfrid Laurier University Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies75 University Avenue WestWaterloo, OntarioN2L 3C5Canada [email protected]

Udo SchlotzhauerDeutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAIEurasien-AbteilungIm Dol 2-6, Haus II14195 [email protected]

Alexandra VillingThe British MuseumGreek and Roman DepartmentGreat Russell StreetLondon WC1B 3DGUnited [email protected]

Sabine WeberWalkmühlstr. 665195 [email protected]

Dyfri WilliamsThe British MuseumGreek and Roman DepartmentGreat Russell StreetLondon WC1B 3DGUnited [email protected]

© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | vii

This volume has its origin in a workshop on Naukratis and EastGreek pottery held at the British Museum in December 2004 asthe 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium, the result of acollaboration between the British Museum and members of theNaukratis Project of SFB 295 at the Gutenberg-UniversitätMainz. Made possible by the generosity of the Gerda-Henkel-Stiftung and the Caryatid Group of the British Museum’s Greekand Roman Department, to whom we extend our gratitude, theworkshop brought together archaeologists, historians andscientists with the aim of generating a fruitful discussion andexchange of ideas and knowledge to further our understandingof the site of Naukratis in its wider, Eastern Mediterraneancontext. As it emerged, the scientific analysis of pottery samplestaken both at the British Museum and elsewhere provedparticular vital for many results presented here. To a large extentthis was made possible by subsidies from the DeutscheForschungsgemeinschaft, by the personal interest of ProfessorHans Mommsen of the Helmholtz-Institut, Friedrich-Wilhelm-Universität Bonn and the various other individuals, excavationsand institutions that allowed material in their care to beanalysed, and by the generous help of the staff of theDepartment of Conservation, Documentation and Science of theBritish Museum, notably Mike Cowell and Duncan Hook.

As editors, we have greatly enjoyed working with suchknowledgeable, reliable and responsive colleagues as have cometogether for the present volume. The collaborative spirit thatpervades the volume has its roots in the stimulating discussionand collaborative ambience of the workshop, which led tofurther exchanges well beyond the confines of the actualgathering. We are grateful to all participants, who made it suchan exceptionally productive experience. The contributionsassembled in this volume reflect this ongoing research anddiscourse, which has helped the volume to be, we hope, not justa gathering of individual papers but more a thematically linkedwhole.

Many people have contributed to making the workshop, therelated research and this volume possible. On the Mainz side,we would like to thank in particular Sabine Weber (Mainz) forher vital input in the workshop and related research, and UrsulaHöckmann and Detlev Kreikenbom (Mainz), Naukratis project

leaders within SFB 295 – Kreikenbom for his support inorganising the financing of the workshop, and Höckmann formuch help and constant openness to discussions.

On the British Museum side, we would like to thank inparticular Dyfri Williams, Keeper of the Greek and RomanDepartment, for making the workshop possible and for hisunfailing support throughout; all colleagues in Greek andRoman Department and the Educational AV unit for help withorganising the workshop; colleagues in the Department ofAncient Egypt and Sudan, especially Jeffrey Spencer and NealSpencer, as well as in the Middle East Department, for helpfuldiscussions and access to objects; Lesley Fitton, SusanWoodford, Mira Hudson, Bárbara Freitas, Sara Cambeta andSotiria Papastavrou for help with proof-reading; Kate Mortonfor producing two wonderful new maps and several profiledrawings; the British Museum’s Photography and ImagingDepartment, especially Dudley Hubbard, for producing newphotographs of objects at short notice; Lindy Crewe for helpwith image editing; John Boardman for encouragement and thedonation of his invaluable Naukratis archive to the BritishMuseum; and last but not least Josephine Turquet for producingthe volume sympathetically and efficiently as ever.

Editorial note

For Greek names a Greek spelling has been retained wherever itwas deemed not too unusual for the eye, which invariablymeans there will be considerable inconsistencies (such asKlazomenai and Aiolis but Cyrene and Laconia).

A joint bibliography can be found at the end of the volume.Journals have been abbreviated after the guidelines of theAmerican Journal of Archaeology. Some additional abbreviationsare used, such as NAA for neutron activation analysis. Stylisticphases in the development of East Greek pottery from variousregions have been abbreviated (e.g. as NiA I = North IonianArchaic I; MileA II = Milesian Archaic II) according to the newsystem set out in Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005.

The order in which the contributions are arranged was inpart determined by the practical necessities of printing thecolour sections.

Preface

Documents

40276629 Identity in the Making Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean During the Iron Age Alexander Fantalkin