440_The Kibbutz and the Israeli Society - Changing Mutual Relations

8/18/2019 440_The Kibbutz and the Israeli Society - Changing Mutual Relations

1/7

in following the e s s e ~ t i ~ ~ o ~ ~ ~ ~ c ~ ~ r the U n l ~ ~ d States have

failed

because

one-vote) they have been unable to

~ o o ~ e r a

l V ~ ~ o v e r n a n c e (one-worker·-

work

process. Here Kibbutzim p r o v i ~ ; o r ~ o ~ . e f f l c l e n t management of the

two aspects of work and community mana 5 rutchlve bexamples

?f

the

way

these

gemen

ave een

carrled

out.

While

students of cooperativ - f

.

from

the Kibbutz experience \ ~ ~ r ~ ~ r ~ t orga01zatlOn

can

gain much inspirat'ion

understand in depth

th n a t ~ r e of

the K : ~ ~ u ~ r e m e 8 t l for such learning

is

to

analyze to

what

extent th . 1 .u z: n t then can we usefully

butz

movement

can

be ada

~ e ~ a ~ ; ~ c u l a r .

50c1a1

lnventl?nS involved in the

Kib·.

special social

and

c U l t u ~ a l c o n d i ~ ~ ~ n ~ n Q ~ t h r e r

c l u n l ~ r ~ e s or.to

what extent the

. srae 1mlt thelr applicability

On one point we

can

be sure

si

r th l .

other successful systems

o f ' w o r ~ ~ ~

c o ~ p ~ r ~ ~ 1 e;perlence parallels that in

Mondrag6n

cooperatives in S ain f era lves ,1n Y ~ g o ~ l a v i a and in the

t o ~

of worker cooperatives ~ a n n ~ t ~ ; : ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ r ) ' h t ~ e ? U l ~ d l n g of a

growing

sec

pllcation of

isolated

organizational

unit

l ~ h e d

S mp

y through the multi

depends

upon

establishing

an infrastr

t

s.

e

h

e v e l o p m ~ n t

of

the system

Federation, to provide educatio

uc.ure. s u ~ as

provlded by the Kibbutz

stimulation and gUidance of

t h e n ~ a

t ~ c h n l c a 1 b a s S l s ~ a n c e , and financing for the

this volume provide impressive evirlous mem er U ~ l t S The contributions to

tion provides guidance to

its

me bdence

o f . w a y ~

In which the Kibbutz Federa-

m er organlzat10ns.

Wi iar.) Foote Whyte

William F o o ~ e

Whyte is

Professor Emeritus

of

Sociology

and

lab?r

ReJatlons at Cornell University

and

Presl'dent of the Industrial

and

10g1cal Association. American Socio-

xxiv

THE

KIBBUTZ

AND THE ISRAELI SOCIETY

- CHANGING

MUTUAL

RELATIONS

In the thi rty years since the State of Israel ~ I a s establ ished, the Kibbutz

has

fulfilled a central role in

its

development, undertaking tasks in the

spheres of settlement, security, economy,

and

social relations. It showed

that it was capable of adapting itself to

the

changing conditions which oc

curred in its internal

economic and

social structure as well as to the

fluctuating

relations

in various

sectors of Israeli

society. During tilis

thirty year period the very existence of a collective movement in a non-

collective

environment was put to the test. While a large

part of

the

Jew-

ish population in the period preceding the establishment

of

the state came

to Israel out of ideological motivation

and

lived in different egalitarian

cooperative forms,

most

of the immigrants in the fifties

and

sixties, coming

mostly

from

Asia

and

Africa,

had

no

similar

ideological

orientation.

During the period

after

the establishment of the state many of the Kibbutz

movement s responsibilities

and certain specific

functions

were state-

assumed.

This had a negative impact

upon

the self-image

of

the Kibbutz

move-

ment. as well as upon its image as viewed by the surrounding society

and

posed

three fundamental questions:

1.

Does the Kibbutz movement sti l l have

to

fulfill

pioneering roles after

the achievement

of

the establishment

of

the State

of Israel? And what

are these roles?

2. Is it possible to preserve the special collectivistic

and

egalitarian

roles of the Kibbutz, even though Israeli society

is

becoming estranged

from

them?

Is it possible to influence the society

and

the state in

the spirit

of

Kibbutz

principles, and how?

3.

By

what

means

can the special fundamentals

of

the Kibbutz

be

preserved

under the new conditions? What is the measure

of

isolation essential

for the preservation of these fundamentals? What measure of isolation

is possible in view of the

desire

to fulfill general national r o l ~

and

the wish to influence the fonnation

of

society?

These questions had become salient as early as the first decade of the state

existence.

During

the years of

struggle

preceding its establishment, the

Kibbutz movement had been a central instrument as far as the achievement of

national goals was concerned. Kibbutzim had served as bases

and

reserves of

manpower for the

Hagana and

Palmach. Members

of

the Kibbutzim

and

the pionee

youth

movement had fulfilled central roles

in the Ghetto

revolts and

the par

tisan movements

during World \


2/7


3/7

GROWTH AND INTERNJll

CHANGES

In contrast to the period of self-examination and crlSlS during the fifties,

the first years of the sixties showed signs of a turning point in the

direc-

tion of

renewed

growth

and

social

and economic

development.

One

expression

of

this

trend

was

the increasing number of Kibbutz-born adults who joined

the Kibbutzim at the end of their military service.

Between 1962 and

1967, the

number of

Kibbutz members increased by

20 and

the

Kibbutzim's population

(members, children,

and temporary

residents)

by 13%.

From

the beginning

of

the

sixties onwards most of

the Kibbutzim

were becoming

multi-generational communities, with members of different age groups living

together in a

relatively

small

community,

and

maintaining

equality

in

all

spheres of life including the decision-making process accomplished by the

general assembly and by various committees.

However, this

integration was

often

accompanied

by ideological tension which was expressed

especially

after

the Six Day War in such

books

as The Seventh Day, a soldiers discussion.

But this tension also contributed substantially to the regeneration of the

movement and to overcoming the

crisis. The

fact

that

the majority of Kibbutz

born

adults remained in

their birthplaces

contributed to the strengthening of

the family

institution and

the

creation of

large multi-generational families

that are rare in modern society.

In

the

sixties,

the process of industrialization

of

the Kibbutz

began at an

accelerated pace (about 80 of. the 290 Kibbutz enterprises were established

from the early

sixties

onwards).

At this

time, too, there was a new

direction

in the selection of types of industry. Priority was accorded to more capital-

intensive enterprises, the number of workers demanded by them being compatible

with the

ability

of the Kibbutzim to supply them

from its memberShip. Some

of the plants

that were established

earlier required a large

number

of workers

than the Kibbutzim

were

able to suppiy out of

their

membership. This

dis-

crepancy caused the employment of hired workers

from

outside the Kibbutz,

which is

contrary to traditional Kibbutz values.

The Kibbutz industry continues developing at a

rate

surpassing that

of

general

Israeli industry. while

its

share in export

is significantly greater

than its

share in Israeli industrial production. The

fast

development of industry did

not hinder the development of Kibbutz

agriculture.

This was

due

to the fact

that worker

productivity

in agriculture

increased greatly during this period.

The success

of

the process of industrialization in the Kibbutzim offered

rural

employment

to the growing population in face of the previously mentioned

agricultural

limitations,

such as scarcity of land and water. Therefore, the

desertion of villages - a common occurrence in countries undergoing accelerated

industrialization

- was prevented.

As

a

result,

the percentage of the Kibbutz

in the Jewish Israeli rural population again

began

to increase continuously

(from 21 in 1961 to 35.6% in 1976). The process of industrialization,

to-

gether with the accelerated

rate

of

productivity

in

agricultural

work, aug

mented

the port ion of the Kibbutz in the National Product to a degree

greatly

outweighing its portion of the population (40% of the

agricultural

output

and

6 of the

industrial

output, as

against

only 3.3% of the Jewish Israeli

popu-

lation).

Kibbutz

industrialization

was

therefore also an important contribu-

4

tion to the struggle of Israel for economic independence. It provided a new

means

for the Kibbutz to

participate

in the achievement of national goals.

Another adjunct of the

p ~ o c e ~ s

of Kibbutz ~ n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . w a s i ~ s

c o n t r i ~

bution to the

industrialIzatIon of

developIng

areas.

The

KIbbutzIm

establlshed

regional enterprises

for

processing

their agricultural

p r o d u ~ t s that served

as

a central source

of

employment for inhabitants

of

the regIon.

But while younger people were e n t e r i n ~ t h e . K ~ b b u t z i m an i n ~ r e a s i n g n u m b ~ r of

them

were becoming students in the unIverSItIes a n ~

In

the

l ~ d e ~ e ~ d e n t

hIgher

learning institutions of the Kibbutz movement. Thls was a slgnlflcant devel

opment

since the establishment of

industrial

plants created a demand for tech

nical and

professional

manpower. Between 1969 and 1 ~ 7 3 ,

the

number

of students

in these institutions increase four-fold. But the Klbbutz has been.able to

manage

this

situation.

Every

year about

5

of

K i b b u ~ z

members

recelve.post-

secondary education compatible with their personal

WIshes and

the

r e q u l r e m e ~ t s

of "the K·ibbutz. In the past, the general assumption

' fas

that higher educatlOn

would alienate

members

from

fulfilling roles in the KIbbutz labor f r a m e w o ~ k .

increasing the number of people working outside the Kibbutz a ~ d e v e ~ leaVIng

it .

In the meantime, most of the students become integrated lnto K l b b ~ t z roles

in returning from their stUdies, and the number of students

who

leave IS even

lower than the general percentage.

All of these factors signified the new trends which began to be e v i d e ~ t the

Kibbutz

from

the sixties onwards. The way Kibbutzim responded to thelr In

ternal needs contributed also to the state s requirements in d i f f e r e ~ t . s p h e r e s .

Beginning with the Six

Day

War, the Kibbutz c o n t r i b u ~ i o n to the tradItIonal .

goal

oriented spheres _

s e c u ~ i t y ~ i m m i g r a t i o n ~ a b s o r p t l 0 n a n d

settlement - agaIn

became prominent. The contrIbutIon to securIty w a ~ expressed by the ~ a r g e

number of Kibbutz-born or Kibbutz-educated adults In the voluntary u ~ l t S

of

the Israeli Defense Army: the Air Force, Commando Units, etc.,

and

the

high

rate

of officers among

them.

Their exact

n u m ~ e r may

not be.publlshed

but

can be

inferred

from

the large percentage of Klbbutz

casualtles

o ~ t

of

the

total

Israeli casualties, which was six times higher than the proportIon of

the Kibbutz population to the general

Israeli

population.

After the Six

Day War,

settlement activities

were

also resumed,

and

more than

thirty new settlements were established. A e l ~ t i v e l y . l a r g e p e r c ~ n t a g e of

the immigrants who arrived

from

Western

and

LatIn A m e r l ~ a ~

c o ~ n t r l e s

were

absorbed by Kibbutzim. However, the number of those orlglnatlng from the

U.S.S.R. is very small.

Thousands of

young

people,

Jews

and non-Je' fs.from m a ~ y countries, ~ i s i t

t h ~

Kibbutzim

yearly.

They

stay in

them

for llmlted perlods : partly

In Ulpanlm

(intensive Hebrew courses)

and partly as

volunteers.

DurIng r e c ~ n t

years,

activities

directed at the

integration

of youth

from

poverty

strlcken

strata

_ mainly

from

Oriental backgrounds - into the educational

framework

of the

Kibbutzim were

intensified

and are

steadily

expanding,

The

developments

which

started

in the

early

sixties

provided the

a n s ~ e r s

to.

some

of the basic problems with

which

the Kibbutzim

had been s t r u g g l l n ~ d u r ~ n g

the period following the establishment of the

S t a t ~ . S ~ n c e

then,

and

In

splte

of the existence of governmental apparatus and legIslatIve frameworkS, there

5


4/7

still remain

many functions to

which

the Kibbutz is capable

of

contributing

more

than oth er organiza tion al frameworks. This is

due

to

its

social

struc

ture and

system of values, internalized by education

and

emphasized

by

public

opinion, which regards contribution to national

goals,

social

solidarity, and

mutual responsibility

as obligatory.

The specific

Kibbutz social

structure

Which encompasses all spheres

of

a

person's life

and

in

which

there

is

no connection whatever

between

one's oc

c u p a ~ i o n

and

o n e ~

s t a n d a ~ d . o f

living allows the Kibbutz to

be

extremely

flex1ble at

chang1ng

cond1t1ons, to adapt roles to various needs

and

to

~ b ~ l i z e

internal

s o ~ r c e s to a maximal degree during emergencies: These con

d1tlOns

were

respons1ble

for making industrialization

possible

and

to

con .

tinue to allow the Kibbutz to fulfill roles in the areas of

security

ab-

sorption.

and

education. . ,

In c o n ~ l u s i o n ,

the Kibbutz

movement,

during the era following the

State's

establ1shment

and

espeCially during the

sixties

and

seventies,

succeeded

according to several criteria,

where i ts

predecessors - communal

movements

in other countries - had failed:

1. It

attained

inter-generational

continuity,

while many other Communes

the world over

had

crumbled

when their

founders aged.

2. It succeeded,

generally

speaking, in preserving the values of common

property. e q ~ a l i ~ y , a n ~ direct democracy in spite of the phenomena of

social.polar1zat1on Wh1Ch

accompany

processes of industrialization and

econom1C progress

even

in

communal societies

or cooperative organizations.

These

successes

were a t t ~ i n e d

in the course

of

a continuous struggle against

external influences

and lnternal

processes,

such

as the infiltration

of

hired

l a ~ o r the

i n ~ r o d u c t i o n

of hierarchic

management patterns

in certain indus

tr1al enterprls:s,

the weakening

of direct

democratic processes,

private in

c o m e ~ from outslde sources

damaging equality,

etc. Although the Kibbutz fed

~ r a t ~ o n s . a n d communities have developed independent educational

and cultural

1nstltut1ons

on

a country-wide,

regional,

and

local

basis,

the danger

of

the

p e n e ~ r a t i o n of social norms, contradicting internal Kibbutz values,

still

perslsts.

PR08LEMS AND

TENSIONS

A wide

gap exists

between the Kibbutz's

egalitarian and

communal values the

p r i n c i ~ l e s g ~ i d i n g ~ t s

activity,

and

the values

of substantial parts of'the

Israell publlC. Th1S

gap

reflects both the channes that occurred in the demo-

graphic c o ~ p o s i t i o n

of

the Israeli society

that ~ e r e

mentioned

above and

the

changing place

of

the Kibbutz in the Israeli stratification system.

According to the usual

definition which identifies

workers with the

class of

wage earners,.the Kibbutz members are not part of the working class. And

even

t h o u ~ h

Klbbutz

members manage

their

collective

means

of

production

and

are not hlred

laborers,

they belong to the

Histradrut (which

has a unique

6

structure

among the world's trade unions) and their influence in the major

worker's parties is much

greater

than their

numbers

alone justify. Kibbutz

members have often held leadership positions in ~ h e s ~

p a r t i e s a n d h a v ~ repre

sented them in the government, the Knesset, and 1n H1stadrut 1 n s t 1 t u t 1 o ~ S

The

inconsistency

between

their objective status as owners of collectwe

means of

production

and their

affiliation to the

i n s t i t ~ t i o n a l i ~ e d o r g ~ n s

of

the working

class

deepened over the last twenty years w1th the ~ n c r e a s 1 n g .

industrialization of

the

Kibbutzim and

the establishment

of

reg10nal organ1-

zations. The

income

and standard

of living of

the

Kibbutzim

increased,

and

some emp oyed hi red workers in agri

culture and

industry. Most of the workers

in

the regional

industries

are hired, while the ownership is in the

hands

of

a cooperative

of Kibbutzim

in the region.

A subjective expression of this inconsistency is the fact that when asked to

state their

class

affiliation, Kibbutz members

have

difficulty in answering.

In one

study (Rosner

et al . ,

1978), the majority

replied

- in answer to an

open

question -

that

the Kibbutz

movement

forms

a special

class.

In

another

study,

some

identified themselves as middle class and the majority as

vlorking

class

(Antonovsky, 1968). T h ~ difficulty in p e r s o n ~ l

i d e ~ t i t y

may

also be related to the ethnic factor

Wh1Ch

has become 1ncreas1ngly lmportant

in

Israel's class

structure.

A majority

of

production workers, both in

agri

culture and industry,

are Jews of Oriental

origin

or Arabs, while most of

the pt'ofessionals

and

middle

class

are of Western origin, Most of the

Kib-

butz

members

are

also of

western

origin and have

therefore social

and cultural

affiliations with the profeSSionals and middle class but work mostly in agri

cultural

and

industrial

production.

In

recent

years, efforts have

been

made

to strengthen the

link between

Kibbutz

members and

the other

parts of

the

working

class.

The

Kibbutzim

have

decreased the

amount of

hired

labor, which

was introduced

in order to provide work for the masses of

unemployed

new immigrants. The

hired workers in the regional

industries

have

been

given

participation

in

both management

and profits, and efforts have been

made to increase the con

tact

between Kibbutz

members and wage

earning Histadrut

members

in various

areas.

Since the establishment of the State, there have also been

significant

changes

in the

position of

the Kibbutz movement in the hierarchy of the various

dim-

ensions of

sta tus.

The founders of the

Ki

bbutzim brought

no

property with

them,

and

anyone who joins a Kibbutz become a partner without paying

any··

thi

ng.

Because

of thi s, the Ki bbutz

accumul

ated property by means of loo.ns

from

public

institutions and

banks.

Owned capital is

only a relativ:ly small

part of

Kibbutz property.

But as stated

above, the share of the nat10nal

product produced by the

Kibbutzim is much greater

than

their

proportion in

the population.

According to Sarkai (1977), the average standard

of living

in the

~ i b b u t z at

the beginning of the seventies was about 80 of the average expendlture out

side the Kibbutz.

In terms

of consumption expenses, the Kibbutz was in the

sixth decile. However,

because consumption is

collectively

organized,

Kib-

butzim possess

communal

consumption

facilities

which are not generally

avail

able to families

of

similar

income

levels

in non-Kibbutz settlements of the

same

size. In

general, both the standards of

living and

the

income

of the

7


5/7

Kibbutzim have

improved

: e l a t i ~ e

to other groups in Israel since the

establish

ment.of th:

~ t a t e ,

espec1ally 1n the last

two

decades since the beginning of

the 1ntens1f1ed process of

industrialization.

The

changes in the political

status

of the Kibbutzim in contrast have had a

tendency. toward decline.

In

the early days

of

the state, the

political

power

of the,K1bbutz

movem:nts

reached its zenith.

They

had

great

power in the major

worker p a r ~ y ,

M a p a 1 ~

and were the main force of the second worker's party,

Mapam, 1n

Wh1Ch two K1bbutz movements formed the core. In the first Knesset

P948)

t ~ e r e were

26

Kibbutz

members among

the 120

members of

the

House, ~ I h i l e

1n.the e1ghth Knesset (1973) their

numbers

were reduced to fourteen.

Even

try1S

number

of members of

Knesset

was an

0verrepresentation

when compared

w1th ~ h e percentage of

Kibbutz members

in the general population. In the

electlons of.1977,

w h e ~ ~ h e

strength of the worker's parties declined and they

were. forced

l ~ t O

Opposltlon, the

number of

Knesset

members from Kibbutzim

also

decllned to nlne (7.5 of parliament members).

However,

the

political

power

of

the Kibbutz

movement is

not limited only to

the number of

its M.P.

s

a n ~ ~ i n i s t e : s . In

a study of

elites

in Israel

t was

found. that 22.2 of the pol1tlcal

el1te

are Kibbutz members (Weingrod

G ~ r e w 1 t c r y ,

~ 9 ? 7 ) . It seems that this special status derives from the valua

t10nal s l ~ n 1 f 1 c a n c e ?f

membership

in the Kibbutz as an expression

of

the

im

p l e m e n ~ a t 1 o n of the 1 ~ e o l 0 9 Y the various parties profess. Another factor is

that K1bbutz membersh1p allows

political

activists greater freedom and inde

pendence

because

their

livelihood

is

not dependent

on

politics.

The.weak pOints in the

political

status of the Kibbutzim is the fact

that

t h e ~ r members

ar: u s ~ a l l y

to be found in the higher levels of party re resen

tat10n a n ~ organlzatlonal structure, but Kibbutz members do not r e p r e s ~ n t the

sectoral

1 n t e r ~ s t s

of ~ o s t , p a r t y

members

such as the trade unions, financial

s:ctors,

women

s

o r g a n ~ z a t l o n e t c .

This finds expression also in the

rela

t 1 ~ e l Y low

representat10n of K1bbutz

members

in the country's administrative

ellte

- 4.4 .

We

cannot

quantitatively

measure

the changes in the

prestige

of the K'bb t

H?wever,

after the

e s t a b l ~ s h m : n t of

the

state

there

was

a strong

f e e l ~ n g U a ~ ~ n g

K1bbutz m:mbe:s of.a decllne

1n

the

centrality

of the Kibbutz movement and in

the.prest1ge

lt

enJoyed before, when it acted as a kind of vanguard for the

~ o ~ l a l goals that s ~ ~ o l i z e ~ its highest values, In addition, internal div

~ ~ l o n s

based ?n pol1tlcal dlfferences contributed to the decline in prestige

l b b u ~ z p r e ~ t : g e

rose after the war of 1967 in which the role of Kibbutz mem:

b e r ~

ln pos1tlons of,command

and

in

elite

units

was

conspicuous, Their eco

~ o m 1 c

success, especlally, in industry, also had

an

impact. In a public

0

in

lon ~ o l l ,among the

I ~ r a e l l

population taken after the defeat of the w o r k e ~ ' s

~ a r ~ l e ~ l ln the e ~ e c t l o n ~ , most of those asked replied that they thought t

. ~ s l r ~ e

that

K1bbutz

l ~ f l u e n c e

in the Israel

E:conom'y

should

be

g r e a t ~ r than

; _ ; , ~ ~ ~ : :

~ [ Q ~ ~ : t ~ ~ p u l a t l o n , and 43 thought the

same

concerning political

IIIIIU: '-

. ~ - ~

Or-chan, 1978),

It

seems, thereforf' .

that

notwith

s ~ a n d 1 n g the decllne

t h e , p r e s ~ i g e

of the

Kibbutz

movement in

com

arison

~ ~ ; ~ ) ~ h e pre-state

perlod, lt stlll holds a measure of

o v e r - c h a r i s ~ a

(Shur,

8

Generally, the position of the Kibbutz

on

the different dimensions of status

seems to

be

more balanced and consistent than in the

past. In

the past, the

status

of

the Kibbutz

was relatively

higher in the hierarchy

of prestige

and

partially in the hierarchy of

power,

but relatively lower in the economic

hierarchy. Hhile there has been a relative decline in its place in the first

two

hierarchies - linear in political power

and

curvilinear in prestige -

there has been a

rise

in its economic

status. The relative

balance also re

flects

a condition of

greater stability

in the

status

of the Kibbutz in Is

rael s structure and its metamorphOSis from a pioneer "vanguard" to a perma

nent

way

of

life

which provides for the needs of

its

members

on

the basis of

unique collective and

egalitarian principles.

But

on

the other hand, as a

result of the economic success and political influence of the Kibbutzim,

parts of the working

class, and

especially those

of

Oriental

origin, might

perceive the Kibbutz as part of the affluent

~ s t b l i s h m e n t

of western origin

- in spite of its egalitarian structure and

socialist

ideology.

DILEMI·1AS AND

PROSPEGTS

In

contrast to the problems

and

tensions mentioned above, a number

of

opposite

trends

can

be distinguished. Parts of the ,veteran communities and their off

spring see the Kibbutz way of

life

as

an

alternative, from the point of view

of the quality

of life, It has

succeeded in coping with a number

of

manifes

tations of

alienation, which

characterize the individualistic urban

way

of

life founded

on

competition.

On

the other hand, there are young people be

longing to Oriental communities

who

believe

that

joining a Kibbutz

would al

low them

to advance without having to surmount the numerous obstacles blocking

their progress in other frameworks. The findings of recent surveys of public

opinion are witness to these trends,

and

also to the increasing number of young

Israelis who, without belonging to the traditional youth

movements,

join Kib

butzim, This they

do

in "private" groups established in order to serve to

gether in the "Nachal" (settlement oriented army corps) subsequently taking

the

initiative

in

forming

connections with Kibbutzim, There

is

also response

to advertisements in newspapers offering people a chance to join existing

Kibbutzim, or even to establish new ones. The use of advertisements and other

media

indicates a reaction to the lack

of

connection between large parts of

the Israeli public and the Kibbutz movement. (According to a survey held in

1978, 50 of the Israeli public had never visited a Kibbutz.)

Much

interest

in the Kibbutz experiment

is

evident

among

social scientists and

scholars the world over

who

see the Kibbutz as a sort

of

social laboratory

capable of

testing

possible solutions for the problems

of modern

society.

However, so

far,

there have not been many projections from the Kibbutz

upon

other sections of Israeli society. Many people claim

that

the Kibbutz is a

unique societ.Y

composed

of unique people; therefore, nothing can be inferred

from

t

concerning other

societies.

POSSibly, this differing point of view

derives from too close a proximity or maybe

from

the fact that some of the

fundamental problems of modern society have not yet taken a Central place in

Israeli

public discussions due to the enduring

state

of emergency. But the

Ki

bbutz

is

a permanent challenge to the convent; ona 1 forms of 1

fe

and

organ

ization in

Israel. The

Kibbutz experience shows the

possibility

of:

9


6/7

1. Managing a complex and highly productive econolllY both industrial and

agricultural,

without using material incentives;

2. Satisfying the

needs

of a heterogeneous population without using

money

on an egalitarian

basis, taking individual needs into consideration;

3. Managing community and

economic

organization

on

the basis of

direct

democracy with the participation of all

members

making decisions to

gether with the rotation in managerial roles;

4. Bridging the contra dicti on between city

and

village while maintaining

an

urban, industrial

economy

and

an

urban culture in a rural environ

ment.

Enhancing the influence of the Kibbutz

upon Israeli

society will

depend upon

the formulation

of

a

new

identity

for the Kibbutz

movement.

Will the Kibbutz

movement regard itself as yet another form of life in a pluralistic Israeli

society

or

as

an

alternative society bearing a socia l

message and

challenge

toward

i tself

and its environment? Will the Kibbutz

movement become

a pres

sure group safeguarding its economic interests? Or will

t

continue to value

itself

as a

movement

fulfilling

pioneering roles

whose

content (presently so

cial and

value oriented) changes?

Will

the Kibbutz

movement

succeed in break

ing out of the

circle

of isolation and adjustment ~ h i l e preserving i ts auton-

1llY

in the

vital

educational

and

value spheres, but also enlarging

its

contri-

bution to society and increasing

its

openness towards

it? The

answers to

these questions

do

not

depend

exclusively upon the Kibbutz movement but they

will play

an

important

part

in determining the future development of the

Kib

butz and

i ts status

in the State of Israel.

The

answers to these questions, too, are related to the answers to the three

questions with

which

we opened the

article and

to

which

we can

now

return.

F i r ~ t the experience of the statehood period showed clearly that the special

nat10nal goals of the State of

Israel,

such as the integration of communities

from

different origins,

the settlement of

new

areas,

economic independence,

etc., cannot be achieved by administrative means and economic incentives

alone. There

is

still

need

for volunteerism, for ideological

commitment

qualities that

can

be

found in the Kibbutz

movement more

than in other parts

of Israeli society. But there is a need for pioneering not only for the im

plementation of national goals . Important social goals such as decreasing

inequalities and increasing social justice have also national implications.

Second, in

spite of

temporary deviation in specific areas, mainly

by employ

ment of hired labor, Kibbutzim have succeeded in preserving their internal

~ g a l Harian and cooperative

norms

and social

structure,

in

spite

of the grow-

1ng gap

between the

work and

values

of

the surrounding society.

The Kibbutzim

have been less successful in influencing society with the

spirit

of

their

values. This relative failure can

be

explained by the changes in the social

and

demographic composition of this society

as

well

as by

historical conditions

such as frequent emergency

situations.

The challenges presented by the internal

structural changes in the Kibbutz -

e.g.,

inter-generational transition and

industrialization

-

have

caused the Kibbutz

movement

to invest most

of

its

effort

internally

and less externally.

10

Third, facing the growing gap between Kibbutz values and those of other parts

of society, the Kibbutz movement has continued to combine a strategy of open

ness with

relative isolation. While

the

economic activities

of the Kibbutz

movement

are well-integrated into the

Israeli economy

and Kibbutzim continue

to play an important political

role,

they

have

preserved

their

educational

and cultural autonomy in order to ensure both the ideological socialization

of future Kibbutz

members and

to counteract the influences of the

mass media

that are opposed to Kibbutz values.

The

success of the Kibbutz to maintain

in the future

this

mixture of openness and

isolation

may

determine both

its

ability to

fulfill

a pioneer role in

certain

areas

and

to preserve

its alter-

native ideals and structure.

11


7/7

1. Managing a complex and highly productive

economy

both industrial and

agricultural,

without using material incentives;

2. Satisfying the needs of a heterogeneous population without using

money

on an egalitarian

basis, taking individual needs into consideration;

3. Managing

community and

economic organization on the basis of direct

democracy

with the participation

of all members

making decisions to

gether with the rotation in managerial roles;

4. Bridging the cont radic tion between city and village while maintaining

an urban, industrial

economy

and an urban culture in a rural environ

ment.

Enhancing the influence of the Kibbutz

upon Israeli

society will

depend upon

the formulation of a new identity for the Kibbutz movement. Will the Kibbutz

movement regard itself as yet another form of 1 fe in a plural

istic

Israel i

society or as

an

alternative

societ y bearing a social message

and

challenge

toward

itself

and

its

environment? Will the Kibbutz

movement become

a pres

sure group safeguarding

its

economic

interests?

Or will

t

continue to value

itself

as a

movement fulfilling

pioneering roles

whose

content (presently so

cial and value oriented) changes? Will the Kibbutz

movement

succeed in break

ing out of the circle of

isolation

and adjustment while preserving i ts auton

omy in the vital educational and value spheres, but also enlarging its

contri

bution to society and increasing

its

openness towards it? The answers to

these questions

do

not

depend

exclusively

upon

the Kibbutz movement but they

will play

an

important

part

in determining the future development of the

Kib-

butz

and i ts

status in the State of

Israel.

The

answers to these questions, too, are related to the answers to the three

questions with which we opened the article to which we can

now

return.

First, the experience of the statehood period showed clearly that the special

national goals

of

the State of Israel, such

as

the integration of communities

from different origins, the settlement of new areas, economic independence,

etc.,

cannot

be

achieved

by

administrative

means and

economic incentives

alone. There is still

need

for volunteerism, for ideological commitment

qualities that can

be

found in the Kibbutz movement more than in other parts

of Israeli society. But there

is

a need for pioneering not only for tbe im-

plementation of national goals. Important social goals

such

as decreasing

inequalities and increasing social justice have also national implications.

Second, in spite

of

tempora ry devi

at

on in spec

ifi

c areas,

ma

i n y by

emp

I oy

ment

of

hired labor, Kibbutzim have succeeded in preserving their internal

egalitarian and cooperative norms and social structure, in spite of the grow-

ing gap

between

the

work

and values of the surrounding society.

The

Kibbutzim

have been less successful in influencing society \'lith the spirit of their

values. This relative failure

can

be explained by the changes in the social

and demographic composition of this society as well as

by

historical conditions

such as frequent emergency situations. The challenges presented by the internal

structural changes in the Kibbutz -

e.g.,

inter-generational

transition and

industrializatiDn -

have

caused the Kibbutz

movement

to invest

most

of

its

effort

internally and less externally.

10

T

s o ~ i e t ;

the Kibbutz

movement

has continued

c o m ~ i ~ e . a strategy ?f

open

o ss with

relative isolation.

While the

economlC a c t l v l t l e ~

of

t ~ e K l b b ~ t z

n ~ v e m e n t

are well-integrated into the

Israeli economy

and

K l ~ b u t z l m C ? n t l ~ u e

play

an

important

political role,

they

have p r e ~ e r v e d ~ h e l r e d ~ c ~ ~ l O ~ ~

nd cultural

autonomy

in order to ensure both the ldeologlcal SOCla lza

a

f

future Kibbutz

members and

to counteract the

i n f l u e n c e ~

of the

m a s ~ ~ e ? l a

~ h a t

are opposed to Kibbutz values.

The

success of the Klbbutz.to maln

~ l n

. the future

this

mixture

of

openness and isolation

may

determlne

~ o t h ~ t s

~ ~ i 1

ity

to

fu lfi 11

a pi oneer ro 1e in

certa

n areas and to preserve 1

ts

a ter

native

ideals and

structure.

Documents

440_The Kibbutz and the Israeli Society - Changing Mutual Relations