A CENTENNIAL HISTORY

Emerson 1875-1975

A Centennial History

MY HOME TOWN

Though I may travel far through wood and spacious plain And view the myriad towns that thrive in this domain, And see great cities ioo, of beauty renown, Not one can be as fair to me as my home town.

I've seen it in its many illOOds, in drought and flood, I've walked its dear familiar streets in dust and mud: But blemishes do not exist, for eyes of love Seek but the gems of memory's golden trove.

The shady, tree-lined streets are lovely to behold When autumn paints with burnished tints of red and gold, Or when the crystal snow lies soft and white and deep On spacious lawns and flower beds in winter sleep;

And fairer still in spring, when gently, one by one, The buds are waked and coaxed to life by rain and sun, Till every fragrant flowered lawn and leafy tree In summer's bloom fulfill their joyous destiny.

Again I see God's Acre where our loved ones sleep, While overhead the pines their sacred vigil keep, Our loved ones sleep like faded flowers, sleep and rest, But love lives on for hands that toiled and lips that blessed.

I view in memory the stores and pillared hall, The cenotaph which honors those who gave their all, The churches with their spires pointing to the sky, The school which taught and teaches still its ideals high.

I see the arched bridge against the sunset glow Reflected in the shadowed waters far below; But dearer than all lifeless things are friends that greet And welcome me again on each familiar street.

But joyfully I hasten on, till last I see My childhood home where doors are open wide for me. Of all the towns that are, all up the world and down, Not one can be as dear to me as my HOMETOWN.

Rosa Mary Clausen-Mohr

Published by the Town of Emerson, Emerson, Manitoba

Copyright 1975

Editors James McClelland Dan Lewis

Standard Book No. 0-919212-69-7

Prinh:d hy Friesen Printer" a division of D. W. Friest:n & Sons Ltd. Alton',I. t\.tan .. C<lnada

Printed in Canada

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Foreword It is my pleasure, as a member of one of the oldest families in the

District, to write a short foreword to the Centennial HistO/T 0/ Emer­son.

Our Town dates from the "rip-roaring" days of the West. These were the days when settlers were pushing out of Upper and Lower Canada and the United States, compelled by the promise that the vast areas of virgin land would produce fortunes for the adventurous. As always, in such a setting, certain men stand out as "plungers". Such men were W. N. Fairbanks and Thomas Carney, both well-to-do, but looking for more.

Their activities in setting up a townsite were based on the hope that the C.P.R. would use the American route around the lakes and re-enter Canada at Emerson. Their grandiose schemes came to nought when the railway chose, the all Canada route, and Emerson's boom collapsed. Yet these schemes and activities make a fascinating story.

It was with the hope of preserving this story that the Women's Institute gathered together and published, a number of years ago, a book on the history of Emerson and its early pioneers. Pioneers who have now gone on ahead leaving the stories of their lives behind them.

To mark the Centennial of our Town, the Chamber of Commerce has revised, updated and considerably enlarged the history of Emerson and has added much of interest. I am sure that many will find this a most interesting account.

R. R. Forrester.

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PREFACE Historians of the future will pick out and record those events of our

time which to us seem unimportant. [t is this selection of events that fills our history books and perpetuates the historian's craft. Yet it is these seemingly small, and insignificant events that truly reflect our heritage and our past.

With the aid of hindsight the historian can view the past from a very different perspective. A perspective that is, colored by light of current happenings and events. The historian writes about the past in the present and because of this there can never exist a true or final ver­sion of any history. History cannot ever be regarded as being static, but rather as always being in a state of change always offering us new in­sights and glimpses into our past.

1975 marks the One Hundredth Birthday of the Town of Emerson. To help commemorate this Centennial the Emerson Chamber of Commerce has commissioned the publication of this Centennial History. The Centennial History of Emerson offers us another view of the town's long and interesting past. [n form, this booklet is made up of three separate sections which we feel aptly reflect the town's past from three different points of view.

The first section deals with the early days of Emerson and is con­cerned with the railroad and the "BOOM" of the 1880's. This section was written by James McClelland and was awarded the Manitoba Historical Society's, Margaret McWilliams Award, in 1974. The sec­ond section deals with some pioneer stories and other anecdotes con­cerning the early settlement of Emerson. Most of these selections are taken from the original History of Emerson written and published in 1950 by Wm. Carelson and Mrs. I. Masterson. The third and final sec­tion is quite unique in that it is entirely made up of photographs. We believe that these photographs vividly record and reflect those events and situations that many of the town's early citizens must have felt truly represented their way of life and their Town.

This is not the final, nor the complete history of Emerson, but rather a special Centennial edition. However, it is an interesting story which touches on many events. Events such as, Fort Dufferin, built and used by the Boundary Commission in 1874. (Later this fort was the staging area for the N.W.M.P. before they began their trek westward in 1874. Finally the fort was used as an immigration depot where many of the Mennonite settlers embarked to take up homesteads on the West Reserve.) "The Boom" could be the story ofa number of western towns who were given birth by the railway building of the era. However it is the pioneer stories and photographs that tell the real story. These are the personal feelings and expressions that reflect the hope and excite­ment of the people who first settled in the Emerson area.

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In the past many people of national historic importance have crossed the border at this point or have visited our town. People such as, Louis Riel, William MacDougall, Sir Charles Tupper, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and Sir Alexander Mackenzie, to name but a few. But it was the settlers; the farmers; the merchants and the tradesmen; the people who stayed and toiled, and worked to turn the northwest into the dream that they thought it might be, these are the important ones and it is to them that this history is dedicated. Today thousands of tourists enter Canada at the port of Emerson and without a doubt they will see that those early pioneer dreams have been fulfilled.

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Table of Contents

Emerson during the 1880's! The town, the people and the railroad .................................................. 7

The Beginning ................................................................. 9

Growth of Town to 1879 ................................................ 10

The Elite ......................................................................... 13

Metropolitan Rivalries .................................................... 16

Boom ............................................................................... 18

Social Life of Emerson ................................................... 19

Compromise, Disallowance and Protest .......................... 21

The Bridge ...................... ........................ .............. .......... 23

Financial Ruin, Bankruptcy and Scandal........................ 24

Civil Politics: A Search For a New Solution ................. 28

Recalling the Past: Excerpts from the original History of Emerson ...................................................... ........ 37

Business Development .............. ............ ........ ................... 38

West Lynne ..................................................................... 39

River Traffic .................................................................... 39

Some Trials and Troubles of the

Early Days .......................... ................ ...... ................... 40

Floods in Emerson .......................................................... 42

Some Notes from the Emerson Journal

of April 23, 1897 ......................................................... 42

Newspapers ..................................................................... 44

Concerning Women of Emerson ..................................... 45 Mrs. J. Batchelor's Story................................................ 48

Pioneer Stories ........ .............. ................ .......... ................ 51

Kenneth McRae's Story........................... ...................... 51

George Gordon Allen's Story........................................ 52

Steamers of the Big Red .......................................................... 55 Steamers on the "Big Red" ............................................ 56

Looking Back ........................................................................... 63

Appendix .................................................................................. 107

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Emerson during the 1880's: The town, the people

and the railroad - by Ja" es McClelland

"No decade in Canadian history had opened more hopefully than the 1880's."1 Sir John A. Macdonald's great dream, a nation from the Atlantic to the Pacific, was slowly emerging as a reality. The cord that was to bind this new nation - a transcontinental railway - held out the promise of completion within the life time of its originators. It was the promise of this railroad that gave the people of Canada their op­timism and hope. It also was this railroad that would provide this new nation with her vitality and her strength.

From its conception the success of Confederation had always been based upon national autonomy, national unity and national develop­ment. That is, it had to be free from the outside interference of Great Britain or the United States, it had to have the support of all the people from British Columbia to the Maritimes and it had to develop economically without excluding any particular section of the country. A t the close of its first decade the achievement of these goals seemed largely dependent upon the attraction of large amounts of capital and people to a nearly empty northwest. Late nineteenth-century Canadian thought, nationally oriented and with a strong belief in progress, saw an answer to this problem through railway building. Indeed, the 1880's may truly be regarded as Canada's railway era. This decade began with the supposition that by making the "tall chimneys of central Canada smoke" the cost of a Pacific railroad could be met and the northwest could be held.

This is the story of the creation, a brief moment of potentiality and the collapse of a small prairie center that was caught up in the enthusiasm and the optimism generated by the excitement of western Canada's railroad boom. The fate of Emerson is not unique; its ex­periences were shared by many other Manitoba towns of the 1880's: towns whose names are however long forgotten and cannot be found on any modern map - Mountain City, Nelsonville, Manitoba City, Pem­bina Crossing. These towns staked their futures on the coming of the transcontinental railroad and it turned out to be a reckless and costly gamble.

Linked, since 1879, to central Canada by the Pembina branch of the Pacific Railroad and the St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba line, the people of Manitoba and the province, by 1880 were beginning to ex­perience a wave of prosperity that was to last for a number of years. The future looked bright. Indeed, so bright that many people in the northwest tended to overlook some of the implications that developed in Ottawa from the longest debate in the House of Commons since Confederation. From December, 1880, until February, 1881, this debate continued. When it ceased the Canadian government had negotiated a contract with the newly formed Canadian Pacific Railway Company to complete the transcontinental line to the Pacific. For this service the people of Canada gave this new company a grant of $25,-000,000.00 and 25,000,000 acres of real estate. To these terms were added exemption from custom duties on construction materials and an exclusion forever from local taxes. As an additional bonus the govern-

8

ment gave the C.P.R. the exclusive rail rights in the northwest. For twenty years the construction of any other line that would com pete with the C.P.R. by running to the boundary or in a direction parallel to the main line fifteen miles from the boundary was prohibited.

It was this "monopoly clause" that tied the fate of many Manitoba towns to the policies of the c.P. R. Yet in the beginning the serious im­plications of this controversial clause were not noticed by the citizens of Manitoba. All that mattered, as Pierre Burton has noted was that, "the C.P.R. brought prosperity to Manitoba beyond the wildest dreams of even its most optimistic pioneers. The very whisper of a railroad, real or imagined, drove people to greater and greater financial excess. "2 In these words lie the sad and sorry fate of many Manitoba towns. Confi­dent that they would be on the main line or at least serviced by a branch line many towns found themselves burdened with hopelessly innated mortgages when their dreams were not realized, and the c.P. R. did in­deed pass by them. The implications of the "monopoly clause" became bitterly apparent when they tried to construct private lines only to have their provincial charters disallowed by the government in Ottawa. Cut off from their hinterland these towns watched hopelessly as merchant after merchant closed their businesses and sought new locations with better access to trade. Hopelessly in debt most of these towns by the middle of the decade ceased to exist. Emerson, rumoured to have fallen harder than any town in the northwest after the crash of 1883, was such a town. Emerson however, still exists today - not quite like the town its original planners visualized but nevertheless as a town.

Today the sign along the highway reads, "Welcome to Emerson, home of 999 friendly people and one old crab", and it is probably right. Situated sixty-five miles south of Winnipeg at the junction of Provincial Highway 75 and the International Boundary, Emerson appears as an oasis in the midst of the rich, nat farm lands of southern Manitoba. Surrounded by an agricultural area where crop failure is the exception, Emerson maintains its presence with a comfortable air. Here the rem­nants of the prairie "wasp" still linger and conservative Victorian-like attitudes still survive harbouring in the recollections of a by-gone era when Emerson seemed destined to become the greatest city in the northwest. Comfortable is possibly the best adjective to describe Emer­son today. Secure at last behind an earthen dike that assures protection from the unpredictable and devastating rampages of the Red River, a contentedness prevades the town. I n financial terms, Emerson is secure in its role as one of Canada's ports of entry and a haven for well-to-do retired farmers, Emerson's existence is justified and the future seems secure. Such was not the case in the turbulent, exciting and bitterly dis­appointing years of the 1880's.

The Beginning: The first settlement around what was to become Emerson dates

back to the beginning of the nineteenth century. This beginning was

9

related to the fur-trade. In September, 1801, a Hudson Bay trader, Thomas Millar, and eight Orkneymen established a fort on the east side of the Red River in the vicinity of what is now Emerson.) This fort remained throughout the fur-trading period as an important post for the company. In the later period of settlement, it became an important point on the developing trade route, both overland and by river, between the Red River Settlement and St. Paul. It served as a refueling point for the steamers that began to ply the Red in the 1850's and came to represent that important point separating British and American territory.

In 1868, the Rev. George Young, who later became well known for his work in establishing the Methodist Church in western Canada, recalls crossing the mythical line as a young missionary. After ajourney through the United States this young patriot was over-joyed to be back in British territory. The very sight of the "comfortable and safe looking Hudson Bay fort" was such that the young traveller, "threw his hat into the air and burst forth singing God Save the Queen."4 This noblejesture was in fact a little premature for in 1873 the I nternational Boundary Commission concluded that the fort was actually in American territory. Indeed, the confusion over the boundary demarcation often caused ex­citement for the early settlers of Emerson.

Shortly after Manitoba had become a province this same Hudson Bay post was invaded. In October, 1871, it was captured by that, "idiotic Irishman, obnoxious O'Neill, and his haggard horde of Fenian hooligans. "5 Liberated by the United States cavalry and the mustering of the Militia from Fort Garry, Canadian jurisdiction was decisively es­tablished by the opening of a customs house near the fort. F. T. Bradley, a young adventurer, from Ontario was appointed collector of customs.

By 1872 the customs .building also served as a telegraph, express, and post office for what was known then as North Pembina and came later to be known as West Lynne. Added to these regular duties, Bradley also assumed the ad hoc role of semi-official colonization <!gent and advisor to the newly arrived settlers. A number sf years bter, he was to recall, not without a touch of pride, how he "sitting behind his desk in his office" had directed many new settlers, "lacking capital but not spirit" to the best farm lands in the area.6 Indeed, farmsteads to the west and north were appearing as many of the disbanded volunteers from the Red River fiasco of 1870 returned from Ontario to take ad­vantage of the land grants offered to them. The future site of Emerson on the east side of the Red River was as yet undeveloped. Not until 1873 did two American businessmen from Wisconsin, Thomas Carney and William Fairbanks, become interested in what was to become Emerson.

Growth of Town to 1879: I nvolved in business enterprises near Red Wing Minnesota, these

men were greatly impressed with the future potential of the northwest. I n the spring of 1873 they wrote to Lieutenant-Governor Alexander

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Morris inquiring about establishing a town-site in Manitoba. Receiving a favourable reply, they journeyed to the Red River Valley to gather first-hand information and to pick out a possible town-site. I n August they again contacted Morris asking for a colonization grant of four townships and 640 acres for a town-site. They proposed to Morris a plan for the establishment of a colonization company which would bring in 100 settlers in 1873 and 100 more the following year. These settlers would be Americans from Wisconsin. The colonization grant included nearly 80,000 acres located both east and west of the Red River. The location of the town was to be on the east side of the Red im­mediately adjacent to the International Boundary and directly opposite North Pembina.? This location would put Emerson right in line with two important proposed railways, the Pembina branch of the Canadian Pacific and the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad from the United States.

Both Fairbanks and Carney were well known in financial circles in St. Paul and among their acquaintances was the well known American transportation magnate James Hill. Hill would later become an impor­tant mem ber of the Syndicate responsible for the construction of the C.P.R. At this time however, Hill and a group of businessmen were negotiating for the take over of the St. Paul and the Pacific line and ex­tending it north to the Canadian boundary. The choice of the town-site was influenced by the knowledge that it would soon be served by this American railroad. The location was made then with very deliberate care. It was surveyed and lots were laid out in 1873. The following spring the first group of settlers including Carney and Fairbanks ar­rived at the new town-site. Besides the original 640 acres held by Carney and Fairbanks the site included an additional 200 acres held by the aforementioned F. T. Bradley and a retired military man, William Hill Nash, commonly known as Captain Nash.

In the beginning the town's future did not look too impressive. The colonization company failed to attract the anticipated number of settlers, and the initial growth was discouragingly slow. In July, 1874, J. W. Taylor the American Consul in Winnipeg, aware of the situation, directed a destitute group of American immigrants to the struggling town-site. 8 By the fall of 1874 the situation had not improved, and a settler arriving in Emerson offers this somewhat dreary description, "there was only one stopping place (hotel) in Emerson and the walls of which had only one ply of boards and the roof was a canvas tarpaulin. There was a land office and another little building about the size of a grain bin."9 The wife of another settler related how she arrived in a sea of mud and almost fell into the Red River when she was forced to dis­embark from a Red River stern wheeler on a narrow and slippery im­provised gang-plank. 'o The northwest could not be expected to fill up overnight and while slow, the growth of Emerson was nevertheless steady. By 1876, the population had increased to the point where it warranted the establishment of religious and educational institutions. The Church of England, the Presbyterian Church and the Episcopal Methodist Church were all established on a permanent basis, and had

11

nourishing congregations. The number of school-aged children also necessitated the building of a school. It was a temporary one-room structure, however; William Fairbanks, as chairman of the board, promised that a new permanent school would be built as soon as possi­ble.

Emerson though, was still very much a frontier town and more than a church and a school were needed to change that fact. The fron­tier aspect of the town was well illustrated in March, 1876, by an inci­dent that shook the population and threatened to become a minor adventure in international affairs. The story, began on March 28, 1876. On this date a Lieutenant Oates, of the United States Army stationed at Fort Pembina, accompanied by a T. H. Bevens, a citizen of Emerson, arrested a suspected deserter, in the bar of the Hutcheson Hotel and carried him under force of arms back to the United States. The citizenry of Emerson reacted to this disregard of British sovereignty with indignant rage and immediately brought a charge of kidnapping against Bevens. To avoid arrest Bevens, an American himself, ned back into the United States. Undaunted, the inhabitants of Emerson called a mass meeting and demanded that, "there should be ceaseless vigilance ... on the part of the officers of the law until the aggressors receive the punishment merited by the crime."11 In order to protect the peace of the town from, "outlaws who can at present easily cross the boundary line and thereby escape from punishment for the grossest assaults upon our citizens", those present at the meeting appealled for the appointment of a stronghanded justice of the peace and the, "organization of a militia that can be called out at a moment's notice to arrest riots (sic) and perpetuators ofcrime."12 A delegation of political, military and judicial representatives eventually had to be sent from Winnipeg to settle the matter. The hue and cry did not fully abate until the soldier, whom it was later determined was not a deserter at all, but on an official pass at the time of his arrest, was returned by Lieutenant Gates to Emerson and given protection under the British flag.

During the years between 1876 and the arrival of the first train at the border on November II, 1878, Emerson established itself as a trading center for an area that stretched 200 miles westward along the international boundary. Henderson's Directory for Manitoba and the Northwest of /876-77, referred to the town as "a very promising place." By the time the 1878-79 edition arrived it was referred to as, "the commercial center of the surrounding area." With a population of several hundred Emerson could boast of providing all the necessary ser­vices of a thriving prairie town. The town was beginning to feel the effects of prosperity, a prosperity, accelerated by the arrival of the railroad. Along with this prosperity the railroad had brought two more individuals who became important members of the town's elite: Frederick Burnham, a political minded Upper Canadian lawyer, and C. S. Douglas, innuential publisher and editor of, Emerson's major newspaper, the International.

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The Elite: The dominant views held by late nineteenth century Canadians

could best be illustrated by their inferences about society. Simply, and in a word, this could be stated as deferential. Society was considered to be one of degrees. Some people, because of circumstances involving birth and position were meant to lead; others because of the same cir­cumstances, only to a lesser degree, were meant to follow. It was a natural consequence then that a group of leaders emerged in Emerson's society of the 1880's. It is this group of men whom I shall term the elite. This group consisted of the town's co-founders, Carney and Fairbanks, F. T. Bradley, W. H. Nash, and the most recent arrivals, F. E. Burnham and C. S. Douglas. While these men represented differing political philosophies, they all had common features that made them suitable for their role as leaders. With the exception of Douglas, all were large property holders. All of them were reasonably wealthy and they had important political and business contacts. All were well educated and politically ambitious and they were all articulate, cultured and prominent men within the community. Factual evidence supports these claims but more importantly cumulative research has indicated other common inherent features. To begin with all believed in the stewardship of society. They tended to see themselves as natural leaders whose duty was to form a protective elite to guide society into a par­ticular mould. They also held a concept of progress tied to the develop­ment of the frontier through the construction of railroads. Once this frontier was secured through settlement they were convinced that this base of power would generate industry and trade. In many ways, the very name of the town shows a reflection of these views.

The name Emerson derives from Fairbanks' favorite writer, the poet-philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson, and the town was named to commemorate him in 1874. The writings of Emerson altered and changed the thinking of generations of Americans. Emerson's philosophy about change and progress inspired the industrialists and powerful elite of the times to roll back and civilize the American fron­tier. Emerson's philosophies however, according to one critic, "gave too much encouragement to the worst tendencies of the time - anachial in­dividualism, unchecked pursuit of wealth and a contempt for public spirit."13 These were attitudes that, unfortunately, were also common to the elite that came to dominate Emerson. To follow the unfolding story of Emerson and to understand how these views affected the roles played by the elite it is necessary here to provide a brief biographical sketch of each man. 14

William N. Fairbanks of course had to be greatly impressed by Emerson's philosophy to name a town after him. A product of the mid­western United States, a lawyer by profession and referred to as a "cultured gentleman" in a local history, Fairbanks was also a wealthy, powerful and prominent business man. Well suited for the role he played Fairbanks had influential contacts in both government and

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business. A strong supporter of unrestricted individual rights and free enterprise he had undaunted faith in the goodness of progress and always, in his own mind, saw himself dedicated to this cause. A long time member of the Emerson Board of Trade and a continual director on the ill-fated Emerson and Northwestern Railroad, he also served the community as a leader in many other roles, from justice of the peace to chairman of the school board. Politically he tended to harbour Liberal loyalties because he disliked the Conservative intervention into the realm of free-enterprise, particularly railroad building. He also built himself a beautiful mansion, that still exists today, a reflection of his taste and of the position he placed himself within the elite.

Thomas Carney was born and educated in Brantford County Penn­sylvania. Educated as a lawyer he served as Captain in the Union Army during the Civil War. Like Fairbanks he was a prominent and wealthy businessman comfortable in the midst of powerful businessmen and politicians. He held interests in lumbering and real estate and at one time owned several sawmills in Wisconsin and Minnesota. He had a firm belief in the need for education and was instrumental in es­tablishing the first school in Emerson, and he served many years on the school board. He also appreciated the finer things in life and he con­structed an Opera House, a magnificent hotel, Carney House, designed to provide luxury accommodation and quality cuisine to travellers and locals alike. He became first mayor in 1880 and served in the provincial legislature as a Liberal-Conservative from 1881-1883. He always main­tained a paternalistic attitude: Emerson was his town and he felt he should be able to decide what was good for it and what was not.

C. S. Douglas, like Carney and Fairbanks, was also an American. Born in Madison Wisconsin, educated at Wayland University and the descendent of an old Republican New England family, Douglas settled in Emerson in 1878 and started his newspaper the International. This publication became the strongest voice of the Conservative cause in southern Manitoba. Powerful, influential and dominating, Douglas was an austere journalist who was capable of using his paper to the fullest ad­vantage by silencing all opposition. Elected to the provincial legislature in 1883 Douglas remained in office until 1888 when the Norquay government fell, thereby ending the Conservative reign. Douglas also served, for a number of years, as U.S. vice-Consul. After leaving Emer­son in 1888 Douglas went to Vancouver and set up a real estate brokerage. He became mayor of that city in 1909 and served in office for one term.

William Hill Nash was probably the leading Canadian in the group. Born and educated in London Ontario he first came to Manitoba in 1870 as ensign with Number One Company, Ontario Rifles. The same year he returned to Ontario and was promoted to Lieutenant of the 7th Battalion in London. He settled in Emerson in 1874 and became a large property holder. Originally he had intended to set up a law practice. However, his military experience and interests

\4

quickly established him as the George Dennison of southern Manitoba. He was appointed Captain in the Volunteer Militia of Manitoba and in 1879 was responsible for the organization of the Emerson Infantry Company. The following year he also assumed command of the West Lynne Artillery Battery. He was elected to the provincial legislature as a Conservative in 1879 and served until 1881 when he resigned to take up the position of Dominion Lands Registrar. He served as mayor of Emerson for three terms - 1882-1885. He was master of the Orange Lodge # 1332 and was secretary of the County Lodge of Provencher: 1 n April 1885 he enlisted in the 91 st Battalion and served as a company commander in the Northwest Rebellion. In May he was promoted to Major and he returned to Emerson in June to a hero's welcome. Poor health and his complicity in Emerson's financial problems forced him to resign permanently from political and military life.

F. E. Burnham was born and educated in Ontario. Called to the Ontario Bar in 1868 he established himself as a successful lawyer in Peterbourgh. Influenced by George Brown, Edward Blake and the Canada First movement, Burnham came to Emerson with strong patriotic views that often differed from those of Macdonald's National Policy and the C.P.R. He established a law practise and became solicitor for the town corporation. He was president of the Liberal Association of the County of Manchester and was involved with the Emerson and Northwestern Railroad, as well as several banking and loan companies. In January 1883 he became a member of the opposi­tion in the provincial legislature, however, the election was declared in­valid because of polling irregularities. Although he attempted many times to gain re-election he never was successful. Continually active in civic politics, Burnham became the hated foe of C. S. Douglas and as editor of the South- Western Manitoba Times he expounded the cause of Liberalism throughout southern Manitoba.

F. T. Bradley differs somewhat from the rest of the group in that, more than anything else, he was an opportunist. H is position as collec­tor of customs carried with it a semi-official status and he used this position to his best advantage. It was his advance knowledge of the new townsite that prompted him to acquire a large piece of real estate. Because of his large holdings he found a place among the elite. He was a director of the Emerson and Northwestern Railroad and on the board of the Southern Manitoba Loan Company. He also organized the town's first Masonic Lodge and served as Grand Master. Considering himself to be an intellectual he started to write a history of southern Manitoba concerned mostly with the role he played in its development. H is career however, was cut short in 1883 when he was arrested for embezzling $4000.00 from the government. Shortly after he died an un­timely death at the age of thirty-one. Yet of all the elite he is the only one that Emerson recognizes today in perpetuity. A small coulee on the north-eastern edge of the town still bearing his name runs near the place where a tombstone still marks his lonely grave.

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Metropolitan Rivalries: By 1880 the cast was assembled and the curtain was ready to-go up

- the railway era of Emerson was about to begin. The original location of the town-site had an advantage because of its proximity to the railroad. However, it also had a disadvantage because the majority of Emerson's trade was found on the west side of the Red River. A ferry, put into operation shortly after the town was settled, did not completely solve the problem. It was, to say the least, extremely hazardous. The steep river banks made it almost impossible for horses and wagons to get on and off the ferry without injury. And, of course, during the late spring and early fall, when ice conditions were unsafe, Emerson was completely cut-off from trade on the west side. In 1879 the situation became more serious when the Hudson's Bay Company established the town-site of West Lynne. This unwanted and brash competitor was soon getting much of the trade that formerly had been Emerson's. Referring to itself as the, "infant metropolis", and the, "center of the grain trade in Manitoba", this new town very quickly cut into the lucrative farm markets immediately to the west.

To the businessmen of Emerson this situation was regarded as ex­tremely serious. To avoid becoming a "poor neighbour" a solution had to be found. To hold the immediate hinterland, a traffic bridge would be constructed to link the east side with the west. To further secure and ex­tend the outlying markets, the Emerson and Turtle Mountain Railroad would be constructed parallel to the boundary to the western limits of the province. As well as providing a service to the settlers this road would also serve as a colonization railroad and insure the businessmen in Emerson that trade would be directed to them and not to any other center. Obviously the scheme would be costly and at this time capital was scarce. In June, 1879, the provincial government passed an act per­mitting the establishment of town corporations as legal entities. ls

Immediately, the politicians and businessmen started to prepare a charter and the town of Emerson became a legal municipal early in 1880. Thomas Carney was acclaimed mayor and the three wards, in the new town, were represented by six councillors. As a legal entity, the town now could raise the necessary capital for the construction of the railroad.

A board of directors for the railroad was quickly organized, and a proposed charter drawn up. However, since the proposed line would cross a navigable river a federal charter was necessary. In February, 1880, a bill was introduced to the House of Commons asking for the in­corporation of the Emerson and Turtle Mountain Railway.16 A deputa­tion led by Mayor Carney was also in Ottawa at this time for con­~ultations with Sir Charles Tupper to make certain that no stone was left unturned in Emerson's quest for a railroad. However, this delega­tion did not receive much encouragement from the Federal policy makers. Since Manitoba already had one rail line leading to the United States the men in Ottawa felt that another line connecting to it would

16

direct too much trade through United States. Furthermore, it was feared that if granted a charter the Emerson and Turtle Mountain would dominate the southwest part of Manitoba thus eliminating the need for the C.P.R. to expand branch lines into this area. The Syn­dicate, at this time, was driving a hard bargain and Ottawa knew full well that it would have to pay for any losses that might be sustained by the new C.P.R.17 The bill applying for the charter was therefore withdrawn in April 1880. 18 However, Sir Charles Tupper explained to Mayor Carney that all was not lost: "We cannot grant you a charter, it would be contrary to the spirit of our Railroad Policy in the Northwest. Go to your local legislature for a charter and I think it will be alright."19

This advice seemed reasonable: after all, Emerson's interests were now represented in the provincial legislature by Captain Nash. There really was no reason why Emerson should not be successful in getting a charter from the provincial government. They already had been granted a charter to construct a traffic bridge over the river and to issue deben­tures up to $30,000 for the construction. 20 On May 10, 1881, a private member's bill was introduced to the legislature by Mayor Carney, who now represented Emerson, asking that a charter be granted to the Emerson and Northwestern Railroad.21 This bill was passed and given Royal Assent on 25 May, 1881. The preamble asked for the "construc­tion of a railway from a point on the west side of the Red River opposite the town of Emerson northward to Mountain City, thence northward to a point on the boundary of Manitoba."22

The directors of this railroad included F. E. Burnham, C. S. Douglas, F. T. Bradley, Thomas Carney, several merchants and R. R. Hepburn, owner of the Merchants Bank. The company was to have a capital stock of $100,000 to be sold at $100 a share. Section 19 of the Act gave the company the right to enter into an agreement with any other railway allowing them to connect with the E. & N.W.R.R. and to use their rolling stock on the Emerson line. Section 22 stated that within two years 50 miles of the line had to be completed, and the entire line completed within three. The cost of this line was estimated at between $7000 and $10,000 per mile. 23 In light of the Dominion Government's recently announced policy concerning the C.P.R. charter and the "monopoly clause", this railroad would be a considerable gamble. But the directors were confident and formed a holding and mortgage com­pany designed to raise the necessary capital.24 Early in January, F. T. Bradley had gone to St. Paul to confer with James Hill, general manager of the St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba Railroad. Hill, ac­cording to Bradley, was impressed with the project and if he could be assured that such a line would be profitable his company would build it. 25 Mayor Carney explained to his friend, Hill, that profitable the line would be. "We have established an immense wholesale trade to the west of us in lumbering, hardware, agricultural implements, groceries and general merchandise."26 The success of the venture seemed assured and the surveys were begun and terms for the right of way negotiated.

17

Vie,,' oj' Emerson taken around Ifl87. Location unknown.

Boom: 1.880-82 were years of remarkable growth for Emerson. The

"Boom" had begun and Emerson would ride on its crest for the next few, mad and exciting years. In 1880 Emerson had an annual assess­ment of $476,000; by 1882 this figure had risen to over a million dollars. The population also had increased just as rapidly. According to the cen­sus of 1880-81, there were I 000 permanent residents with an additional transient population estimated at between 500 and 1000,27 Indeed, Emerson was experiencing a minor building boom. In 1880 alone, the five wholesale lumberyards handled more than 10 million board feet of lumber,28 To keep up with the demand for buildings there were seven building contractors, two brick yards, six painting firms, two plastering and brick laying firms and a firm of civil engi'1eers. But the real evidence of the unprecedented growth was in the number of real estate agents: there were eleven,29

"Never in the history of the changing property in or around Emer­son", a local promotional tract stated, "has a single sale been made below the purchasing price, and the near future will doubtless see many fortunes made in real estate."30 The local Wesleyan Methodist minister, Rev. Wellington Bridgeman, commented, "signs of prosperity were visible on every hand. Business was booming, real estate constant­ly changing hands, and almost every person had one or more sidelines which were wealth producing."31 The West Lynne and Southern M anitoha Timcs reported early in 1882 that some lots were selling for $50 per frontage foot. In one day $90,000 was paid out in the purchase

18

of real estate. 32 Speculators went wild and large advertisements in­viting, "capitalists big and small to invest in southern Manitoba", were common in the local newspapers.

Railway rumours were everywhere, and, it was generally believed that, "the prosperity of Emerson and her future greatness are ... close­ly allied with the Great Pacific Railway."33 Emerson would be Ihe greatest railway center in the northwest, easily outdistancing Winnipeg. The railway to the Turtle Mountains, "would stretch onward to the Souris Valley coal fields ... and will open up the richest districts of the northwest and will make Emerson the point of entry from which emigrants will flow westward."34 Even Emerson's rival, West Lynne, was alive with railroad rumours and busy planning her own railroad. The West Lynne, Rhineland and Rocklake Railroad, on paper at least, was to run southwest of the E, & N.W.R.R. and strike into the heart land of the fertile Mennonite Reserve. It was also believed that West Lynne would become a railroad center with no fewer than six lines run­ning to and from that point. 35 These optimistic hopes and dreams were never borne out and, as Pierre Burton has so rightly noted, "the day would come when the people of Manitoba in their grief and disappoint­ment would turn against the railroads."36 So too would the people of Emerson and West Lynne. However that was yet to come right now the people were enjoying the "Boom" and investing in a future that looked exceedingly bright.

Social Life of Emerson: Wlllat was it like living in a place like Emerson during the 1880's?

Well in the spring and fall, one word describes it, mud, in the winter, snow, and in the summer, dust. But if you were a drinking man, and most men were, you could always find refuge in one of the many bar­rooms that grace the fair city. There was the Anglo-American, the Hutcheson House, the Gateway House, the Russel House, the Carney House, the Golden, the Windsor and the Emerson House, all provided a retreat for the locals to unwind from the problems of politics and the railroad. The Golden Hotel advertised, "all that glitters is not gold; we have the finest stocks of native wines, ale, lager, cider, soda, champagne and claret."37 If you did not want to linger in the bar rooms you could go over to H. F. Despairs "Cheap Cash Store" and choose a bottle from his wide selection of liquors, or maybe a few bottles of ale from the Assiniboine Brewery. I f however, you preferred to support you r local industries you might want to visit George Raymond at the West Lynne Brewery and sample a few bottles of, "clear creamy ale", guaranteed by Mr. Raymond to be the strongest in M anitoba. 38 I f you were a sporting man you might go have a few games of cards or billiards in one of the various hotel lounges. Or you could go and watch, or participate in, a game of cricket or baseball. I f you wanted something more exciting to do you could go and wager a few dollars on the local horse at Fullerton Race Track. There also was a roller skating

19

rink, several bowling lanes and of course, in the winter curling, snowshoeing and hockey were also popular past times.

The Opera House always had some form of entertainment and the owners always endeavoured to get the best named vaudeville troupes on the international circuit to stop in Emerson. Acts such as the "Rentz Santly Burlesque Troupe featuring Miss Alice Townsend - riske burlesque artiste", were always popular with the men. For the ladies there were many musical concerts, recitals and dramatic productions. The most popular events were the annual balls held at the Opera House to break the monotony of the long winters. These events were looked forward to with a great deal of anticipation. A particular one - "the grand international carnival and masquerade - had the social column of the International buzzing for weeks before and after the event. On the night of the affair the, "Opera House was decorated and illuminated in grand style. An orchestra from Winnipeg supplied the music and the costumes were as bright and as brilliant as any seen in Montreal or Toronto."39 Two costumes that, in the International's estimation, were worthy of note were the wife of a prominent Liberal who came as "M iss Provincial Rights" and Carney's son who came as a "M ennonite" .40

Another feature of the social and cultural life of the 1880's was the role of the brothels. As pointed out by Mr. James Grey, brothels were very much a part of early western Canadian society. Emerson was no different from any other place; it too had its "houses of ill fame". One particular flourishing establishment was owned by a M iss Belle Stone. This neat two story wood building was located on Main Street near the International Boundary. Belle had in her employ several young ladies, the most popular of whom, according to a reporter from the Inter­national, were, Celia, Minnie and Ruby. Unfortunately Belle's house burned down in June, 1885, and tragically, one of the girls was so badly burned that she died shortly after. The International reported, "as the house was very respectable for its kind more sympathy is perhaps felt for the sufferers than otherwise might have been entertained. Many citizens, by doing what they could to ease the suffering and pro'/iding clothing for the nearly naked, have shown that they realize these fallen women are human."41 Belle took her loss in a very professional manner. Although arson was suspected, Belle was not bitter towards the good citizens of Emerson. She just made sure that at the next council her property assessment was lowered. To a man, the council agreed that Belle had a perfect right to this claim and the due charges were made on the tax rolls.42 This special attention given to Belle caused some other problems for the council regarding similar establishments within the town limits.

On August 20, 1885, a special council meeting was called and all the town's ministers demanded that council take action against all the houses of ill fame. In a joint letter the ministers requested that, "prompt and active measures be taken for the suppression of those houses of ill fame which we feel have too long been permitted to exist, a share and a temptation to the weak-minded and unwary, a shame and a

20

disgrace to our city."43 What council's action was in this matter was never determined but at this particular time it was the very least of its problems.

Compromise, Disallowance and Protest: The implications of the C.P.R.'s charter with its "monopoly

clause" should have tempered Emerson's railway building boom. Early warnings however, went unheeded. In an editorial, as early as December 1880, the Times had issued a warning about the pending C.P.R. charter.

In our opinion, the charter as it laid before the House of Commons, if adopted, will prove most disastrous to southern Manitoba. We heartily hope clause 15, binding the government to not grant charters to com­peting lines running anywhere near the boundary will be struck out for if adopted it will compell farmers living in the southern N.W.T. and southern Manitoba to go at least 15 miles to a desirable market. We hope common sense and patriotism will prevail in discussing this agreement, and most of the objectional features thrown OUt. 44

The clause of course remained, and in September, 1881, the rumour that the C.P.R. had approached Ottawa asking that, "certain charters (including the E. & N .W.R.R.) granted by the local legislature, be disallowed",45 caused a great deal of concern among the railroad builders in Emerson. This news only added to their frustrations: for in July word had been received in, Emerson, that the C.P.R. was to con­struct a "line southwesterly from Winnipeg terminating at the Inter­national Boundary at or near 'Smugglers Point', 16 miles west of Emer­son".46 This proposed line would cut right across the route of the E. & N.W.R.R. and in financial circles in Emerson this was indeed serious.

The tremendous cost involved had hampered the directors of the E. & N.W.R.R. even from purchasing the right of way for their line. Therefore, it was impossible for them to rush ahead with construction in the hope that their line would be completed before the C.P.R. line was started. Furthermore, the announcement by the C.P.R. of its inten­tion to build a line into southern Manitoba all but made the stock of the E. & N.W.R.R. worthless. In an effort to get more cash the shareholders of the Emerson line appealled to the surrounding municipalities for cash bonuses. However, even West Lynne, Emerson's closest neighbor, who would benefit just as much as Emerson from a railroad, refused to help.47

By fall the situation had not improved, and feelings against the C.P.R. were beginning to run high. "No giant monopoly even with the backing of the Dominion Government, will prevent the people of southern Manitoba from having and exercising the rights guaranteed by the Manitoba Act", declared the Times. 48 Negotiations, however, had begun between the directors of the N. & N.W.R.R. and Ottawa. Using his influence with Tupper, Carney prevailed upon the government and the Syndicate to construct a spur line running into Emerson from the C.P.R.'s line to "Smuggler's Point". In return the E. & N.W.R.R.

21

would give up its charter rights and the government would give the town of Emerson a grant of $30,000 to aid in the cost of building the spur line.49 It was a compromise and an attempt on the part of the directors to recoup some of their losses and at the same time still maintain a rail link with the western markets. Yet not all of the citizens in the area viewed it as a suitable solution.

The promoters of the C. & N.W.R.R. were too hasty in their stand regard­ing the railway charter granted by the Local Legislature ... they sold themselves out to the C.P.R. for the benefit of a 'plug line'! The directors ... , in the fulness of party devotion were ready to sacrifice a principle for the selfish purpose of \0 miles of track. Had Emerson the right kind of backbone it would have insisted its charter be maintained instead of let­ting the C. P. R. take it over. The people should have emphatically declared, 'NO DISALLOWANCE', instead of getting weak-kneed. The town was only thinking of itself, the disallowance of their charter is a direct insult besides being a grievous wrong, but some people will submit to anything because they haven't enough manhood to assert themselves for fear that such a course would touch their pocketbooks. 50

Indeed, the compromise was a poor solution. From the beginning it seemed certain that the whole project would never get off the ground. The C.P.R.'s final survey of the line to the boundary put it not 10 miles from Emerson but 22 miles. This was a critical factor in the whole scheme. Emerson's grant was sufficient for 10 miles of track but not enough for the extra 12 needed to meet the C.P.R.'s line to "Smuggler's Point". This extra capital would have to come from the C.P.R. At this time, the C.P.R.'s general manager, W. C. Van Horne, was concerned with laying 500 miles of track a year on the main line, and he certainly had no time or concern for Emerson's short "plug line." To the railroad men in Emerson it soon became obvious that the C.P.R. had no inten­tion of meeting this extra cost for a line that would bring little or no return for the investment. On November 3, 1882, the Dominion Government announced that they would disallow all existing and future railroad charters granted by the provincial legislatures. This news greatly added to Emerson's railroad problems. The directors had given up their charter but had no railroad, and now chances of having another charter granted were exceedingly slim. The reaction to this news was one of rage and protest.

At a mass meeting, held in Emerson immediately after the dis­allowance was announced, the sentiments against the Dominion Government crystalized. Mr. Greenway, leader of Liberal opposition, stated that the attitudes expressed at the meeting dearly showed, "that the people did not recognize the right of the Dominion Government to exercise the disallowance policy. "51 M r. Norquay, the Premier, then stated: "the government had granted a charter to the E. & N.W.R.R. and the people of Emerson have a right to build the road and the govern­ment the right to grant the charter."52 If need be, the Premier declared, "the government would recall the legislature and react the charter until the right should be established."53 "The people of Manitoba", reinterated the Times, "must unite and act shoulder to shoulder in this

22

matter and never cease until we have what we want - free trade in Railroads. "54 With these sentiments for fortification and the consent of the people of Emerson behind him, Mayor Carney set off once again for Ottawa on a quest for Emerson's illusive railroad.

The Bridge: In Ottawa Mayor Carney met first with Sir Charles Tupper and

Sir John A. Macdonald. The Mayor explained to Sir J. A. the situation Emerson faced because of the disallowance policy. Macdonald, Carney reported, "was not overly impressed but promised to give it serious con­sideration." Mr. Carney then met with Mr. Pope, Minister of Railways, and he explained that, " the people of Emerson would build the road themselves if only allowed to do so. "56 The Minister suggested that perhaps a modified solution could be reached if all parties would engage in a little give and take.bargaining. He asked Carney what the town of Emerson was prepared to give toward the cost of building the line. Carney submitted that if the government would prevail upon the C.P.R. to build the line at once the town would give $112,000 towards construction costS."57 Van Horne, who was also present at the meeting, was not impressed and maintained that the road would still be too ex­pensive to build and a liability to the company. However, Sir Charles Tupper said that perhaps the government could provide an additional grant of $50,000 towards the costs faced by Emerson. Van Horne then conceded that if this were done perhaps the construction of the line might be economical. 58 Carney left the meeting feeling confident that at least Emerson would have her railroad. On December 8, 1882, the Mayor returned to Emerson with the agreement that, "a railine would be constructed from Emerson to the junction of the Southwest branch of the C.P.R." provided that Emerson construct a "suitable bridge to cross the Red River, and provide free-right-of-way on both sides of the River."59 Shortly after this, the town of West Lynne agreed to commit itself, along with Emerson, to this new railway scheme. West Lynne agreed to provide $60,000 for the construction of the bridge, providing a station and freight yards would be located within the town's limits.60 Because of the magnitude of the project, Mayor Carney felt that rivalries should be put aside and suggested that the, "two towns unite and work in harmony to carry the scheme through."6J

Early in 1883, the Times announced that a petition was being cir­culated calling for the amalgamation of West Lynne and Emerson and this new entity would be called the City of Manchester.62 However, after considerable debate it was finally decided to retain the name of Emerson. In July an act to incorporate the two towns of Emerson and West Lynne into the City of Emerson was passed in the provincial legislature. The new City of Emerson immediately took over the com­bined debts of both former towns. This debt amounted to $386,550. The largest part of which was associated with the construction of the railroad bridge.63 Work on the ne«l bridge was started shortly

23

LO(,()lIIolive Oil Ihe "Iroll Bridge" (/885-90 perhaps)

afterwards and the first installments of $10,000 and $5,000 were called for by the contractors. Earlier council had accepted a tender of $200,-000 for the total construction cost. The money for this was to be raised by the issuing of debentures.

Financial Ruin, Bankruptcy and Scandal: When Emerson became a city on July 7, 1883, it was faced with a

heavy financial burden. The success of the scheme: that the city was in­volved in demanded hard work, co-operation and sacrifice from all those concerned. Unfortunately, the worst tendencies of the time, anarchial individualism, an unchecked pursuit of pf:rsonal wealth, and a lack of civic spirit emerged to such a degree that the city was rent with internal dissent. This dissent divided the city into political factions championed by the elite. These factions became locked in such a per­sonal struggle that all hope of Emerson achieving any of her alluded potential was lost as the city fell and wallowed hopelessly in the morass of total financial ruin and bankruptcy.

Emerson's final railway scheme, right from its onset, was a risky liability. It was formalized at time when the railway boom, in Manitoba, was starting to decline. The bubble had already broke and Emerson had gotten on the brandwagon too late. I nvestment capital was becoming more difficult to obtain as speculators followed the progress of the C. P. R.'s main line westward. One of the conditions at-

24

tached to Emerson's project had been made very clear by Van Horne, and that was that the bridge had to be constructed and the right-of-way through the city purchased by the time the track arrived at the city limits otherwise, the C.P.R. would not be bound by its agreement. Furthermore the C.P.R. would not give any compensation to the E. & N.W.R.R. for any losses it had previously incurred.64 William Fair­banks, one the directors of the E. & N.W.R.R., was not prepared to make any such concessions to the C.P.R. He immediately launched legal proceedings against the company in an effort to recover $10,000 he had lost through his investment in the E. & N.W.R.R.65 Fairbanks. had invested money and he felt that one of the reasons why he lost that investment was because of the C.P.R.'s "monopoly clause." Therefore, he felt that the C.P.R. was obligated to make good his loss. To further complicate matters, Fairbanks, refused to give up the title on his property expropriated by the city for the right-of-way. He then issued an injunction against the C.P.R. preventing them and the bridge con­tractors from crossing his land. Work on the project ground to a halt because building material could not be brought up to the approaches of the bridge.

By early September the grading of the railroad was completed to the edge of the city limits and track laying was well under way. The first locomotive was expected within three weeks, but there was little likelihood that the bridge would be completed in time.66 More trouble developed when the city could not come up with the funds to pay for the work. When the C.P.R.'s track reached the bridge they were prevented by the contractors from laying their steel across the bridge.67 There the town sat with a railroad leading up to the river and a brand new bridge that could not be used. The C.P.R. had no time to waste waiting for Emerson to settle its financial problem. As far as the company was con­cerned Emerson had defaulted on its part of the bargain. Almost im­mediately they began taking the newly laid steel to use elsewhere on the main line. As panic griped the town a deputation left once again for Ot­tawa and consultations with the Dominion Government. Led by C. S. Douglas, M.M.P. for Emerson and the Hon. J. Joyal, M.P. for Provencher, this group hoped to convince Ottawa that since the bridge was to be used for colonization purposes, the government should assume a larger share of its cost, or better still take it completely off Emerson's hands. 68 While the government was not prepared to take over the bridge completely it would give Emerson an additional $10,500 towards construction costS.69 This offer was generous, in light of the fact, that Ottawa had given Emerson $90,000 for its railway project. Yet the town had nothing to show for it.

The city's finances were a terrible state of affairs. Early in January, 1884, council revealed the seriousness of the situation. Mayor Nash stated that the total indebtedness of the city was $320,000. To meet current expenses council was required to raise by taxation $55,898. However, even by laying a rate of let on the dollar, the highest allowed, it would still leave a deficit of $22,000. 70 The hopelessness of the situ a-

25

tion was expressed by the Mayor who felt, "our only hope would be to ask the Dominion Government to take the railway bridge - which is the cause of our trouble - off our hands and pay for it." Short of doing this the Mayor plainly stated, "he did not know what would become of the city."71 i\ government audit in 1885 was to reveal that Emerson's financial predicament was because of a combination of, "incompeten­cy, bungling, recklessness and fraud."72 but in early 1884, the whole blame was laid at the feet of the Dominion Government. The Inter­national continually expressed the view that the disallowance policy had interfered with the vested rights of the people of Emerson, "and but for this policy Emerson today would be prosperous and happy."73

In a final burst of defiance and railway bravado, C. S. Douglas presented a bill to the provincial legislature asking for the reactment of the charter of the defunct E. & N.W.R.R. The government, ready to challenge Ottawa, granted another charter arguing that it did not con­flict with any of the provisions in the C.P.R. charter because the fifteen mile limitation clause only applied to the new territory added by the ex­tensions of 1881. 74 The directors hoped to prevail upon the C.P.R. to let the E. & N.W.R.R. operate over the bridge and on the spur line. In a speech to the Emerson Board of Trade, Fairbanks predicted that, "unless Emerson can get such a railroad run in the interests of the city ... we cannot look for a return of prosperity."7s

I ndeed prosperity was gone. In June, 1884, the citizens of Emerson awoke to the fact that their city was bankrupt. All expenditures were cut off, all salaried officials were discharged, and all the public schools were closed.16 The Merchants and Federal Banks were demanding $45,-000 and $177,000 respectively and threatening fore-closure. "Dead and buried and on our tombstone may be engraved 'Killed by Disallowance', moaned Fairbanks in a letter to the Toronto Globe, "the government policy if continued will bankrupt not only Emerson but the Northwest, The Canadian Pacific, the Dominion Government and Canada itself."77 The Winnipeg Tillles did not agree and editorialized, "disallowance has as much to do with Emerson's bankruptcy was the cholera in France, neither more nor less ... Emerson is bankrupt because of its own folly ... the boom killed it, neither railways or want of railways had anything to do with it."78 C. S. Douglas retorted, "the Tillles does not want to, or is too stupid to understand the position the people of Emerson take. The $200,000 railw<lY bridge is what broke the back of the town, and but for the Government policy we would not have been forced to give so expensive a bonus for a railway ... as it is now we pay for a bridge and have no railway."79

Throughout the summer, the financial situation remained un­changed as the local politicians tried to court the government in Ottawa for assistance. In August Sir Hector Langevin visited Emerson. Mayor Nash met with him and laid Emerson's situation at his feet. "The city is in trouble", the Mayor explained, "and looked towards the Dominion Government in its hour of need."80 The minister expressed sympathy and assured the Mayor that he would bring the situation to the atten-

26

tion of his colleagues. The following month Sir Alexander Mackenzie paid a visit to Emerson and he was greeted by Fairbanks. Fairbanks asked the former Prime Minister, "to continue to urge upon the Government the advisability of changing their policy with regard to their country, not only in the matters of railways but also as regards to the protective tariff, which operates so strongly against us, a non­manufacturing people."81 Sir Alexander MacKenzie replied that if Langevin, "with all the power of the Government at his back could promise so little they could expect little from a humble member of the opposition."82

If Emerson were to recover from her present situation she would have to do it on her own. Many people were of the opinion that a change in civic politics was needed. After all Mayor Nash had been in office during the two years in which Emerson arrived at her sorry situation. In the upcoming civic election, F. E. Burnham, Fairbanks and some other reformers launched a campaign against Nash that called for a shake-up and full investigation into the city's finances. It was a ruthless and bitter campaign as Nash, supported by C. S. Douglas and the International. turned the election into a mud-slinging affair. Because of Burnham's own blundering, Douglas, through his newspaper, was able to prove that the opposition, led by "No-Tax Fairbanks" and his legal stooge, Burnham, was the direct cause of the city's financial problems. In the face of this continual onslaught from the International, the campaign lost sight of the real issues and Mayor Nash was returned by the elec­tors. Yet a house-cleaning of Emerson's civic affairs was becoming in­evitable as every day more merchants closed their doors and left the town and creditors continually hounded the council for payment of their bills.

The festering sore of the city's finances suddenly burst open early in May, 1885. In April Mayor Nash had left his civic duties and had departed for the North Saskatchewan to have "a crack" at the Metis farmers that were causing so much trouble. In his absence Alderman "Boomer" Beemer, an opponent of Nash, was appointed acting mayor.83 It was not until long before "Boomer" managed to uncover a can of worms that Nash had kept hidden for many years. It was re­vealed that the only possible solution for Emerson would be to com­promise on her debts. The most the town could offer her creditors was 25¢ on the dollar. Furthermore, it came out that the city clerk, had openly been embezzling city funds for a number of years. It was also revealed that the city's financial records were in such a shambles that for all practical purposes they were non-existent. This news set the city in a turmoil and a small riot broke out as citizens and opposing alder­man exchanged blows in an effort to get control of the city's financial records. Weapons were drawn and the police had to use force to break up the proceedings.84 The city clerk, fearing for his life, took refuge in St. Vincent and never ventured back into Canada again. The clamour did not subside until the city's records were opened up to an audit by a Royal Commission.85 In June Mayor Nash returned from the

27

Northwest Rebellion as a Major and proudly marched down the Main Street under a "Grand Triumphal Arch", made of beer kegs and was treated as a hero. However, the fracas he had left on the North Saskatchewan was nothing compared to the one he marched into in Emerson.

The Government Audit disclosed that Nash's administration and Nash personally were largely responsible for the state of Emerson's af­fairs. It showed that the administration had encouraged the clerk to embezzle by giving him complete and unsupervised control over all public monies. Tax monies that had been collected were not recorded nor were the expenditures that the city had made. The administration had issued debentures for one project and then used those debentures for collateral on loans or for more debentures on other projects. It had failed to comply with the various by-laws requiring the establishment of a sinking fund to pay the interest and repayment of its bonds. Because of these careless actions the Federal and Merchants Banks were holding almost $200,000 of the town's worthless paper. Furthermore, Nash had misappropriated nearly all of the government's grants. He also had deposited large amounts of federal money in his own bank account. At the time of the publication of this report the Tillles commented, "a sense of shame should further prevent attempts to justify the ad­ministration of the city affairs of 1881-84."86 Humiliated and humbled, William Hill Nash retreated from politics and Emerson forever.

Civic Politics: A Search For a New Solution 1885 marked the end of Emerson's railway era. The C.P.R. took

up its remaining track on the loop line and left Emerson behind. The bitterness towards the failure of the railroad scheme was expressed by the Inlernaliol1{[/, "the C.P.R. can take up its loop line and good rid­dance to it. "87 The primary interests of the citizenry were now directed towards finding a solution for returning the city's finances back to some jegree of normality. The elite had failed in its efforts of direction and leadership. I nstead of leading Emerson to greatness it had led it to catastrophe. As a result, it was beginning to crumble. Bradley was dead, Nash had left, Carney would soon leave and Fairbanks would soon follow. There only remained C. S. Douglas and F. E. Burnham. The remainder of the decade would be marked by a political struggle between these two individuals to gain political leadership of Emerson. Unfortunately, it would become a personal battle based on personal and party beliefs and not on the best interests of Emerson.

In the civic elections of 1885, a young unknown, Alex Irwin was elected Mayor. C. S. Douglas however, was not prepared to accept I rwin as the voter's choice and charged that I rwin's election was the result of "a crooked voter's list, bribery and corruption."88 and con­tinued a personal campaign to discredit and tllwart the new administra­tion. To many citizens, C. S. Douglas was beginning to be regarded with distain. In the up-coming provincial election the Provincial Rights

28

Association declared its intention to support any candidate that would oppose C. S. Douglas. The local Association argued that while Douglas had, "pledged to oppose disallowance he basely betrayed that trust by abandoning his convictions to the exitgencies of his political leader and therefore, if for no other reason, he should be rejected by the electors." "c. S. Douglas, the Association declared, "represents C. S. Douglas and not the Emerson electorial division."89 In the provincial election the Liberal party took two-thirds of the seats south of the C.P.R. and west of the Red River, areas most effected by the "monopoly clause". Yet Emerson, which had a large grievance against disallowance returned C. S. Douglas to the legislature. Douglas's record was not good, he had reversed his stand on disallowance and locally he had been implicated in the corrupt Nash administration. Yet once again he was able to use his newspaper to exploit his opposition.

Douglas based his attack on a personal hate campaign. He per­sonally assaulted the integrity of his opponent, S. C. Briggs, in any way he could. Nothing was too low for Douglas. He dug into Briggs past and printed his full financial history. Unfortunately this was as bad as Emerson's. A not her key issue that Douglas used to discredit Briggs was Temperance. At this time the Temperance Movement was relatively strong in Emerson. Briggs openly supported this movement and signed a Temperance Pledge. Yet liquor always played an important role in any election campaign of the day; Douglas found out that Briggs had been tipping a few back with the boys in the saloon after he had signed his pledge. Douglas jumped on this issue, a minor one, in the face of the disallowance question, farm agitation and financial problems, and ex­ploited it to its limit to gain re-election.

Locally the political and financial situation in Emerson was still in a turmoil. The Municipal Act of 1886, which had divided the City of Emerson back into the two towns of Emerson and West Lynne, had not made any provision for the election of a new mayor or council. 90 As a result, the old mayor had remained in office for over a year without an election. This caused C. S. Douglas a great deal of concern. Tv over­come this problem Douglas pushed a bill throul:;h the provincial legislature providing for the election of these officials. This bill was hastily passed even though it contained some controversidl sections con­cerning who actually could vote in Emerson's civic elections and who could not. The most controversial clause dealt with a poll tax, whereby the returning officer could charge a person a certain sum of money thereby allowing him to vote. 91 In Emerson, this bill became known as the "Douglas Act" and it was regarded by Burnham as just an attempt on the part of Douglas to get control of Emerson's politics by, "putting the election in the hands of the returning officer. "92 The" Douglas Act" not only encouraged the scandalous voting practises of the day but, in a sense legalized- them.

To ensure that the up-coming election would be carried out as legally as possible the council hired some special policemen to keep an eye on the procedures. While the council referred to them as constables

29

the IlIlemaliona/ saw them as, "a gang of Yankee toughs", among whom were such notorious outlaws as "Mexican Jack", "M ontana .lim" and "Big .Ioe".93 As might have been expected the election was not peaceful and both newspapers published accounts of numerous assaults in the streets and at the polls. The Conservatives were elected, but immediately the election was contested by the Liberals on the grounds that, "not an elected official held the required property rights".94 The election was therefore ruled invalid because of voting irregularities and the use of an illegal voter's list. 95 In the new election that was called, C. S. Douglas himself decided to run for mayor. This election also proved to be a farce and charges were made against the city clerk for padding the voter's list and Douglas himself faced charges for destorying a voter's list at a polling station. Although the results showed Douglas to be the winner, Burnham and the Liberals brought another injunction against him restraining him from taking office. 96 A third election had to be called and only then did Douglas become Mayor when his opponent withdrew. The result of this withdrawal, ac­cording to the Tillles. was due to, "bribery, coercion and whiskey."97

Although C. S. Douglas had fought long and hard to become the Mayor of Emerson his victory would be short lived. In Manitoba the Conservatives were about to fall from power and with them would fall C. S. Douglas. In the provincial election campaign of. 1888, the Liberals, in Emerson, nominated a local businessman and farmer, .lames Thomson. The Tillles. referred to Thomson as a, "representative who may be trusted and will honestly serve his constituency and his province." "Above all", the Tillles continued, "he is a man who is not a radical political partisan."98 Douglas was not able to submit Thomson to his usual campaign of mudraking. He was forced to stand and fight this election on his own merits: unfortunately, his five years of mis­representation had not provided him with much to fall back on. The Liberals were swept into power and in Emerson the headlines in the Tillles exclaimed: "EM ERSON REDEEM ED - THOMSON ELECTED - ADIEU CHARLlE".99

Although Douglas remained as Mayor of Emerson until the end of his term he did not seek re-election. Another auditor's report disclosed that many civic officials, in Douglas's administration, had bought up heavily discounted tax certificates and outstanding notes against the city making a personal profit at the town's expense. The report con­demned this practise as, "entirely indefensible since the city and not these individuals should have been entitled to these profits."loo C. S. Douglas could not overcome this final scandal so he sold the newspaper and bid Emerson and Manitoba a fond farewell. Douglas's departure marked the end of Emerson's ruling elite. It also marked the end of the factionalism that for so many years had split the town.

Within a year the provincial government had helped Emerson arrive at a solution to her financial and political problems. A Settle­ment Act was passed whereby Emerson and West Lynne were reunited as the Town of Emerson. Of a total indebtedness of over $200,000 the

3U

new town was required to repay $100,000. This money was to be raised through the sale of debentures the interest guaranteed by the govern­ment. The railroad bridge, the town's only real asset, was to be con­veyed to the province as security. In addition, the government also ap­pointed an official to oversee and supervise the town's finances and civic elcctions. 101 Stable and unpartisan civic government, the completion of the Red River Valley Railroad and the promise that the Northern Pacific would use the railroad bridge gave new hope to the town. Work­ing together for the first time in many years all the people of Emerson - not just a limited elite - set a new course for the town. Caution became the key word and it was well into the twentieth century before Emerson fully recovered from the bitter and disappointing experiences or the I HHO's.

31

FOOTNOTES

I W. S. Macnult, "The 1880's", The Canadians ParI I, J. M. S. Careless and R. C. Brown cds. (l oronlo: MacMiliian of Canada, 1967) p. 70.

2 Pierre Berton. The Last Spike (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971), p. 71.

1 Winnipt'g Free Press, April 3, 1889, from the Manitoba Scrapbooks Public ,Archives of Manitoba.

4 George Young. Manitoba Memories. (Toronto: William Briggs Publisher. 1897). p. 107.

, R. J. Imrc. "Canadian Militarism", (Unpublished research paper. University of Winnipeg, March 1972). p. 22.

b F. T. Bradley, "The History of Southern Manitobu", Tht, West l.Yllne amI Southall Manitoba Timt's. May 12, 1882. Hcn.:aftcr cited as the Timl's.

1 This information was found in the Alexander Morris Papers. Public Archives of Munitoba. The trunsactions between Morris and Messrs. Curney and Fuirbanks are recorded in numerous letters exchanged bet\vecn the two parties in the spring ~lnd summer of 1873.

8 Tuylor-Cadwulder. Dispatch #191. 17 July, 1874. Dispatches from U.S. Consul in Wi1l1lipl'g. Vol. 4 Roll #4.

9 Mary Casson. "Pioneer of Southern Manitoba Tells Her Experiences of Her Early Days In the Past." Unpublished and Published Papers. Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, Public Archives of Manitoba.

10 Forrester. Mrs. W. G. Thl' History of the Pioneers of AIIX Marais. (Emerson: Emerson Journal Press. 1927) p. 10.

11 "The Emerson Kidnapping Affair" Manitoba Frel' Prl'SS, April 7. 1876. Enclosure #3. Taylor-Cadwalder. Dispatch #234, April 19, 1876. Dispatches from U.S. Consul in Winnipeg, Vol. 5, Roll #5.

12lhid.

14 The biographical data is again the result of cumulative research and come" from a great variety of sources. These in· cluded the Hl'I/da.l'on's Directories. The Canadian Parliamentary Companion and Allnflal Register 1878·83. Canadiall Parfialllel1/(1r.l' Companion IRR3-/R91. Who's WllO alld Why. (Vancouver: (ntcrnation'll Press, 1913). Carlson and MasterLon. History of Emnsoll. (Emerson Journal Press. 1950). J. P. Robertson. A Political Manua/ of Manitoba. (Winnipeg: Call Printing, 1887).

I~ Manitoha .",·IalIItes. Chapter 13. Vic. 42. 1879.

16 Dehatt's House of Commons, Second Session Vic. $3. 1880, p. 180.

17 James A. Jackson. The Disallowance qf Manitoba Railway Legl:l'latiol1 in the IR80\ (Unpublished M.A. Thesis. University of Manitoha. 1945). p. 42.

18 Dehates or J-/OU.H' (~f Commons Second Session Vic. 43. 1880. p. 1227.

19 "Emerson's Position". Int('rnational, June 28. 1884.

20 Manitoha Statlltes, Chapter 30. Vic. 43. 1880.

21 Manitoha Parliamnlfary Journal 18RI. p. 48.

22 Manitoba Statut('s. Chapter 39. Vic. 44, /BRI.

lJ Ibid.

H Manitoha Statutl's. Chapter 33. Vic. 44, 1881.

2S "Letter to R. C. Chalmers from F. T. Bradley" Timl's. January 21. 188\.

26 Carlson and Masterton. HI:Uor)' of Emerson (Emerson Journal Press. 1950), p. 9.

27 Censlls of Canada 181W-81 Vol. I, p. 92.

28 Carlson and Masterton. op.cit. p. 9.

19 J-/('fu/asol/'s Dirt'i·tory oj Manitoba and the Northwest, \880-81, Public Archives of Manitoba.

)0 Em('r.m" Manitoha and Her Indllstries. (Winnipeg: Steen and Boyce. 1882), p. 15. This publication did not list an author however, it seems safe to assume that it was authorized by Emerson's Board of Trade.

JI Wellington Bridgeman, Breaking Prairie Sod. (Toronto: Musson Books. 1920), p. 35.

J2 "The Boom", Times, January 27. 1882.

JJ Emerson Manitoha. op. cit. p. 15.

"Ibid .. p. 16

32

\~ "Railway Rumors", Tim{'.~. March 19, U0I81.

J6 Bt.:rton. of!. cil .. p. 71.

37 Ti,l/e.\. Novt!mbt.:r 22, 1883.

J~ Ihid.

J9 "Inlt!rnational Ball", II1INI1{Jliol1af. February 21. 1884.

4°lhid.

41 "Belle Stont:s Housc of III Famc Destroyed by Fire", Illternatiollal. June 3, 1885.

42 "Council News", Inlcmational. June 19, 1885.

4J "Speci,ll Meeting", lhid .. August 14, 1885.

H "Editorial", Tilll(,.\". December 18, 1880.

45 Times. September 2, 1881.

46 "Railroad News", TiI11CS, July 13, 1881

47 Tillll'S, July 22, 1881.

48 "Editorial", Till/l'S, November 25, 1881.

49 "Carney's Statement", TIll' Maniloha Free Press Wl'dly. December IS, 1882.

so "Tories Sell Out", Tilll(,s. March 24. 1882.

~I J':I<.:kson. 0f.cit., pp. 37-38.

52lhid.

53 Ihid.

S4 "Disallowance", Till/('s. November 10. 1882.

56 "Carncy's Statement". The Manitoha Wl'!'kly Frl'£' Press. December IS, 1882.

57 /hid.

58lhid.

59/hid.

60lhid.

bl Till/('.\". December 22, 1882.

62lhid.

6) Manitoha StatutC's. Chapter 80, Vic. 46 & 47. 1883.

64 "Letter from VanHorne to C. S. Chalmers", Times. March 23, 1883.

65 "An Unpatriotic Citizen Causing Trouble", Times, August 24, 1883.

66 "The Railroad", Times, September 7. 1883.

67 "Emerson vs. The C.P.R .... Illtl'rnatiollal, October 22, 1885.

68 "DepuUltion to Ottawa ", Intematio1lal. November I. 1883.

69 "Deputation to Ottawa", IlIt('matiollal, November 8, 1883.

70 "City Finances", International. January 24, 1884.

71 lhid.

72 "Auditor's Report", TimC'S. October I. 1885.

7J "Disallowance", International. February 14, 1884.

74 Manitoha Stallitl'S. Chapter 68, Vic. 44, 1884.

7~ Board of Trade. International. April 10. 1884.

76 "Bankruptcy". IlIlemallO/wl, June 19, 1884.

33

77 Reprint of this letter appeared in the International. July 17, 1884.

78 Excerpts from International. July 24. 1884.

19 "Editorial", Inlernational. July 24. 1884.

80 "Sir Hector Langevin's Visit", International. August 28, 1884.

81 "Sir Alexander Mackenzie", International. September 4, 1884.

82 Ibid.

8J "Mayor Nash Leaves for the Front", International. April 16, 1885.

84 "Near Riot in City Hall", International. May 14, 1885.

8j "Commission Appointed", International. October 15, 1885.

86 "Auditor's Report", Times. October I. 1885.

87 "Emerson's. The C.P.R.", International. December 24, 1885.

88 "The Civic Election", International. December 24, 1885.

89 "Douglas and Disallowance", Times. July 8, 1886.

90 Manitoba Statull's. Chapter 52, Vic. 49, 1886.

91 Manitoba Statu1es, Chapter 35, Vic. 50, 1887.

92 "Civic Election", Times. June 16, 1887.

9J "Election Results", International. June 3D, 1887.

94 "New Council", Times. July 7, 1887.

9j "Douglas Council Bid Adieu to Civic Offices", Times. August 25, 1887.

96 Times. October 26, 1887.

97 "Civic Election", Times. December 15. 1887.

98 "The Election", Times. June 27, 1888.

99 Tim('s. July 12, 1888.

100 "Auditor's Report", Times. August 2, 1888.

34

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ORIGINAL SOURCES: PUBLICATIONS AND MEMOIRS

Casson, Mary. "Pioneer of Southern Manitoba Tells of her Experience of her Early Days in the Past". Published and Unpublished Papers of the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba. Public Archives of Manitoba.

Bridgeman, Wellington. Breaking Prairie Sod. Toronto: Musson Book Company, 1920.

Bryce, George. A History of Manitoba: Its Resources and People. Toronto: Canada History Company, 1906.

Forrestor, Mrs. W. G. The History of the Pioneers of Aux Marais, Emerson: The Emer­son Journal Press, 1927.

Hill, Robert B. A History of Manitoba. Toronto: William Briggs, npd.

Macoun, J. Manitoba and the Great Northwest. Guelph: The World Publishing Com­pany, 1882.

Robertson, J. P. A Political Manual of the Province of Manitoba. Winnipeg: Call Printing Company, 1887.

Parker, C. W. Who's Who and Why. Vancouver: International Press, 1913.

Young, Reverend George. Manitoba Memories. Toronto: William Briggs, 1897.

OTHER SOURCES:

Canadian Parliamentary Companion and Annual Register 1878-1883. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Canadian Parliamentary Companion, 1883-1891. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Emerson Manitoba and Her Industries: The Gateway City to the Northwest.

Emerson International, 1883-1888. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Henderson's Direc/ory of Manitoba and the Northwest, 1876-1885. Public Archives of Manitoba.

House of Commons Debates, 1878-1881.

Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba, 1881-1889. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Manitoba Scrapbooks 1880's. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Manitoba Statutes, 1879-1890. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Morris, Alexander. Personal Papers and Correspondence. Public Archives of Manitoba.

Methodist Record: Emerson. Published by the Pastor, May 1900. Archives of the Univer-sity of Winnipeg.

We.H Lynne and Southern Manitoba Times, 1880-1893. Provindal Library of Manitoba.

Winnipeg Free Press Weekly, 1880-1882. Provincial Library of Manitoba.

Dispatches from /he United States Consul in Winnipeg, Volume 4 and 5. United States Public Archives Micro-Film Reprints.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

Carlson, W. and I. Masterson. A History of Emerson. Emerson: Emerson Journal Press, 1950.

Berton, Pierre. Last Spike. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971.

Berton, Pierre. The National Dream. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1970.

Forrestor, Margorie. "The Rise and Fall of Emerson" Manitoba Pageant. Winnipeg: The Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, 1957.

35

Imre, R. J. "Canadian Militarism" Unpublished Research Paper University of Win­nipeg, 1972.

Jackson, James A. The Centennial History of Manitoba. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1970.

Jackson, James A. "The Disallowance of Manitoba Railway Legislation in the 1880's." Unpublished M.A. Thesis University of Manitoba, 1945.

Macnutt, W. S. "The 1880's" The Canadians Part One. Toronto: MacMiliian Company, 1967.

Warkentin, John and Richard Ruggles. Manitoba Historical Atlas. Winnipeg: The Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, 1970.

36

Recalling the ·past: Excerpts from the original History of Emerson - by Masterton and Carlson

~ >

i "'-""'~'-f

I ;

-J

f

Business Development

The first hotel was erected by Mr. W. P. Hutchinson, a member of the Emerson Colonization party who had preceded Carney & Fair­banks in 1873. He brought the materials with him and although his hotel had a tent roof, the incoming colonists found food and shelter awaiting them. The place was enlarged and called the Emerson House in 1878. It was situated at the corner of Main and Dominion streets.

The first store in Emerson was owned by a man named Wiltsie and was on the present site of the post office building. George Parker also opened a store on Dominion Street. Enoch Winkler and Casper Killer established a general store north of the Hutchinson House. It became known as the Mennonite Store, as Enoch Winkler could speak the language of the fast growing population of Mennonites taking up land west of Emerson along the post road.

The Ashdown Store soon became too small to handle the growing volume of business, necessitating the construction of a new store, where the Wiltsie store had been. It was made of brick from Emerson's first brick yard. In 1874, Theo. Jasper opened a small store and tailor shop. Two drug stores were operated by C. Flexon and J. Carman. The first baker was Mr. Broder. In 1878 and '79, three other bakers arrived. Geo. Stevenson advertised 16 loaves for $1.00. During May 1879,2000 loaves of bread were sold in Emerson. The first baker's delivery wagon appeared on the streets of Emerson in April, 1879. Messrs. Carney and Chalmers had a store on Park Street in '78, but this was destroyed by fire. Although the $30,000 loss was covered by only $600, the store was rebuilt on the corner of Dominion St. and Winnipeg St., the same building was later occupied by Salem Root's furniture store. This building was finally demolished in 1969. In 1878, Jerry Robinson built the brick store on Dominion St., the same store was later owned by Mr. H. Dowswell and demolished in 1972.

There were three stores selling boots and shoes only, owned by C. M. Almon, Mike Ryan, and H. J. Suffe!' Suffel's store stood until its destruction by fire in 1948 on the present site of Sawatzky Bros. Store at the corner of Dominion & Winnipeg. In the year 1877-'78, Dominion Land Titles agent, Geo. Newcombe, sold 287,200 acres of land, an in­crease of 150,000 acres over the previous year. Mrs. Traynor had a millinery store on Main St., while Mrs. Burrett advertised flowers, feathers, colored kid gloves, neckties and the latest novelties for sale. Messrs. Lawrence and Curtis operated a furntiure store and the latter was the district's piano tuner. Jewellery shops were owned by J. Fraser and G. D. Northgrave. In the late summer of 1878, a flat bottomed boat came floating down the river on which its occupant, Mr. Kerfoot, proceeded to carryon his business of photography. That winter his "gallery" was used for a "skaters' shack". Meantime Mr. Kerfoot had found warmer and more convenient quarters uptown. By 1879, there were two lumber yards, under the proprietorship of Enoch Winkler and

38

.I. McKechnie. There were three livery and feed stables, operated by Hewson, Tennant and Terrot, while each hotel had its own livery.

West Lynne Chartcr for the incorporation of West Lynne was granted in 1882.

The first council elected was: Mayor J. F. Tennant, Councillors: Ward I, E. Depensier and Mr. Lewin; Ward 2, W. B. Robinson, J. E. Tetu; Ward 3, Wm. Mills and Harry Wexellbaum. The town was laid out twenty-four blocks long and three and one half blocks wide.

West Lynne boasted of four general stores; six hotels, the Windsor, McDougall House, Golden Hotel, West Lynne Hotel, Riverside Hotel, and Farmer's Home; a brewery, where a six quart pail could be pur­chased for fifteen cents, cash and carry; a pop factory; cheese factory; several grain warehouses; five implement shops; a weekly newspaper, two churches, and a school.

Among the names of the early residents are some that are still familiar such as: H. Abbott, dairyman; W. F. Crosby, agent; Duncan Mathieson, Hudson's Bay Co. factor; A. Hogeboom, farmer; John Hooper, tailor; A. T. Newgent, farmer; Geo. Pocock, miller; four Ten­nant brothers; J. Tetu, Immigration officer; Ed. Vance, horse trader; Enoch Winkler, lumberman; Jack Delaine, Windsor Hotel proprietor; Dave Hamilton, Hudson's Bay Co. store; Wm. Mutchmore, who planned a subdivision north of West Lynne and built one house before the boom collapsed; and Dr. James Bedford who had come from the U.S. with a diploma from a school of Homeopathy.

The first child born in West Lynne was Alice Lynne Delaine, in 1879. The old H. B. post was torn down in 1880 and replaced with a fine new store, where several clerks and two cash boys were employed.

River Traffic

On passenger boats, the fare from Emerson to Winnipeg was $2.50. Going down, the trip took 9 to 10 hours and the return trip up­stream from 12 to 14 hours. Mr. Wm. Clark told of his coming to Emerson from Ottawa in 1875, the last part of the journey being on the "Old International". The boat was so crowded that a group of young men, like himself, slept on the deck. Because of the uncertain time of arrival, there were two men to wait for the boat at Emerson and rouse the people who had business to transact when the whistle of the boat was heard. For many of early townsfolk it was a pleasure to meet the boat to see who were coming to make Emerson their new home, and to judge the worth of the newcomers by the quality of their furniture and household effects.

As late as 1882 river commerce was also extensive to which the following press reports attest:

In 1879, the" El7lerson International" advised that the boat trip to Winnipeg was more pleasant than by train, because, even though it took longer, one arrived in downtown Winnipeg and in daylight, whereas the

39

train deposited its passengers at St. Boniface station. The ferry had stopped running at that hour and small boats had to be hired in order to cross the river to Winnipeg.

In 1~79, the "Minnesota" in one trip, brought 33 consignments of goods for Emerson merchants. The charges alone were $720. On two previous trips. charges were $650. and $1100. At this time, the railroad as well was carrying freight.

September, 1882: The "Cheyenne" left for Winnipeg this morning, part of its load consisting of 34,000 feet of lumber from Carney and Watson's mill for J. G. McDonald, contractor.

October, 1882: The steamers "Cheyenne" from Winnipeg and "Aslop" from Moorhead, Minn., with barges loaded with wood moored at the Carney and Watson mill, gave that vicinity a lively appearance.

In April, 1882, the newly organized St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba Railway Co. telegraphed the Red River steamer, "Selkirk", and arranged to use her to transport passengers from the "Y" at St. Vineent to Emerson as their track was under water. The "Selkirk" passed from the river into a "nood" lake near St. Vincent, crossed the track and took on passengers and baggage near the section house. With a scow, laden with people and goods in tow, she steamed along east of the C.P.R. line and transferred those northbound to the train at the .Joe bridge and those southbound walked south along the tracks to Emer­son. Mr. David Forrester was one of this party. He told of three special trains carrying an innux of hundreds of settlers arriving at this time.

The last boat to make the trip from Grand Forks to Winnipeg was the "Grand Forks". Notes from the EIIlCrSOI1Jolima/ of .June II, 1909, tell us that "on June 7, the steamer, 'Grand Forks', having left her home port on June 6, arrived in Emerson." The bridge was swung without any trouble, although it had been six or seven years since it was last moved, and a party of Emerson businessmen went aboard to join those from Grand Forks, Drayton and Pembina. The "Gateway City" contingent comprised Herb Wright, J. W. Whitman, J. A. Badgley, Will. Gault, B. F. and E. Casselman, C. A. Whitman, .J. W. Bailey, A . .Johnston and M. S. Bucknam. Round trip tickets were sold at Grand Forks for $15.00, but passengers from Emerson paid $2.50 single fare, which included meals. The trip to Winnipeg took twelve hours as ferry cables had to be lowered and the pontoon bridge at Morris opened. Emersonians ·returned by train the next day. Upon its return, the "Grand Forks" arrived at Emerson on July 9. School children, led by Principal Crerar, visited the craft. It had been more than twenty-five years since a boat had made the trip. The vessel was in command of Capt. Perro, who had been the skipper of the "Manitoba" in 1879.

Some Trials and Troubles of the Early Days

In 1876, when there was no market for wheat at Emerson, Mr. William Clark used to haul his grain to the mill at St. Norbert and

40

returned with Ilour. The trip, made with oxen over rough terrain, took a week.

There were difficulties in securing titles for land. Many people had squatted along the river on land, which belonged to the Hudson's Bay Co. Some farmers had paid the higher price per acre when their neighbors on government lands paid $8.00. The Clark brothers, Hiram and William, resisted. They had chosen four lots just north of Capt. Nash's place. Two of the lots turned out to be part of a reserved tract owned by the H.B. Co. That winter the Clarks cut timber near Grand Forks and on their return in the spring were told by the sheriff that he would visit their place the next day with a writ to put them off this land. The sheriff, who was in sympathy with the settlers, had delayed pre­senting the order until the brothers had returned as previously only the father had been at home. Needless to say, the Clarks were prepared and the sheriff was unable to carry out his orders. The Hudson's Bay Co. then sent out special officers, but the Clarks were forewarned and met the men on the edge of their property. The Clarks were powerfully built men, having been raised in the logging regions of the Ottawa river, and succeeded in intimidating the officers. So many complaints reached Ot­tawa from sources along the river that they finally sent Mr. Lang of the Dept. of the I nterior to Emerson. From the Hooper brothers, he bought a boat, 10ft. x 18 ft., with a provision for a cook house, office, etc. on board. In the ensuing five weeks he Iloated downstream, stopping off at each settlers place to examine their claims. Satisfactory settlements were reached and the H. B.Co. agreed to accept land in exchange in other sections of the country.

Prairie fires were common and menaced farm homes and stacks of hay. As late as 1882, homes on the outskirts of town were threatened. In 1879, the H.B. post in West Lynne had a narrow escape. Prairie grass was tall and thick and stretched for miles in open country. Mrs. George Allen tells a story of prairie grass. Her parents lived north of town on the east side, some little distance from the C.P.R. railroad. Occasional­ly she would visit the Carney girls in Emerson. After a walk down the railroad tracks, she would be obliged to walk through the long grass, which was higher than her head. She would be accompanied by her mother, who unwound a ball of wool as they went to mark the trail. The next day, the mother watched for her daughtEr's approach and repeated the performance. .

Returns from cultivated land were more than satisfactory with many individual yields bordering on the incredible. M r. Campbell harvested 553 bushels of wheat off ten acres as well as 100 bushels of oats to the acre and 60 bushels of potatoe~ per acre. A. V. Beckstead grew beets that weighed 30 pounds each, cabbages - 40 pounds, and onions - 11/2 pounds. Mr. Goodhew sold caulillower the size of a peck and Dr. Bedford grew 1,000 bushels of turnips on one acre. That year there were no grasshoppers.

41

Floods in Emerson

In 1882, at the peak of its prosperity, Emerson experienced its first nood. The people were surprised and after an extemporaneous meeting in the town hall, a party of young people started off to explore the river for a possible ice jam. The only available craft was not entirely seaworthy, but finally after much mending and the raising ofa mast and the rigging of a sprit sail, the party got underway. They reached Morris that evening and the next morning set sail for Winnipeg. That evening they telegraphed from Winnipeg, "Icejam at St. Norbert - river now clear." Their adventures were detailed in a log kept by Capt. King of the Merchant's Bank. They made from 8 to 10 miles per hour, using the sail part-time. Hundreds of wild ducks were seen and two were shot. In the expedition were Capt. King, First Mate D. Shaw, Gunner J. Gowanlock and Boatswain J. Waterhouse. The nood of'82 nevertheless was costly for Emerson for it carried away the first traffic bridge at the foot of Park Street.

The year 1893 brought a nood of medium proportions, 8 inches lower than that of 1882. There was a depth of two feet, ten inches of water in the stores in the Alexandria Block on Main Street.

The 1897 nood is still well remembered by many in Emerson at the time of this writing, (1950) especially Easter Sunday, April 18th, when in freezing temperatures, high winds lashed the buildings to leave them coated with half an inch of ice. The storm caused great damage. Sheds were away from buildings, older structures were completely destroyed and people feared for their own safety during the time of peril when they lived in the upstairs of their nooded homes. The water continued to rise, but when warm weather returned the populace could walk about on the wooden sidewalks that were fastened together. The wooden sidewalks would noat, but it was the delight of pranksters to congregate near some unsuspecting person wearing low boots and causing the raft­like sidewalk to submerge. A week after the storm, the steamer, 'Assiniboine", reached Emerson after a trip in which it rescued those marooned and left supplies where needed. The" Assiniboine" was not the first to pass along Emerson streets, however. I n the spring of 1882, river craft had handled freight and passengers by navigating through previously impossible places.

Some Notes from the Emerson Journal of April 23, 1897 The Allens were much frightened when the bricks on the south side

of their house fell off during Saturday night's storm. Chas. Maybee had difficulty getting his wires to work this week in

his telegraph office on the third noor of the Alexandria Block. W. Bullis had 600 bus. of seed grain in a bin on a raised platform to

escape the water, but the high wind and waves washed out the props and all was lost.

Dr. Elkin and W. Fraser started for Winnipeg by canoe on Wednesday but their sail broke and they returned. E. Casselman and

42

Mr. Fraser started out again on Thursday. They plan to return by train. Don Forrester came from Winnipeg by C.P.R. last Monday. He

had to walk from the Joe Bridge, which is badly damaged. The Bradley bridge is almost completely wrecked.

Michael Scott and W. C. Hartley rowed to St. Vincent last Satur­day afternoon. Coming home they were caught by the storm and had great difficulty in the darkness to find their way and keep their boat from being swamped.

"McGirr and Hinton" are afloat at the same old stand. "Bell and McCaul" have moved to the third floor above their store

(both in the Alexandria Block). Chas. Whitman and Geo. Christie were ducking this week and

there were others. J. W. Whitman is doing business upstairs over his store on Do­

minion Street. He also had some goods at the C.P.R. station, where Mr. Shaw waits on the customers.

The Journal is protecting Mr. Aime during the flood who is dealing out produce, flour, feed, etc. from a back room in the improvised office on Church Street.

W. C. Hartley, principal of the school, is keeping up his classes un­der difficulties.

The C.P.R. has promised that we shall have mail today. There has been none from the north for a week. Mail from the south came in yesterday. It had been brought from Grand Forks by hand car and boat.

The Marais River is flooded from the Red. It is into McClelland's stables and frolicking about Andy Irvine's door.

It is recorded that in the stores of the Alexandria Block there was a depth of nearly five feet in 1897.

In 1904, there was high water that crept onto the main streets. M r. C. A. Whitman told of the water just reaching the floor of his store on Dominion Street, which gave him an opportunity to give it a good cleaning.

The year 1916 brought another flood with just enough water on Main Street to float a boat. Mr. Sid Wightman made a bridge of boxes and planks in order that a crossing could be affected on Main Street. The Bank of Ottawa staff conducted business in a building on Church Street but kept their books and cash in the bank's vault, which had been raised on timbers high enough to escape the water.

For 32 years there was no high water in Emerson and people forgot that such a thing could happen until 1948, when the water rose to a height enabling it to reach Third Street in some sectors.

The Red Cross established their headquarters in the parish hall of the Anglican Church, where volunteer workers distributed goods, handled orders-for groceries, and distributed mail. Boatmen were hired by the town council. An inspector of the Dept. of Health and Public Welfare of the provincial government supervised the purification of drinking water and it was distributed by the crew of an army water

43

truck. Thc flood acted in a normal fashion with a duration of ap­proximately two weeks. At the crest of the flood, there was just under three feet of water in the Alexandria block.

Again in 1950 the Red swept over the town with a height of six feet six inches being recorded in the Alexandria block. The Alexandria block levels most clearly illustrate the heights of the various floods as the height of water is now gauged differently than it had been prior to 194X.

As flood waters advanced, a crew of workmen moved furniture to safety and families were evacuated to higher ground. Living quarters were provided in cars spotted by the C.P.R. in their yards. This "Skid Row" colony grew until its population numbered 100. A railway mail car served as the post office and a portable restaurant was gradually towed eastward as the flood advanced. Merchants stocked staples at the C.P.R. station, the United Church and the lumber yard. The lumber yard store finally sought a corner spot in the restaurant. The Red Cross depot was first established at the Anglican Church, but was forced to move to the basement of the United Church and finally to the main auditorium. At the depot, volunteer workers assisted Mrs. R. Long, the local society president, in serving and delivering food. A temporary telephone exchange was established near the elevator. Mr . .Jack Templeton, a veteran of several floods, moved his electric cooler to props on the back porch of his home and was able to supply a limited hut regular supply of meat. Fortunately electric power never failed. A fleet of boats operated throughout the town and during the worst of the Ilood, motor hoats met the train north of the .Joe bridge. The train had heen unahle to continue running to Emerson when flood waters swept over the tracks and threatened the Bradley and .Joe hridges. The army again supplied a tank truck and water purifier and a railway tender stood ai the C.P.R. filled with emergency water. An army "weasel" ,tlso served as an evacuation unit. A patrol boat, "the Arkinsue" moored to an elm tree ncar the Peto residence one Sunday evening. The "Arinaut", a Game and Fisheries vessel operated hy the R.C.M.P., arrived a few days later. Another day, a hydroplane in the same service landed on the river near Main Street. Dignitaries from Ottawa flew over the inundated area and the Red River Valley Flood was declared a national emergency. Large sums of money were raised all over Canada to help those stricken. A few former residents of Emerson demonstrated their affection for the home town hy sending con­trihutions direct. They were Mrs. Z. McGregor of Penticton, daughter of .I. A. Badgely; Mr. .I. Bullis of Emerson; and Mr. P. W. Cook of Brandon, who had lived in Emerson during the '97 flood.

Newspapers

Emerson's first newspaper, The Emerson International, a weekly newspaper of eight pages, was founded hy Chas. Douglas, an experi­enced journalist. The first issue was dated Christmas, 1878. The initial

44

prcss run of 1000 copies increased in one year to 1,150. I n the early 1880's it became a daily paper for a short time. George Baldwin, who had been a teacher for three years in the Emerson school, issued the first copy of the Western Journal on January 2nd, 1879. In October of thc same year, his office was destroyed by fire. While he was away in the east. making arrangements to resume publication, A. D. Peterson cstablished a reform paper, The Emerson Neil's, closing out Mr. Baldwin, but the "News" only laster a short time. In West Lynne, Mr. M. Hooper started the West Lynne and Southern Manitoba Times in September 1880. When Mr. Hooper became King's Printer, J. Tennant & Co. conducted the business for anum ber of years. I n February, 1889, the International was advertised for sale, and in the following January, the Southern Manitoha Times appeared under the management of George Walton. The Times was succeeded by The Emerson Journal in July, 1895, under the proprietorship of A. A. Bailey. In December, 1896, ncgotiations were concluded for a change of proprietors, and in thc issue of January 1st, 1897, the names of D. J. Hartley and W. B. Ballantyne became associated with the Emerson Journal. D. J. Hartley was replaced in the partnership in January, 1898, by a Mr. Griffith. In 1899, Mr. Ballantyne assumed full control. Mr. Ballantyne contributed grcatly to the life of the community in the years he was in Emerson. The Journal office was located in the Alexandria block until the disastrous firc in 1909, which destroyed two thirds of the block. The "Journal's" ncxt home was in the building formerly occupied by Mr. S. D. Wight­man, but was soon moved to the downstairs of the former Masonic hall, which was on the site of Pitch's store that burned in 1948. On July 16, 1925, Emcrson's printing business suffered its third connagration in the Masonic building. Two months later, Mr. Ballantyne passed away. In Octobcr of the samc year, Mrs. Ballantyne re-established the papcr in a wing of hcr homc. Following the depression, the "Journal" absorbed thc .. Dominion Citr S'tar" in 1936.

Concerning Women Of Emerson

New Year's afternoon hostesses of 1882 as announced in the Inter­national were: Mrs. W. N. Fairbanks and Mrs. Styles, Mrs. H. J. Suffel and Mrs. Wiley, Mrs. C. S. Douglas and Mrs. B. B. Johnstone (Pcmbina), Mrs. Burnham and Miss Suffel, Mrs. Bradley and Miss Boston, Mrs. L. T. Owens and Miss Owens, Mrs. T. V. Bradley and Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Tom Carney and Mrs. James Carney and Miss Belle Carncy, Mrs. D. Creighton and Mrs. and Miss Creighton, Mrs. Wm. Aikins (First St.), Mrs. George Walton (Park St.) and Mrs. Delancy (Dominion St.).

Thcsc Ncw Year's Day receptions were important functions in those carly ycars. Blinds were drawn and rooms lighted, in some cases, with candlcs. Liveried page boys admitted callers at some homes. Gentlemen madc up partics and hired conveyances for the day. Trips were somctimcs madc to Pembina as in those days the two towns fratcrnized

45

socially. One gentleman, years later, confessed to having drawn up his itinerary for his party so that they might alternate between homes where coffee was served and those offering stronger beverages. On one very mild New Year's Day, a group of bachelors, wearing straw hats, rode about in a hay rack.

Before 1900, those original families, whose names are mentioned, had all left Emerson. Other families had generally become established to form the backbone of the business, social and cultural life. A second generation was growing up and beginning to change the social picture of Emerson. A few families were now sending their daughters to eastern Canada to study music, elocution, and other accomplishments. The Badgley daughters, Zelia and Nita, graduated in 1904 from Albert College, where their father had taken his degree in Arts many years before. They and two .associates organized a concert party and toured Manitoba in 1905. The elder sister, Zelia, taught school and then married to make her home in Penticton, B.C. She took an active part in community life and was president of the local Women's Institute, then of the B.C. provincial organization. In 1935, she was elected president of the Federated Women's Institutes of Canada.

Margaret Young might be called Emerson's first career woman. She started teaching school and while in Emerson taught in one of the junior rooms and conducted drawing classes in the senior rooms. Deafness made it difficult for her to continue in this profession. She went to Minneapolis, where she studied law and continued in that profession.

The daughters of Jacob Young were all expert needlewomen and excelled in embroidery, lace making, and other artistic lines. Classes in fancy needlework, knitting, crocheting and embroidery were held in her home by Mrs. T. C. Muirhead.

Mrs. Ellen Delaine contributed greatly to life in the community. She was a practical nurse for forty years after she had been left a widow with three children to raise. Mrs. Delaine had come to Emerson in I g76, when the Red River boats brought in the first settlers. She lived in a sod house on a farm, three miles west of the Hudson's Bay post and experienced the tragedy of losing her first husband, Sam Smith, when he perished in a snow storm trying to make his way home from Emer­son. A few years later, she married Jack Delaine. Her daughter, Alice Lynne, was the first child born in the new town of West Lynne. Mrs. Delaine endeared herself to the people of the whole countryside. It was said of her that she never left a home without baking a batch of cookies and a plain fruit cake to leave the larder well supplied before the con­valesence of the mother usually after childbirth.

Newspaper accounts of weddings of well known Emerson people have been perused, but none attracted as much attention as one of I gg2, because of the unusual circumstances surrounding the event. Miss Mary Sinker was about to become the bride of James Dowswell of Emerson. Miss Sinker's parents lived in Minnesota and on the ap­pointed day, Mr. Dowswell arrived with a marriage license obtained in

46

Emerson and a clergyman from Eme'rsOi'l to-"peH&rm th~,c'ete:mony. The clergyman began to doubt the regularity of the marriage, if performed in Minnesota, so all climbed into a democrat and drove north till they reached the boundary road. The marriage then took place in Canada. Mrs. Dowswell operated a boarding and rooming house in Emerson for many years and catered on special occasions.

There were no women's organizations in Emerson, other than those connected with the church, until 1910, when a few public spirited women banded together to form a Home Economics Society, afterwards known as the Women's Institute. Among its charter members were daughters of pioneer people including Mrs. Frank Bell, first president; Mrs. J. McRae, who made a success of the war aid effort in 1914-18; Mrs. S. R. Root, a leader in church and community life; Miss Ethel Whitman, first secretary; Mrs. M. Wallace, one of the progressive young married women; and Mrs. Casselman, who was a leader in the musical life in Emerson throughout her lifetime.

Mrs. E. Vance, who lived in West Lynne until about 1908, was a talented artist and many a young lady of Emerson painted a picture un­der her tuition.

Mrs. S. A. Cameron, also a talented artist, came to live in Emer­son about the time Mrs. Vance left, and, strange to tell, moved into her house and before long was giving painting lessons to young women of another generation.

When the founders of the town came in 1874 to take poss~sion of the site they had chosen, they found one family living on the southwest corner near the river and across from the Hudson's Bay post. This fami­ly was Mr. and Mrs. Faille (Foy) and two children. Mr. Faille was employed by the Hudson's Bay Co. and went to and fro by boat. Mrs. Foy, as she was called, was remembered, not only as the first woman residing in Emerson, but also as a highly respected member of the com­munity.

Mrs. Wallace (Mabel Forrester) related that her first public duties as a member of an organization were to circulate a petition asking for the franchise for women of Manitoba and to interview the members of the Alexandria Block Syndicate, requesting that a fence be built on Main St. to screen the unsightly ruins after the fire. She related that these gentlemen rather resented interference of women in their affairs, but later, when E. Casselman assumed control of the property, the fence was built.

Mrs. Bell was the daughter of the Hoopers, who were one of the early-comers to Emerson. She recalled that Bertha Guthrie was the first girl to ask her to play with her. The Guthries and Hoopers came in 1878 and Bertha (afterwards Mrs. Casselman) and she continued to be life­long friends. Mrs. Bell was renowned in Emerson as a hostess and a homemaker. She was always in demand at public social functions to arrange entertainment. She was a leader in Anglican Church life and loved amateur theatricals in which she both directed and starred. On one occasIon in the old town hall, she was in a play called the "Aria

47

Belle". Mayor Robert Hamilton, the chairman, was given a copy of the evening's program and announced the name of the playas the" Aria Belly". The audience rocked with laughter until Jim Van Whort stood up amidst the crowd and cried out, "It's alright, Bobbie, an Irishman ean have a second chance." It was some time before the old red curtains could be pulled aside and the play begun.

It was Mrs. Bell who inspired the Women's Institute to prepare a history of Emerson and the work was begun in 1925. The name of Mrs. Frank Bell has been inscribed in the "Book of Remembrance", the Manitoba Women's I nstitute's record of nota ble women.

Mrs. J. Batchelor's Story (as told by herself) I came from London, England, in IS73 to Port Perry, Ont. where I

met Mr. Batchelor, who had arrived from Lincolnshire four years before. We were married in 1874 and left for Manitoba along with M r. and Mrs. Louis Duensing. We drove in a wagon to Collingwood and went by boat to Duluth, thence by train to Fisher's Landing where we embarked on the Red River stern wheeler, the International, for Emer­son. We stopped at West Lynne at the cutoms office where Mr. Bradley was the customs officer. I remember the train trip well as Mr. Duensing wanted me to carry his caged parrot on the train and I refused. I was young and proud, I suppose, and he scolded me saying bad luck would surely come to me. Besides the parrot, M r. Duensing brought a horse, hens, sheep, apple trees and some earth to put in a garden.

We arrived in Emerson on June 20, IS74, and were met at the boat by Mr. Carney and Mr. Fairbanks, who presuaded us to stay although we were on our way to Fort Garry. Mr. Batchelor had invested his savings in part of the stock we brought, so we had only $4.00 left when we arrived in Emerson.

Messrs. Carney and Fairbanks loaned us tents to live in, but Mr. Duensing didn't enjoy tent life and built a shack of willows plastered with mud, in which we all lived for a time. He later built a little house on the lots for which he paid $50.00 a lot. The only other building there at the time was the Hutchinson House and it had a tent roof.

While in the willow hut, a severe electrical storm drove us out of its confines. It was a wonder that someone was not killed, as the horses of the North West Mounted Police at Dufferin broke loose, swam the river and stampeded through the tents of Emerson. It was only by the nashes of lightning that we were able to find our way to the Hutchinson House. Everyone sat up until morning in the one large room. It must have been Saturday night, as there was a minister there that was to con­duct a service next day. For years afterwards, we talked about the "great stampede."

We stayed in Emerson only a short time, but during that interval, quite a number of Canadians and Americans arrived and their tents were scattered in the space now occupied by the business section. M r. Batchelor went to work for Campbell Bros. on the west side and came

48

for me with a horse and Red River carl. The horse had to swim a small river and I was afraid.

I was "green" about country life and was surprised to see such beautiful grass only to find out that it was a small field of wheat. One day Mr. Campbell said to me, "Shade your eyes and look at the sun." I answered, "It looks as if its snowing." Mr. Campbell replied, "No, it's grasshoppers coming and my wheat will be gone before morning." It was. The grasshoppers had eaten the heads of grain and there was very little not destroyed that fall. The grasshoppers laid eggs that hatched in the summer of 1875 and the ground was black with them. They ate everything as they went - if it was a rose bush they started up the stem devouring every leaf. People tried smoking them out with smudges, but it was no usc. At this time, the Campbell's were living in a log house and I did the cooking in a fireplace and later on an old cookstove outdoors. When I was frying meat, grasshoppers would jump in the pan, but nevertheless I enjoyed the life as I was young and it was all a novelty. The government sent in supplies of pork and nour and took a mortgage on the land calling it, "Grasshopper Relief." We didn't even have potatoes, in fact nothing at all, so we got 25 Ibs. of salt pork and a cou­ple of bags of nour. When the Goodhews came later, the government tried to force them to pay the mortgage, but they couldn't do so as the Goodhews didn't yet own the land.

In August, Mr. Batchelor went to work for Captain Cameron, who was in charge at Dufferin, where the Camp of the boundary survey par­ty was located. At this time, Captain and Mrs. Cameron and servant, together with Capl. and Mrs. Herchmer and their two children and ser­vants, lived at Dufferin in the officer's quarters. Well do I remember Mrs. Herchmer singing, "After the Ball."

The Camerons soon moved to a farm further north called, "Em­madale", for Mrs. Cameron, the daughter of Sir Charles Tupper. We stayed at Camerons until November when Mr. Batchelor got a log cabin on the east side, near where Manchester school stood. Here my first child was born on November 22. By this time, Mr. Batchelor had become disgusted with the new settlement and had asked his uncle for money to travel back cast. The money was so log in coming, that he changed his mind and decided to stay after ail. The log cabin was un­satisfactory, so Mr. Batchelor bought a bell tent from Dufferin and spread buffalo robes on the ground. With a stove, two chairs, table, bed and trunks, we started life in February in our own home and were very comfortable. The tent home was located on the Goodhew place and we were squatters. Later, we built what was later the Goodhew kitchen and lived in it for a year until Capl. Cameron moved away and asked us to care for "Emmadale". We sold the few remaining household effects and the machinery for him and realized about 5 cents on the dollar.

One day, Rev. John Scott came to Bell and Fawcett's hotel north of Emmadale and arranged to have a prayer meeting. Word was sent to us to attend and although we were invited for supper and to stay the night, I asked him to come with us. While at our place, he "fell in love"

49

with Emmadale and finally bought the place from Capt. Cameron. We remained at Emmadale until spring and then went back to our "Goodhew kitchen." Following the birth of our second child in March, we sold our "rights" to a Mr. Sharpe for $400, who later sold it to Goodhews.

Mrs. Fawcett was my nearest neighbor and asked me one day to accompany her across the river to visit a sick woman. Mr. Fawcett took us across in a canoe, but when we wanted to return, the canoe had dis­appeared. It was taken by two Indians who wouldn't give it up until Mr. Fawcett had promised to give them "Skid-Wa-Boo." They took us across and got their whiskey.

While we were at Emmadale, the Mennonites came to this country. I remember some of them coming to me one day, wanting to buy my cat for $1.50.

We had several exciting adventures. Once when my first child was six months old, we were driving along the old I ndian trail and the mos­quitoes were so bad that the oxen ran away through the bush and to the first river bank. I can still picture myself holding on to the child, while we rolled over, cart and all.

Another incident occurred when Mr. Batchelor had gone across the river in his canoe to work. Ice was forming when he attempted to re­cross and his paddle broke. I ran to the Nolans for help and they rescued him with poles.

The nour we had to buy came off the nat boats that traded along the river. It was poor and sticky and only fit for plastering our cabins. The Hudson's Bay post was a few miles away so we were obliged to get oxen. Mr. Batchelor used to take the oxen to the river to drink and one day one fell and broke a leg. A man named McVey happened along and offered to trade the injured animal for a load of poles, to which Mr. Batchelor agreed. Mr. McVey killed the ox and sold the meat in Emer­son.

After selling our squatters rights on the Goodhew farm in 1877, we moved farther west on the prairie to homestead. We were not troubled by Indians, but the stage route passed near us and there were tramps on the way. The stage carried passengers and mail from the south to Fort Garry, stopping at the Hudson's Bay post and at Two Little Points. There were no locks on doors or windows and one day while my hus­band and I were away at Dufferin, some I ndians did help themselves to anything they fancied. A few days later, we saw a young chief wearing M r. Batchelor's red high top boots and his wife with my best dress, but we couldn't do anything about it.

I well remember Mrs. Delaine's first husband, Sam Smith, who was lost in a blizzard and froze to death. Her second husband, John Shepherd Delaine, was very well known and liked by all.

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Pioneer Stories

Kenneth McRae's Story (as told by Jack McRae, the eldest son)

I n the year 1874, my father and family left the little town of Stillwater, Minnesota, and started on the long trek to the west. Their destination was Portage la Prairie, where many of their friends from Bruce County, Ontario, were situated. On May IS, my father and mother and five of us children, along with a few household effects and a tent set out by prairie schooner, drawn by two yoke of oxen. After being on the road a few days, we bought a cow. With its milk, whatever fish we caught in the streams and the bread mother baked, we managed to have enough food on the journey. The bread was baked at a camp fire in a dutch oven, which reflected the heat from the open fire. During the trip the weather turned wet and unsettled which made travelling dif­ficult. We had to ford streams and many times they were running wild with June rains. After difficult crossings, a day would have to be spent opening soaked boxes and drying out clothes. Many nights, mother and father would have to stand holding up the tent poles during wind and rain storms. Between Moorhead and Grand Forks we came to Elm River and found that it had risen to its highest banks. In the morning, the situation looked hopeless, but later in the day other settlers arrived and camped with us. Wagons were chained together and ferried over the "Elm." Horses and oxen were forced to swim.

There were many times that the oxen strayed and father would have to spend most of the day looking for them. Some of these days we were lucky to make ten miles on the journey. When we finally reached Grand Forks on July 4,1874, father tried to sell the oxen in order to pay for steamboat tickets to Portage la Prairie. No one wanted the stubborn animals and father went to work at his trade as a blacksmith for the Kittson Navigation Co. His pay was $1.00 a day, but this was a ugmented by mother's pay for washing clothes for the men at the H. B. Co. post. The only place we were able to find to live in was the upstairs of a saloon and gam bling hall. There was no stove uptairs and mother had to cook food outside and carry it upstairs. At this time, the Indians were none too friendly and the evenings were spent making bullets for the muskets in case of a raid by the marauding Sioux.

In 1875, father went by boat to Emerson where he purchased property where the McKay block now stands. The following year we packed our belongings in a flat boat and floated down the river to Emerson. As I was the eldest son, I was appointed to drive the cattle overland with the help of a hired man. We started ahead of the family and within a week sighted Pembina. The family'S trip by barge took four days and three nights. Upon our arrival, father opened the first blacksmith shop in Emerson.

Scrub and uncultivated land characterized the newly found settle­ment. The first respectable looking house was built by Mr. Carney on

:>1

the cast side of south Main Sl. in the vicinity of the present ball park. Mr. Fairbanks had a small home on the site of the Alexandria Block.

Father went into partnership with a man named David Ferguson to make bricks. Mr. Bryce, an early builder, built our home on the farm with these bricks and we moved in in 1880. The original house is still standing.

George Gordon Allen's Story Nowhere in the Emerson district has there lived a more interesting

character with a more picturesque life history than George Allen. The son of an Anglican clergyman of Millbrook, Ontario, he took military training at a cavalry school in Toronto, controlled by one of the "old line" regiments. While at a target shooting match at Peterborough in the fall of '71, he heard of the urgent call for 200 men to go to Red River to re-inforce the remnant of the Wolsley expeditionary force. He and a friend enlisted at Kingston and portaged and travelled in York boats via Toronto, Collingwood and Port Arthur to the north west anglc, Lake of the Woods. At the angle, they were met by James McKay with his outfit of carts and ponies to take their luggage and guns and lighten their journey to Fort Garry over the Dawson trail. Col. Scott, afterwards the head of the customs at Winnipeg, received great praise from Wolseley for the record time in which his company, No.3 Ontario Rines, reached Red River. Mr. Allen, 60 years later, remembered and recited the words of the song they had sung to hearten them at night while in camp. It was composed by Sgt. Clarke of the first expedition.

"Come boys, cheer up, we'll have a song in spite of our position To cheer us in our labors on this glorious expedition: We'll keep our spirits up, my boys, and not look sad nor sober Nor grumble at our hardships on the way to Manitoba." Chorus: "Jolly boys - Jolly boys, Hurrah for the boats and the roads, Jolly Boys."

They had their first taste of pemmican at St. Anne Des Chenes, the only settlement on the way. On reaching St. Boniface, they found the river frozen but dangerous to cross. The crossing, however, was made safely in groups of two with each man holding the end of the other's red sash, worn with their overcoats.

M r. Allen had the distinction of being chosen one of the fifty who formed the guard of honor for Lieutenant Governor Archibald at the opening of the first legislative assembly in Manitoba.

After their arrival at Fort Garry, the company was moved to the Hudson's Bay post at North Fort Pembina at the boundary as the Fe­nian raids were causing considerable alarm. Mr. Allen is quoted as tell­ing that, "Life there was uneventful and we used to fraternize with the 17th regiment at Fort Pembina, Dakota. Once we arranged a ball game and each side had to have a score keeper. Who should I see opposite me at the table but Mr. O'Donaghue himself, one of Riel's chief lieutenants. He looked like a real gentleman, wearing a long skirted coat. He was a fine conversationalist and not at all like my idea of a

52

rebel. I remember one never to be forgotten sight - a flight of wild pigeons. My chum and I stood on the river bank that spring morning and shot enough birds to do forty-five men for food. We fired at the pigeons, that came in narrow flocks about a half mile long curving with the river, until the barrels of our rifles became too hot to fire any longer. They were beautiful birds much like our mourning doves, but I·arger."

I n the spring of '72, the men left for the east again over the Dawson trail. Mr. Allen and his chum established a record by reaching the north west angle, a distance of 97 miles, in 21!2 days. They took their discharge in Toronto and eventually received medals and scrip. Mr. Allen's land was near Stony Mountain, but as he wished to buy Red River lots, he sold his scrip and settled five miles north of the boundary on the east side.

Mr. Allen was familiar with the activities of the Boundary Survey Party and witnessed the assembling of the R.N.W.M. Police at Dufferin for their trek west in 1874. That spring he met the "I nter­national", the day that Messrs. Carney and Fairbanks arrived with their party to establish the townsite of Emerson. That same year, he served on the committee to obtain "Grasshopper Relief' for the settlers who had lost their crops. Mr. Allen bought from the Hudson's Bay Co. the first old sweep horse-power threshing machine in the district. Buckskin ponies, which became dizzy at their work and sheaves bound with willow switches had to be reckoned with. Fresh meat was greatly enjoyed by one threshing crew until they found that they had eaten badger meat.

Mr. Allen told of having a long conversation with Donald A. Smith, (who was involved with the construction of the C.P.R.) as that gentleman waited at the Hudson's Bay Co.'s post while a team was found to take him to the end of steel, 90 miles south. Incidentally, Allan Dillabough was the driver and made the trip that day with his grey team, a most unusual accomplishment. Mr. Allen told that people in those days discussed the possibility and advantages of the Hudson Bay Railroad and held meetings to arouse public opinion on the subject. Mr. Allen was the first Reeve of Franklin Municipality in 1880. In 1882, he married Josephine Stewart, the daughter of a pioneer family, and in 1891 joined the customs staff in Emerson. He served as collector for seven years and retired in 1918.

53

Thl' Prairie Pioll('('r

by C. Jr. LEWIS

- ....

Here beneath the level land he lies

:­....

The heart forever still in timeless sleep. The pioneer who loved the boundless skies And gloried in the prairie's endless sweep. The hands that drew the furrow wide and deep, The mind that visio'ned this unending chain Of elevators rising from the wheat And sleepy hamlets sprawling on the plain.

Today he walks amid the golden ears

.........................

And whispers in the crimsoned breeze of dawn. H is heritage of faith rides down the years Though from the prairie trail his feet have gone. Tried by the fires of life, the frost of tears, Triumphant still his spirit marches on.

(from the Saskatchewan Poetry Book. Anniversary Number)

54

Steamers of the Big Red - by Allan Anderson

(originally published in "The Red River Valley

Historian") Autumn 1968

55

Steamers On The "Big Red"

An Historical Essay by Alan Anderson, Grade XII, Humboldt-St. Vincent High School, Humbolt, Minnesota, since September a Freshman at the University of M innesota- Du luth.

The rich, fertile plains contained huge herds of buffalo. Deer and moose were abundant. Valuable fur-bearing animals were found in every stream and river. This was the land of the Souix, the Red River Valley. This land of milk and honey attracted people from all walks of life. Farmers looked into the future and saw enormous fields of grain. The hunter and trapper realized the rich prospect of animals. And the' businessman saw a rich future in the people of this land.

As attractive as this land was, it is no wonder what the people flocked westward towards what is now Minnesota. But farmers who braved the hardships of the plains and then settled on the fertile soil were strangled by the lack of transportation to the eastern markets. Although the Red River ox carts were in use at this time, they did not come into commercial significance until some time later.

Finally in 1858, the St. Paul Chamber of Commerce realized the great agriculture potential of the Red River Valley. They then offered a reward of 2000 dollars to the man who could place a steamboat on the Red River. This offer prompted a Yankee pioneer of St. Anthony, An­son Northup, to contract to build a steamboat that would be ready for use on the Red River in the spring of 1859.

Northup bought the "North Star" which had been in use on the Mississippi River above the Falls of St. Anthony. This boat was ninety feet long and twenty-four feet wide with a stern wheel and three decks. Northup took the boat to the Crow Wing River, partially dismantled it, and then made a hull with a design apprpriate for the shallow and narrow, but often dangerous Red River. Early the next spring, an ex­pedition of forty-four men and thirty-four ox teams left the Crow Wing River to transport the steamboat, "Anson Northup" to the Red River. The expedition ended its journey at Lafayette after traveling through woods and plains. At the mouth of the Sheyenne River, near Layfaette, they reconstructed the boat and launched it on May 17, 1859. The steamboat's destination was Fort Garry, near the city of Winnipeg. This voyage required twenty days to complete it.

For his accomplishment, Anson Northup received the prize of 2000 dollars. After sailing with his ship on its maiden voyage in the Red River, he lost interest in the project. Northup then informed all, that if they desired the vessel's service, they would have to buy the boat in order to use it. He had only agreed to place the steamboat on the river, he had not planned on running the boat too.

The life of the "Anson Northup" was quite short after its long trip overland. Due to poor reconstruction, the boat sunk at its winter moorings near Fort Garry in the winter of 1861-1862. This vessel had an illustrious history and it should not be forgotten when a person thinks of the Red River Valley.

The placing of a steamboat on the Red River gave great cause for rejoicing to the settlers. The Indians, however, were not so appreciative. They contended that the steamboats had frightened the game out of the valley and thus had deprived them of their food. They also said the boats killed the fish and the whistle of the boats disturbed the spirits of their dead. Talk was not enough for the Indians. A band of them swarmed aboard a steamboat at a point what is now known as Pem­bina, North Dakota. They demanded a ransom of 40,000 dollars. The captain, a quick thinking man, gave the Indians three hundred dollar's worth of goods. This satisfied them for the moment. I n order to prevent such recurrences, troops were stationed along the Red River at central points.

The Indians were but one colorful aspect of steamboat life. Life is never easy on anyone or anything and so it was with the steamboats on the Red River. The story of steam boating is marked by an incident of both tragedy and humor. On several occasions, people were killed or drowned in the frequent river accidents. One captain is remembered for his asking the inhabitants of one town to pray for rain and help raise the level of the water by spitting in the river every day.

The Red River was an emotional river to the steamboats. In the nood time, the river crews rejoiced for the high water and clear naviga­tion. But when the river was low, as in a time of drought, the crews worked with a 'mist' of gloom over them. The Red River could build a fortune or could ruin a person in a minute and take his life too. But the

57

"Ballad of the Red" written by P. H. Donohue summarizes the feeling most crewmen had for the Red River.

Now again 'tis lovely May, by the riverside I stray, And the song birds sing around and overhead, A nd I watch the river flow as I did long years ago When the Selkirk in her glory sailed the Red.

As I watched the river flow, I think on the long ago When each pioneer was granted a homestead I n the land so bright and new, in the land so fair to view In the valley of the famous River Red.

The the Selkirk in her prime, on the river made good time And her passengers admired her as she sped Through the valley bright and new, through the valley fair to view On the fosom of the famous River Red.

Fancy hers the tinkle ting of her bells as they would ring For to start or stop or back or come ahead, And the sounding of her gong, as they steamed her extra strong Through the waters of the famous River Red.

And now it comes to mind, how each woodpile they would find And load up enough to keep her furnace fed As she sailed from side to side down or up the ruby tide Landing pioneer along the River Red.

58

Men of fame and high renown, on the Selkirk then sailed down To find out its great resources they were led That they might see and write, of the fertile vale so bright, Lovely valley, flowery valley, River Red.

Now to you I will relate, 'twas in Minnesota state That they build the Selkirk near the river bed. It was at McCauleyville, just below the old saw mill, That they build and launched the Selkirk on the Red.

But the Selkirk is no more, for upon Dakota's shore She was wrecked and never more can come ahead. But some elics of her still lie near a murmuring rill I n the willows by the famous River Red.

She will never sail again, for the ice cut her in twain, And no more upon her decks can old friends tread As they trod in days of yore, as she sailed from shore to shore, Landing pioneers along the River Red.

I recall to mind today, some old friends who went away, Pioneers who went where bounden duty led, Friends who came here to reside, when the Selkirk in her pride Towed her barges filled with grain upon the Red.

Friends are leaving one by one, pioneers have gone, Some have gone to other lands and some are dead, Some of them are laid to rest, in the East, North, South and West And some others rest beside the peaceful Red.

Then, good-bye old friends, good-bye, for the dear old days we sigh, And live o'er again some youthful years now fled, And we'll often call to mind, happy days we left behind I n the valley of the famous River Red.

As I muse and watch the stream, here and there a fish doth gleam. And the song birds sing around and overhead. And I watch the river flow, as I did long years ago, When the Selkirk in her glory sailed the Red. 1

During the hey-day of the Red River transportation, several steam boats raced to and fro, carrying large amounts of goods and peo­ple. The "Northwest," the largest steamboat ever launched on the Red River, was over 200 feet long. She was built in one of the biggest ship yards along the Red River. On May 15, 1881, the "Northwest" was cleared for Winnipeg, carrying forty carloads of lum ber. This boat never returned. The "Pluck" carried one of the largest loads in her run to Winnipeg: "three carloads of threshing machines, 21/2 carloads of wagons, a carload each of portable engines, salt, and plows, two carloads of pork and five carloads of miscellaneous freight. "2

Much of the area along the Red River was settled by large numbers of immi¥rants who traveled on the river by steamboats. This easy means of transportation encouraged many of these settlers to

59

make this trip. On one such trip, seven children were born to Mennonite passengers aboard the steamboat, "Cheyenne".

Not only were goods brought into the ValJey by the steamers, but huge payloads of fur from the far north were brought to Fargo­Moorhead for reshipment by rail to the eastern coast. The "Inter­national" was one boat that dealt in fur carrying. On one trip, she brought 759 bales of buffalo robes and 19 bales of wool. This same boat, the "I nterna1ional", also held the speed record between Fargo­Moorhead and Winnipeg. She made the trip in five days and 18 hours; a distance of some 550 river miles. This voyage was a disaster to the crew of the" International". Two crewmen were drowned in two separate oc­casIOns.

Although the steamboats earned a definite place in the develop­ment of the Red River Valley, the railroads gradulally moved in and took over complete control. It is strange, but the steamboats helped to bring about their own doom. The following account illustrates the decline and fall of the steamboats on the Red River.

Captain Grigg of the "S. S. Selkirk" created quite a stir in Manitoba when he declared that an American law required all goods crossing into Canadian ports from America must travel by bonded carriers. H is own ship was, of course, bonded. The revelation of this law immediately created a rivalry between James Hill, a railroad owner, and Governor Smith of the Hudson's Bay Company. They soon learned that they had met their match in each other. James Hill then announced he had sold the "Selkirk" to the Hudson's Bay Company. Actually, he had formed a pact with Governor Smith which was known as the Red River Transportation Company.

In command of this company was Norman Kittson. Three new steamers were added; the "Dakota", Alpha," and the "Sheyenne." And with the help of his private partners, Hill and Smith, he raised the passenger and freight rates to an unheard of peak.

The result of such an action caused the forming of another rival line - the Merchants International Steamboat Company. This com­pany incorporated with some dissatistied St. Paul merchant men. The following spring, two ships appeared on the Red River for this line -the" Manitoba" and the "S. S. Minnesota."

Kittson and the Red River Transportation Company at once reduced their rates below the cost of operation. Kittson's influence with the U.S. Customs at Pembina, helped detain the "Manitoba". When the boat was finally released, it was rammed and sunk by the "Inter­national." It was raised at a very high cost, but it was seized in Win­nipeg for a small debt owed by the Merchant line. The "S. S. Minnesota" met the same fate and the rival company closed its doors.

Kittson used scare tactics to frighten off all other steamboat operators. The small companies could not stand up to all this pressure and finally, the Red River Transportation Company held a monopoly.

This action weakened the public's opinion about the steamboats. Then, the "S. S. Selkirk" delivered the final blow to the steamboats. In

60

mid-October, 1878, she delivered the first locomotive, the "Countess Dufferin" to the Canadian Northwest. Some time later, the rails were joined with the rails of the St. Paul and Pacific Rail Roads at the I nter­national Boundary. This completed the fall of the ·steamboats.

Although the Red River transportation system continued for another eight years, it officially died on December 2, 1878.

61

FOOTNOTES

, P. H. Donohue. "A Ballad ollhe Red". History of the Red River Valley (1909) vol. I Harold Printing Co. 344-345. 2 Dakota Tcrrilori •. 11 Ccntcnnhd, (Grand Forks) February 28. 1961, p. 18.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, Andrew, St. Vincent, Minnesota (interview) Blegan, Theodore C. Building Minnesota (New York: D. C. Heath and Co., 1938)

Burgess, Janna P. "Fire Canoes and Iron Horses." Gopher Historian, Spring 1954,4-6.

Finney, Burton, St. Vincent, Minnesota (interview)

"Flour, Furs and Freight Cars on The Red River Run." Dakota Territorial Centennial, (Feb. 28, 1961) 18.

Historical Album of Minnesota, Historical Publication, Inc. Minneapolis, 1957.

History of the Red River Valley, Harold Printing Co. Grand Forks, volume I, 1909.

Kelsey, Vera. Red River Runs North, Harper & Bros., 1951.

"Steamboat Pushed Back Frontier Barriers," Killson County Enterprise, September II, 1935, II.

62

Looking Back

Plaque located at Pembina, N.D. marks the spot where the first commercial sellle­ment in the Emerson area began.

West Emerson - Late 1970's Hudson's Bay Company Post in foreground with customs buildings to right.

64

Chippewa Indians at Fort Dufferin 1872-74.

First boat of the season at Dufferin 1873.

65

' .. -

Sleal1ler "Dakola" al Fori Du//erin 1872-74.

Fori DuHerin as seen by arlisl Henri Julien 1874.

66

"Breaking the Mounts" and a view of the Fort and out-buildings. Sketch done by of­.fical N. WM.P. artist Henri Julien.

Crossing the Border Canada-United States, at Emerson, Man.

67

68

!. Hl~Ptist {;hurcb H1Sll School

.. Mctho(lillt EplRco Church of E pal Cburch PrCShYtCriflnr.~l&nd. 1t[cthodi~t C <.;burcb Library AsS!~rc? of Ca.nada

~8.nking Hous::on

110.11. H. i tcoro Uris! Mill.! Hepburn &: Irwin

tU!'Ildoucc or Mil' • ~lcKtlY's mo~k jor Carney

Birds Eye View 0)

Emerson J 880

I~ .\nglo.Americnn Hotel 11. The Emerson Hou~(". 1-' ~1artin HUUtOt,

1,-, FrN': Trame Bridl~l' 1 U. ('~tbo1ic Chureb. 11 "Emerson International

Newspaper Officc It<, 'Iercbants Hotel. 1 \:I. Ontario Howe. W "Free Mason's Hal!. ~I. (lilt! Fellow'fi Hall ~. llnn~c Lod&~: I~oom

69

p

The monument at Fort Vujjerin site.

70

C.f:R. Slalion 1880-90.

"Junelion" - West Emerson. Grain elevator destroyed by fire around 1921. The stalion and all of the other buildings were torn in 1972.

71

This could be an engine of the old Red River line at the site of the present CN. Sta­tion.

Excursion Train early 1900's - destination and occasion unknown.

72

Suu [1I!!lne alld Cre\\' - [merSOIl, j\lilll.

Soo Engine and Crew - Emerson, Manitoba

International Boundary Line, Emerson Man., <lnd Noyes Minn.

International Boundary Line, Emerson, Man., and Noyes, Minn.

73

C. P. Ry. Station and Yards - Emerson, Alan.

C.P.R. Station and Yards - Emerson. Manitoba. 1880'.1'.

The" I ron Bridge" 1883. The single lane carried both rail and road traffic for many rears.

74

Harvesting in the Red River Valley - Note straw carrier on machine below.

75

Ploughing near Emerson. Man.

Harvesting scene near Emerson. Man.

76

Horses and binder. W. S. Forrester jarm.

C.P.R. yards 1880's-90's.

77

"SIook" loader. W. S. Forresler farm.

Emerson CHAUTAUQUA Jun.e 10th to;16th

'". ~,"

SIX BIG DAYS .I~'SpI8m~

Early enlerlainmenl.

78

VJ!LCAN lil~G--~ AU'!() 'rIRES and TUBES

Ad from the 1919 issue of the Emer­son Journal.

Emerson Crescent Baseball Club 1904. Back Row: W. Fay S.S .. R. Angus R.F .. J. Sherbina. Manager. Jr. Templeton. P .. S. M. Bucknam 1st B. Front Row: H. Templeton C.F .. J. [rauin 3rd B .. W. Muirhead C. (Captain). W. Good 2nd B. Secretary Cliff McMillan mascot.

79

Display of Red River Valley agricultural products, exhibited in London, England by George Pocock of Emerson. This display won a special award from the "Prince of Wales". George Pocock is standing in right foreground.

The "Awrey" residence built in 1882 demolished in 1968-

80

Now the: Herman Ziesman Residence located on the corner of 1st and Roseau.

Residence of W. W. Frnser, Emerson, Alan.

This residence was formerly located on 4th St. near Archibald. (Present Dyke)

81

(ii E. Ca:-i:-;.clmnn, Emerson, .\'UI1,

Nol\' the Allan Peto residence located at the corner of Park and 3rd.

Park Street View _. Emerson, Man.

View looking west from corner of 3rd and Park St. All the buildings still are stan­ding. Left to right: Tom Sanders Res .. United Church. C. Dowswell residence.

82

The George Pocock house, styled after the home in England to satisfv his wife's desires. This house is still in good condition.

Part of West Emerson -- Emerson, Man.

West Lynne - 1900. Lt. to Rt. Geo. Allen res. -later purchased by Len Careless. Pocock Mill - Gateway Milling Co., West Lynne School - purchased by Mr. Vic Hebert. Geo. Pocock res. still standing today.

83

View of ElIlerson from school yard corner, 1880's.

!\\~thf)dist Church

LT. to Rt. Methodist Church Corner of 1st and Morris. Built in 1879 and torn down in 1924. Fares ChrLHie reside//Ce noll' owned by AI Hayden-Luck

84

Rcsi~lcncc of Duncan l\\cArthur, Banker, Emerson, Man.

Now the Russ Wall residence located near 4th and Assiniboine Street.

!\:~'k-)idL'fh:~: (J! ll!j'~. [L ! i. ,\t:F:tdJ':ll~ ~

Pr()~' ':~Cl:y l:n~~T~;()il, '\1~l!1.

TOIll Sanders residence corner 0/ Park and 3rd. Steeple on United Church upper right hand corner.

85

Strathcona Ilotel Emerson, ,\\al1ito{)a

Carney house built ill early 1880's by Emersoll's 1st Mayor. Located Oil Park Sf. lIear Willllipeg.

w. S. Forrester residellce all the Marais - built ill 1880

86

Built by Mr. Fairbanks in 1882. who was one of Emerson's jounders - this house has been occupied continuously for over 90 years. A t this time it is the home of W. R. Forrester (Q.C.)

A nglican Church S. W. corner of M orris and 1st St. Built in 1876 this structure is still in use today.

87

St. Andrews's United Church.

View 10 southeast Jrom top oJ McKay block 1882. Methodist Church in Joreground, school in background.

88

The nell' town hall built in 1917 - cost $45,000.00.

Public School. Emerson. Man.

East wing of Emerson sc/zool - early 1900's. A west wing was later added on as a nUll/her of students increased. Building was torn down in 1959.

89

1 Downtown Emerson 1882 from roof of the "Carney House",

Looking wesl on Dominion SI, from Winnipeg SI, 1882,

90

Flood 1893. Main Street looking south on Main Street. Alexander Block located on right.

Flood of 1916. Looking west down Dominion Street. Present post office is the last building on Ie/i. The small white building in right foreground was formerly John Klan's sho£' shop. A II the other buildings have since been 10m down.

91

Flood of 1916. Corner of Main and Dominion. C. A. Whitman store, Odd Fellows Hall, McKay Block. Windmill in background is on the roof Salem Root's store lIsed to power his lathe and carpenter equipment.

Flood 1897. Steamer Assiniboine tied up in front of Alexander Block on Main Street.

92

Flood of 1893. Town Hall ill background. Photo looking east down Church Street from Main Street.

93

Flood 1897. Corner oj Main and Church. Anglo-AIIII'rican hotel built in 1880 and torn down in early 1920's.

Corner of Winnipeg and Dominion Streets 1883.

94

1950 Flood - Emerson Main Street looking North.

1950 Flood - Looking East on Church Street.

95

1950 Flood _ Customs Building - now Emerson Hospital.

19S0 Flood _ Manitoba Telephone System oj{ice.

96

First gaol Uail) in Em('rson. The local policeman's name was Mr. Bell, This bUilding was known as "Hotel DeBell" now restored.

.", .'

Original CUstom bUilding restored and used as museum.

97

·1

>1

:1

1

····1 '.

<I

.. '·sO JnI!~J1~~.c_~Ij\ TIMBS. h.lh')~. OI,~'r<,~,

FrOll1 page from Ihe SOlilhem Maniloba Times - 1892.

98

First customs bUilding in the Northwest - 1890.

Busill('ssm(,1l of Emerson - 1884.

99

The H. H. Root Furniture Store 1890. Windmill was used to power wood working machines.

Archie Fraser residence at Lake Louise. Now owned by Mr. and Mrs. Cyril Haynes.

100

Lake LOllise - Fraser Farm - Emerson, Man.

Sleal1ler "Selkirk" - early 80's al Fori Dlifferin.

101

Front page from the Emerson Journal - 1911.

102

The old town hall destroyed by fire June 1917.

103

In C.N.R. "Swinging Bridge" Built in 1913 - still in use today.

---~ W·fl,·SrII(SQN

Elller.wn·s first trajjic bridge located at the foot of Park St. 1881-2.

104

View of the Red River showing the Iron bridge.

C.P.R. freight cruising the border between Noyes and Emerson. 1975.

105

C.N.R. rail alld traffic hridge huilt 1913. Still ill use todar. This structure has road tra/li'e lalles Oil each side.

106

Appendix

"The International" 1879 Passenger arrives at St. Boniface after midnight and then has to

cross the river in a small boat as the ferry does not run at night. May 15th The daily arrival and departure of boats on the river

makes things lively. They seem to be doing a good business. Rev. Mark Jukes and family took their departure from Emerson

last evening for High Bluff going down to Winnipeg by boat. The best wishes of hosts of friends and acquaintances follow them. (Rev. Jukes was first Anglican minister at Emerson and in 1955 his three sons visited Emerson to look over their father's first parish).

June 26th Steamer Alpha was put on this route as a freight boat. Mention made that Fort Pembina was being used as a barracks for in­coming settlers. Fort Pembina was still garrisoned and frequent men­tion is made of the officers and the "boys in blue".

August 7th Steamer Alpha touched here on her way down the river on Monday. Among a lot of other freight she had four steam threshers on board.

August 21st Due to low water steamers between Emerson and Win­nipeg do not make as good time as formerly. It is proposed to have the up boats leave Winnipeg earlier in the afternoon.

September 11th Steamer Manitoba sunk in Crooked Rapids (the river bend at Ste. Agathe) about 23 miles from Winnipeg by land. She struck a boulder and sank in 4 feet of water. Built in 1875 in Moorhead she was sunk in a collision with the International but was raised and repaired. The steamer Cheyenne replaced the Manitoba while she is un­dergoing repairs.

September 25th Edison's phonograph was displayed in town and a charge of 25 cents was asked for the privilege of hearing this new machine.

October 2nd Steamer Manitoba was raised and taken to the mouth of the Seine River where she was hauled out and is being repaired.

October 9th Train was wrecked near Otterburne station by running into an obstinate ox who refused to get off the track. The engine and two flat cars left the rails. The passengers were uninjured and were taken to St. Boniface by special train.

October 23rd Steamer Manitoba is afloat and fully repaired. November 27th Passenger trains on the Emerson branch of the

C.P.R. are now running at the rate of 26 miles an hour. It is interesting to note that the scheduled time of the train was. Leave St. Boniface dai­ly at 4:50 A.M. arriving Emerson at 9 A.M. Leaves Emerson 7 P.M. arrive St. Boniface 11:40 P.M. Also interesting to note that in June the C.P.R. reduced freight charges on the Emerson branch to 15 cents a 100 pounds to meet steamboat competition.

107

0 00

Description or Building

Officers' Quarters (I)

Mess Kitchen (I) Latrine (2) Men's Quarters (3)

" . . . ,.," :-

Cook House and Lavatory (I) Latrines (2)

SHOPS

FORT DUFFERIN Buildings erected in 1872 for Boundary Commission:

Length Bn:udth Height Rell1arks

36' 6" 42' 9" 20' For 12 officers, an office, mess room, pantry, cellar

24' 4" 18' 3" 10' 12'4" 9'4" 10' 48' 6" 24' 5" II' Each building for men consisted of 2 rooms

and constructed to hold 14 men In each. Cellars under 2 of them.

30' 5" 24' 5" II' 16' 6" 9'4" 10'

Carpenters, Harness Makers, Tailors, Shoe Makers, Photographers (I) 38' 6" Blacksmith ( I ) IT 2" Bakery ( I) 23' Stable ( I) 75' 6" Storehouse ( I) 48' 6"

ADDED IN 1873

Storehouses ( I ) 80' r Storehouses (2) 60' 2" Stables (6) 80' Farm Implement Shed (I) 12' Slaughter House (I) 20' Wheelers' Shop (I) 18'

24' 5" I I' 5" 13' 24' 5" 24' 5"

28' 2" 24' r 30'

8' 20' 18'

10' 8' 6"

10' 13' II'

10' 8"

12' 9'

18' 10'

30 stalls and loft

Large cellar

Ground floor sunk 3' and held 44 animals Temporary

Acknowledgements

Photographs -Manitoba Archives R.C.M.P. Archives L. P. Root - Emerson Dan Reese - Emerson Mr. William Beckstead - Emerson Harry Adams - Emerson Agnes Lewis - Emerson Dorothy McClelland - Emerson Mrs. W. S. Forrester - Emerson Robert Forrester - Emerson

Special Photography -Earl Enns - Emerson

Cover Design -W. R. Stinson - Emerson

109