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A Companion to Greek Art, First Edition. Edited by Tyler Jo Smith and Dimitris Plantzos.
© 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2012 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
11.1 Introduction
Modeling figures or small reliefs in clay is a very widespread phenomenon,
one whose development might seem, with hindsight, to have had a certain
inevitability in any society where clay was in common use for the production
of pottery vessels. It is easy to imagine how in such circumstances the process
of terracotta production could begin. A few pieces of clay might be trimmed
off the body of a vessel, or be left over from rolling out a rim or handle:
pressed together, these could be modeled by the potter or an assistant into
some independent form, perhaps for the amusement of children or other
onlookers. Left on one side in the work area, some of the models might dry
and harden in the sun; others could be fired as testers in the pottery kilns.
Gradually, as they were perceived to have a use and even a market, clay
figurines would acquire an independent value and existence and their
production would become a specialized industry in its own right. This type
of scenario is likely to have been played out in many cultures at many times:
so that in itself it may seem quite unremarkable for the Greeks to have made
terracotta figures. But much less predictable are the developments in the
types of terracottas that were produced, whether confined to particular
regions or more widespread. The organization of the industry and the status
of its practitioners, the so-called ‘coroplasts’, at various times and places is
also of interest, as are the ways in which the uses or destinations of terracot-
tas changed over time. These are some of the topics with which we shall be
concerned here. But to appreciate terracottas as a class of object properly, it
seems desirable to start with a brief discussion of the technology of Greek
terracotta production, from its Geometric origins to its Hellenistic perfection.
CHAPTER 11
Terracottas
Lucilla Burn
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222 Forms, Times, and Places
11.2 Technology
Geometric-period terracottas are closely allied in technological terms with the
contemporary pottery. From around 950 BC onwards in Athens, for example,
figures of people, horses, and other animals were made from the same clay as
the vases and decorated, with similar stripes and linear patterns, in the same
clay slip, applied before firing. Many Geometric figures were handmade and
therefore solid, like the handsome, stylized horses that line up on the lids of
pyxides or enjoy an independent existence as figurines; other handmade ani-
mals and human figures, even chariot groups, are also found. But occasionally
in the earlier Geometric period, and more commonly in the later, figures that
were made on the potter’s wheel, or figures that combine hollow, wheel-made
elements with parts that are solid and made by hand, are also found, such as
the fine models of mules carrying amphorae, similar to one found in the
Kerameikos cemetery at Athens (Figure 11.1). This use of the potters’s pri-
mary tool, the wheel, demonstrates the close connection between terracotta
and vase production at this time and suggests there was probably little, if any,
distinction between the practitioners of the two arts.
In the Early Archaic period, when Boeotia appears to have become a leader
in the production of figurines, many continued to be made by hand. This is
true of the distinctive plank-like seated and standing goddess figurines, made
from thin slabs of clay; it is also the case with the numerous horsemen, which
bear a strong resemblance to their Geometric predecessors, and the series of
lively genre figures and groups, from barbers to bakers and cheese-grinders.
However, the use of molds, introduced into Greece from Cyprus, North
Syria, or Phoenicia soon after about 700 BC, soon became widespread and was
hugely influential in terms of terracotta technology and stylistic and techno-
logical development. Some Early Archaic figurines combined molded with
wheel-made elements, like the series of mourning women made in Boeotia
with molded heads and wheel-made, neatly-waisted bodies (Jeammet 2003:
86–87). But the advantages of molds soon allowed terracotta makers to move
away from the wheel. Molds enabled them to produce hollow items that were
not necessarily cylindrical. And by making possible the production of large
numbers of replicas of a single original, they introduced the feasibility of mass
production.
The first step in producing a mold-made figurine is to make, by hand, a
solid figurine, sometimes known as an archetype or patrix. From this, any
number of sets of molds can be taken (for a straightforward account of this
process, see Uhlenbrock 1990: 15–21; for its consequences, see Nicholls
1952). The molds must be fired in a kiln until hard, and then, to make a
figure, lined with a thin layer of clay. When dried to a leather-hard state, this
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Terracottas 223
layer is removed from the mold and fired. In the Classical period, most figures
were made from a single mold, in which could be formed, in one piece, the
front of a figure, including its head. The back of the figure would then simply
be closed with a thin, flat slab of clay, trimmed to fit its contours. The bottom
was often left open, but sometimes figures were provided with a flat, plaque-like
base. If this was the case, a vent – rectangular, circular, or square – would be
cut in the back to allow air to escape during firing. Without a vent there was
a very real risk that as the air expanded as it grew hotter, the figure would
explode.
Only fairly simple figures could be made with a single, frontal mold. They
could be either seated or standing, but their heads needed to be strictly frontal,
their legs pressed together, and their arms held rigidly at their sides – projecting
limbs were not possible (see for example the East Greek seated goddess of
Figure 11.2). Later in the Classical period, heads started to be molded
separately, the neck elongated with a long, tenon-like stalk that could be
Figure 11.1 Terracotta model. Mule carrying amphorae. c. 780–720 BC (London,
British Museum GR.1921.11–29.2. © The Trustees of the British Museum).
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224 Forms, Times, and Places
pushed through the upper body before firing. Later still, as terracottas had to
keep pace with the increasingly sophisticated poses achieved in other media,
the number of molds needed to make a single figure expanded greatly.
A typical standing female figure of the Hellenistic period, for example, would
be made from one principal front mold, and one back mold, often less fully
worked than the front: the front and back of the head would also be made
separately in two more molds. Any projecting limbs, extra pieces of drapery,
or wings would require additional molds. The individually molded pieces
would be left to harden in their separate molds, then carefully removed at the
leather-hard stage and joined together with wet clay. At this point, any
necessary repairs to the figure might be made; if the mold were rather worn
or broken in some area then details of drapery or hair might be ‘retouched’ or
‘touched up’. The joins between the separately molded elements needed to be
smoothed over on the outside and reinforced, if necessary, on the inside, with
more damp or liquid clay. It has been suggested that this is an additional
function of the air vents, and a reason why they are often very large: cut when
the figurine was taken from the mold, they would have allowed the coroplast
Figure 11.2 Terracotta figurine. Goddess. c. 520–500 BC (London, British
Museum 68. © The Trustees of the British Museum).
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Terracottas 225
to get a finger inside to smooth down the ‘seams’ and also to secure the head
on its long tenon (Muller 1996: 38–39). The use of component molds to build
up a figure had the advantage of allowing the coroplast to create subtly differ-
ent-looking figures with minimum effort, simply by changing the head, or the
angle at which it was attached to the body, or by varying the accessories – fans,
hats, or wreaths.
Figurines were most probably fired in kilns similar to those used for pottery
(see Chapter 13). However, because they were not designed to hold liquids,
they did not need to be as hard as most pots and so did not need to be fired
for as long. We have seen that once molds entered the picture, terracotta
production was more free to evolve separately from that of pottery. However,
their common use of the same raw material – clay – and their common need
for kilns and fuel to fire them may well have led to potters and coroplasts
sharing premises or working side by side. In the Archaic period, methods of
terracotta decoration remained close to those of vase-painting – brownish-black
clay slip, along with the same reds and purples used on pottery, was applied
before firing. Later too, at certain times and in some areas, including both 5th
and 4th c. Athens and 3rd c. Crete, decorative molded terracotta elements
could be added to enhance wheel-made vases. It has indeed been argued that
the development of the ‘Tanagra’ style was a consequence of the production
of draped, female figures that were applied to the fronts of the large
loutrophoroi found in the Sanctuary of the Nymph on the south slope of the
Acropolis (Jeammet 2003: 125). But in terms of their decoration, from the
Classical period onwards, terracotta figurines moved in a quite separate
direction from vases, with the development of decorative techniques that
more closely resemble those of larger-scale statues. Most of the decoration
was carried out after firing: this is clear because the white coating which forms
the ‘ground’ for the colored decoration of most figures is usually composed
of kaolinite, a mineral that would be destroyed in the firing process (Burn and
Higgins 2001: 307–312). Over the white ground, a variety of colors – minerals
like ochre, hematite, or Egyptian blue, along with plant or vegetable colors
such as rose madder – could be applied to delineate features, hair, or areas of
drapery. Gilding was also used to highlight elements of drapery such as the
border of a cloak, or for bracelets, necklaces, or earrings. It is noticeable that
with very few exceptions, little trouble was taken to decorate the backs. Often
they are not even coated in the white slip and they are rarely colored. This
provides, perhaps, an intriguing clue as to their use – were they invariably laid
on their backs or propped against a wall?
Because coroplasts, molds, and archetypes could all travel quite easily
around the Greek world, it often happens that figurines very similar or even
identical in type were made in places that were geographically and politically
distant from one another. Sometimes it is possible to show how certain types
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226 Forms, Times, and Places
of figure moved from one production center to another, occasionally adapted
to suit local tastes: painstaking study has revealed, for example, how versions
of one type of Aphrodite figure, originating in Athens, were made in both
Cyrenaica and Cyprus (Jeammet 2003: 138–141). Identifying the clay from
which a figurine is made is the best method of determining its production
place. In terms of scientific tests, neutron activation analysis, which can identify
the trace elements that make up the unique ‘fingerprint’ of a clay, is the most
reliable method (Burn and Higgins 2001: 293–306). But close visual
inspection of the clay can often reveal certain clues. The actual color of the
clay is not usually a very helpful guide as this tends to vary a great deal
according to the firing conditions, and often even different parts of the same
figurine can be very different in color. But the texture of the clay and its
inclusions can sometimes be very helpful. The figurines of Athens, for example,
like Athenian vases, are generally made from fine clay that contains very few
inclusions of any kind. Boeotian clay, on the other hand, is slightly coarser,
with noticeable flecks of glittering silver particles (sometimes known as mica).
Asia Minor clays are still more micaceous, with flecks of gold as well as silver,
while most distinctive of all are the clays of Cyrenaica, which are often very
coarse and typically contain tiny fossilized sea creatures, like small pieces of
shell. The production places of some of the high-quality terracottas found in
huge numbers in the Greek cities of South Italy and Sicily (Magna Graecia)
may also be identified by the appearance of their clay: at Morgantina in central
Sicily, for example, distinctive clay types are one way by which locally produced
terracottas can be distinguished from those imported from Syracuse or other
production centers (Bell 1981: 116–118).
11.3 Types and Functions of Terracotta Figures
Terracottas could fulfill several different functions. These might vary according
to period and place, and also, to some extent, their types. At all periods it is
hard to avoid the rather obvious idea that surely some terracotta figures might
have been children’s toys. This is especially true of the numerous small and
appealing little figures of birds and animals that are found in graves and
sanctuaries; but that even some of the later figures of children or even older
females might have had this function may perhaps be suggested by a few
Athenian tombstones on which a young girl stands holding such a figure (e.g.
Uhlenbrock 1990: 44, fig. 36), as though it is an emblem of the childhood
that she is leaving behind in death. The function and destination of terracotta
figures are likely to be related, and it seems clear that in most periods the
principal find spots are tombs and sanctuaries, with houses entering the picture
significantly in the Hellenistic period. But in each of these contexts they may
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Terracottas 227
have fulfilled a variety of roles, and the same type of figure, whether it is of a
goddess or a little girl, might be found in all three.
Is there any development in use and consequently in function or significance
over time? In the Geometric period, when terracottas were closely related to
pottery and most of those that we know about were found in graves, they are
likely to have played a similar role to the pots, emphasizing the status of the
dead person and his or her family. In the Archaic period, goddess figurines,
along with a variety of small animals, horsemen, and small genre figures,
predominated. A typical East Greek example of a goddess (Figure 11.2) shows
the figure seated frontally. The tall headdresses of the goddess figurines
suggest they may be images of Demeter or Persephone, goddesses associated
with the Underworld. These figures have been found in both sanctuaries and
tombs; in sanctuaries they would be offered as gifts to placate the local gods,
while in tombs they may have served to protect the dead person on his or her
journey to the Underworld. In the Classical period, most terracottas continued
to be predominantly sacred in both subject and function. Large numbers of
them have been found, for example, in the sanctuaries of Athens and Attica at
this time. Goddesses predominate, but they are joined by images of Dionysos
and, especially in the later 5th and 4th c. BC, by figures of women and youths,
who sometimes hold offerings such as flowers or cockerels and who are best
interpreted as worshippers, visitors to a sanctuary. Although there are naturally
stylistic developments, these basic types of figure, and their use in sanctuaries,
continue through the 4th c. and into the Hellenistic period. At certain
sanctuaries or in connection with certain deities, particular types of figure
seem to have become especially popular, being related to the presiding god or
goddess. At many small sanctuaries and shrines in southern Italy, for example,
images of the banqueting Dionysos were extremely popular, a reflection of his
important role there as an Underworld deity. Demeter sanctuaries throughout
the Greek world, on the other hand, are noted for their large quantities of
hydrophoroi, or women carrying water jars on their heads (Burn and Higgins
2001: 175, 180). Their image evokes an episode in the myth of the goddess
Demeter, who, when searching for her lost daughter Persephone, was
welcomed at Eleusis by the kindly daughters of Keleos when they came with
their water jars to draw water from the well and found her resting there
(Figure 11.3). It is likely that women carried water jars in Demeter sanctuary
rituals, and that by dedicating these figurines they left behind surrogates of
themselves, worshippers who would keep their place in the sanctuary and
continue to honor the goddess after they themselves, the dedicators, had
returned home. Female figures carrying piglets, another popular offering to
the Underworld deities, are also commonly found at sanctuaries of Demeter
and Persephone. At other sanctuaries, female figures wearing a particular or
unusual style of dress, such as a peplos at a time when the chiton was in more
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228 Forms, Times, and Places
general wear, as at the Thesmophorion on Thasos (Muller 1996), may
be found. This trend may reflect the actual dress worn by the participants in a
festival, or else it may be the effect of conservatism in terms of the offering
tradition at a particular sanctuary. At Morgantina in central Sicily, the presence
of the sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone promoted the production of a
wide range of high-quality terracotta figures from the Archaic to the Hellenistic
periods. Here, as Bell has shown, the preferred types of terracotta, especially
the numerous figures that show Persephone as a bride, suggest that the
emphasis of the cult was very much on Persephone and her sacred marriage to
Hades, God of the Underworld (Bell 1981: esp. 99–103).
In the Hellenistic period, while sanctuary dedications of terracottas
continued, they also became very popular offerings for tombs. This may be
reflected in what looks like an increasing secularization in terms of subject or
type. The prime examples of this tendency are the ‘Tanagra’ figures, so-called
from the city of Tanagra in Boeotia, central Greece, where thousands were
discovered in largely illicit excavations in the 1870s and 1880s (Higgins
1996; Jeammet 2003). The ‘Tanagra’ style and type almost certainly
Figure 11.3 Terracotta figurine. Woman carrying water jar. c. 200 BC (London,
British Museum 2518. © The Trustees of the British Museum).
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Terracottas 229
originated in Athens in around 380 BC, perhaps in connection with ‘plastic’
vase developments, and from here it spread to Tanagra and elsewhere in the
Greek world, but the name ‘Tanagra’ has stuck. Although figures of
the goddess Aphrodite and her son Eros are part of the Tanagra repertoire,
the most common type of Tanagra is the elegantly draped, standing female
figure who lacks any of the attributes that would mark her out as a goddess
or a worshipper (Figure 11.4). There are also young men and children, both
boys and girls, and a variety of ‘genre’ figures, especially actors and old
nursemaids. Because of the circumstances in which these figures came to
light, we have virtually no evidence for the age or sex of the occupants of the
graves in which they were found. Research into the better-documented
contemporary graves at Taranto in southern Italy, however, where similar
‘Tanagra’-style figures have been found, suggests that terracotta figures were
generally thought most suitable for the graves of women and children, and
were rarely found in those of adult males (Graepler 1997). Their function in
the tomb is uncertain, but perhaps one way they might have been considered
Figure 11.4 Terracotta ‘Tanagra’ figurine. Woman. c. 250–200 BC (Cambridge,
Fitzwilliam Museum GR66.1937. University of Cambridge/The Bridgeman Art
Library).
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230 Forms, Times, and Places
is as substitutes for the female family members who played a principal role in
visiting and caring for the family tombs.
While there are generally fewer terracotta deities in the Hellenistic period
than before, Aphrodite’s popularity in other media is paralleled in terracotta,
and there is also a new fashion for winged figures – Eros, personification of
Love, and Nike, winged Victory. The largest and finest of the Eros and Nike
figures have been found at Myrina, a city in Asia Minor, not far from Smyrna,
which, like Tanagra, is principally remarkable for the terracottas found in its
cemeteries (Uhlenbrock 1990: 73–76). The Myrina workshops appear to have
been at their most active from around 250 BC onwards, continuing into the
Roman period. Many of the Myrina figures are highly accomplished in terms
of both design and technique and the Nikai in particular are truly magnificent
creations (Figure 11.5). They really do appear to fly, their tall, beautifully
feathered wings extended, one leg pushing free of the drapery, which then
presses back in windswept folds against the other leg and body. It is not clear
what significance these winged figures would have had in the tombs where
they are principally found – they should symbolize triumph or victory, so
Figure 11.5 Terracotta figurine. Winged Victory (Nike). c. 180 BC (Boston,
Museum of Fine Arts 01.7690. Museum purchase/The Bridgeman Art Library).
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Terracottas 231
perhaps they represent the escape of the dead person’s spirit from the confines
of the tomb. It is also worth noting that figures like these, with their projecting
limbs and wings, are extremely fragile: they are difficult to accommodate in
modern museum displays or storage but were surely just as difficult to transport
or handle in antiquity. It seems very likely that most were made and purchased
specifically for placing in the grave.
Other new types of terracotta figure also become popular in the course of
the Hellenistic period and were finely developed at Myrina. These include the
actor figures, representing the characters of both Middle and New Comedy.
The earlier figures are very like those that appear on South Italian vases of the
4th c. BC: they have short, padded costumes, an exaggeratedly large phallus,
and a mask (Figure 19.4). The later figures are also masked but generally are
fairly normal in terms of their proportions and dress; many of them can be
identified as stock characters of the comedies of such playwrights as Menander,
such as the Procurer or the Blond Young Man. The boundary between the
actor figures, with their caricature-like masks, and the so-called ‘grotesques’ is
often blurred, perhaps because, it is believed, in real life one way for dwarfs
and people with various physical disabilities to make a living was as dancers,
mummers, or general entertainers. At all events, terracotta figures with realistic
or exaggerated deformities, such as hunchbacks or twisted limbs and torsos,
do become popular in the Hellenistic period, and a good proportion of them
seem to be dancing or miming. Like the Nikai, it is not obvious why any of
these figures were considered appropriate offerings or furnishings for the
graves where most of them have been found. In the Athenian Kerameikos
cemetery it seems that actor figures were sometimes placed in children’s
graves: it has been suggested that a child’s first visit to the theater was a
significant rite of passage, and that actor figures could have been buried with
those who did not live long enough to experience it directly, but this seems
very speculative. As for the ‘grotesques’, were they perhaps considered to be
apotropaic – good-luck charms that would protect their purchasers – or those
whose graves they ended up in – from suffering a similar fate? Or were they,
rather, cheerful reminders of company and entertainment? Was the idea that
the noise and jollity that these figures represented might ward off the evil
spirits from the tomb (Uhlenbrock 1990: 159)?
The final context in which terracottas are found increasingly in the
Hellenistic period is in private houses (Rumscheid 2006). Here they seem to
have formed a cheap alternative to statuettes in more expensive materials such
as marble or bronze. It is not always simple to determine how the figures were
used or understood in a domestic context. At Priene, for example, a house
near the theater where many masks and actor figures were excavated could be
that of a theater-lover, but has more plausibly been interpreted as having had
some cult function connected with Dionysos. Other figurines of gods or
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232 Forms, Times, and Places
goddesses may have been used to furnish domestic shrines. But there is some
evidence to suggest that some figures, especially the larger-scale examples,
might have had a more purely decorative domestic function, placed on small
tables or in niches against the walls. This sort of decorative use seems to have
continued into the Roman period, with several examples of terracotta figures
of various scales used in the gardens and courtyards of Pompeii and other
Vesuvian cities.
11.4 Terracottas, Bronzes, and Other Sculpture
We know all too little about the coroplasts themselves and the organization of
the terracotta industry. The term ‘coroplast’ occurs very rarely in Greek
literature and when it does, it is usually a term of disparagement: Isocrates, for
example, asks rhetorically whether anyone would imagine comparing Pheidias
to a coroplast (Antid. 2). No individual is mentioned by name. But we do
know some coroplasts’ names because they appear on some of the terracotta
figures made and found at Myrina (Kassab 1988). These names generally
appear on the backs of the figures: some were incised into the molds, so that
they appear in slightly raised relief on the figures. Most of them are found on
figures that are dated stylistically to the 1st c. BC and AD and, though a few
Roman names appear, most of them are Greek – Diphilos, Hieron, Sodamos,
and Menophilos. We do not know whether the names are actually those of
individual coroplasts, or rather the owners of workshops.
We have briefly noted the relationship between terracottas and pottery,
terracotta makers and potters, and suggested that the developmental paths of
the two types of artifact were able to diverge with the introduction of molds
for figurines. But Greek cities and villages were too small for craftsmen to
work in isolation from each other, and it seems most likely that the practitioners
of various crafts mutually exchanged and absorbed useful information and
technologies. The use of archetypes and molds, for example, was something
that the terracotta makers had in common with bronze casters, and it seems
highly likely that many figurine types that we know solely or principally in
terracotta were also made in bronze: the maker of an archetype could have
sold his product or allowed it to be used by either type of craftsman. The
Baker Dancer, for example, a rare surviving, high-quality Hellenistic bronze
figure now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Pollitt 1986: fig. 292), finds
several parallels in terracotta. The point is probably not that one material is
imitating another but rather that bronze casters and coroplasts equally were
responding to the same demand, moving in the same environment, and quite
probably pooling their skills and their resources (Barr-Sharrar 1990). At times
there are also observable links between sculpture in marble and terracotta
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Terracottas 233
figures. One group of 2nd c. BC terracottas from Myrina, for example, seems to
echo the sculptural style of contemporary Pergamon (Uhlenbrock 1990: 75);
and some of the fragmentary terracottas from Knidos and Halikarnassos now
in the British Museum have strong links with contemporary large-scale sculp-
ture from Caria and the Dodecanese – not just in their poses and drapery
styles but also in facial expressions and hairstyles (Burn 1997). Several
‘Tanagra’ types echo or are echoed by large-scale marble statues, such as the
so-called ‘Sophoclean’ type (e.g. Jeammet 2003: 198–203). Clearly the basic
technology of working in marble and clay is decidedly different, with the
marble workers cutting away the surface to reveal the form beneath and the
workers in clay building up their figures layer by layer. However, the polychromy
of marble sculpture seems likely to have followed much the same method and
used the same materials as that of terracottas. And it is perfectly possible that
not just bronze casters, but even sculptors like Pheidias, whom we now
celebrate for their surviving work in marble, actually carried out much of their
original work in terracotta. There are references to sculptors working at
Epidauros producing ‘typoi’, which may be models in clay, and it seems highly
likely that for, say, a pedimental composition, a sculptor would produce a set
of clay models to develop and plan the relative positions and groupings of the
figures (Boardman 2006). It certainly seems plausible, too, that the prolifera-
tion and replication of large-scale copies of statue types in the Hellenistic
period was facilitated by the export and migration across the Greek world of
small-scale terracotta figures or molds taken from them.
Though terracotta figures were certainly cheap and ubiquitous in antiquity,
they are still well worth studying today. Some, like the Myrina victories, are
small-scale masterpieces of sculpture; all are a tangible link with the past, and
even when we cannot be certain of their significance, they serve to bring us
closer to those who made and used them.
FURTHER READING
The most comprehensive general introduction to the subject in English remains
Higgins (1967), which covers the subject chronologically from about 7000 BC to AD
100, in terms of technology, typology, and regional development. It is, however,
considerably out of date, and badly needs replacing. Full of valuable insights, especially
for the Hellenistic period, and including much more recent bibliography and finds,
are two excellent books produced to accompany exhibitions of terracotta figurines:
Uhlenbrock (1990) and Jeammet (2003). Uhlenbrock includes insightful essays by a
number of scholars, who make invaluable contributions to our understanding of
regional styles and workshop practices in the Hellenistic period. It also underlines the
pioneering work undertaken by Dorothy Burr Thompson in terms of outlining the
Athenian origins of the Tanagra style. Jeammet is the most beautiful terracotta book
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234 Forms, Times, and Places
yet produced, elegantly designed with magnificent, full-color images of numerous
figures; the author focuses on the products of Tanagra from the Archaic period
onwards, and as well as demonstrating the stylistic and typological development at
Tanagra, provides illuminating case studies on the diffusion of the Tanagra style. Like
Higgins (1986), Jeanmet also introduces the story of the discovery and reception of
Tanagra figures in the 1870s and 1880s. The bibliography is extremely complete and
suggests numerous avenues to pursue.
Otherwise, the most useful material on this subject is to be found in museum
catalogues and excavation reports. Of the former, W. Schürmann’s (1989) Katalog
der antiken Terrakotten im Badischen Landesmuseum, Karlsruhe is an excellent
example. Of the latter, Merker (2000), with her masterful analysis of the terracotta
figures from the sanctuary of Demeter and Corinth, not only organizes the material
clearly and concisely but is also a mine of information on everything from clays to
technology, typology, and function. And Rumscheid (2006), besides presenting the
figurines from Priene, offers invaluable discussions of context and superbly referenced
summaries of terracotta finds in domestic contexts from Ephesos to Pompeii. On
Sicily, see Bell (1981), detailing the finds from Morgantina; and for Boeotian in
various time periods, see Szabo (1994).
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