A future in the past: urban agroforestry systems in future planned …eprints.qut.edu.au/19333/3/Andrew_East_Thesis.pdf · 2010. 6. 9. · A future in the past: urban agroforestry

A future in the past: urban agroforestry

systems in future planned urban

settlements in Kiribati, a Pacific case

study

By Andrew John East Bachelor of Built Environment (2003)

Graduate Diploma in Landscape Architecture (2004)

School of Design and Institute for Sustainable Resources

Queensland University of Technology

Doctor of Philosophy 2008

i

Keywords

Pacific islands

Agroforestry

Kiribati

Homegardening

Sustainable development

ii

Abstract

In the last 50 years, Pacific Island Countries (PICs) have experienced unprecedented levels

of urban development. During this time, the general failure of traditional industrialised

planning models to be successfully adapted in PICs has resulted in the need to explore

alternative models for urban settlement in the Pacific. In this way, the incorporation of tree

based agricultural systems (agroforestry) into urban settlements has considerable potential to

address many of the problems associated with rapid urbanisation such as food security, waste

management, environmental degradation and unemployment. Research in the Pacific has

already shown how urban agroforestry systems can improve food security, increase access to

nutritional foods, recycle organic waste, create employment and protect fragile ecological

systems. However, in Pacific towns and cities urban agroforestry systems are rarely

developed beyond a homegarden setting.

The growth of urban centres in the Republic of Kiribati is an example of the challenges

confronting many rapidly urbanising PICs. With infertile soils, severely restricted land and

water resources and an emerging economy, Kiribati is a developing nation where sustainable

development faces some of its greatest challenges. Due to rapidly expanding urban

populations, the Kiribati Government is currently investigating the development of future

planned urban settlements. In such a scenario, potential exists to extend urban agroforestry

systems beyond a homegarden setting and explore alternative models for sustainable

urbanisation in the Pacific.

This research uses a mixed methods case study approach to investigate the potential role of

food producing urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati.

More specifically, qualitative procedures are used to explore issues surrounding the

promotion and development of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements while quantitative procedures are used to analyse the nutritional contribution of

these systems. Findings from this study show that although urban agroforestry is a highly

sustainable land use it faces two main challenges in Kiribati: (i) people’s perception that

urban agroforestry systems are a relatively low value land use and (ii) the general inability of

the Kiribati Government to effectively regulate urban land uses. However, in the event that

urban agroforestry systems were deliberately included at a settlement wide scale beyond a

homegarden setting, this study highlights the initial importance of equally allocating

productive lands to individual households. Furthermore, the results emphasise the value of

simple on-site composting technologies as components of the broader urban agroforestry

iii

system. Finally, the marginal nature of the atoll environment is evident in findings on the

nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry species in future planned urban settlements.

In summary, while considerable constraints must be overcome to ensure the long term

viability of planned urban agroforestry systems at a whole of settlement scale, it is argued

that such an approach is one of the most cost effective, culturally acceptable and

environmentally responsible methods for addressing a range of urban issues in the Pacific

and is therefore an essential component to the design of future planned urban settlements in

Kiribati.

iv

Papers resulting from this thesis

East, AJ 2007, ‘Homegardening as a panacea: a case study of South Tarawa,’ paper

submitted to Asia Pacific Viewpoint on 5th of December 2007.

East, AJ and Dawes, LA 2008b, ‘Sustainable urbanisation in Kiribati: an oxymoron?,’

International Journal of Island Affairs, May, pp. 23-35.

v

Table of contents

1.0 INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................ 1

1.1 Background to the research............................................................................................ 1

1.2 Identifying the research problem ................................................................................... 2

1.3 Justification and contribution of the research ................................................................ 4

1.4 Methodology.................................................................................................................. 5

1.5 Thesis outline................................................................................................................. 5

1.6 Definition of urban agroforestry .................................................................................... 7

1.7 Delimitations and scope of research .............................................................................. 8

1.8 Summary and conclusion............................................................................................... 9

2.0 URBANISATION IN THE PACIFIC .......................................................................... 10

2.1 The shared development history of cities in the Pacific islands .................................. 10

2.2 Sustainable development in the Pacific ....................................................................... 14

2.3 Summary and conclusions ........................................................................................... 20

3.0 AGROFORESTRY AND HOMEGARDENING IN THE PACIFIC ....................... 22

3.1 Agroforestry and its place in the Pacific...................................................................... 22

3.2 Homegardening as a system of urban agroforestry...................................................... 29

3.3 Urban forestry as a form of urban agroforestry ........................................................... 35

3.4 Literature on homegardening, urban forestry and urban agroforestry in the Pacific ... 37


4.0 ENVIRONMENTAL, CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND TO

URBANISATION IN KIRIBATI ....................................................................................... 44

4.1 Physical geography of Kiribati .................................................................................... 44

4.2 Brief history of settlement in Kiribati .......................................................................... 48

4.3 Economic, cultural and political background of Kiribati............................................. 56

4.4 Property regimes and Research Question Two: ownership and management of

agroforestry resources........................................................................................................ 62


5.0 THE URBAN FORM OF SOUTH TARAWA ............................................................ 72

5.1 Urban management in South Tarawa........................................................................... 72

5.2 Land, squatter settlements and housing in South Tarawa............................................ 77

5.3 Waste management, water supply and the urban environment.................................... 83

5.4 Future settlement options in Kiribati ........................................................................... 90


6.0 ATOLL AGRICULTURE AND URBAN AGROFORESTRY IN KIRIBATI........ 97

6.1 Atoll agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati .............................................................. 97

vi

6.2 Dietary preferences, nutrition and food security in South Tarawa.............................110

6.3 Nutritional value and agricultural productivity of key food producing agroforestry

species ..............................................................................................................................113

6.4 Summary and conclusions..........................................................................................123

7.0 PLANNING A PRODUCTIVE FUTURE: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH125

7.1 The use of theory: connection between the literature review, theoretical framework

and research questions......................................................................................................125

7.2 Justification and explanation of the research philosophy and inquiry paradigm........128

7.3 Research strategy........................................................................................................130

7.4 Research procedures...................................................................................................134

7.5 Qualitative analysis of interview data ........................................................................144

7.6 Quantitative analysis procedures and the investigation of Research Question Four: the

nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems ....................................................147

7.7 Validation of research ................................................................................................150


8.0 ANALYSIS AND RESULTS.......................................................................................153

8.1 Results from qualitative research questions ...............................................................153

8.2 Research Question One: the potential and constraints associated with the planned

inclusion of urban agroforestry systems...........................................................................154

8.3 Research Question Two: the effect of different ownership and management models on

food productivity and cultural appropriateness of urban agroforestry systems................161

8.4 Research Question Three: the appropriateness of existing organic waste management

systems for use in agroforestry system.............................................................................188

8.5 Research Question Four: quantitative results on the nutritional contribution of

regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods from a set area of land .............................198


9.0 DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS.......................................................................206

9.1 Discussion of results from each research question.....................................................206

9.2 Implications of findings to theory, policy and practice ..............................................227

9.3 Research limitations ...................................................................................................231

9.4 Contributions..............................................................................................................232

9.5 Summary ....................................................................................................................232

10.0: CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS ..................................................234

10.1 What role should food producing urban agroforestry systems play in future planned

urban settlements in Kiribati?...........................................................................................234

10.2 Future research directions ........................................................................................238

vii

APPENDIX 1: CENSUS DATA USED TO DEVELOP THE TYPICAL URBAN

HOUSEHOLD.................................................................................................................... 240

APPENDIX 2: WRITTEN AND VERBAL CONSENT PACKAGES USED TO

OBTAIN INFORMED CONSENT .................................................................................. 241

APPENDIX 3: INTERVIEW SCRIPT AND VISUAL AIDS USED IN QUALITATIVE

INTERVIEW ON AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS IN FUTURE PLANNED URBAN

SETTLEMENTS................................................................................................................ 246

APPENDIX 4: ADDITIONAL RESULTS FROM ANALYSIS OF INTERVIEW DATA

............................................................................................................................................. 272

APPENDIX 5: CALCULATION OF THE NUTRITIONAL CONTRIBUTION OF

URBAN AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS ......................................................................... 282

REFERENCES................................................................................................................... 291

viii

List of Figures

Figure 1: map of the Pacific islands .......................................................................................11

Figure 2: linear and circular metabolisms of cities ................................................................18

Figure 3: example of the different vegetation strata existing in a Javanese homegarden ......32

Figure 4: factors impacting farmer incentive to partake in homegardening...........................34

Figure 5: extent of the nation of Kiribati................................................................................45

Figure 6: typical atoll section showing fresh water lens ........................................................46

Figure 7: creation of a coral atoll ...........................................................................................47

Figure 8: division of atoll lands into traditional land holdings showing the general

predictability of the atoll environment ...................................................................................48

Figure 9: division of land according to the traditional Gilbertese settlement model..............50

Figure 10: traditional settlement pattern of the Gilbertese people .........................................51

Figure 11: abstract model of future planned urban land uses in a typical atoll environment.52

Figure 12: location of Tarawa atoll in the Gilbert islands......................................................55

Figure 13: population change in Kiribati and South Tarawa 1931-2005 ...............................56

Figure 14: copra production in Kiribati..................................................................................57

Figure 15: settlement model A – integrated individual tenure ...............................................67

Figure 16: settlement model B – private property, separate tenure........................................68

Figure 17: settlement model C - collective access approach, separate tenure........................69

Figure 18: settlement model D – state owned land ................................................................70

Figure 19: map of key urban centres in South Tarawa...........................................................73

Figure 20: native land ownership in Bairiki showing the division of the land into thin strips

................................................................................................................................................78

Figure 21: cycle of deterioration in South Tarawa.................................................................81

Figure 22: proposed design of two bedroom house for future urban settlement ....................82

Figure 23: composting toilet design used in Kiritimati trial...................................................86

Figure 24: household waste by weight showing the high organic component of household

waste.......................................................................................................................................87

Figure 25: section showing the design of a banana circle ......................................................89

Figure 26: land capability map for the initial stages of the Temaiku Project.........................94

Figure 27: configuration of a traditional homestead and surrounding vegetation..................99

Figure 28: example of a homegarden in South Tarawa........................................................105

Figure 29: living fence using local materials and species ....................................................106

Figure 30: cross section showing the design of a banana circle ...........................................108

Figure 31: the design of a coastal windbreak on an atoll .....................................................109

Figure 32: summary of research strategy showing specific research procedures.................136

ix

Figure 33: male translator explaining the settlement models to a homegardener during an

interview .............................................................................................................................. 140

Figure 34: the process of qualitative analysis ...................................................................... 146

Figure 35: flow chart of the procedure used to calculate the nutritional contribution of urban

agroforestry systems in future urban settlements................................................................. 150

Figure 36: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model A................................ 162

Figure 37: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model C................................ 163

Figure 38: participant ranking of different ownership and management models for producing

the most food from available urban agroforestry land in future planned urban settlements 165

Figure 39: participant ranking of different ownership and management models according to

which model was believed to be most socially and culturally appropriate.......................... 174

Figure 40: participant ranking of preference for which model they would like to live in ... 186

Figure 41: participant agreement on the personal use of composting technologies in future

planned urban settlements.................................................................................................... 189

Figure 42: daily consumption of locally grown foods recommended by Government

nutritionists to maintain a balanced diet for the typical urban household assuming set inputs

of fish, rice and bread........................................................................................................... 199

Figure 43: comparison between the nutritional values of the diet of the typical urban

household from Government nutritionists and the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes

from Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) calculated for the typical urban household.......... 200

Figure 44: an example of the detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future

planned urban settlements on 1000 square metres of productive land................................. 202

Figure 45: nutritional value of produce from agroforestry species in 1000 square metres

compared to the required Dietary Reference Intakes of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006)

calculated for the typical urban household .......................................................................... 204

x

List of Tables

Table 1: list of key sources on agroforestry in the Pacific .....................................................24

Table 2: different periods of agroforestry development in the Pacific...................................25

Table 3: positive and negative interactions at the tree-crop and tree-animal interface ..........28

Table 4: description of the major agroforestry practices identified in existing literature ......29

Table 5: general structure of a homegarden ...........................................................................32

Table 6: four main property regimes ......................................................................................65

Table 7: demographic composition of the typical urban household.......................................83

Table 8: number of South Tarawa households cultivating specific agroforestry species near

their house ............................................................................................................................105

Table 9: nutritional and agriculture values of some of the key agriculture species in Kiribati

..............................................................................................................................................124

Table 10: management of variables to create the future planned urban settlement scenario

within which to base research ..............................................................................................127

Table 11: choices for determining a mixed methods strategy of inquiry .............................134

Table 12: key benefits associated with maintaining the most productive land in future

planned urban settlements for food production ....................................................................156

Table 13: key criticisms associated with maintaining the most productive land in future

planned urban settlements for food production ....................................................................158

Table 14: positive and negative issues surrounding the lease of productive lands to urban

farmers in model A and C ....................................................................................................164

Table 15: limitations of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from

productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................166

Table 16: advantages of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from


Table 17: limitations of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from


Table 18: advantages of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from


Table 19: limitations of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from


Table 20: advantages of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from


Table 21: limitations of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from


xi

Table 22: advantages of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from

productive lands in future planned urban settlements.......................................................... 173

Table 23: limitations of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban

settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 175

Table 24: advantages of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 25: limitations of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 26: advantages of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 27: limitations of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 28: advantages of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 29: limitations of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 30: advantages of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban


Table 31: development and implementation of different ownership and management models

............................................................................................................................................. 184

Table 32: criticisms of the banana circle composting approach .......................................... 190

Table 33: benefits of the banana circle composting technology .......................................... 192

Table 34: criticisms of the community composting scheme................................................ 193

Table 35: benefits of the community composting scheme................................................... 194

Table 36: criticisms of the composting toilet composting approach.................................... 195

Table 37: benefits of the composting toilet composting approach ...................................... 197

Table 38: number and type of agroforestry species included in the detailed design of 1000

square metres of productive land ......................................................................................... 203

Table 39: results from agricultural interviews and literature review on optimal spacing of

selected agroforestry species................................................................................................ 203

Table 40: example of the variety of investment options for urban agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements ......................................................................................... 212

Table 41: key strengths and weaknesses of management models A to D............................ 218

Table 42: key themes and indicative costs associated with differing composting technologies

............................................................................................................................................. 223

Table 43: examples of the potential inclusion of urban agroforestry approaches into the five

components of the STP ........................................................................................................ 230

xii

List of abbreviations

AusAID - Australian Agency for International Development

ACIAR - Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research

CI - Conservation International

CLPB - Central Land Planning Board

CMT - Customary Marine Tenure

DSAP - Development of Sustainable Agriculture in the Pacific

FAO - Food and Agriculture Organization

FSPK - Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific Kiribati

IPGRI - International Plant Genetic Resources Institute

IWPK - International Waters Project Kiribati

KOFA - Kiribati Organic Farmers Association

MAFFA - Ministry of Agriculture Fisheries Forests and ALTA

MELAD - Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development

MSA - Multi Species Agroforestry

NEAq - New England Aquarium

MoU - Memorandum of Understanding

MIRAB – Migration, Remittances, Aid and Bureaucracy

NDS - National Development Strategies

NGOs - Non-Government Organisations

NZAID - New Zealand Agency for International Development

PICs - Pacific Island Countries

PGEFP - Pacific German Regional Forestry Project

PNG - Papua New Guinea

PRAP - Pacific Regional Agricultural Program

QUT - Queensland University of Technology

RERF - Revenue Equalisation Reserve Fund

SCP - Secretariat of the Pacific Community

SPREP - South Pacific Regional Environment Programme

STP - Sustainable Towns Program

TTM - Taiwan Technical Mission

UNDC - United Nations Development Corporation

UNPFA - United Nations Population Fund

UNICEF - United Nations Children's Fund

UN – United Nations

xiii

List of I-Kiribati words

Babai - giant swamp taro (Cyrtosperma chamissonis)

I-Kiribati – the Kiribati people

Maneaba – traditional meeting house and an autonomous district overseen by a clan-based

government

Maneaba ni Maungatabu - Kiribati unicameral House of Parliament

Boti – clan grouping

Bubuti – form of reciprocal aid, still common between friends and family, where an

individual asks for a gift or favour such as money or food (such a request can rarely be

denied)

Buakonikai- bush land holdings

Kainga – small group of extended families or a piece of land on which an extended family

settles

Kaoki Mange - return the rubbish

Mwanga - residential family units within a kainga

Te mange - solid waste

Te mronron - a non-traditional type of organisation where a family or larger group can pool

resources for a specific purpose

Te butae - human excreta

xiv

Statement of original authorship

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for

an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and

belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person

except where due reference is made.

Andrew John East

18/9/08

xv

Acknowledgements

Firstly, I would like to thank my wife Miriam for all her support and advice during the past

three and a half years. I appreciate your constant proofing, editing and feedback more than

can be expressed on this page. I would also like to acknowledge and thank my supervisory

team (Les Dawes, Glenn Thomas and John Hockings) for their efforts in directing and

shaping this research project.

I also wish to acknowledge the contribution of all participants in this research. Thank you for

making time to share your insights with me. The support and services of my translator

(Tekirati Betero) was also invaluable. Funding from the Queensland University of

Technology for this research through the Institute of Sustainable Resources and the Faculty

of the Built Environment and Engineering has also been greatly appreciated. Finally, I would

like to thank my friends and family (particularly my grandparents) for their continued

interest and feedback on my work.

God bless you all.

1

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the research

Increasing urbanisation is profoundly changing the relationship between human settlement

and the earth. In 2008 the world’s urban population exceeded its rural for the first time in

history (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). Globally, the population of urban centres is expected to

continue to increase; by 2030 it is predicted that 61 per cent of the world’s population will

live in cities (United Nations 2004, p. 3), much of this growth will occur in the developing

world (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). As global populations continue to shift from rural to urban,

energy supply, food security, waste management, environmental degradation and

unemployment will become increasingly pressing issues (Carter 1995, p. 82).

As in many parts of the developing world, Pacific Island Countries (PICs) are forced to

confront continually growing urban populations (Jones 2007; Tabureguci 2007). While the

last 50 years have seen unprecedented urban development in this region, the notion of urban

living in the Pacific is essentially a construct of recent history (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 19).

As one of the last regions in the world to undergo widespread urbanisation, many PICs are

struggling to come to terms with problems and issues associated with managing and planning

growing urban centres (Jones 2005, pp. 39-41). An increasing need exists to explore

alternative approaches to urban planning and management beyond traditional industrialised

planning approaches (Jones 2005; Overton & Storey 1999; Storey 2006).

Increasingly, Pacific towns and cities are becoming the loci of migration and change, where

modern technologies and perceived “limitless opportunity” exist within a mix of poverty,

insecurity, crime and tension (Connell & Lea 2002). The challenges associated with

increasing urbanisation in the Pacific have been the focus of a growing body of literature

(Bryant-Tokalau 1993; Connell 2003; Connell & Lea 2002; Jones 2007; Overton & Storey

1999; Storey 1999, 2006; Tabureguci 2007; World Bank 2000). In general, these authors

emphasise the connection between increased urban poverty, squatter settlements, pollution,

unemployment and the growth of Pacific towns and cities. Furthermore, some authors (Jones

2005; Overton & Storey 1999; Storey 2006) have questioned the ability of traditional

industrialised planning approaches to adequately address such challenges, calling for the

exploration of new models for urban planning and management in the Pacific.

2

Literature on urban agroforestry appears to offer potential solutions and an alternative

perspective from which to approach many of the urban challenges faced in Pacific towns and

cities (Carter 1995; Kuchelmeister 1998a; Thaman 1995; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy

2006). In brief, authors in this field suggest that the promotion, preservation and

improvement of tree based agricultural systems in urban areas offer one of the most direct,

cost-effective, culturally and ecologically appropriate means of meeting the majority of the

development goals in PICs. This notion of cultivating food in an urban environment is part

of a larger concept pertaining to urban agriculture (Baumgartner & Belevi 2005; Mougeot

2005; RUAF 2007; Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996). Urban agriculture is commonly presented as

one of the most efficient tools for transforming urban waste into food, creating jobs and

producing healthier, cleaner urban environments (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).

Although urban agriculture is already informally present in all Pacific cities in the form of

homegarden agroforestry, the full potential of these agricultural systems to address problems

arising out of rapid urbanisation is rarely recognised or developed (Thaman 1995, p. 222).

1.2 Identifying the research problem

Urban settlement in the Republic of Kiribati is indicative of many of the challenges facing

urban development throughout the Pacific. As with other PICs, the recent history of urban

development in Kiribati has been marked by high levels of rural to urban migration and

unplanned and unregulated urban expansion (Jones 2005; Storey 2006). In the past 50 years,

Kiribati has experienced a dramatic population shift from outlying islands (outer islands)

towards its capital and only urban centre, South Tarawa (Macdonald 2001, p. 216). The

continual influx of rural populations from outer islands has resulted in areas of South Tarawa

having some of the highest population densities in the Pacific (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 119).

South Tarawa faces many urban challenges largely due to overpopulation, poor lifestyle

choices and limited natural resources. Key urban problems include waste management,

malnutrition, food insecurity, unemployment and rapid degradation of the natural

environment (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b). The tremendous land pressures associated with

urban development in Kiribati has resulted in the Kiribati Government considering the

redevelopment of large areas of Government owned land for urban settlement (Asian

Development Bank 2004, 2005; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings 2003). The

opportunity to redevelop Government owned land, without the land constraints typically

associated with urban development in this region, presents an opportunity to explore the

potential contribution of urban agroforestry systems in future planned settlements and

investigate alternative approaches to urban settlement in the Pacific.

3

Thus, the research problem addressed in this thesis is:

What role should food producing urban agroforestry systems play in future

planned urban settlements in Kiribati?

In brief, it is argued that the intentional provision of food producing urban agroforestry

systems is a vital component of future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In support of

this argument, literature from a variety of disciplines is synthesised with results from the

analysis of data collected during research trips to Kiribati in 2005 and 2007 to draw

conclusions and make recommendations on the potential of urban agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements.

Specific research questions

A number of specific research questions exist within the broader research problem. These

research questions are based on gaps in existing knowledge identified through reviewing

literature relating to urbanisation and agroforestry in the Pacific, and urban management,

agriculture and urban development in Kiribati. Reference to literature in each of these fields

is contained in Chapters 2 to 6 of this thesis. The four research questions in this thesis are:

1. What are the strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most

productive land in future planned urban settlements for food producing urban

agroforestry systems?

2. How would different ownership and management approaches effect the cultural

appropriateness and food productivity of food producing agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements?

3. How appropriate are existing organic waste management systems for use in

agroforestry systems of future planned urban settlements?

4. What nutritional contribution would locally produced, regularly consumed urban

agroforestry foods make to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on

a daily basis?

4

1.3 Justification and contribution of the research

Investigation into the role of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements

can be justified at a number of levels. Firstly at a regional level, little research has been

carried out into the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific

(Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 95). Considering the current challenges associated with

urbanisation in the Pacific and the reported potential of urban agroforestry systems, further

research in this field is necessary.

Secondly, although the potential of urban agroforestry systems has been heavily advocated in

the Pacific (Thaman 1995, 2004; Thaman & Clarke 1993b; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy

2006), the actual practice of urban agroforestry is still in its infancy in Kiribati (Thomas

2002). Greater understanding of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements is necessary at this time because of the inevitable development of future growth

centres on South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings et al. 2004) and Kiritimati

island (Asian Development Bank 2006a). Although the potential role of urban food systems

is acknowledged by many of the documents relating to future urban development (Butcher-

Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 102; Hockings et al. 2004, p. 21) little research exists into the

incorporation of urban agroforestry systems in planned urban settlements in Kiribati and the

Pacific.

Finally, sustainable urban development is currently a topical issue in Kiribati due to the

proposed commencement of the Kiribati Sustainable Towns Program (STP); a joint initiative

of the New Zealand Agency for International Development (NZAID), Australian Agency for

International Development (AusAID) and the Kiribati Government. This program is

designed to developed a strong and proactive vision for future urban development in Kiribati

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a). The decisions made in the STP will profoundly influence

future urban settlement in Kiribati over the next decade. It is therefore important that policy

makers are well informed regarding the potential contribution that food producing urban

agroforestry systems could make to future planned urban settlements in Kiribati and the

Pacific.

5

1.4 Methodology

This study uses a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) research paradigm to examine

the research problem. This paradigm is used because of the pragmatic philosophy that

underpins mixed methods research, allowing the researcher to select the methodological mix

that best answers the research problem (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, pp. 16-7). The

freedom to base methodological decisions from a pragmatist perspective is necessary

considering the strong emphasis of this research on practical solutions to urban problems.

Within this paradigm, a case study research strategy is used to further direct the

methodological approach. This research strategy is designed to explore the development of

urban agroforestry systems within a conceptually transferable settlement scenario based

around a typical urban atoll settlement, illustrative of urban settlement in a number of

locations in Kiribati. Results from this investigation are then generalised to the broader

Pacific region according to the capacity of case study research to successfully generalise to

theory (Yin 2003, pp. 31-3).

A number of procedures exist within the case study research strategy. Each of these

procedures can be categorised according to qualitative and quantitative problem solving

assumptions related to the four research questions. Data for Research Questions One, Two

and Three is collected through a semi-structured interview with Government employees,

consultants and volunteers, and local homegardeners in Kiribati. These interviews are then

analysed using qualitative coding techniques to identify key themes and categories. In

contrast, quantitative procedures related to Research Question Four, combine nutritional and

agricultural data from existing literature with results from interviews with nutritional and

agricultural experts in the Kiribati Government to calculate the nutritional contribution of

popular urban agroforestry foods to a typical urban Kiribati family. For further details on the

methodology in this thesis refer Chapter 7.

1.5 Thesis outline

This thesis comprises 10 Chapters. Chapters 2 and 3 focus on the broad “parent theories”

overarching the research problem. In particular, Chapter 2 provides background into

urbanisation in the Pacific, identifying the similarities and differences between PICs and the

need to explore alternative models for urbanisation in the region. Furthermore, this chapter

also addresses broad concepts of development, sustainability and urban agriculture.

6

Similarly, Chapter 3 presents a broad summary of literature into agroforestry in the Pacific.

In particular, this chapter investigates the importance of agroforestry and the adaptation of

agroforestry into an urban setting in the Pacific. Key outcomes of Chapter 3 include the

definition of agroforestry, identification of the potential and constraints of urban agroforestry

in the Pacific and the need for further research into the role of urban agroforestry systems

beyond a homegarden setting.

Chapters 4, 5 and 6 build on the broad overview established in earlier chapters to address

more specific issues relating to urban development and agroforestry in Kiribati. In this way,

Chapter 4 addresses the environmental, cultural and economic background to urbanisation in

Kiribati. From a methodological perspective, key achievements of this chapter include the

identification of different ownership and management approaches that could be used in

future planned urban settlements and the general ecological homogeneity of the atoll

environment.

Chapter 5 addresses more specific literature on urban management and settlement in Kiribati.

This chapter is crucial in highlighting the challenges associated with achieving sustainable

urbanisation in an atoll environment and documenting the cultural complexities associated

with land tenure and waste management in Kiribati. Furthermore, Chapter 5 addresses the

current state of urban settlement in Kiribati and summarises current projects relating to the

development of future planned urban settlements. This information is essential in justifying

later assumptions on land ownership, composition of the typical urban household and

identifying existing waste management approaches to include in qualitative interviews.

As the last chapter in the literature review, Chapter 6 investigates literature relating to atoll

agriculture and urban agroforestry in Kiribati. This chapter is used to establish key

agroforestry species and cultivation practices in Kiribati. Furthermore, the extent of

knowledge on the nutritional value and productivity of regularly consumed urban

agroforestry species is also documented in Chapter 6. This information is necessary to

inform assumptions regarding the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements.

Drawing on the information contained in the literature review, Chapter 7 documents the

methodological approach used to answer the research problem and associated research

questions. In bridging the divide between literature review and data collection, this chapter

highlights how literature contained in pervious chapters informs the problem solving

approach used to answer the research problem. In this way, Chapter 7 describes and justifies

7

the research philosophy, paradigm, strategy and research procedures in this study. This

information then leads into a detailed discussion of qualitative and quantitative analysis

procedures.

Following the analysis of collected data, Chapter 8 presents the results obtained from

analysis of the collected data. Results are synthesised and documented according to each

research question. Key findings are then communicated using tables, graphs and direct

quotes from interviews. In Chapter 9, these results are compared and contrasted with existing

literature. During this discussion, the implications and limitations of research findings are

highlighted. In this chapter, particular attention is given to identifying the key contributions

of this research and the development of recommendations for policy and practice.

Hypotheses, insights, propositions and designs generated from this research provide a vital

starting point from which to commence the larger task of designing future planned urban

settlements in Kiribati and more broadly in the Pacific.

Finally, Chapter 10 closes the thesis by drawing together information contained in

proceeding chapters to reach final conclusions on each of the research questions and the

broader research problem. These conclusions are then used to identify areas where future

research could be undertaken.

1.6 Definition of urban agroforestry

In the existing literature, urban and rural agroforestry are not commonly separately defined

but are rather combined within the term agroforestry (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000,

p. 4). However, precisely defining this term is necessary in this thesis because of the

orientation of this research specifically towards urban agroforestry.

The term agroforestry has been defined by various authors including Nair PKR (1993, p. 13),

Thaman and Clarke (1993c, p. 10), USC and OTA (1987, p. 174) and Rogers and Thorpe

(1999, sec. 1, p. 2). While many definitions exist, it is important to adopt a definition of

urban agroforestry that recognises the distinctive nature of urban cultivation in the Pacific.

Thus, the definition of “agroforestry” in the Pacific in Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson

(2000, p. 4) is combined with the definition of “urban” in Foeken and Mwangi (2000, p.

303) to define urban agroforestry as:

8

the deliberate planting and protection of trees and forestry in and around

agricultural systems within city boundaries, in order to improve or maintain the

short-term and long-term economic productivity, cultural unity, and ecological

stability of agricultural systems.

1.7 Delimitations and scope of research

This study exists within clearly defined delimitations1 that give direction and focus to the

thesis. While, the explicit boundaries of the thesis are already firmly established through the

statement of the research problem in Section 1.2, the orientation of this study towards broad

concepts of “urban agroforestry” and “future planned urban settlement” means that further

clarification of the scope of the study is necessary.

Specific delimitations present in this study include the decision to focus research on soil

based agroforestry systems and not include the large variety of design, management and

tenure issues associated with marine species. Although seaweed cultivation, fishing, shell

fish collection and milk fish cultivation play a key role in Kiribati, these practices are largely

peripheral to the land based agroforestry systems examined in this project. Furthermore,

significant work into marine tenure and aquaculture in Kiribati has already been undertaken

by Thomas (2001; 2003).

Additional constraints on the scope of the study include the decisions to orient research on

food producing urban agroforestry systems. This narrowing of the study, does not imply that

many urban agroforestry systems have low medicinal, fuel, fodder and material benefits. On

the contrary, Thaman and Clarke (1993a, p. 19) list over 75 traditional uses for Pacific tree

species. Rather, this delimitation recognises that detailed examination of the many benefits

of urban agroforestry systems could potentially blur, rather than clarify the potential role of

urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. In a similar way, this

research will primarily focus on homegarden and coconut dominant agroforestry approaches

in atoll environments due to the dominance of these agroforestry approaches in existing

urban areas in Kiribati.

1 A limitation is beyond the control of the researcher while a delimitation is an aspect of the research

that has been purposefully excluded from the study for any number of reasons.

9

Further delimitations in this study include the decisions to focus research on a highly

transferable and generalised notion of future urban settlement rather than a specific area of

land in an existing geographical location. This approach provides greater insight into all

future urban settlements in Kiribati without limiting findings to site specific constraints of

any one land parcel. The relatively homogeneous nature of the atoll environment makes such

an approach possible.

Similar issues of transferability inform the decision to focus research on the interaction

between residential land uses and productive land, rather than studying the full variety of

land uses which could occur in future urban settlements. By means of justification, this

project is specifically concerned with the inclusion of agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements rather than examining the many different town planning issues associated

with the design of future planned urban settlements. Furthermore, urban agroforestry systems

typically hold greater connection to residential than to other land uses (Kumar & Nair 2006).

Finally, this research is focused on the development of future planned urban settlements

where the Kiribati Government has exclusive land tenure. While this situation is a rarity in

the Gilbert islands, it is more common in the Phoenix and Line islands. Furthermore, the

development of future planned urban settlements on Government owned land is supported in

literature on future urban development in Kiribati (Asian Development Bank 2006a;

Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings et al. 2004; MELAD 2003).

1.8 Summary and conclusion

This chapter lays the foundation for the remainder of the thesis. In introducing the research

problem and associated research questions, the reader is given a broad overview of the

direction of the study. Summaries of the contribution, methodology, outline, definitions and

scope of this research are designed to provide the reader with a clear direction of the thesis.

On this foundation, the study now proceeds with a more detailed examination of the research

problem.

10

2.0 URBANISATION IN THE PACIFIC

Increasing urbanisation in the developing world has been a feature of human settlement in

the twentieth century (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). As in other parts of the world today, managing

and planning urban growth in PICs is becoming an increasingly pressing issue. The

following chapter presents a summary of urbanisation in the Pacific, investigating the core

issues confronting urban residents, planners and governments throughout this region. An

appreciation of such factors is necessary to understand more specific issues relating to urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In this way, this chapter

broadly establishes the research context of urbanisation in Kiribati and provides justification

for this research through discussing literature on urban development in the Pacific,

international development, sustainability and urban agriculture.

2.1 The shared development history of cities in the Pacific islands

The Pacific Ocean contains some 7,500 scattered islands and is a region of tremendous

cultural and environmental diversity. Despite such diversity, many nations adjoining or

within the Pacific Ocean share broad geographical, developmental and economic similarities.

More recently, rapid urbanisation has emerged as one such similarity. The following section

reviews literature relating to the phenomenon of increasing urbanisation in the Pacific to

establish the connection between the urban challenges facing Kiribati and large regional

issues.

2.1.1 Geography of the Pacific islands

Geographically, the southwest Pacific can be grouped into two broad sub-regions largely

defined by levels of national development (Jones 1997, Ch. 3, p. 3). The first of these regions

is identified by Jones (1997, Ch. 3, p. 3) as the highly urbanised and modernised nations of

Australia and New Zealand. In contrast, the second group consists of a collection of scattered

and often fragmented PICs whose economies are still industrialising. As a region, the Pacific

covers over a third of the globe and has an estimated population of around nine million (SPC

2004; Wartho & Overton 1999, p. 33). Figure 1 illustrates this region’s further categorisation

into Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia.

11

Figure 1: map of the Pacific islands

Source: adapted from Macdonald (2001, p. xx); Connell and Lea (2002, p. 5) and SPC (2004)

Similarities and differences throughout the Pacific region

As a region the Pacific is both diverse yet full of broad commonalities. In many ways, the

Pacific is a region of ‘tremendous linguistic, cultural and geographical diversity’ (Hooper

1993, p. 314). Although the vast majority of PICs are still “developing countries”,

considerable variation exists in key indicators such as per capita income and adult literacy

levels (AusAID 2006, p. 17). However in general, nations in the Pacific share important

similarities including their relatively recent political independence from Colonial rule,

smallness of scale2, influential traditional sector and dependence on aid from other nations

(AusAID 2006, p. 32; Hooper 1993, p. 318). Interestingly, ‘on a per person basis the Pacific

islands receive the most aid of any group in the world’ (AusAID 2006, p. 34).

2 This does not imply that all nations in the Pacific have small populations or territories (although this

is true in many cases) but that decisions and choices throughout the Pacific are heavily influenced by

small-scale patterns of multi-faceted social relationships.

12

One of the most significant regional similarities in the Pacific is the influence of the socio-

cultural order3 on public and private sectors in PICs (Hooper 1993, p. 318). Common

features of the socio-cultural order in the Pacific include the strength of the subsistence

sector, land ownership issues associated with customary land tenure and strong kinship ties

in and between families (Hooper 1993). Despite the strength of traditional approaches in the

Pacific, the socio-cultural order is not a static and unchanging set of values and beliefs. As

Hooper (1993, p. 329) points out, the socio-cultural order of differing people groups in the

Pacific is a flexible entity capable of adapting to changing circumstances. The regional

population’s shift towards urban living in the Pacific is an example of a phenomenon that

both influences and is influenced by the socio-cultural order of people groups throughout the

Pacific.

2.1.2 History of urbanisation in the Pacific

It has been predicted that in 2008, the earth’s urban population will exceed rural populations

for the first time in history (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). UNFPA (2007, p. 1) states that ‘by 2030,

the towns and cities of the developing world will make up 80 per cent of urban humanity’.

Despite these figures, the notion of urban living in the Pacific is a relatively recent

phenomenon (Jones 2007, p. 13). Prior to outside contact with industrialised societies,

settlement in the Pacific took the form of scattered hamlets and villages oriented towards a

subsistence existence with little to no evidence of urbanisation (Jones 2005, p. 39). It was

only with the arrival of explorers, traders, missionaries and whalers during the early

nineteenth century Colonial period that the concept of urban living was introduced into pre-

literacy, subsistence based societies (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 45). From an “outside”

viewpoint, traditional culture and society during this time was seen as inferior to the more

technologically advanced and industrialised European cultures (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 11).

However, up to the end of the nineteenth century, urban settlements had relatively little

affect on the settlement patterns of the native islanders but rather remained creations of

“white aliens” residing on the edge of the European empires (Connell & Lea 2002; Wartho

& Overton 1999).

3 For the purpose of this thesis the socio-cultural order is defined as the shared and accepted sets of

social understandings between groups of individuals (Hooper, 1993).

13

From the start of the twentieth century to the commencement of World War II, urban centres

in the Pacific gradually grew as the function of towns and cities diversified beyond their

original trading and administrative functions into resource extraction and agricultural

production (Connell & Lea 2002, pp. 23-9). The end of World War II signalled the start of a

new period of development, ushered in by more liberal Colonial regimes focused on

education and economic development (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 35). The 1950s, 60s and 70s

marked a continued push towards the independence of individual PICs from Colonial

powers. This resulted in the emergence of numerous democratic and independent PICs

(Wartho & Overton 1999, p. 37). This change was also accompanied by unprecedented

levels of urban migration towards urban centres throughout the Pacific; the new economic,

national and educational hubs of PICs (Storey 2006, p. 1).

Early commentary on urban planning in the South Pacific region is recorded in Harre and

Knapman (1977). Connell and Lea (1998, p. 206) comment that urbanisation in Micronesia

has many common themes including the: general lack of implementation of land-use plans,

involvement of multiple municipal authorities in planning jurisdiction, high cost of service

provision and frequency of piecemeal, poorly planned development. These issues are also

raised in similar publications on urban development in Melanesia (Connell & Lea 1993) and

Polynesia (Connell & Lea 1995). Although these publications are now over 10 years old,

more recent literature indicates that little has changed. In this way, Jones and Lea (2007, p.

488) state that ‘evidence thus far suggests that urban conditions in the postcolonial Pacific

are uneven, have worsened almost everywhere and are most acute in parts of Melanesia’.

Such failures in urban management reflect deeper issues to do with governance itself

(Connell & Lea 2002).

2.1.3 Urbanisation in the Pacific today

The Pacific is more urbanised today than in any other point time in history (Jones 2007, p.

13). Some authors place current levels of urbanisation in the Pacific at around 40 (Storey

2006, p. 5) or even 45 to 50 per cent of the region’s total population (Jones 2005, p. 39). The

trend towards accelerated urban growth in the Pacific appears unlikely to change in the near

future, estimates predicting that by 2020 more than half of the population in the majority of

PICs will live in urban areas (Jones 1996, p. 162; World Bank 2000, p. 11). The position of

urban centres as vital nexuses for economic growth, cash employment, commerce and

education continues to encourage this growth trend (Jones 2007, p. 14; Storey 2006, p. 10).

14

In PICs, rapid urbanisation has also been accompanied by rapid population growth (AusAID

2006, p. 19; UNFPA 2007, p. 1). Unfortunately, population increase has not been

accompanied by strong economic growth, resulting in current levels of high unemployment

in the Pacific (AusAID 2006, p. 25). AusAID (2006, p. 38) states that there is a growing

consensus that economic growth is necessary if the future of the Pacific is to be secured. This

is believed to be necessary because in the past ‘no country has significantly reduced poverty

without rapid economic growth’ (AusAID 2006, p. 30). In a similar way, urbanisation is

believed to be an essential component to achieving significant economic growth in the

industrialised age (UNFPA 2007, p. 1).

Yet, while urbanisation in the Pacific creates significant potential for economic growth and

poverty alleviation, it has the potential to compound environmental and social problems by

concentrating poverty in a single location and stretching existing infrastructure to breaking

point (Jones 2005, p. 43; Lea 1995; UNFPA 2007, p. 1). The growth of urban centres in the

Pacific has also resulted in towns and cities becoming places where underlying tensions

between traditional and modern approaches surface (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 121). Such

tensions often manifest themselves in culturally sensitive issues such as customary land

tenure. Thus, developing workable solutions to land tenure issues is believed to be essential

in improving the future urban settlements in PICs (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 192; Jones 2005,

p. 41; Storey 2006, p. 18).

Other urban problems in the Pacific include the growing occurrence of urban poverty (Jones

2005, p. 43). Due to rising poverty and land tenure issues, the supply of adequately serviced,

affordable and safe housing stock is becoming an increasing problem for governments in

PICs. In response, urban populations have turned to informal, squatter like housing often

residing on the edges of existing urban areas (Storey 2003). One of the inevitable

consequences of such settlement is the rapid deterioration of the natural environment due to

a lack of effective urban management. Environmental problems in Pacific urban centres

include waste disposal, water and air pollution and coastal erosion (Lea 1995; Overton &

Storey 1999, p. 241).

2.2 Sustainable development in the Pacific

During the last 50 years, many PICs have struggled to manage and plan their growing urban

centres using conventional European town planning approaches. The general failure of

traditional industrialised planning models to be successfully adapted to the Pacific raises

questions on the appropriateness of such approaches. The following section addresses these

15

issues in greater depth, establishing the foundation for sustainable development of future

urban centres in Kiribati.

2.2.1 Past development approaches in the Pacific

During the Colonial period, the prevailing view of European administrators was that the

traditional lifestyles of Pacific islanders was a hindrance to development and advancement of

towns and cities (Burt & Clerk 1997, pp. 3-4). This approach was still evident in the neo-

liberal, capitalist policies adopted around the end of World War II (Burt & Clerk 1997, pp. 6-

7). However, Burt and Clerk (1997, p. 6) argue that this approach was unable to deal with the

emerging issues of poverty and environmental degradation that resulted from developmental

change. Under this system, “development” served the wishes of whatever ‘particular interest

group promoted in the name of progress’. Thus, development work in Pacific islands in the

past has frequently reflected foreign rather than local interests (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 5;

Escobar 1995).

The inability of neo-liberal development approaches to deliver lasting improvements to the

quality of life of local people resulted in a ‘crisis in confidence’ around the 1980s in

capitalist theories of development (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 7). In this way Geddes et al. (1982,

p. 9) comments that it was obvious ‘to many students of developing countries over the last

decade that the European approach is not only inadequate but positively harmful’. Thus,

‘development’ began to be seen as a ‘bottom-up’ approach that enabled and empowered the

poor and powerless to advance their own situation through participating in projects that were

responsive and accountable to their needs (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 7; Sillitoe 1998, p. 223). In

theory, this approach was more dependent on local culture and experience rather than

“superior” western knowledge (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 20). Around the same time, the

concept of sustainable development began to gather momentum, challenging the traditional

notions of development and progress that had been prominent for so many years.

2.2.2 The concept of sustainable development

Sustainable development emerged in the 1980s largely in response to the destructive nature

of post World War II development and increasing understanding of the importance of

protecting natural and social environments. Today this concept continues to be upheld as the

panacea for harmonising infinite human need with finite earthly resources; reconciling the

age old enemies of growth and the environment (Escobar 1995, p. 192). The most common

definitions of this concept are based upon that given in the Brundtland report by the World

16

Commission on Environment (1987, p. 43). In this report, sustainable development is

defined as, ‘development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the

ability of future generations to meet their own needs’. While this definition provides a useful

philanthropic point of departure, it solicits little in the way of real operational guidelines

(Lawn 2001, p. 15). Due to the ambiguity inherent in this concept it has often been used to

justify sustaining development in order to gain maximum benefit from the earth’s limited

resources instead of wise stewardship of resources and life systems (Escobar 1995, pp. 193-

5; Lawn 2001, pp. 15-71).

The complexity and enormity of the challenge contained within the concept of sustainable

development is made apparent when it is taken out of a theoretical vacuum and placed into a

world of seemingly infinite human need (Lawn 2001, pp. 11-6). The difficulties inherent in

transferring such a concept from theory to reality has resulted in some authors proposing that

sustainability should be seen as a trajectory rather than a specific end point (Forman 1995, p.

484). As a desired state of existence rather than a final goal, sustainable development

involves the harmonisation of desirable ends with the wise stewardship of limited means to

create an appropriate legacy for future generations (Lawn 2001, p. 21). Such a definition,

reflects the importance of informed choice where certain ‘trade-offs between different

sustainability objectives are often necessary’ (Tisdell 2004, p. 61). In particular, sustainable

development must harmonise the competing socio-cultural, economic and ecological needs

of a society and the environment in which it exists. Sustainable development remains a key

concern in the Pacific today, particularly with looming threats posed by climate change and

sea level rise (Government of Kiribati 2007; Preston et al. 2006).

Sustainable development in a Pacific context

As a global imperative, the concept of sustainable development has reached all corners of the

world, including the Pacific islands. While it is a popular belief that the Pacific was

sustainable before the arrival of Europeans, numerous examples exist of unsustainable

practices long before the influence of industrialised societies. The over-exploitation and

deforestation of parts of the New Guinea highlands is one such example (Burt & Clerk 1997,

p. 2; Crocombe, R. 1995, p. 6). Despite this, the influence of European technologies and

worldviews created many new problems and challenges for achieving sustainable

development in the Pacific (Overton & Storey 1999). Many of these problems can be traced

to increasing lifestyle demands that have accompanied peoples’ education and exposure to

new technologies.

17

Today, sustainability is becoming an increasing issue in many Pacific cities struggling to

supply growing populations with urban services from outdated industrialised urban planning

models (Crocombe, R. 1995, p. 6; Overton & Storey 1999, p. 254). While sustainable

development is often a popular concept on paper, few Pacific island governments are

prepared to count the cost of such philosophies for the sake of “sustainability” alone. Many

governments who attempt to implement such policies, often struggle to enforce their new

laws (Nunn 2004, p. 317). Similar problems are associated with developing sustainable

donor initiatives capable of continuing after donor support has been withdrawn. A history of

failed aid programs can be found throughout the Pacific. Such programs frequently fail due

to lack of consultation, poor planning and training, inappropriate choice of technology and

lack of consideration of socio-cultural dimensions (Liew 1990, p. 83).

Urban agriculture and sustainable cities

The industrial revolution ushered in new perspectives on the separation between urban and

rural land uses. In particular it was increasingly assumed that residents should buy food,

rather than grow it themselves. This understanding of city form has its roots in the planned

and regulated urban model emerging from the European Colonial period. During this period,

more affluent nations embraced the city as a sterile and sanitized environment which should

exist separately to rural food production. Such a model championed the city as a consumer of

goods, where resource inputs were consumed in a “linear metabolism” (refer Figure 2)

(Girardet 1993, p. 23; Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 33). However, in more recent times this

model has been challenged in the debate over the design of sustainable cities. This debate

has prompted an increased appreciation for cities with “circular metabolisms” where ‘every

output can also be used as an input’ (Girardet 1993, p. 23).

18

Figure 2: linear and circular metabolisms of cities

Source: adapted from Girardet (1993, p. 23)

The notion of producing food in an urban environment (urban agriculture) has much to

contribute to the debate on sustainable urban development. Urban agriculture is a generic

term used in reference to a variety of food production practices in and around city boundaries

including hydroponics, aquaponics, urban forestry and homegardening (Drescher, Holmer &

Iaquinta 2006, p. 319). Research into urban agriculture has gained increasing support

following the global shift towards urban living, particularly in developing countries. The

nature and importance of urban agriculture is discussed in sources such as RUAF (2007),

Mougeot (2005; 2006) and Smit Ratta and Nasr (1996).

As a natural system, ‘agriculture is perhaps that most sustainable of all human activities’

using raw inputs such as waste, sunlight, soil, water and labour to create produce with a

higher economic value (Overton, Murray & Ali 1999, p. 180). The concept of urban

agriculture in cities is not new but rather has existed in the form of household gardens since

Neolithic times (Cleveland & Soleri 1987, p. 259). Empirical investigations into urban food

production show how urban agriculture can be used to significantly increase the self-

sufficiency and decrease the environmental impact of cities. Findings from various Asian

(Latz 1991; Yeung 1987, 1988; Yi-Zhong & Zhangen 2000) and Latin American case

studies (Altieri et al. 1999) are often used to support the claims of authors such as Deelstra

and Girardet (2000), Garnett (2000), Gordon (1990), Girardet (1993) Haughton and Hunter

• Food and water

• Fuels and energy

• Processed goods

• Timber and pulp

• Sewerage

• Exhaust gases

• Household and factory

waste: liquid and solid

LINEAR METABOLISM

Input Output

CIRCULAR METABOLISM

Input Output

• Food & water

• Clean energy

technology and

maximum efficiency

• Processed goods

• Plant nutrient recycling

• Sulphur & nitrate

interceptions

• Recycled goods (with

minimum pollution)

19

(1994), Smit and Nasr (1992), Smit, Ratta and Nasr (1996) who promote urban agriculture as

one of the most efficient tools for transforming urban wastes into food, jobs and a healthier,

cleaner urban environment (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).

However, as a concept urban agriculture is not without its problems (Ellis & Sumberg 1998;

Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996). Some of the major criticisms associated with promoting urban

food production include potential pollution of the urban environment from agricultural

activities, theft of urban produce, increased toxicity of crops resulting from absorption of

chemically harmful urban pollutants, increasing pressure on already stretched urban

infrastructure, the high cost of land in urban areas, and unnecessary interference with urban

land markets. While such criticisms are biased towards preserving the traditional

“urban/rural divide” as a product of free market economics, they largely ignore the waste

reduction potential of urban agriculture or the potential for positive environmental benefits.

However, such criticisms emphasise the importance of understanding both the strengths and

weaknesses of food production within particular urban context before policy decisions are

made on the promotion of urban agriculture initiatives by either non-government of

government organisations.

2.2.3 Future research directions

Re-evaluating traditional models of city planning is particularly relevant to urban settlements

in the Pacific, as towns and cities move beyond their Colonial planning legacy and transition

from subsistence to industrialised economies. In this way, the inability of Pacific towns and

cities to tightly mimic the planning models used in western cities has prompted authors to

explore new urban development models focused towards decentralised rather than

centralised development (Overton & Storey 1999, p. 250). In discussing this topic, Overton

and Storey (1999) compare the compact urban model, most closely associated with the

traditional Colonial core of Pacific cities with the decentralised, informal and sometimes

illegal settlement patterns, often found on the outskirts of urban centres. Conclusions from

this comparison are in many ways similar to those from the urban agriculture sustainable city

movement. In this regard, Overton and Storey (1999, pp. 246-7) emphasise the potential of

village lifestyle, decentralised, urban settlements in the Pacific with quasi-independent

communities, homegardening and communal land to contribute to developing a greater

understanding of sustainable urban development in the Pacific.

For many years planning and managing Pacific cities has been guided by an attitude of ‘plan

what you can - forget the rest’ (Storey 2003, p. 275). While the reality of limited natural,

20

institutional and financial resources need to be considered, such a position only invites

conflict and chaos (Storey 2003, p. 275). Future models of urban development need to

achieve a workable balance between requirements for improved standards of living and the

affordability and enforcement of such standards (Jones 2005, p. 43). A similar balance is

needed between the pursuit of economic development (and associated growth of urban

centres) and the preservation of traditional subsistence approaches that, in general are highly

sustainable.

The need for further research into urbanisation in the Pacific islands is clearly seen in

publications such as Overton and Storey (1999, p. 255) and Storey (2006, p. 2). Furthermore,

the continued interaction between traditional and westernised approaches in urban areas

highlights the potential to explore new sustainable models of urban development based on

the strength of each approach (Overton & Storey 1999, p. 250). At this point in time, the

relatively small size of Pacific towns and cities means that they are generally ‘more

straightforward entities to deal with’ (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 19; Overton & Storey 1999, p.

253).

2.3 Summary and conclusions

PICs are under increasing pressure and strain as a result of a short history of rapid growth

and change. Without action, Pacific towns and cities will continue to be ‘characterized by

slums, endemic poverty and environmental degradation’ which will only serve to undermine

stability and productivity in the region (Storey 2006, p. 7). Planning and managing urban

areas is clearly a critical component in the successful and stable transition of PICs from pre-

industrialised subsistence living into a post modern global community. Both the inevitability

of future growth and the general failure of Colonial planning models to be successfully

adapted to Pacific towns and cities further emphasises the importance of future research into

new models of urban settlement in this region (Overton & Storey 1999, p. 250).

For Pacific towns and cities to continue to move closer to a blueprint for sustainable

development, new models for urban settlement need to be developed. Such models must

combine traditional decentralised settlement patterns with creative reinterpretations of

western planning approaches that align culturally appropriate, bottom-up development

initiatives with the wise stewardship of resources (Connell & Lea 2002; Storey 2003). The

reintroduction of food producing systems into urban areas has been shown to have numerous

benefits, particularly with regard to closing waste cycles. The further exploration of the

potential of urban food systems in the Pacific towns and cities is particularly important at

21

this time because of the current transition of PICs from subsistence to industrialised

economies and the relatively small size of urban settlements.

However, combining urban and rural in the form of urban agriculture is not without

economic, social and environmental challenges. Similarly, numerous challenges lie ahead for

Pacific towns and cities. One of the greatest challenges will be to manage and plan growing

urban centres to increasing economic growth and standards of living while not further

compounding environmental degradation and urban poverty. The following chapter

discusses the potential role of urban agroforestry (as a system of urban agriculture) to

address many of the challenges associated with increasing urbanisation in the Pacific.

22

3.0 AGROFORESTRY AND HOMEGARDENING IN THE PACIFIC

This chapter reviews literature on agroforestry systems in the Pacific in order to further

establish the theoretical and regional context of the research problem. The first half of this

chapter is directed towards the general practice of agroforestry with particular reference to

identifying key definitions, systems and the benefits of urban agroforestry systems. The

remainder of the chapter focuses on urban agroforestry, urban forestry and homegardening in

the Pacific. This literature is reviewed with reference to the general structure, benefits,

constraints and methodological challenges associated with researching tree based agricultural

systems in the Pacific.

3.1 Agroforestry and its place in the Pacific

Agroforestry is a technical term to describe an approach that has been used by humans for

many centuries to plant and protect trees (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 13). Similarly, in the Pacific

traditional food production practices have been connected with planting and protecting

productive tree species for thousands of years (Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000a, p. 3).

3.1.1 Definition of agroforestry

Various definitions exist for “agroforestry” including those given by Nair PKR (1993, p. 13),

Thaman and Clarke (1993c, p. 10), USC and OTA (1987, p. 174) and Rogers and Thorpe

(1999, sec. 1, p. 2). Although general similarity exists between the different definitions, it is

important for this thesis to adopt a definition that reflects the distinctive nature of

agroforestry in the Pacific (Thaman & Clarke 1993c, p. 10). For this reason, the definition of

agroforestry in this thesis is based on the work of Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson (2000, p.

4) into multipurpose agroforestry trees in the Pacific to define agroforestry as:

the deliberate planting and protection of trees and forestry in and around

agricultural systems in both rural and urban areas, in order to improve or

maintain the short-term and long-term economic productivity, cultural unity, and

ecological stability of agricultural systems.

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This definition deliberately approaches agroforestry from a generic perspective making

provision for the many different tree based systems that exist in the Pacific, from

homegardens in urban squatter settlements to large scale commercial intercropping of

coconut plantations (Thaman & Clarke 1993c, p. 10).

Although broad, the abovementioned definition satisfies the theoretical requirements of

authors such as Nair PKR (1993, pp. 13-6) and Rogers and Thorpe (1999, sec. 1, p. 2) who

stress the importance of productivity, cultural appropriateness, sustainability, deliberate

retention of woody perennials and beneficial ecological or economical interactions between

tree and non-tree agroforestry components. However, while the production and cultural

adaptability aspects of agroforestry are important, Nair PKR (1993, p. 28) states that it is the

inbuilt sustainability aspect that makes this concept different from other agricultural

approaches. This focus on sustainable yields is also supported by many other authors such as

USC and OTA (1987, p. 174), Thaman (1993b, p. 191) and Rogers and Thorpe (1999, sec. 1,

p. 2) who emphasised that the goal of agroforestry is to optimise crop combinations while

achieving sustainable yields through conserving/improving soil productivity and ecological

balance.

3.1.2 Historical development of agroforestry in the Pacific

According to Thaman and Clarke (1993c, p. 1) the term “agroforestry” became widely

recognised following the publication of “Trees, food and people: land management in the

tropics” by Bene, Beall and Cote (1977). This book was instrumental in establishing the

International Council for Research in Agroforestry (ICRAF). Since this time, an extensive

list of publications has been written by various authors focusing on the practice of

agroforestry in a variety of different global regions, including the Pacific. The rapid

expansion of research in this field is largely due to an increasing awareness of the

importance of sustainable agricultural practices (Thaman & Clarke 1993c, p. 1). Today,

ICRAF (2006) continues to publish literature on addressing global poverty and food

production through the practice of agroforestry.

Although often not prominent in ICRAF publications, agroforestry practices in the Pacific

have become an area of increasing interest in the past 20 years. A summary of key

publications in this field, arranged by date of publication is given in Table 1.

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Table 1: list of key sources on agroforestry in the Pacific

Author Title Brief summary Elevitch (2006) Traditional trees of Pacific

Islands: their culture, environment, and use

This book provides in-depth agroforestry information for 80 of the most important Pacific island trees

Thaman (2002a) Trees outside forests as a foundation for sustainable development in the Small Island Developing States of the Pacific Ocean

This article focuses on the importance of protecting and planting multipurpose trees in Small Island Developing States of the Pacific in order to achieve higher levels of sustainable development

Rosheko (2001) Agroforestry species and technologies: a compilation of the highlights and factsheets published by the National Fertilizer Industry Agency (NFIA) and FACT Net 1985-1999 extension series number 138

Selected sections of this book provide detailed information on the design and maintenance of agroforestry systems in the Pacific

Elevitch and Wilkinson (2000b)

Agroforestry guides for Pacific islands

This book comprises eight Agroforestry Guides that give well illustrated and highly practical information on a variety of agroforestry practices in Pacific islands. Individual chapters from this book are contained on the agroforestry.net web site such as Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000).

MAFFA and PGRFP (n.d.)

Agroforestry: the way ahead to the year 2000

This four page article gives a brief description of agroforestry practices that are recommended for farmers in Fiji

Rogers and Thorpe (1999)

Pacific agroforestry: an information kit

This book covers many specific practices, techniques, and species used in Pacific island agroforestry and is well supported by numerous case studies and diagrams

Clarke and Thaman (1993)

Agroforestry in the Pacific islands: systems for sustainability

This book examines past and present agroforestry systems in the Pacific with particular focus on the potential of these systems to achieve sustainable agriculture development

Vergara and Nair (1985)

Agroforestry in the South Pacific Region

This article investigates the undiscovered potential of locally available trees and agricultural crops in the Pacific

Source: analysis of relevant literature

The history of agroforestry in the Pacific is summarised by Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson

(2000, pp. 5-8) as consisting of five separate periods (refer Table 2). The first period

(agriculturalisation of the forest) involved the selective modification of the natural island

forests around human settlements for clearing agricultural land, accessing firewood and

obtaining construction resources. This period resulted in the formation of Multi Species

Agroforestry (MSA) systems as Pacific islanders gradually developed an understanding of

the multipurpose capabilities of their local tree resources (Rogers & Thorpe 1999, sec. 1, p.

2).

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Table 2: different periods of agroforestry development in the Pacific

Period Time Frame 1. Agriculturalisation of the forest 40,000 to 10,000 BCE* 2. Indigenous agroforestry enrichment and deforestation 40,000 to 1,000 BCE 3. Colonial agroforestry enrichment and agrodeforestation 1600 CE to present ** 4. Post World War II agroforestry enrichment and accelerated agrodeforestation

1940s to present

5. Twenty first century agroforestry re-enrichment multi species agroforestry development

2000 CE onwards

Notes: * different islands groups were settled at different times, this period began at different times in different island groups ** the Colonial period varies in length and continues in some cases for different Pacific nations and territories Source: adapted from Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson (2000, p. 5)

Initial agriculturalisation of the forest was followed by the indigenous agroforestry

enrichment and deforestation period where existing settlements were consolidated and new

settlements constructed. This period resulted in both the increased interaction of the island

people with productive trees and the increased clearing of native forests to make way for

agroforestry plantations. During this era, the expansion of human settlement across the

Pacific increased with inter-island trade and the further enrichment of agroforestry systems

through the introduction of new species and uses for multi purpose trees (Thaman, Elevitch

& Wilkinson 2000). However, in some populations, unsustainable clearing of native forests

resulted in the mass expansion of treeless grasslands and the widespread destruction of local

ecosystems. The mass deforestation of Easter island (Rapa Nui) is a dramatic example of

unsustainable clearing in this period (Rainbird 2002).

The arrival of Colonial stakeholders in the Pacific signalled the beginning of the third era in

agroforestry. During this period, agricultural production generally focused on export driven

monocultural crop and livestock cultivation with little emphasis on more traditional MSA

approaches (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 6). While contact with Colonial powers

did further diversify and enrich agroforestry systems (particularly in homegardens), the

continuing growth of cash crop cultivation and growth of Colonial towns and cities resulted

in the loss of native forests and the expansion of large areas of monocultural treeless

agriculture.

The fourth period of agroforestry was marked by the expansion of World War II into the

Pacific. Events of this time brought Pacific islanders into increased contact with the outside

world, opening trade and cash employment opportunities in and around towns and cities.

This increased exposure to the cash economy further fuelled demand for earnings from local

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cash crops. In response, Pacific agricultural departments heavily promoted export cropping

through the use of unsustainable monocultural cultivation (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson

2000, p. 7). This promotion of cash crops was associated with an increasing neglect of

traditional agroforestry approaches in both educational institutions and in agricultural

practice.

The fifth and final period of agroforestry development to date in the Pacific, is recorded by

Thaman and Elevitch (2000, p. 8) as the twenty first century re-enrichment era. Clearly these

authors hope that this period will see the reintroduction of MSA systems into the Pacific to

address issues of deforestation and environmental degradation. Thaman and Elevitch (2000,

p. 8) suggest that MSA systems provide a viable alternative to monocultural cultivation

while at the some time minimizing the continued loss of significant tree species and

traditional agricultural knowledge. Similarly, Rogers and Thorpe (1999, sec. 1, p. 3)

emphasise the importance of adapting traditional agroforestry approaches as a sustainable

solution to meeting the growing demands that are being placed on agricultural land resources

in the Pacific.

3.1.3 Reengaging with traditional agroforestry approaches

Prior to the introduction of industrialised technologies, the Pacific was heavily dependent on

subsistent MSA agroforestry systems. An example of this dependence is shown in Thaman,

Elevitch and Wilkinson’s (2000, p. 3) list of over 55 separate ecological and cultural uses for

traditional Pacific tree species. Similarly Thaman and Clarke (1993a, p. 19) list over 75

traditional uses for Pacific tree species ranging from fuel, shade, toilet paper and bush

medicines to food production. Furthermore, detailed studies into traditional agroforestry such

as Clarke (1977, pp. 372-7) have emphasised the following characteristics of traditional

MSA systems:

• closed system agriculture;

• organic cultivation;

• high net energy yields (high return on labour inputs);

• dependence on local renewable resources (wood for construction and ash for

fertilisers);

• equitable dispersion of resources throughout community (land, energy, vegetation);

• habitat preservation for future generations;

• diversity of tree and non-tree crops and animals.

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Despite the changes that have taken place in the Pacific over the last 100 years, traditional

agroforestry approaches such as MSA, shifting cultivation and bush fallow systems still play

an important role throughout the Pacific (Rogers & Thorpe 1999, sec. 1, p.2; Thaman 2002a,

pp. 268-9). However, over the last century traditional agricultural and food systems have

suffered widespread neglect as a result of unsustainable “modern” agricultural practices

(Thaman 1990a, p. 2, 2002b, p. 24, 2002a, p. 270). This process is identified in Thaman

(1990a, p. 2) as agrodeforestation. Today, the reintroduction and development of traditional

agroforestry technologies is seen as one of the most economically, culturally and

ecologically effective means of arresting unsustainable agricultural practice in the Pacific

(Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 8).

On the other hand, traditional MSA systems must not be viewed as a panacea for all future

development in the Pacific (Rogers & Thorpe 1999, sec. 1, p. 3). Such a belief would clearly

disregard the growing societal complexities that have emerged in the Pacific in the last 200

years (Thaman & Clarke 1993b, p. 192). Instead, MSA systems should be used as a

departure point for future agricultural development which acknowledges the value of

embracing time tested and culturally appropriate food production technologies (Thaman,

Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 4).

3.1.4 Key components of agroforestry systems

In general, agroforestry systems combine woody perennial, crops and animals/pasture

components into a holistic production system (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 25). Assuming that the

woody perennial component is always present (in order to classify as agroforestry), these

components can be combined to form either agrosilvoculture (crops and trees), silvopastoral

(pasture/animals and trees) or agrosilvopastoral (crops, animals/pasture and trees) systems.

In each of these systems, complex above and below ground interactions (positive and

negative) occur within and between each component as living species compete for soil, water

and light resources (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 244). The challenge involved with designing and

managing agroforestry systems is to balance component interactions by selecting species,

densities and planting arrangements that capitalise on the positive interactions and minimise

the negative (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 254). Such interactions occur at either the tree-crop

interface or the tree-animal interface of any given systems. Table 3 identifies the potential

positive and negative interactions at these interfaces.

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Table 3: positive and negative interactions at the tree-crop and tree-animal interface

Tree-crop interface Tree-animal interface Positive Shading trees (stress reduction) Shading Biomass contribution Manure deposition Water conservation Soil conservation Negative Light competition Phytotoxins Nutrient competition Browsing damage Water competition Trampling Allelopathy Disease/pest hosts Source: adapted from Nair PKR (1993, p. 245)

Combining complementary, multiuse species into an integrated agricultural system is one of

the foundational principles of agroforestry (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 178). In particular,

multipurpose trees are often favoured due to their ability to increase ecological stability and

productivity whilst providing a variety of useful food and non food products (Thaman,

Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 9). While all trees are multipurpose in some form, the term

“multipurpose tree” in an agroforestry context refers specifically to ‘trees and shrubs which

are deliberately kept and managed for more than one preferred use, product, and/or service’

(Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 172). The broad and inclusive nature of agroforestry creates the

potential for many different crop combinations and interactions particularly in a tropical

climate such as in the Pacific. The many different agroforestry systems that exist in the

Pacific can be classified according to the structural (composition of components), functional

(primary purpose of production), socioeconomic (commercial versus subsistence) and

ecological (environmental suitability of systems) interactions of any given system (Nair, P.

K. R. 1993, p. 22).

Despite the many different combinations of agroforestry systems made possible by

combining the vast number of structural, functional, socioeconomic and ecological factors,

the complexity of agroforestry systems can be simplified through the identification of a set

of distinctive “agroforestry practices” (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 32). Table 4 provides a brief

summary of some of the most common agroforestry practices identified by existing

literature. Although many different agroforestry practices exist, this research will primarily

focus in greater detail on homegarden and coconut dominant agroforestry approaches in atoll

environments due to the orientation of this thesis towards urban agroforestry in Kiribati.

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Table 4: description of the major agroforestry practices identified in existing literature

Agroforestry practice Brief description Agrisilvicultural systems Improved fallow Woody species planted and left to grow during the “fallow

phase” Taungya Combined stand of woody and agricultural species during

early stages of establishment of plantations Alley cropping Woody species in hedges; agricultural species in alley Multilayer tree gardens Multispecies, multilayer, dense plant associations with no

organised planting arrangements Multipurpose trees on crop lands Trees scattered haphazardly or according to some

systematic patterns on bunds, terraces or plot/field boundaries

Plantation crop combinations Integrated and intercropped multi-storey mixtures of plantation crops

Homegardens Intimate, multistorey combinations of various trees and crops around homesteads

Shelterbelts and windbreaks, live hedges Trees around farmland/plots Fuel wood production Interplanting firewood species on or around agricultural

lands Silvopastoral systems Protein banks Production of protein-rich tree fodder on farm/rangelands

for cut and carry fodder production Plantation crops with pastures and animals

Examples include cattle under coconuts

Agrosilvopastoral systems Homegardens involving animals Intimate, multi-storey combinations of various trees, crops

and animals around homesteads Multipurpose woody hedgerows Woody hedges for browsing, mulch green manure, soil

conservation Source: adapted from Nair PKR (1993, pp. 33-4) Vergara and Nair (1985, pp. 367-75) and Rogers and

Thorpe (1999, sec. 2, pp. 4-5)

3.2 Homegardening as a system of urban agroforestry

Urban agroforestry is a term used to describe the existence of agroforestry systems within

the boundaries of a town or city. Urban agroforestry is most commonly practiced in urban

homegardens. Many homegardens can be classified as urban agroforestry systems because of

the integration of productive trees within a productive urban landscape. The promotion of

homegarden systems is recognised as a poverty alleviation strategy internationally and

within the Pacific region. This section reviews this literature to establish key definitions,

structure, function and challenges associated with homegardening as a system of urban

agroforestry.

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3.2.1 Development of literature on homegardening

Homegardens are believed to be one of the oldest food producing land uses ever to have

existed (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 136). Despite the ancient nature of homegardens, pioneering

research into these systems only commenced in the 1940s (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 136).

Midmore and Niñez (1991, p. 5) report that the idea of using homegardens as a development

tool was first discovered around the 1950s. However, after this time support for using

homegardens as a development initiative lessened until the 1980s when United Nations

Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) showed

renewed interest in small scale food production (Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991, p.

5).

The first international workshop on tropical homegardens was held at Bandung (Indonesia)

in 1985. Papers presented at this conferences were compiled by Landauer and Brazil (1990)

and published under the banner of the United Nations (UN). In 1991 a workshop was held on

household garden projects in Bangkok (Thailand). The outcomes of this workshop were

summarised in Midmore and Niñez (1991). The second international workshop on

homegardening was then held in Witzenhausen (Germany) 2001. Proceedings from this

workshop were compiled by Watson and Eyzaguirre (2002) and published under the banner

of the International Plant Genetic Resources Institute (IPGRI). More recent reports such as

Mitchell and Hanstad (2004), demonstrate international organisations such as the FAO’s

continuing commitment to acknowledging the potential of homegardens. A more detailed

summary of the full history of homegarden research can be found in literature reviews such

as Kumar and Nair (2004) and Brownrigg (1985). More recently, Kumar and Nair (2006)

released an edited book on tropical homegardens that continues to build the understanding of

homegardens as a time-tested example of agroforestry.

3.2.2 Definition of homegardening

The term “homegarden” and other associated terms (dooryard gardening, mixed gardening,

food gardening, compound garden, kitchen garden, homestead agroforestry) have been used

to describe a variety of practices involving food production at a household level in both

urban and rural areas (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 108; Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 85). Although

a universally agreed definition has yet to be reached, these low cost systems are extremely

common through most cultures and are particularly popular in topical and subtropical

settlements (Fernaandes & Nair 1990; Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 135; Marsh 1998, p. 5). In this

thesis, the term “homegarden” is used to refer to multipurpose, multilevelled tree, crop

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(annual and perennial) and livestock systems cultivated by family labour within the

compounds of individual houses (Fernandes & Nair 1986, p. 281). This definition establishes

homegardens as an agrosilvopastoral agroforestry system where tree, crops and animal

systems are optimised to achieve desired household outcomes (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p.

107; Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 34).

Further similarities exist when comparing the concept covered in agroforestry and

homegardening with the organic design solutions associated with the trademarked

permaculture philosophies4 of Mollison and Jeeves (1988). Permaculture is based around the

sustainable ‘integration of landscape and people’ to provide for a community’s food, energy,

shelter and any other material and non-material needs (Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. ix).

However, despite the similarities between agroforestry, homegardening and permaculture in

regard to the integrated and sustainable design of crop, animal and tree species, permaculture

differs substantially from agroforestry and homegardening in that it includes reference to

various ethical and societal issues relating to sustainable human development that go far

beyond the production system driven approach associated with agroforestry and

homegardening.

Furthermore, although permaculture is a relatively new concept, homegardening is believed

to be one of the oldest land uses in existence (Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 136). The practice of

homegardening has evolved over thousands of years in countries such as India and Indonesia

as farmers have tested and refined cultivation techniques, passing their knowledge down to

future generations (Nair, P. K. R. & Kumar 2006, p. 2). Due to its age, homegardening

originated in rural settings but in more recent history is also practiced in urban settlements

(Nair, P. K. R. & Kumar 2006, p. 1).

In general, homegardens possess four key characteristics. Firstly, Kumar and Nair (2004, p.

140) state that the multi-tiered, multi-species, multi-purpose canopy structure in

homegardens is one of their most distinguishing features. In a summary of existing studies

into homegardens, Kumar and Nair (2004, p. 140) found that homegardens possessed

anywhere from three to six layers of vegetation strata. This division of vegetation strata can

be seen in Table 5 and Figure 3. Although homegardens may often appear unplanned, each

species is usually chosen to fulfil a specific purpose and function within the larger garden

system, where shade tolerant species (occupying the lower stratum) gradually give way to a

canopy of shade intolerant trees (Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 140; Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 91).

4 Permaculture is a term that is trademarked by the Permaculture Institute in Australia.

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The species diversity associated with homegardens allows for a variety of production cycles

to run simultaneously throughout the year. The continued production of food crops is usually

made possible through high levels of nutrient recycling and organic decomposition within

homegarden systems (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, pp. 105-7).

Table 5: general structure of a homegarden

Vegetation zone

Specific strata Vegetation height Description

Herbaceous layer

Lower ground less than 1 metre Vegetables and medicinal plants

Upper ground 1 to 4 metres Food plants such as cassava, banana, papaya and yams

Intermediate layer

Above ground 5 to 9 metres Timber and fruit trees

Tree layer Medium trees 10 to 20 metres Timber and fruit trees

Emergent trees 21 to over 25 metres

Fully grown timber and fruit trees

Source: adapted from Fernaandes and Nair (1990, p. 111)

Figure 3: example of the different vegetation strata existing in a Javanese homegarden

Source: Fernandes and Nair (1986, p. 286) redrawn from Michon (1983)

The second distinguishing feature of homegardens is their proximity to the primary place of

residence of the gardening household. Furthermore, Fernandes and Nair’s (1986, p. 281)

definition of homegardening limits agricultural production to within household compounds.

Similarly, comparison of various homegarden studies by Kumar and Nair (2004, p. 140)

showed that in general, food and fruit producing species are located nearer the place of

halla

This figure is not available online. Please consult the hardcopy thesis available from the QUT Library

33

residence with small annual vegetable patches (often near the kitchen) separating this section

from more distant timber producing species. Further ornamental and medicinal species are

usually planted in clusters in between food species nearer the house (Kumar & Nair 2004, p.

140). Other common practices in homegardens include the planting of multipurpose trees

and shrubs as living fences on household boundaries (Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 140) and the

configuration of garden design around dominant tree species such as the coconut palm

(Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 140).

The third characteristic of homegardens is that their primary purpose is food production

(Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 105). Although homegardens are capable of producing

considerable amounts of food, they are rarely used to cover a household’s entire staple food

requirements but rather act as dietary supplements (Marsh 1998, p. 4). Apart from the size of

a tropical homegarden, food production in any given garden is primarily influenced by the

selection, sequencing and stratification of crop species (Marten 1990, p. 158). Finally,

homegardens occupy a “small” area compared to large scale agriculture. While there is no

maximum size for homegardens, studies done by Fernaandes, and Nair (1990, p. 105) across

different ecological regions show that the average size of a homegarden is less than half a

hectare.

3.2.3 The decision to participate in urban agroforestry

In a developing country context, a household’s decision to cultivate food in city or town is a

product of any number of complex considerations including an urban household’s need for

survival, agricultural training or ability, financial prospects and environmental opportunity

(climate, rainfall, soil fertility) in a given settlement (Choguili 1995, p.149; Sanyal 1987,

p.198). In general, a household will choose to invest in urban agroforestry because they

believe that such an investment will positively affect their quality of life (Mbiba 1995, p.23).

At its core, urban agroforestry is both a consumer and producer of resources, where marginal

lands are intensively cultivated with very little capital investment (Midmore, Niñez &

Venkataraman 1991, p. 19). Thus, in a settlement where land is in abundance, water is

available, climate is conducive to food production, high profits can be made from selling

food and people are hungry, the potential for homegardening agroforestry is greatly

increased. However, in a settlement where the agricultural inputs, financial incentive and

agricultural expertise are limited and the general food stocks are plentiful there is little

incentive to invest labour and resources into urban agroforestry systems such as

homegardens. Figure 4 shows the relationship that exists between these factors.

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Figure 4: factors impacting farmer incentive to partake in homegardening

Source: synthesis of key variables in existing literature on urban food production

As an investment choice, homegardening as a system of urban agriculture is often more

attractive to the urban poor, who use it to produce the food necessary for survival (Smit,

Ratta & Nasr 1996, p.168). As urban residents’ food needs increase due to events such as

famine, economic crises or war, the attraction to produce food also increases (Sanyal 1987,

p.198). In summary Nugent (2000, p.73) remarks that ‘a household will produce its own

food when it is less costly [in terms of time and money] than purchasing food’.

3.2.4 Methodological challenges associated with researching homegardens

Various challenges are associated with conducting research into urban agroforestry systems

such as homegardens. Although much has been written regarding qualitative descriptions of

existing practices such as species inventories, benefits of homegardening systems and

evaluation of homegarden projects, little work has been conducted to improving these

systems (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 106; Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 138; Nair, P. K. R. 1993,

p. 95). According to authors such as Fernaandes and Nair (1990, p. 106) and Kumar and

Nair, (2004, pp. 137-40) this deficiency in the literature is largely due to the complexities

involved in using existing procedures to address the structural complexity, species diversity,

multiple output nature and variability of homegardens. As suggested by the title of Kumar

and Nair’s (2004) article, homegardens largely remain an “enigma” that potentially still

holds tremendous potential for meeting humanity’s most basic needs in an urban setting.

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In this way, results from studies that have attempted to calculate the amount of land required

for homegarden cultivation to support a medium sized household have varied greatly

(Thaman 1995, p. 219). In some studies, complex optimisation models have been used to

calculate the optimal configuration of homegarden species, land area and nutritional outputs

(1990). In this study the minimum area required to supply the necessary nutritional intake of

a family in West Java was investigated. Results from Marten (1990) showed that la and area

of between 0.26 and 0.33 hectares was necessary to support such a family. These findings

indicate that it would be nearly impossible to achieve total self-sufficiency in future planned

urban settlements in Kiribati (where soils are considerably less fertile) through using urban

agroforestry systems while still maintaining the densities associated with an urban

settlement. The optimisation methodology used by Marten (1990) shows that numerous

assumptions are required to carry out modelling on homegardening urban agroforestry

systems and that the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems is heavily

dependent on the amount of urban land under cultivation.

3.3 Urban forestry as a form of urban agroforestry

Urban forestry is yet another concept used to describe agricultural systems in urban areas.

The following section outlines the key concepts of urban forestry, connecting this concept

into the broader notion of urban agroforestry.

3.3.1 Definitions and focus of urban forestry

According to Kuchelmeister (1998b, para. 5) urban forestry is defined as ‘planning,

management and conservation of trees, forests and related vegetation to create or add value

to the local community in an urban area’. Clearly this term has significant conceptual overlap

with urban agroforestry defined in Section 1.6. However, for the purposes of this research

the term urban agroforestry is preferred because of the orientation of urban agroforestry

systems towards agricultural production (the central concern of this thesis), sustainable

yields and the long history of agroforestry practice in the Pacific.

Despite urban agroforestry being the preferred term to describe tree based production

systems in urban areas in this thesis, literature on urban forestry still has much to contribute

to the theoretical understanding of urban food production. In general, literature on urban

forestry relates to developed countries with little reference to developing countries (Carter

1995, p. viv). This is partly because the planning, management and conservation of trees

36

‘requires high political support’ (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 136). The orientation of urban

forestry towards developed countries is evident in the large number of articles on developed

country issues addressed in the journal “Urban Forestry and Urban Greening” first published

in 2002. However, the few publications relating to urban forestry in developing countries

successfully highlight the potential and importance of tree based agricultural systems (Carter

1995; Konijnendijk et al. 2004; Kuchelmeister 1998b).

In this way, the potential for urban forestry initiatives in developing countries to provide

material (food, fodder and timber production) environmental (habitat preservation, erosion

control, recycling urban wastes) social (education, health improvement, recreation) and

economic (employment) lifestyle improvements for many urban residents is emphasised by

Carter (1995, pp. 25-39, ) and Kuchelmeister (1998b, para. 178-232). The benefits identified

in this literature are similar to literature on urban agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p.

152), homegardening (Kumar & Nair 2004, pp. 141-3) and urban agroforestry (Thaman,

Elevitch & Kennedy 2006, p. 26).

3.3.2 Urban forestry approaches and management issues

Various landscaping approaches are included in literature on urban forestry in developing

countries (Carter 1995; Kuchelmeister 1998b). These include greenways, street trees, parks,

trees in farming, watershed management, storm water control, protected area wetlands, solid

waste management and land reclamation (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 45-89). Literature on

urban forestry also engages with the broader management issues surrounding the integration

of forestry systems into urban areas. This is often not comprehensively addressed in

literature on urban agroforestry or homegardening.

Thus, literature on urban forestry frequently goes beyond investigating the role of

agricultural production systems in a homegarden setting and engages with broader settlement

issues. In this way, Carter (1995, pp. 20-6) addresses urban forestry on private, company,

community and government owned land in addition to a homegardening setting. In this

investigation, Carter (1995, p. 61) concludes that urban residents will ‘choose to cultivate the

most valuable trees only on land over which they have good control’. Therefore, urban

forestry initiatives ‘must begin with an initial assessment of management needs and

opportunities’ of the society in which they will be implemented (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para.

132). Yet, even when a community based approach is taken it is often difficult to stimulate

“community spirit”. This is frequently due to the diversity of people groups associated with

rapidly urbanising cities (1995, p. 81).

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3.4 Literature on homegardening, urban forestry and urban agroforestry in the Pacific

The potential of tree based agricultural systems in developing countries is already known

(Konijnendijk et al. 2004). However, unlike other regions, urban agroforestry in the Pacific

is a relatively new phenomenon due to the unprecedented growth of urban centres discussed

in Chapter 2 (Thaman 1990b, p. 42). In this way, relatively little research has been carried

out into urban agroforestry systems in tropical regions (Carter 1995, p. 40). The following

section provides specific detail into the extent of literature on urban agroforestry,

homegardening and urban forestry in the Pacific.

3.4.1 Conceptualising urban agroforestry in the Pacific

Prior to the introduction of urban living in the Pacific, agroforestry systems such as family

food gardens were a common feature of rural settlements (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes

1999, p. 66). For this reason urban agroforestry in homegardens is a ubiquitous feature of

urban landscapes in the Pacific (Thaman 1993b, p. 145). In urban areas, Thaman, Elevitch

and Kennedy (2006, p. 32) remark that urban agroforestry in the Pacific takes one of two

forms, either “homegarden” or “undeveloped land” where no buildings exist (such as playing

fields, parks, road frontages and vacant lots). From this perspective, urban agroforestry is

viewed as a land use that utilises vacant spaces both around the house and in the community.

However, the narrowness of this definition leaves little room for the deliberate management

and conservation of trees in urban settlements. Thus, the vast majority of literature on urban

agroforestry in the Pacific is focused on the study of homegarden systems.

By far the most prolific author in this field is Professor Randy Thaman of the University of

the South Pacific. With over 30 years of research experience into 12 different Pacific island

nations, key publications on homegardening in the Pacific include Thaman (1977; 1988;

1990b; 1993b; 1995; 2004) and Thaman, Elevitch and Kennedy (2006). Despite the large

number of publications by Professor Thaman on urban agroforestry in the Pacific, the core

thesis of all of these works remains the same. In brief, that the promotion, preservation and

improvement of urban agroforestry and in particular homegardening is one of the most

direct, cost-effective and culturally/ecologically appropriate means of achieving sustainable

development and meeting the majority of the development goals of Pacific nations (Thaman

1988, p. 174, 1995, p. 223; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy 2006, p. 26).

In particular Thaman’s publications are based around data on homegardening collected from

Pacific nations such as Papua New Guinea (PNG), Fiji, Tonga, Kiribati, Nauru and Vanuatu.

These results are used to show how the inclusion of time-tested, locally driven agroforestry

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technologies in urban areas can positively impact nutrition, food security, cultural

preservation, household finance, waste management, community belonging and the

environment (Thaman 1977, 1987, 1988, 1990b, 1993b, 1995, 2004).

Other publications on urban agroforestry and homegardening in the Pacific include Sommers

(1990), Malolo, Matenga-Smith and Hughes (1999) and Vasey (1985). In particular,

Sommers’s (1990) paper focuses on successful implementation of a homegarden

development initiative in Tonga following the 1982 typhoon. This project was based around

a bottom up approach using homegardening to combine exotic vegetables with traditional

Tongan crops such as sweet potato, papaya and cassava. The success of this project again

emphasises how homegardening can significantly contribute to increasing a community’s

nutrition and food security levels. Similarly, the brief section in Malolo, Matenga-Smith and

Hughes (1999, p. 66) on family food gardens again emphasises the potential for semi-

subsistence farming practices to maintain a safe and nutritious food supply particularly for

low income and urban families. Based on the potential of family food garden systems to

increase food security and household nutrition, Malolo, Matenga-Smith and Hughes (1999,

p. 66) state that the promotion of these systems ‘should be given priority by local, regional

and international organisations’.

In contrast, Vasey’s (1985) paper presents the results from various interviews that were

conducted with homegardeners in Port Moresby in an attempt to explain the existence of

homegardens and explore the major constraints affecting the further expansion of this

practice. Unlike more recent publications by Thaman (1988; 1990b; 1993b; 1995; 2004)

which are high on advocacy and focus on the benefits of homegardening, Vasey (1985) takes

a more impartial, analytical approach concluding that homegardening in Port Moresby was a

product of:

1. the rapid expansion of urban areas;

2. migration of subsistence farmers into the city;

3. a general shortage and therefore high price of fresh produce;

4. the economic necessity of households to grow their own food.

Vasey’s (1985) findings regarding various constraints to homegardening will be discussed in

the next section.

The small amount of literature on homegardening in the Pacific is reflected in Kumar and

Nair’s (2004) literature review on homegardening, where only two sources on

homegardening in the Pacific (both by Thaman) were referenced. Furthermore, very few

studies have been undertaken on planned urban forestry initiatives in the Pacific because

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‘modern urban forestry is virtually non-existent in the developing countries of the Pacific

region’ (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 95). Thus, while homegardening urban agroforestry is a

ubiquitous feature of urban landscapes in the Pacific (Thaman 1993b, p. 145),

institutionalised and planned urban forestry agroforestry initiatives are not.

Furthermore, Thaman (1990b, p. 43) notes that relatively little attempt has been made ‘to

systematically promote mixed home gardening [sic] as an integral part of national

development in the Pacific islands.’ Although this statement was made over 15 years ago,

there is little evidence in the literature to suggest that this situation has changed. Thaman

(1990b, p. 42) goes on to explain that planners, policy makers, politicians and other

professionals are generally not aware or rather choose to ignore the importance of urban

agroforestry systems. Similarly Midmore and Niñez (1991, p. 8) state that homegardens are

often overlooked in favour of field based agriculture. One explanation for this is that

homegardening ‘falls into the portfolios of several government agencies’ and is therefore

never fully appreciated (Sommers 1990, p. 201). In addition, Kumar and Nair (2004, p. 136)

believe that the fragmented nature of homegarden land uses and general difficulty often

associated with gaining quantitative measures of beneficial outcomes of homegardening

significantly contribute to this lack of interest.

3.4.2 Difficulties and opportunities regarding the further development of urban

agroforestry in the Pacific

Although the benefits of homegardening are considerable, various challenges exist in

increasing levels of urban cultivation. Vasey (1985, p. 42) concluded that in Port Moresby

the major constraints to homegardening were insufficient garden space, the

unavailability/high cost of water and other inputs. Such problems are also supported in

publications by Thaman (1977, p. 159; 1988, p. 173; 1995, pp. 214-5), who adds additional

factors of unfavourable climate, insufficient time and labour, theft and lack of government

assistance as key issues affecting urban agroforestry in the Pacific. More particularly,

Thaman (1993b, p. 155) comments that in Kiribati ‘the most significant problems are

extremely poor soils, limited water availability, and extremely high population densities,

especially in South Tarawa’. The majority of these problems are typical of issues facing

urban agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, pp. 200-7) and urban forestry (Carter 1995, pp.

46-9). However, even in the most difficult homegardening environments in the Pacific

Thaman (1995, p. 215) believes that ‘these constraints are not insurmountable’. Yet for such

a statement to be true, homegardeners will often need the support of government and donor

bodies to assist in overcoming various challenges.

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The promotion of urban agroforestry systems and lessons learnt from past failures

While numerous homegardening projects have succeeded in achieving their desired goals,

there are also various examples where projects have failed due to errors in project planning

and implementation (Brownrigg 1985; Marsh 1998; Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991;

Niñez 1986). Lessons that can be learnt from failed projects include the need to:

• understand and acknowledge the traditional agricultural practices of the target group

(Niñez 1986, p. 34);

• ensure the commitment of development agencies over an extended periods of time

(Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991, p. 12);

• focus project objectives simply on producing desired food outputs (Midmore, Niñez

& Venkataraman 1991, p. 12);

• encourage homegarden participants to take up homegardening for its intrinsic value

rather than free handouts (Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991, p. 18).

The many different recommendations that exist for overcoming the challenges confronting

the further development of urban agroforestry in the Pacific are evidence that no simple

solution exists (Thaman 1977, p. 165). Rather, it is likely that any solution will include a

number of different approaches such as the following listed by Thaman (1977, pp. 165-6;

Thaman 1990b, pp. 62-4):

1. development of agricultural extension services to further assist homegardeners;

2. completion of various pilot projects to further develop homegarden technologies;

3. further research into the nutritional, economic, social, technological, and ecological

benefits of urban agroforestry practice;

4. legalisation of crop cultivation on idle land in urban areas;

5. development of legislation to address theft of urban crops;

6. incorporation of community gardens near high density housing areas in current and

future housing developments;

7. promotion of homegarden benefits to increase public awareness;

8. improving connection between educational institutions and agroforestry production;

9. micro finance for agricultural production in urban areas;

10. construction of food markets;

11. introduction of new plant species to further improve existing agroforestry species.

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3.4.3 Potential for future research into urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific

The potential of tree based agricultural systems in developing countries is already

understood (Konijnendijk et al. 2004). However, unlike other regions, urban agroforestry

systems in the Pacific (such as homegardens) is a relatively new phenomenon due to the

unprecedented growth of urban centres discussed in Chapter 2 (Thaman 1990b, p. 42). While

little research has been carried out into homegarden systems in the Pacific, an even greater

deficiency exists in understanding the role of urban agroforestry systems beyond the

homegarden (Carter 1995, p. 40). Clearly there is significant potential to extend urban

agroforestry in the Pacific beyond unplanned private homegardens to maximise the benefits

offered by urban food systems. Such an investigation could potentially focus on the

integration of urban agroforestry systems as a land use in its own right beyond the

compounds of a house. This is important because, ‘trees are very often considered as an

afterthought once development has taken place, rather than being incorporated at the original

design phase’ (Carter 1995, p. 4).

3.4.4 Agricultural land in past large scale community design projects: Hoskins oil palm

scheme

One example where agricultural land has been combined with a large scale resettlement in

the Pacific is in the Hoskins oil palm scheme in PNG. This scheme involved the voluntary

resettlement of families from over populated regions to “alienated” lands in “under

populated” areas of PNG (Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001, p. 3). The Hoskins oil palm

scheme was developed using a nucleus estate smallholder model where lands were

subdivided and land holdings of approximately six to six and a half hectares leased to settlers

on a 99 years lease (Benjamin 1977, p. 57; Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001). Of this land

four hectares were planted with oil palm with the remainder given over to food gardens. This

model allowed smallholder farms to be supported by the central nucleus estate which was

jointly owned and managed by both the government and a private company that processed

the oil palm fruits (Benjamin 1977, p. 57; Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001, p. 4). Such

resettlement schemes are seen to be one of the more successful rural development

approaches in PNG (Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001, p. xvi).

Although the Hoskins scheme was based around a rural setting, significant population

growth since the project’s establishment in 1968 has resulted in a growing demand for

alternative income sources (Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001). Koczberski, Curry and

Gibson (2001, p. xxi) note that as populations have increased households are becoming more

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reliant on garden produce to meet household needs and supply alternative income. While the

densities at Hoskins are still far from those commonly associated with Pacific towns and

cities, the connection between increases in population density, designated agricultural land,

employment and homegardening is important to note.


Agroforestry is a broad and generic term used to explain agricultural systems that have

existed for thousands of years. Agroforestry systems in the Pacific have and continue to play

a critical role in providing food, material and medicinal needs of island cultures. Despite the

value of such systems, the influence of industrialised agriculture and the growing demand for

increased agriculture production during and following the Colonial era has resulted in the

gradual deterioration of traditional agroforestry systems.

Today, the increasing demands and expectations of Pacific populations necessitate the

adaptation of traditional agroforestry systems to an urban context. The recent emergence of

urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens in the Pacific is one example of how

traditional agroforestry approaches have been modified to meet changing needs. In

particular, these principles and approaches to agroforestry provide an excellent framework

for addressing the challenge of sustainable development in the Pacific. Urban agroforestry

enables urban residents to meet the majority of their most basic needs in a cost effective,

culturally appropriate and ecologically viable manner. However in cases where homegarden

initiatives have been used as development strategies, past failures show the importance of

focusing interventions on the food producing capacity of such urban agroforestry systems.

Urban agroforestry is but one of a variety of terms which have been used to describe tree

based productive systems in an urban context. Other terms include homegardening and urban

forestry. Conceptual overlaps exist within each of these terms. However, for the purposes of

this study, urban agroforestry is preferred because of the orientation of urban agroforestry

towards agricultural production (the central concern of this thesis), sustainable yields and the

long history of agroforestry practice in the Pacific.

Despite the growing body of knowledge on urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific, two

key gaps exist. Firstly, further quantification of the contribution of urban agroforestry

systems is needed to further understand the potential value of tree based agricultural systems

in urban settings in the Pacific. Research in this field could include studying the nutritional

contribution of a tree based productive system in a future planned urban settlement.

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Secondly, while existing literature focuses the benefits of urban agroforestry, documenting

existing designs of typical homegardens and evaluating the success of homegarden projects,

little work has been carried out into how urban agroforestry systems can be planned,

designed or managed to maximise identified benefits beyond a homegarden setting. In this

way, urban agroforestry in the Pacific is currently classified according to production on

“homegarden” or “undeveloped land” with little regard for urban agriculture as distinct land

use in its own right. This gap is believed to exist because of inability of traditional research

methods to explore complex urban food systems and the lack of capacity of urban planning

in PICs. One of the first steps in filling this research gap is assessing the appropriateness of

different management and ownership approaches associated with urban agroforestry systems

in a given settlement context. Chapter 4 will address more specific environmental, cultural

and economic issues surrounding urban development in Kiribati.

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4.0 ENVIRONMENTAL, CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND TO

URBANISATION IN KIRIBATI

This chapter details the environmental, historic, economic, political and cultural setting of

Kiribati. This information is necessary to understand the context of future planned urban

settlements and integrate past, present and future ownership and management approaches

with broader theory on property regimes. The following discussion focuses primarily on the

atolls located in the Gilbert islands group (particularly Tarawa), as these islands have largely

been the focus of settlement, politics and development throughout Kiribati’s history.

4.1 Physical geography of Kiribati

The atoll environment is a major constraint on future urban development in Kiribati.

Understanding the physical geography of Kiribati is an essential step in researching future

urban development. This section provides a brief description of the location and physical

environment of Kiribati.

4.1.1 Location and size

At the end of 2005 the Republic of Kiribati had a population of 92,500 people dispersed

across 33 coral atolls straddling the equator 2,200 kilometres north of Fiji (Government of

Kiribati 2006, p. 12). Geographically, Kiribati consists of the Gilbert islands to the west,

Phoenix islands in the centre, the northern and southern Line islands to the east and the

single island of Banaba (Ocean Island) 400km to the west of the Gilberts (refer Figure 5). In

total, these islands cover around 810.5 square kilometres of land, spanning from east to west

approximately 5,000 kilometres of ocean (Van Trease 1993a, p. 3). Kiribati’s small land

mass is spread across a vast 3.5 million square kilometres of ocean. With a sea to land ratio

of 4000:1, Kiribati is effectively a ‘nation of water’5 (Jones 1996, p. 160; Roniti Teiwaki &

Associates 2004, p. 32).

5 Kiribati possesses one of the largest Exclusive Economic Zones for fishing in the Pacific covering

around 3.5 million square kilometres and is arguably its greatest resource.

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Figure 5: extent of the nation of Kiribati

Source: author’s synthesis of a variety of existing maps

The vast majority of Kiribati’s population reside in the fertile6 western atolls of the Gilbert

islands where around 90 per cent of the population lives on 35 per cent of the total land area

(Baaro 1993, p. 162; Government of Kiribati 2006, p. 12). Outside the Gilbert group, only

three northern islands in the Line islands group and Kanton in the Phoenix group are

inhabited. Of the 16 islands that make up the Gilbert group, Tarawa atoll is by far the most

populated, being the location of the nation’s capital and only urban centre, South Tarawa.

Tarawa atoll is divided into South Tarawa and North Tarawa. South Tarawa is urban while

North Tarawa maintains a more traditional subsistence village lifestyle. All islands in

Kiribati outside South Tarawa are considered to be ‘outer islands’ including North Tarawa.

Compared to South Tarawa the outer islands are distinctively rural (Bryant-Tokalau &

Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 18).

4.1.2 The typical atoll environment

The atoll environment is one of the most marginal locations in which to support human

settlement (Kunzel 1996, p. 141; Lawrence 1992, p. 264). In general, the majority of islands

in Kiribati can be described as ribbon-like, long skinny crescent landmasses with ocean on

one side and a shallow sheltered lagoon on the other (refer Figure 6). These atolls are rarely

more than three metres above the level of high-tide, with few of the islands more than 500 6 Although the Gilbert islands maybe fertile compared to other islands in Kiribati, they are highly

infertile compared to the productive lands of many other nations.

46

metres wide in any place (Sofield 2002, para.20; Thaman 1990a, p.6). A lack of surface fresh

water, resulting from the permeability and porosity of the soil, adds to the harsh

environmental conditions of the atoll environment. As some consolation, many of the larger

atolls in Kiribati have a fresh water lens that hydrostatically floats on the higher density

saltwater beneath the island.

Figure 6: typical atoll section showing fresh water lens

Source: Small (1972, p. 27)

The islands of Kiribati are a product of the gradual accumulation of coral, sand and marine

matter on ancient volcanic platforms (refer Figure 7) (Paeniu 1999, p. 156; Small 1972, p. 7;

Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 2). Due to the calcareous origins and relatively young

geological age, soils are typically shallow, sandy and highly alkaline, with little water

holding capacity (Paeniu 1999, p. 156; Thaman 1990a, p. 6). Soils in Kiribati are some of the

most infertile on earth, with plant growth depending on the breakdown of organic matter to

form shallow soil layers (Small 1972, pp. 5-9; Thaman 1990a, p. 6).

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Figure 7: creation of a coral atoll

Source: Small (1972, p. 7)

Temperatures in Kiribati are warm and humid and relatively uniform through the year. Small

(1972, p. 9) states that in the Gilbert islands temperatures generally range from 29 degrees to

32 degrees Celsius. Annual rainfall is often highly variable from island to island and drought

is a serious problem, particularly in the southern islands of the Gilbert, Phoenix and Line

islands (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 1). Although island life is accustomed to prolonged periods

without water, droughts add further difficulty to cultivation of food in an already

environmentally challenging setting. Storm surges, sea level rise and tsunamis are additional

environmental constraints that increases the difficulty of sustaining human populations in

atoll environments (Thaman 1990a, p. 6). However, Kiribati is located in the doldrums and

so the threat of storm surge is substantially lessoned due to lack of cyclonic activity.

Despite the significant difficulties apparent in atoll settlement, Stone, Migvar and Robison

(2000, p. 1) emphasise the benefits offered by the unique features of these tropical

environments. Although constrained with regard to soil and water, atolls in Kiribati typically

have positive climatic conditions, an abundance of sunlight, lack of periodic plagues,

excellent soil drainage, no acidic soils and warm humid tropical conditions.

The general homogeneity of the atoll landscape and the predictability of different ecological

zones is evident in Hocking’s (1989, p. 83) image of traditional land ownership (refer Figure

8). The clear identification of distinct zones within atolls is also supported by Raynor (1992,

pp. 19-20) and Liew (1990, p. 82). In general, three main ecological zones exist on atolls.

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The poorest land is usually located on the most exposed ocean edge of the atoll where soil is

the most sandy, fresh water lens the thinnest and salt spray/winds the greatest. Fair land is

typically located on the comparatively sheltered lagoon side of the atoll where soil fertility,

fresh water availability and shelter are generally higher than the ocean edge. The centre of

the atoll is typically the best land where the environment is most conducive to food

production due to the increased soil fertility from the build up of organic material and shelter

from damaging sea breezes (Raynor 1992, pp. 19-20). In particular, the low lying swamp

areas in the centre of the atoll are often the only areas where vegetation can be sustained

during times of severe drought (Liew 1990, p. 82).

Figure 8: division of atoll lands into traditional land holdings showing the general predictability

of the atoll environment

Source: Hockings (1989, p. 83)

4.2 Brief history of settlement in Kiribati

Land and traditional notions of land settlement remain vitally important to the I-Kiribati

today. Understanding past and present settlement patterns in Kiribati and their historical

context is therefore necessary for an investigation of future urban settlements. This section

focuses on the transition from traditional settlement to urban settlement and highlights the

historical context in which such changes have taken place.

4.2.1 Traditional land management, settlement and ownership

The first people to settle on the Gilbert islands came from the west, sometime after 4000

BCE (Macdonald 2001, p. 1). Centuries later, these settlers were overtaken by Micronesian

seafarers who arrived on the Gilbert islands 4000 to 5000 years ago (Macdonald 2001, p. 1).

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The new island settlers were taller in stature, with lighter skin and today form the basic

genetic pool of the indigenous people (Macdonald 2001, p. 1). While the exact origins of the

I-Kiribati is not certain, history points towards a sea-based people with a well developed

canoe and navigational understanding allowing for distant island travel (Lawrence 1992, p.

267).

In the fourteenth century, the population of this low lying atoll group grew further with the

migration of Samoan tribes into the southern Gilbert islands (Macdonald 2001, p. 3). The

arrival of these tribes considerably altered the land management and social structure systems

of the island people particularly in the southern Gilbert islands (Macdonald 2001, p. 9).

Although the settlement patterns differed slightly between atolls in the Gilbert island group,

all the islands in this group were in some way influenced by the social structures and land

management systems that came with the influx of Samoan settlers around the fourteenth

century (Macdonald 2001, p. 9). The following settlement model was particularly strong in

the southern Gilberts, although its influence also stretched throughout the Gilbert islands to

varying extents after the military conquests of the seventeenth century (Macdonald 2001, p.

6). However, in the most northern islands such as Butaritari and Makin the chiefly system of

chiefs, nobles, freemen and slaves remained until the European era (Macdonald 2001, p. 6).

Typically, traditional landownership was governed by a well-developed clan-based system

that allowed limited atoll resources to be divided among island inhabitants. This system

‘played down the principle of hierarchy in favour of gerontocracy – the rule of island

districts by councils of old men’ (Macdonald 2001, p. 6). The largest of these ruling bodies

was the maneaba. In the traditional sense, this word was used to refer to both an actual

community building/meeting place as well as an autonomous district overseen by a clan-

based government which extended anywhere from one to ten kilometres either side of the

maneaba building (Hockings 1989, p. 77). Each island was divided into different districts,

with each district having a maneaba serving as both an arrival point for visitors and meeting

place for large community gatherings. This building was usually located on the sheltered

lagoon side of the islands (Hockings 1989, p. 43). Similarly, the lagoon side of the atoll was

typically recognised as the best place to build family dwellings. In contrast the middle of the

atoll was reserved for island travel. Figure 9 shows the conceptual simplification of such a

settlement within a typical atoll environment.

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Figure 9: division of land according to the traditional Gilbertese settlement model

Source: Hockings (1989, p. 69)

In matters pertaining to governance and decision making, each maneaba consisted of a

variety of clan groups (boti), with each boti having a representative male leader to participate

in formal maneaba meetings (Lawrence 1992, p. 270). All members of the associated boti

lived within a small group of extended families (kainga), in discrete residential family units

(mwanga) (Atanraoi 1995, p. 557; Macdonald 2001, p. 9). As a group of people connected

by blood ties, members of kainga lived together on clan lands to achieve a common interest

(Johannes & Yeeting 2001, p. 5; Lawrence 1992, p. 270). As such, the dominant ownership

of the land was vested collectively in the kainga unit. The kainga transferred the right of

individual ownership of the land to the head of the boti who then returned the right to use the

land to members of the kainga (Atanraoi 1995, p. 55; Hockings 1989, p. 122). Thus,

although given the right to use the land as he saw fit, the head of the boti (and the owner of

the kainga) was subject to the collective ownership of the clan (Atanraoi 1995, p. 72).

The kainga formed the major feature of island settlement; as the Gilbertese settlement

pattern was based more on ‘isolated clan hamlets rather than a village arrangement’

(Hockings 1989, p. 43). Thus the boti and associated kainga were the basic operating

structures comprising on average 25-40 persons, from which day to day religious, social and

work activities operated (Hockings 1989, pp. 68-109; Lawrence 1992, p. 270). Although not

having direct ownership of kainga lands, family members of the kainga had individual

ownership of the bush lands (buakonikai) that existed outside the kainga (Lawrence 1992, p.

2707; Macdonald 2001). Like the kainga land, the rights to use these lands were given to

individuals by the clan, providing individuals rather than the clan with the right to make day

to day decision about land management and subsistence cultivation (Lawrence 1992, p. 271).

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The traditional decentralised settlement model ensured that the limited atoll resources were

shared between island inhabitants, preventing unsustainable settlement concentrations which

might lead to resource depletion (Hockings 1989, p. 67). The common elements in

traditional Gilbertese settlement were therefore the maneaba (communal meeting building),

kainga (residential areas), and buakonikai land areas (harvested bush lands) (refer Figure 10)

(Hockings 1989).

Figure 10: traditional settlement pattern of the Gilbertese people

Source: adapted from Hockings (1989, p. 45)

Due to the predictability of ecological zones, ranging from lagoon to ocean shores, kainga

land parcels typically took the shape of elongated narrow strips that covered all vegetation

zones. This was so that members of the kainga had access to the variety of vegetation types

in the natural bush land (refer Figures 8 and 9) (Liew 1990, p. 82). While this strip-like

division of land was common on narrow islands such as Tarawa, different plot like divisions

were used where the land was wider such as in the southern Gilberts (Atanraoi 1995, p. 56).

As the basis of the traditional subsistence lifestyle, land was immensely important both as a

symbol of one’s status and as a means of providing for one’s family (Atanraoi 1995, p. 58).

Infertility of the land and the availability of productive tree species in the native vegetation

meant that the Gilbertese people generally harvested foods directly from the buakonikai

lands rather than focus on the intensive cultivation of small land areas (Hockings 1989, p.

68).

52

Marine areas were also subject to collective ownership of the extended family. Thomas

(2001, p. 405) comments that as well as clan based landholdings, each kainga owned

designated marine areas in the lagoon that were managed under Customary Marine Tenure

(CMT). CMT existed in Kiribati, up until the late 1940s where it was replaced by the

western concept of public rights (Thomas 2001, pp. 405-7). The transition of traditional land

management techniques to more westernised concepts of property ownership is discussed in

greater detail in Section 5.2.

4.2.2 The typical atoll environment and future planned urban settlement

The conceptual simplification of atoll settlement seen in Figure 9 can also be applied to a

future planned urban settlement scenario. In such a situation, the traditional preference for

settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll, intensive agricultural and transport activities

oriented towards the middle of the atoll and the general disregard for land development on

the ocean side of the atoll can be translated to create the urban settlement scenario such as

Figure 11. This image can be used as a basis to understand the ownership and management

of productive land in an urban atoll context.

Figure 11: abstract model of future planned urban land uses in a typical atoll environment

Source: author’s synthesis of atoll settlement in Kiribati

53

4.2.3 An expanding world: the effect of contact with industrialised nations

Early contact with industrialised nations began with whaling vessels in the nineteenth

century. These outsiders were keen to trade their technology and food species for basic

resources necessary to sustain long voyages. Trade agreements saw the introduction of new

materials (steel and whale teeth), technologies (axes and knives) and agriculture species

(pigs, chickens, pumpkins) (Lawrence 1992, p. 275). Such arrangements demonstrated the

willingness of I-Kiribati to explore and embrace new opportunities presented by foreigners

(Christensen 1995; Lawrence 1992, p. 275). This willingness to embrace change continued

with trade in coconut oil. The new cash value of coconuts further displaced traditional

subsistence systems in favour of cash cropping plantations. Increasing trade was also

associated with increasing cash incomes and the introduction of new technologies such as

sewing machines (Lawrence 1992, p. 277). Further changes followed with the arrival of

missionaries in 1852 and the introduction of new education, handouts, and spiritual

worldviews that challenged traditional leadership and forged a new power structure centred

on the church (Lawrence 1992, pp. 283-6).

1892 saw the United Kingdom extend its sphere of influence in the region, declaring a

protectorate over the Gilbert and Ellice islands. Between 1916 and 1919 the United Kingdom

established the Gilbert and Ellice Colony. By 1937 the Colony included the Gilbert, Ellice

and Phoenix islands, some of the Line islands (Kiritimati, Tabueran and Teraina) and the

single island of Banaba (Lawrence 1992, p. 286; Van Trease 1993a, p. 3). Despite a change

in autonomy, very little was imposed by the British Empire other than the codification of

laws and more efficient Colonial-based administration (Lawrence 1992, p. 289). In effect,

the British presence merely placed a higher authority over existing traditional systems, the

vast majority of the islands continuing to act largely independently of Colonial influence

(Van Trease 1993a, pp. 6-7). Through the Colonial period, Britain expanded colonies in an

“umbrella-like” fashion over its’ possessions in the central Pacific islands (Macdonald 2001,

p. vi). The phosphate reserves on Banaba were one of the major resources of interest to the

British Empire in this region. By 1937 the Gilbert and Ellice colony had been gradually

expanded to include Banaba, and most of the Line and Phoenix islands (Macdonald 2001, p.

vi).

Further contact with the outside world occurred with the expansion of World War II into the

Pacific region. The breakdown of Colonial powers after World War II was pivotal in moving

the Gilbert and Ellice Colony towards independence. This period was marked by further

infrastructure development and increasing inter-island migration towards South Tarawa

54

(Macdonald 2001, p. 177). In 1976 the Gilbert, Line and Phoenix islands along with Banaba

were divided from the Ellice islands to form the separate nations of Kiribati (Gilbert, Line

and Phoenix island groups) and Tuvalu (Ellice Island group) (Van Trease 1993a, p. 5). On

the 12th of July 1979 full independence was finally achieved and the Republic of Kiribati was

born with a new system of Government that combined traditional models of governance with

more recent concepts of democracy (Van Trease 1993a, p. 5). The phosphate mine on

Banaba was closed shortly after independence as the reserves were depleted (Thomas 2002,

p. 164).

Although now including a variety of islands groups the people of this nation identified

themselves as I-Kiribati; meaning the Gilbertese people. Despite Kiribati’s independence it

is the opinion of some authors that the move toward independence in many ways created

greater dependence, as new opportunities continued to create new desires which could only

be satisfied by increasing imports and exports (Lawrence 1992; Lewis Jr 1988; Thaman

1982). Rapid change continued in the wake of independence. In particular, South Tarawa

remained the focus of infrastructure development and rapid urbanisation. More recently,

years of sustained growth, combined with limited physical and institutional capacity, have

resulted in an increasing emergence of social and environmental problems associated with

urban living. Rapid urban growth and population change are predicted to continue in Kiribati

with estimates from the 2000 census (Government of Kiribati 2003, p. 13) forecasting a total

Kiribati population increase to 140-145,000 by 2025, with 70,000 persons living on Tarawa

atoll.

4.2.4 Evolution of urban living in Kiribati: the rise of South Tarawa

Like other nations in the Pacific, urban living in Kiribati is a ‘comparatively recent

phenomena’ (Thaman 1977, p. 146). The short history of urbanisation in Kiribati has focused

on the development of the southern region of Tarawa atoll, known today as South Tarawa.

Initially, Tarawa atoll was the location of administrative headquarters of Britain’s Gilbert

and Ellice Colony (refer Figure 12). Prior to WWII, urban settlement in the south of Tarawa

largely remained a small Colonial outpost, having little impact on the overall settlement

pattern of the Gilbertese people (Lawrence 1992, p. 289).

55

Figure 12: location of Tarawa atoll in the Gilbert islands

Source: Van Trease (1993c, p. 4)

The real stimulus for urban growth occurred during the post-war period leading up to

independence in 1979. During this time, South Tarawa became the focus of unprecedented

inter-island migration from outlying islands. This growth can be largely attributed to

centralised infrastructure development, lack of restrictive policies on migration and the

existing network of extended families in the Gilbert islands (Lawrence 1992, pp. 290-1;

Lewis Jr 1988, p.88; Macdonald 2001, p. 216). Many of Kiribati’s problems associated with

urban living can be traced back to development decisions made during this period (Van

Trease 1993b, p. 135).

Urbanisation in South Tarawa has continued to increase since independence, with the most

recently published census data placing South Tarawa’s population at approximately 40,300

(Government of Kiribati 2006, p. 32). Figure 13 shows population growth in South Tarawa

halla


56

relative to the total population growth of Kiribati. The rapid increase in urban residents has

generated a variety of development issues relating to managing South Tarawa’s finite

resources to provide necessary urban services to urban residents. Due to forecast

continuation of this urban population trend, the creation of future urban settlements is a

central aspect of future urban planning.

Population change in Kiribati and South Tarawa 1931-2005

0

10000

20000

30000

40000

50000

60000

70000

80000

90000

100000

1931 1947 1963 1968 1973 1978 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005

Time period

Popu

latio

n

Kiribati

South Tarawa

Figure 13: population change in Kiribati and South Tarawa 1931-2005

Source: data from Government of Kiribati (2002; 2006), Van Trease (1993b, p. 138) and Connell and

Lea (2002, p. 32)

More recently the Kiribati Government has attempted to slow migration from outer islands to

South Tarawa by adopting a population policy to improve population distribution by 2025

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 8). Based on the difference in South Tarawa’s growth

between the 1995 to 2000 inter-censal period (5.2 per cent per annum) and the 2000-2005

inter-censal period (1.9 per cent per annum), Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 8) comment

that this policy appears to be having some success. However, a slowing in the growth pattern

of South Tarawa has occurred in the past only to be followed by periods of increased growth

(refer Figure 13).

4.3 Economic, cultural and political background of Kiribati

Kiribati’s economy is ‘one of the smallest and least developed in the world’ (Tarhan 2006, p.

79). Acknowledging and working within the economic, cultural and political constraints of

Kiribati is essential for the successful design of future urban settlements in this nation. The

following section addresses these categories in more detail.

57

4.3.1 Migration, remittances, aid, bureaucracy and the economy of Kiribati

On the fringe of the capitalist world, Kiribati is highly dependent on globalised trade flows

to sustain the lifestyles of many residents in South Tarawa (Lawrence 1992, p. 297). The

limited opportunities for economic expansion; as seen in Kiribati’s restricted market size,

land area, infertile soils, labour force and low Gross Domestic Product has led to the

adoption of the Australian dollar as the official currency (Thomas 2002, p. 163).

Furthermore, the natural beauty and tourism potential of Kiribati is constrained by poor

transport connections, general remoteness and a lack of consumer awareness (Tarhan 2006,

p. 79).

Despite such constraints, exports such as copra, seaweed and aquarium fish make a

substantial contribution to sustaining the nation’s economy (Asian Development Bank 2002,

p. 44). Additionally, many authors believe that the vast ocean resource of Kiribati holds

significant untapped potential for future economic expansion (Thomas 2002; Tikai 1993;

Van Trease 1993a). However, utilisation of this resource continues to be constrained by

inadequate technology, capital and expertise base (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994,

p. 17). In the past, the agricultural sector’s contribution to GDP has come from copra

production. However, falling copra prices, ageing coconut plantations and varying rainfall

have led to high variability in copra production (refer Figure 14).

Kiribati: copra production

0

2,000

4,000

6,000

8,000

10,000

12,000

14,000

1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

Year

Met

ric

tone

s

Figure 14: copra production in Kiribati

Source: Kiribati National Statistics Office (2006)

58

The economy of Kiribati changed significantly with the closure of the Banaba phosphate

mine soon after independence. This closure caused export earnings to decline by 80 per cent

and Government revenue to decline by 50 per cent (Tarhan 2006, p. 79). Since this time,

Kiribati has often struggled to balance expenditure against income. In response, an outward

looking economy has emerged focused towards Migration, Remittances, Aid and

Bureaucracy, otherwise known as MIRAB (Bertram 2006; Bertram & Watters 1985). While

the MIRAB approach is often used to describe many small Pacific island economies, such a

model is limited in its ability to make provision for locally driven business initiatives which

increase growth in the private sector. Despite this, MIRAB describes the current economy of

Kiribati fairly accurately.

The MIRAB system allows the nation of Kiribati to function and develop despite a variety of

resource, labour, education and infrastructure challenges. The remittance of cash earning

from migrant workers back to family members is a cornerstone of Kiribati’s economy. I-

Kiribati seamen employed by international shipping companies is an example of such

behaviour (Borovnik 2006). In contrast employment on the outer islands is severely limited

and dominated by village agriculture (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 3). Other international monies

include earning from Revenue Equalisation Reserve Fund (RERF) established by the Kiribati

Government from royalties and compensation from the phosphate mine on Banaba prior to

independence. More recently, Kiribati secured further international income through the

declaration of the Phoenix islands Protected Areas in partnership with the New England

Aquarium (NEAq) and Conservation International (CI) (New England Aquarium 2007).

International donor organisations and associated aid monies are another source of income,

which make a considerable contribution to the economy in Kiribati. External aid increased

from A$49.7 million in 2004 to A$62.7 million in 2005 (Asian Development Bank 2006b, p.

250). In the past, major donors have included Australia, Britain, European countries, Japan,

New Zealand and Taiwan. Often aid packages are given in the form of grants and not loans,

resulting from ‘certain “obligations” of former Colonial powers established during the

Colonial era’ (Bertram & Watters 1985, p. 513). However despite the appearance of

benevolence, care needs to be taken to ensure that aid monies foster increased independence

rather than dependence (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 152). As Thomas and Tonganibeia (2007, p.

39) state the attitude of aid dependence in Kiribati today, ‘dampens local initiative and

encourages communities to wait for donor assistance’.

59

Government bureaucracy and dominance of public sector employment is also a component

of a MIRAB economy. Although the Government is currently the main source of

employment, the capacity of the public sector to absorb the growing number of unemployed

young people, many of whom have a lack of skills, is limited. The weak private sector which

is often constrained by egalitarian cultural norms and high levels of Government control only

adds further economic issues (Asian Development Bank 2005). This situation reflects the

tension that currently exists between free market economics and more traditional ideals of

egalitarian resource distribution. The 2000 census recorded that two out of every three

employed persons worked for the public sector and two thirds of these were located in South

Tarawa (Government of Kiribati 2002). This figure demonstrates the dominance of

Government as the nation’s primary employer and key stakeholder in services, infrastructure

and commerce.

A central part of Kiribati’s economy is the connection between subsistence and cash sectors.

While South Tarawa is seen as the centre of cash employment it remains strongly influenced

by the subsistence sector. The family members of educated Government employees often

access food from remnant agroforestry systems on their land. However, increasing

population densities has seen the emergence of landless urban poor, who unlike their rural

counterparts are not able to re-engage with their traditional subsistence lifestyle when cash

and food reserves are low (Connell 2003).

Urban centres in Kiribati face many challenges in provision of employment opportunities for

existing urban residents. If the rural-urban population drift in Kiribati continues into future

years, the already strained employment opportunities in South Tarawa will be exposed to

even greater pressure. Asia Development Bank (2002, p. 127) reports that while 1,700

student leave school each year, only 400-500 jobs become available in the formal economy.

Therefore, one of the major challenges facing urban centres in Kiribati is the need to provide

job opportunities for growing populations.

4.3.2 Island lifestyles, family, land and reciprocity

Traditional attitudes and beliefs still exert considerable influence throughout Kiribati.

Traditional culture predisposes I-Kiribati to approach life one day at a time with little worry

about the future (Talu 1985, p. 4). Similarly, traditional concepts of land ownership connect

an individual’s identity, status and wealth to their ownership of land (Macdonald 2001, p.

206). This is reflected in the high levels of freehold native title ownership in Gilbert islands

(Atanraoi 1995, p. 64; Talu 1985, p. 10). The importance of the family is often evident in

60

land ownership in South Tarawa. Although held in individual names, land ownership is still

largely vested in the family unit (Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 59). The role of land in urban

areas is discussed further in Section 5.2.

Family, community support, sharing and equality are also traditionally important. Macdonald

(2001, p. 207) comments that there remains a strong sense of disdain for ‘those who profit

from the efforts of others’ and a general sentiment that ‘no man [should] rise above his

fellows’. In the past, individuals and families have been expected to adhere to conservative

egalitarian norms (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 97), which are especially strong is the southern

Gilberts. Sometimes the belief in equality has been so strong that it discouraged individuals

from seeking to raise themselves above the general community level or develop wealth

(Geddes et al. 1982, p. 84). Due to the traditional emphasis on sharing and reciprocity,

cooperative activities are often seen as an acceptable approach for conducting business and

trade (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 97). Particularly in the outer islands, the anonymity and

collective effort of group work is highly valued (Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007, p. 50).

Community expectations of sharing, reciprocation and egalitarian distribution of resources

are best encapsulated in the traditional notion of bubuti. This form of reciprocal aid, still

common between friends and family, is where an individual asks for a gift or favour such as

money or food which can rarely be denied (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 85; Jones 1997, Ch. 4, p.

43).

4.3.3 Civil society, religion and cooperatives

Civil society is generally well developed in South Tarawa where numerous church, women,

youth groups and other Non Government Organisations (NGOs) are based (Butcher-Gollach

et al. 2007b, p. 103). In particular, religious groups are frequently the basis of community

activity and often exert a powerful influence throughout Kiribati, as evidenced by dominance

of the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches (Macdonald 2001, p. 213). Religious

institutions have replaced the traditional village structure; the church maneaba ‘becoming

more important than the village maneaba as the center [sic] of local politics’ (Roniti Teiwaki

& Associates 2004, p. 4). This is because of the fragmentation of traditional structures

(particularly in urban areas) and the affinity of I-Kiribati for cooperation and community. As

stated by Thomas (2001, p. 414), ‘while not denying the existence of competition among

groups and among individuals, cooperation remains a hallmark of Kiribati social relations

and so provides a solid foundation for creating or strengthening ventures geared towards

resource management strategies’.

61

Yet, despite their organisational and mobilisation capacity, religious groups are generally

concerned with spiritual matters and not the management and development of local

infrastructure. This is largely because ‘their areas of influence extend across village

boundaries and overlap each other’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 100). However, church

based projects such as the hydroponics facility at the Bikenibeu Kiribati Protestant Church

demonstrate that potential exists to draw on religious decision making structures to

encourage community infrastructure and micro credit schemes including homegardening

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 40).

In the past, fishing and copra cooperatives have been set up outside church institutions with

the assistance of the Kiribati Government. The concept of te mronron (Geddes et al. 1982, p.

97), is critical to the potential success of a cooperative in Kiribati. This non-traditional

organisation allows a family or larger group to pool resources for a specific purpose.

However, such cooperatives have had limited success in the past due to poor management

and planning (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January).

4.3.4 Politics: the Government and people

Government in Kiribati is comprised of both national and local levels. The national level is

made up of a unicameral House of Parliament (Maneaba ni Maungatabu) with 42 elected

members led by a President. Local Government is comprised of 23 locally elected councils

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, pp. 78-9). The Government and the general population of

Kiribati share a somewhat paradoxical relationship. On one hand the majority of I-Kiribati

believe that the role of the Government is to ‘look after the people’ (Geddes et al. 1982, p.

117). However, on the other hand many I-Kiribati distrust the Government, believing that

the Government frequently abuses its power, collecting taxes to secure its own wealth rather

than acting for the welfare of the people (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 21). While the work of

Geddes et al (1982) is over 25 years old, the general attitude of the people toward their

Government remains largely unchanged (Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural

Development, pers comm., 30 January). Ironically, the Government is the largest employer

in Kiribati and therefore the primary employer of many households, particularly in South

Tarawa (Asian Development Bank 2006b).

62

4.4 Property regimes and Research Question Two: ownership and management of

agroforestry resources

Various approaches to the ownership and management of atoll resources exist in Kiribati. At

a theoretical level, these different approaches can be defined within a body of literature

known as property regime theory. The discussion of each of these approaches, informs later

methodological procedures in answering Research Question Two.

4.4.1 Property regime theory

When discussing resource ownership and management issues it is important to acknowledge

the broader body of theory surrounding property rights and resource management regimes.

This field is generally poorly understood in the public domain, due mainly to a lack of

understanding of property and property rights theory (Bromley 1991, pp. 1-2).

To clarify this misunderstanding, Bromley (1991, p. 2) defines property as ‘a benefit (or

income) stream’, a ‘social relation that defines the property holder with respect to something

of value’. In this context a property right becomes ‘a claim to a benefit stream that the state

will agree to protect through the assignment of duty to others who may covet, or somehow

interfere with, the benefit stream’ (Bromley 1991, p. 2). Within this context, a resource

management regime is a human creation based upon a structure of rights and duties to a

particular environmental resource (Bromley 1991, p. 22). Four property regimes are typically

considered within this body of theory. These include open access, common property, private

property and state property.

Tragedy of the commons: open access versus common property

Much of the confusion regarding resource management regimes stems from the poorly

conceptualised economic theory know as the “tragedy of he commons” (Hardin 1968).

Hardin’s (1968) work claimed that property under a village common system would

inevitably be depleted beyond recovery due to users’ exploitation of shared resources.

Hardin’s (1968) theory was incorrect in that it failed to recognise the difference between the

property regimes of “open access” and true “common property”. Resources under open

access ‘are owned by no one and protected by no one’ (Baines 1989, p. 199). This absence of

ownership rights results in a complete lack of user incentive for conservation and protection

of shared resources. In this way, Hardin’s (1968), “tragedy of the commons” can be more

accurately described as the “tragedy of open access” (Stevenson 1991, p. 4).

63

On the other hand, common property is not open to access by all people. Rather, a common

property regime is based on collective ownership by a select group of people. While co-equal

owners have a right to access the property resource, those who are outside the commons

group have no right of access. Thus, it is in the interest of the group to ensure that the benefit

provided from the property is not compromised. This is achieved through establishing a set

of ‘property rights relationships designed to eliminate open access exploitation’ (Stevenson

1991, p. 104). However, Berkes and Farvar (1989, p. 13) comment that the appropriate

institutions are required to ensure effective common property management systems.

Common property regimes hold considerable appeal as a tool to facilitate community

ownership and bottom up development. Increased responsibility for land management at a

local level increases the likelihood of more sustainable forms of resource use. However, the

complexity of managing a common pool of resources often raises questions on which

institutional structure is best suited to manage the shared resource (Baker 1992, p. 39). In the

international developed field, the logical approach for development planners is to strengthen

existing community structures to encourage increased cooperation (Berkes & Farvar 1989, p.

13). According to Berkes (1989a, p. 73), these institutions frequently emerge as a result of

kin, reciprocity and/or group selection.

Common property in an urban setting: a potential tragedy

Although common property regimes provide a highly sustainable approach to distribution of

community resources, the probability of their failure is substantially increased in an urban

setting. This is because with increasing density comes increasing fluidity and casual

relationships resulting in the breakdown of the intimate contact necessary to ensure

appropriate management and collective responsibility (Berkes 1989a, p. 71). In the case of

Kiribati, urbanisation has resulted in the distortion of common property access rights due to

the establishment of new kinship ties between unrelated urban residents, effectively blurring

the divide between “outsiders” and “insiders” (Thomas 2001, p. 408). This inevitably leads

to property disputes. In cases where common property disputes arise, Thomas (2001, p. 413)

suggests that strengthening local authority institutions would enable greater capacity to

negotiate a solution. Similarly, where traditional resource conservation have been lost due to

the expansion of alternative regimes, Berkes (1989a, p. 83) suggests that reengaging with

common property systems should take into account both the ‘wisdom of ancient practices’

and the contemporary world in which they now exist. This is particularly important in an

urban setting given the apparent tension between traditional common property approaches

and urban living.

64

Private property and state property

In the absence of the distinction between common property and open access regimes, it is

commonly concluded that the solution to the poorly conceptualised “tragedy of the

commons” phenomenon is either the establishment of private property or state property

regimes. In a private property regime, a single owner posses the power to decide what is

done (Bromley 1991, pp. 173-4). This secure and exclusive right to resource extraction

potentially encourages more responsible and efficient land management through

concentrating resource cost and benefits with a single owner. Despite this, Stevenson (1991,

p. 4) points out that such a property regime may not be appropriate in a given culture where

an enduring experience with common property exists. Furthermore, Bromley (1991, p. 181)

states that private ownership may not be appropriate for certain goods and services that are

indivisible, unique, immobile and are difficult to establish entitlements for. Finally, private

property, often results in negative social impacts due to inequitable wealth and income

distribution (Stevenson 1991, p. 104).

In contrast, a state property regime is based around centring ownership and control with the

nation state. Although individuals may be permitted to use these resources, it is only with the

permission of the state (Bromley 1991, p. 23). Thus the nation state manages the land to

ensure that appropriate resource extraction occurs. However, one of the disadvantages of this

approach is the disconnection between an individual’s ability to access state resources and

their ownership of these resources. This disconnection results in the potential inefficiency of

resource use due to the lack of market signals (Bromley 1991, pp. 168-9). Furthermore,

unless strict management guidelines exist, resource overexploitation is likely to occur. The

abovementioned property regimes are summarised in Table 6.

65

Table 6: four main property regimes

Regime Details

Open access Free-for-all; resource-use rights are neither

exclusive nor transferable, rights are owned in

common but are open-access to everyone (and

therefore owned by no one).

Common property Use-rights for the resource are controlled by an

identifiable group and are not privately owned or

managed by Government; there exist rules

concerning who may use the resource, who is

excluded from using the resource, and how the

resource should be used.

Private property An individual has a right to undertake socially

acceptable uses and has a right to expect that only

socially acceptable uses will occur.

State property Ownership and management control is held by

the nation state or crown. Individuals have a duty

to observe use / access rules.

Source: adapted from Berkes and Farvar (1989, p. 10) and Bromley (1991, p. 31)

Co-management

Although Table 6 provides a convenient theoretical classification of different property

regimes, most resource management systems are in reality a mix of various systems (Berkes

& Farvar 1989, p. 9). More particularly, certain authors emphasise the potential of “co-

management” to provide an effective approach to managing natural resources (Berkes,

George & Preston 1991; Pinkerton 1993). Berkes, George and Preston (1991, p. 12) define

co-management as the ‘sharing of power and responsibility between the Government and

local resource users’. In such a situation, power sharing provides a check on the performance

of both private and public stakeholders.

Traditional ownership and management regimes in the Pacific

Common property regimes have been one of the dominant mechanisms by which traditional

societies have sustainably managed their natural resources for thousands of years (Berkes &

Farvar 1989, p. 6). Yet, Berkes and Farvar (1989, p. 13) comment that the ‘implementation

of foreign economics and technologies have often upset age-old and time-tested resource-use

developed over generations in each successful common-property system’. The Pacific

islands is no exception to this generalisation.

66

The subject of traditional land and marine tenure in the Pacific is so vast and varied that it is

impractical to attempt a detailed discussion of the literature at this juncture. Suffice to say

that despite the introduction of new economic models and political systems in the Pacific,

traditional tenure systems have shown remarkable resilience and capacity to adapt (Baines

1989, p. 273). However, although resilient, Baines (1989, p. 289) states that ‘traditional

resource-management systems of the South Pacific island region are unlikely to survive in a

meaningful form without Government support – institutional and legislative’. For a more

comprehensive analysis of this subject see Crocombe (1987).

4.4.2 Differing approaches to ownership and management in Kiribati

The four property regimes identified in 4.4.1 are helpful in understanding both past, present

and future ownership and management approaches and options in Kiribati. Combining

property regime theory with the earlier discussion of the typical atoll environment,

traditional land and marine management practices, the importance of the Government

bureaucracy and the recent emergence of free market economics allows the identification of

broad options for the ownership and management of agroforestry resources in future planned

urban settlements. Each of these options exists within the overriding assumption that the

Government initially owns future planned settlement land. This assumption will be

addressed more fully in Section 5.4.

The first approach (integrated individual tenure, refer Figure 15) emerges from the

traditional emphasis on the importance of egalitarian distribution of atoll resources amongst

island inhabitants and the traditional strip land division in the typical atoll environment

(Hockings 1989, p. 67). In this approach, the tenure between house and productive land is

integrated to reflect the traditional connection between land ownership both within and

outside of the kainga. In a modern context, this approach lends itself to two key regimes:

private property (household has direct ownership of productive land) or state property

(households lease productive land from the Kiribati Government).

67

Figure 15: settlement model A – integrated individual tenure

Source: Author’s synthesis of literature

In the second approach (separated individual tenure, refer figure 16) the division of

agroforestry resources occurs according to the principles of western capitalism. Based on a

free market approach, individual choice is placed as a higher priority than social equality and

therefore productive land is acquired by households that are willing to pay for the right to

access that land. This private property regime is suited to this model due to the high level of

individual ownership and control necessary to buy and sell productive land.

Explanatory notes:

• Each household either leases the plantation land from the Government or owns it outright.

• Each household has the same size plantation land. • Ownership of plantation land cannot be separated from ownership of each house plot.

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Figure 16: settlement model B – private property, separate tenure


In the third approach (collective access to separate tenure, refer Figure 17), value is placed

on traditional notions of collective effort, ownership and participation (Thomas &

Tonganibeia 2007, p. 50). In this model, the paradox of eroding traditional common property

regimes whilst maintaining the importance of traditional values provides an opportunity to

further explore bottom up solutions to the protection of local resources (Thomas 2001, p.

401). The principles of common property in traditional management approaches, highlighted

in Section 4.2, suggest that a common property approach to the ownership and management

of agroforestry resources in future planned urban settlements could be effective. However,

the problems frequently associated with common property in an urban setting suggests some

involvement from the Kiribati Government may also be required. Thus, this approach lends

itself to two key regimes: common property (cooperative of households with collective

ownership of productive land) or state property (cooperative of households leasing

productive land from the Kiribati Government).

Explanatory notes:

• No Government restrictions on the size of agricultural land • Plantation land exists on a separate title to the house and can be bought, sold and

leased but must remain as productive land. • Different households have different sized plantation land based on what they have

bought or sold. • Some larger plantation lands (5 and 9) are owned and managed by individuals who

employ members of other households to farm the land.

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Figure 17: settlement model C - collective access approach, separate tenure


In the final approach (state property, refer Figure 18) the dependence of the general public

on centralised Government management systems is emphasised (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 117).

This model, highlights the integral role that the Kiribati Government already plays in

managing and planning urban areas. Such an approach is reflected in the MIRAB model

frequently used to describe Kiribati’s economy (Bertram 2006; Borovnik 2006).

Explanatory notes:

• Plantation land communally owned or leased from the Government by a cooperative of households grouped together based on church, island of birth or general location in the settlement.

• Families own and work land together and divide produce according to a cooperative agreement.

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Figure 18: settlement model D – state owned land



Serious problems exist in trying to develop industrialised cities in fragile atoll environments.

However, the continued growth of existing urban centres necessitates the creation of new

urban settlements. The general homogeneity of Kiribati’s atolls provides a useful starting

point for considering issues relating to the design of future urban settlements. Such designs

must learn from past settlement approaches to appropriately respond to the demands of atoll

urban living.

Like other nations in the Pacific, Kiribati’s recent history has been shaped by rapid growth

and change. These changes have occurred despite the severe environmental constraints of the

atoll environment where vast ocean resources are interspersed by small, infertile, low lying

atolls. The ecological homogeneity of the atoll environment is in contrast with the growing

heterogeneity of South Tarawa, where the cash economy creates a connection point to the

outside world.

Prior to European contact, traditional Gilbertese society was defined by high levels of

reciprocity, sustainability and equality expressed in a complex land tenure system based

around individual and family ownership. Since contact with the industrialised world,

traditional understandings of atoll living have been challenged by industrialised models of

Explanatory notes:

• Plantation lands owned and managed by the government agricultural department. • The Government offers to employ one person from each household to work on the

agricultural land.

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urban living that emphasise consumer choice in a free market economy. At the same time,

the public sector has emerged as the key employer in urban areas. Finally, religious and other

cooperative groups have gained increasing strength in place of traditional village based

community systems in urban areas. Today, Kiribati faces many challenges in attempting to

remain competitive in a global economy. In response, an outward looking economy has

emerged, heavily dependent on aid, remittances and public sector employment. These

influences reflect the different property regimes that have already been identified in existing

literature.

Despite the changes associated with exposure to the global economy, traditional ways of life

in Kiribati are still strong as expressed in the importance of land, religion, family and

reciprocity. Effective responses to the future will be those that are able to reconcile the needs

of the people with the constraints of the atoll environment, local culture and economy. The

following chapter addresses the urban form of South Tarawa and investigates in greater

detail the current and future state of urban development in Kiribati.

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5.0 THE URBAN FORM OF SOUTH TARAWA

South Tarawa is the major international and national connection point for the nation of

Kiribati. At a local level, South Tarawa links urban to rural. At an international level, it links

Kiribati to international markets and the global community. Although contact with the

“world beyond the reef” has had many positive lifestyle outcomes for I-Kiribati, it has also

brought an array of previously nonexistent challenges. Understanding the key components of

the existing urban form and the planning and management constraints that surround urban

development in Kiribati is a necessary step for studying the development of future urban

settlements. This chapter addresses key components of South Tarawa’s urban form including

issues of urban management, land tenure, public housing, waste management and past and

future options that have been suggested to accommodate the growing number of urban

residents.

5.1 Urban management in South Tarawa

Urban management involves the strategic development and coordination of public and

private actions to ensure that urban residents have access to basic urban services both now

and in the future (Dijk 2006, p. 56). Developing workable urban management policies to

ensure the supply of urban services remains a constant challenge in South Tarawa due to

considerable environmental, socio-cultural and economic constraints. The following section

presents a description of South Tarawa today and discusses the influence of traditional

values on urban management processes.

5.1.1 South Tarawa today

According to population levels in the 2005 census over 40 per cent of Kiribati’s population is

located on approximately 16 square kilometres of land in South Tarawa (Government of

Kiribati 2006). This is approximately 1.9 per cent of the total land area in Kiribati. The

convergence of outer island migrants on South Tarawa is driven by a variety of push and pull

factors associated with radical changes in employment and education expectations

throughout Kiribati (Connell 2003, p. 36). In a study into waste management in the urban

village Bikenibeu, Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 21) found that 65 per cent of all

urban residents were from the outer islands. Many of these people migrate to South Tarawa

for education and employment. Tebano’s (1996, p. 11) survey of 250 South Tarawa

households found that jobs and education were dominant attractions in South Tarawa. On the

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other hand, alcoholism, overcrowding, lack of amenities and social problems (in order of

priority) were the four most disliked aspects of urban living (Tebano 1996, p. 11). Similar

issues are also identified in more recent reports into urban renewal in South Tarawa

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b).

The continued growth of South Tarawa has resulted in the once separated rural villages

along the length of the southern section of Tarawa becoming increasingly amalgamated into

one continuous strip of urban settlement, with little room for further expansion (refer Figure

19) (Connell & Lea 1998; Takaio 1993, p. 278). In 1989 the completion of the Japanese

funded Nippon Causeway (linking Betio to the rest of South Tarawa) finalised the

transformation of South Tarawa from a ‘string of small islets divided by tidal passages’, to

one long continuous strip of low lying land spanning 28 kilometres in length (Van Trease

1993b, p. 125). One main road runs the length of this land mass. Private buses frequently use

this road, providing the main source of public transport to the majority of the population

(Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 28).

Figure 19: map of key urban centres in South Tarawa

Source: author’s synthesis of a variety of existing maps

Today, a variety of urban villages are located in a string along the length of South Tarawa.

Betio is the densest of the urban village settlements, supporting a population of over 12, 000

people on 1.67 square kilometres of land, making it one of the most densely populated areas

in the Pacific (Government of Kiribati 2002, p. 174, 2006, p. 32; Van Trease 1993b, p. 125).

In their report on urban settlement in South Tarawa, Bryant-Tokalau and Kumarasuriyar

(1994, p. 78) emphasise that it is the combination of high urban densities and the location of

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these densities on small, low lying atolls with ‘low carrying capacity in terms of various

urban services’, that remains a cause of serious concern.

Authors agree that the current urbanisation process in South Tarawa is unsustainable

(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 19; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 109;

Larmour 1982, p. i; MELAD 2003, p. 48; Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007). Howes and

Williams (2005, Ch. 8, p. 22) state that if major urban centres continue to grow at current

rates, urban poverty and the occurrence of infectious diseases will continue to increase

because of the general inability of atoll environments to absorb waste. The impact of

urbanisation on the atoll environment and overall living conditions is already evident. In

particular the depletion and pollution of both groundwater and fishery stocks, rapid coastal

erosion, overcrowding, related diseases and illegal mining of beach sand all indicate the

decline of the natural environment in South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 106).

Problems such as waste disposal, eroding shorelines and unsafe drinking water can be

addressed through high technology capital investment solutions. However, in the past such

capital investments have often not been successful because local communities do not highly

value these services and are either not willing or able to pay for their usage and maintenance

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 108). A preferable approach is to improve planning and

management processes to guide future growth and address existing problems (Bryant-

Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 88).

5.1.2 The influence of the socio-cultural order on urban management

Rapid urbanisation and economic growth have profoundly changed Kiribati society since

independence. As a “society in transition”, traditional subsistence living is gradually being

replaced by “modern” lifestyles underpinned by the cash economy. As the connection point

between the global community and Kiribati, South Tarawa is located at the centre of this

transition and is exposed to the full influence of the international community and traditional

I-Kiribati socio-cultural order (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 51).

Many of the difficulties associated with planning and managing urban services in South

Tarawa are directly connected to the tension between the traditional socio-cultural order and

“modern approaches”. The study by Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p.8) into the influence of the socio-

cultural order on urban management in South Tarawa found that while the influence of

westernised countries profoundly altered the fabric of I-Kiribati society, South Tarawa was

still ‘underpinned by traditional expectations, attitudes, beliefs and feelings, including

widespread linkages to outer islands’. Furthermore, Jones (1997, Ch.9, p.4) found that while

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urban households retained aspirations commonly associated with rural villages such as

shared social understandings, land inheritance, subsistence lifestyles and governance based

on cultural principles, they also possessed a greater degree of more urban aspirations such as

education, permanent dwellings, freehold land title and material goods. However, while most

urban I-Kiribati willingly seek more westernised lifestyles, many are not prepared to take

ownership or responsibility for the final urban product (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p.9). This is

particularly evident with regard to the modern understanding of “sustainability”. Despite the

declining urban conditions, the concept of sustainability (as understood by developed

nations) has little meaning to the I-Kiribati social-cultural order (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p.10).

Sustainability for many I-Kiribati is about sustaining the social-cultural order itself and

emphasising the importance of being happy in the present with little concern for the future

(Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p.9).

Since Jones’ (1997) study, culture and society have continued to change rapidly as

traditional structures are further weakened (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 51). However,

the socio-cultural order still exerts a significant influence on urban processes such as waste

management and land ownership. At the time of his 1997 study, Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p. 9)

commented that one of the greatest challenges that future urbanisation faced in Kiribati was

that land tenure was critical to both preserving the social-cultural order and improving urban

management processes. In this way, traditional notions of land ownership still provide land

owners the power to veto development proposals, even on land that is leased by the

Government (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18). Similarly, the Government is often

hesitant to remove squatters from Government leased land for fear of interfering with

traditional agreements (MELAD 2003, p. 12). In such situations, providing urban services to

a population still strongly influenced by a “rural mindset” has obvious urban management

challenges.

The apparent tension between the values and principles of the socio-cultural order and

managing and planning the sustainable delivery of urban services implies that significant

challenges lie ahead for urban planning in Kiribati (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 9). For this reason,

Jones (1997. Ch. 9, p. 12) comments that changes and improvements in urban management

are likely to involve trade-offs and the ‘modification of existing social-cultural values’.

Recent changes in attitudes towards the sale of land indicate that these changes are taking

place (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 17). However, the real challenge confronting future

urban settlement is the need to manage and plan urban growth while preserving the essential

elements of the social-cultural order that are necessary to ensure a high quality of life for

urban residents (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 12). Public education and strong Government

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leadership are of primary importance if this is to be achieved (Jones 1997, Ch. 9). Where

such leadership and commitment exist, urban transformation is possible in Kiribati (1997,

Ch. 9, p. 7).

5.1.3 Policy and institutional framework surrounding urban management in South

Tarawa

The difficulties associated with urban management in Kiribati are surprising given I-Kiribati

exposure to town planning processes during British administration (Macdonald 2001, p.

205). In many cases those living in the Gilbert islands were forced to move from scattered

kainga settlements and live in designated village settlements controlled by island

Governments where strict planning guidelines applied (Macdonald 2001; MELAD 2003, p.

38; Talu 1985, p. 12). In this way, the original land use plan for South Tarawa was put in

place by the British for the Government leased areas of Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 24). However, many of these planning constraints were

lifted when the Republic of Kiribati gained independence from Britain in 1979. As a result,

‘planning generally and urban and environmental planning in particular are non-traditional

activities which, in the main, remain alien to the I-Kiribati way of life’ (MELAD 2003, p. 4).

Policy framework

Despite the changes since independence, urban planning and strategic planning still exist in

the Kiribati bureaucratic system. In fact, the Kiribati Government has had a Land Planning

Act since 1973 (Larmour 1982, p. 39). Similarly, the 2004-2007 National Development

Strategy (Government of Kiribati 2003) clearly sets out a strategic framework guiding

development in Kiribati. This document acknowledges that over-population, environmental

degradation and fragmentation of traditional values are issues to be addressed. Numerous

other pieces of legislation relating to urban development also exist. A recent analysis of the

legal framework surrounding urban development and management in Butcher-Gollach et al.

(2007b, pp. 79-84) identified 28 legislative instruments related to urban issues. Although

overly complex and with a number of gaps and deficiencies, the appropriate legal framework

already exists to guide and control urban development (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 79).

Furthermore, the establishment of the Central Land Planning Board (CLPB) in the Ministry

of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development (MELAD) demonstrates that a certain

commitment to improving urban management exists. Likewise, the main urban villages of

Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu have some level of land use planning with specific land areas

zoned for residential, educational or commercial purposes (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates

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2004, p. 23). However, public compliance and Government enforcement of such land use

planning is poor.

Institutional framework

Kiribati’s legislative framework has created a number of local and national statutory bodies

responsible for various aspects of urban management and planning. These include the Betio

Town Council, Teinainano Urban Council, Land Management Division, MELAD

Environment Division, Ministry of Public Works and the Public Utilities Board. The

involvement of both national and local agencies combined with the large number of

bureaucratic bodies (often poorly trained) further complicates the effective delivery of urban

services because of inefficient communication and coordination (Bryant-Tokalau &

Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 79; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 105).

Finally, the lack of law compliance and enforcement is a major issue in South Tarawa

(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 80). In their review of laws relating to

management of waste and water in South Tarawa, Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, pp.

46-9) identified 10 relevant pieces of legislation, regulations or bylaws relating to waste

management legally required to be enforced in South Tarawa. However in many instances,

both the relevant Government employees and the general public were oblivious of these

laws. In this way, MELAD (2003, p. 36) comments that ‘where Colonial based law and

concepts conflict with traditional lifestyles, little or no action is taken and the prevailing

social and cultural order prevails’.

5.2 Land, squatter settlements and housing in South Tarawa

Low land availability and high population density remain two of the most crucial issues in

South Tarawa today. The following section provides an overview of the constraining

influence of land in South Tarawa resulting in the Government leasing large areas of land

from traditional land owners. This has encouraged the development of squatter settlements

and increased urban densities around areas of Government leases and public housing.

Furthermore, this section addresses literature relating to the sustainable design of housing in

Kiribati and uses recent census data to predict the demographic composition of the typical

urban household in future urban settlements.

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5.2.1 The importance of land

Land and land availability is the greatest limitation to development in South Tarawa and is

therefore a resource that must be managed ‘efficiently and productively’ (Butcher-Gollach et

al. 2007b, p. 30). The value of land is reflected in Government policy that does not allow

land in Kiribati to be directly owned by foreigners (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 17).

While the geography of the atoll environment presents obvious physical limitations to land

availability, traditional land ownership also remains a constraining factor. The majority of

land in the Gilbert islands is native land and is the major form of wealth in Kiribati (Bryant-

Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 233). Traditionally land was owned by a family unit and

divided up according to social status and rank (MELAD 2003, p. 12). Traditional notions of

joint ownership and inheritance still play a major role in the ownership of urban land, the

traditional strip division still a prominent feature of the urban landscape (refer Figure 20).

Figure 20: native land ownership in Bairiki showing the division of the land into thin strips

Source: Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 15)

The joint ownership of land has led to continual subdivision and fragmentation of land into

smaller and smaller plots (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 21). Even in cases

where a single owner is registered they are often unable to sell the land without discussing

and receiving agreement from their wider family, all of whom have some level of shared

ownership (Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 59). Based on such law, individual tenure is still

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bound, at least in some form, within the kainga. Land fragmentation, communal ownership

and physical unavailability have resulted in an increasing number of land disputes, often

requiring the involvement of the courts (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 223).

Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 17) comments that customary systems of land ownership

have ‘precluded the development of what could be termed a “normal” land market’.

In his study into urban planning and management in South Tarawa, Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p. 5)

found that land was the major issue underpinning the socio-cultural order of both urban and

rural life. The over-riding influence of traditional land tenure patterns in South Tarawa is

also supported by Bryant-Tokalau and Kumarasuriyar (1994, p. 20). As the ‘main element

necessary for maintaining and enhancing social and economic cohesion within the family

group’, land continues to be of vital importance in both rural and urban areas (Jones 1997,

Ch. 9, p. 5).

State owned land is the other major form of land ownership in Kiribati. However, in South

Tarawa only five per cent of land is State owned (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 15). Due

to the small amount of land directly owned by the State, the former Colonial administration

in the 1950s leased approximately 30 per cent of South Tarawa’s land for a period of 99

years (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 15). These leases continue today and are generally

confined to the urban villages of Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu7 where Government office

blocks and Government housing were constructed in the Colonial period. For leased land, the

Kiribati Government provides a set amount of compensation to land owners (Takaio 1993, p.

278). Although the Government possesses the power to forcibly acquire land for the public

good, it generally prefers the option of leasing land in order to avoid confrontations with

landowners (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 37).

The limited availability of land has resulted in issues of illegal occupation (squatting) on

land in South Tarawa. Typically squatting occurs on Government leased land where the

traditional owners sometime give permission for families to settle despite the lease

agreement with the Government (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18). The Government is

often hesitant to evict squatters because it requires interference with traditional landowner

rights (Larmour 1982, p. 38; MELAD 2003, p. 12). Similarly, landholders also have the

power to veto Government development projects on land that the Government is leasing

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18). The tension between the eviction of squatters and the

7 Significant leased lands are also held in the water reserves in Bonriki and Buota.

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provision of future residential land is a critical issue to be addressed in future urban

settlements (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 20).

Despite the strong influence of traditional values on land ownership, a more individualistic

and capitalistic approach is emerging in South Tarawa (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar

1994, p. 21; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 17). The increasing willingness to sell land,

particularly in urban centres, demonstrates that, to some extent, land is now seen as a

marketable commodity (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 68). This is in spite of the

traditional practices and customs that view land sale as shameful and taboo (Butcher-Gollach

et al. 2007b, p. 17). While an increased willingness to sell land does allow greater

development opportunities, it also has the effect of further breaking down traditional

structures on which I-Kiribati society is based.

5.2.2 Housing in South Tarawa

Urban settlement throughout South Tarawa is generally poorly planned and serviced (Roniti

Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 22). The main urban villages of Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu

contain the bulk of rural-urban migrant populations due to the construction of Government

housing on leased land which creates opportunities for squatting and over-crowding

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 19). Furthermore, the general lack of tenure on both

Government leased and illegally settled land means there is little incentive for urban

residents to maintain their environment (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 22).

The bulk of Government housing stock in South Tarawa has been inherited from the

Colonial administration and is becoming increasingly dilapidated due to lack of maintenance

(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 28). The cycle of deterioration in Kiribati is

summarised in Figure 21.

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Figure 21: cycle of deterioration in South Tarawa

Source: adapted from Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a, p. 12)

The need for construction of further Government housing led to the publication of a report

by Hockings (2003) on the design of sustainable housing in Kiribati. In his report, Hockings

(2003) criticises the unsustainable design of past Government housing in Kiribati. This is

because past designs fail to respond appropriately to the local context. Hockings (2003)

developed a number of new low cost housing designs whilst working with the Kiribati

Government. The internal floor area of the two bedroom house is around 55 square metres.

The inclusion of two water tanks and a laundry expanded this area to around 90 square

metres. Figure 22 shows a design of a two bedroom house.

High rate of in-migration from outer islands

Lack of policies and weak capacity of institutions to cope with influx

Lack of forward planning and servicing of new plots, lack of community consultations, poor user payments Squatting,

overcrowding of existing housing stock, overburden on infrastructure and facilities

Destruction of natural environment, increasing social ills, deteriorating public heath and assets

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Figure 22: proposed design of two bedroom house for future urban settlement

Source: Hockings et al. (2004, p. 14)

5.2.3 The urban household

Despite the fragmentation of traditional approaches often associated with living in South

Tarawa, urban households are still quite similar to their rural counterparts. One of the

greatest similarities is the flexibility and fluidity of both rural and urban households. In cases

where relatives from one island visit another island, the host family will often support them

until they can establish themselves or otherwise leave (Macdonald 2001, p. 217). During this

time, family members are expected to live, work and function as part of the host family and

contribute to the common well-being of the household (2001, p. 55). Due to the attractions of

South Tarawa this has resulted in large families with many dependants, often supported by

one or two family members in cash employment. Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 55)

comment that households of over 20 people are not uncommon.

Households commonly comprise a number of children from outer islands, staying with their

extended family in South Tarawa for educational purposes (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates

2004, p. 17). Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 16) comment that traditionally the

extended family is a means of ‘mutual support and survival amongst the family members,

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and as long as this system of interdependence exists, the extended family will persevere to

function as a social and economic asset’.

The family unit in South Tarawa remains the ‘cornerstone of I-Kiribati society’ despite some

level of modification (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 7). The importance of the household unit is also

reflected in the 2005 census where data was collected using the household as the primary

unit of data collection (Government of Kiribati 2006). Analysis of the 2005 census data

(Government of Kiribati 2006) gives insight into the composition of the typical urban

household (refer Appendix 1). On average, the typical urban household comprises around 8

people with 5 people above the age of 15. Table 7 shows the general configuration of the

typical urban household in greater detail.

Table 7: demographic composition of the typical urban household

Age Number of males Number of females

0 to 4 1 5 to 14 1 1 15 to 24 1 1 25 to 49 1 1 50 + 1 Total 4 4 Source: data from the 2005 census document (Government of Kiribati 2006)

5.3 Waste management, water supply and the urban environment

The disposal of te mange (solid waste) and te butae (human excreta) is a constant challenge

in an atoll environment. However, if waste is correctly managed and recycled, tremendous

opportunities exist to improve fertility and biomass of atoll soils and to create jobs for urban

residents. The following section addresses waste management in greater detail, highlighting

the pollution of the ground water lens, traditional practices of waste disposal and possible

composting technologies that could be used to address waste in future planned urban

settlements.

5.3.1 Sewerage and ground water pollution

In general, sanitation throughout South Tarawa is inadequate, with years of poor waste

management resulting in the pollution of key water reserves in South Tarawa. Although

ground water can typically be accessed almost ‘anywhere that a hole can be dug to a depth of

five to ten feet’ (Mason 1960, p. 8), wells in Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu are now unsafe for

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drinking due to contamination of ground water by human and animal faeces (Coffey MPW

& FSPK 2001, p. 1; Paeniu 1999, p. 161).

The use of the lagoon and the ocean as a public toilet is one of the major pollution sources in

South Tarawa (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 51). Despite the traditional nature of

this practice, increasing densities and health concerns make it unsustainable in an urban

environment (MELAD 2003, p. 26). While there is a general consensus that toileting on the

beach is an unacceptable practice in South Tarawa (Tebano 1996, p. 28), it remains an

attractive option for many households because of its low cost and maintenance requirements

(Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 51). Likewise, wet, pit and septic tank toilets

dramatically increase the potential for faecal contamination of the fresh water lens through

poorly planned discharge points and lack of maintenance (Coffey MPW & FSPK 2001, p. 1).

Furthermore, flush toilets frequently become blocked due to households using non flushable

material because toilet paper is frequently too expensive for a household to afford (Bryant-

Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 209). Finally, the keeping of household pigs is an

additional source of urban pollution affecting the ground water lens (Roniti Teiwaki &

Associates 2004, p. 41).

As a result of increasing groundwater pollution in South Tarawa, fresh water is pumped from

designated water reserves near the international airport to small household tanks in South

Tarawa (Thomas 2002, p. 169). However, MELAD (2003, p. 24) comments that the water

supply system and the sewerage system are ‘already operating above capacity’. Rainwater

tanks are sometimes used to supplement freshwater supplies in wealthier households.

Considering the pollution, salt-water intrusion, maintenance, and depletion issues associated

with the current supply of fresh water, Paeniu (1999, p. 161) recommends that the obligatory

installation of ‘durable roofing, guttering, downpipes and storage tanks’ would be the most

environmentally and economically feasible long term solution to the supply of fresh water.

This is similar to Hockings’ (2003) recommendation for the design of sustainable housing.

Composting toilets

Composting toilets have been suggested as a technology that could be used to combat

sanitation issues in Kiribati (Burke 2001). In brief, the composting toilet composts te butae

(human excreta) into fertile organic material that can be used as soil. Although, composting

toilets appear to be a “win, win” solution to basic sanitation problems in Kiribati, the transfer

of this technology into I-Kiribati culture faces a number of cultural hurdles. One of the

greatest challenges involves overcoming past attitudes towards waste and waste reuse.

Traditionally waste is seen as ‘dirty, filthy and smelly … unpalatable and useless, and should

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be disposed of as soon as practicable’ (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 44). Cleaning

in general is traditionally seen as a low status job; prisoners are sometimes instructed to do it

as a form of punishment (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 44). Furthermore, due to the

newness of this technology, I-Kiribati are often sceptical of the potential of human waste to

be turned into anything useful (Burke 2001, par. 39).

Other cultural issues include taboos such as sorcery and perceptions that composting toilets

are unhygienic (Burke 2001, par. 23; Tebano 1984, p. 23). In a 1996 survey of 250

households in South Tarawa, 67 per cent of households did not approve of the composting

toilet and 4 per cent stated that they had no opinion on its use. Of those who did approve, 82

per cent stated that the ability to use compost in the garden was one of the reasons that they

approved of the scheme (Tebano 1984, p. 23). Based on the mixed results of this study,

Tebano (1984, p. 23) recommended that ‘composting toilets could be included as part of a

pilot project' in Kiribati.

As Tebano (1984, p. 23) suggested, composting toilets have been a component in a variety of

different donor pilot projects. In 1996, the Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific

Kiribati (FSPK) partnered with the Local Government to promote the Atollete, a locally

adapted composting toilet (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 8). Roniti Teiwaki and

Associates (2004, p. 54) state that this project had limited success but give little information

to explain the negative response. The design of the Atollete is documented in Coffey MPW

and FSPK (2001). This design proposed the construction a single composting toilet with two

separate chambers. The duel chamber systems allowed a filled toilet chamber time to break

down accumulated solid waste (over a period of six months) while the second chamber is in

use. The continued addition of leaves and ash to the toilet is recommended to help manage

pests and bad odours and to enhance the composting process. A small plastic lined/gravel

filled trench with species such as Saccharum officinarum (sugar cane) Tournefortia argentea

(Beach heliotrope) and Guettarda speciosa (Guettarda) is also recommended to process

liquid waste piped from the bottom of the composting chamber (Burke 2001).

In 1995 a composting toilet trial was established by AusAID in Kiritimati. The design of

these toilet systems is similar to those proposed by Coffey MPW and FSPK (2001) (refer

Figure 23). Results of the trial show that although sorcery taboos, maintenance, training and

education are all issues, these problems were mostly overcome as the trial progressed (Burke

2001). Towards the end of his report Burke (2001, par. 38-43) states that although

composting toilets are highly recommended in Kiribati, the success of the project is largely

dependent on the ‘co-operation of women in the community’ and that due to the continuing

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nature of the trial, the suitability of composting toilets in Kiritimati was yet unknown. On the

other hand, a more recent report on Kiritimati as a future growth centre by the Asia

Development Bank (2006a, p. 115) reports that only a few of the 160 composting toilets are

still in use due to inadequate maintenance and cultural taboos about human waste. However,

the same report also states that similar maintenance problems exist for septic tanks (2006a, p.

115).

Figure 23: composting toilet design used in Kiritimati trial

Source: Burke (2001, para. 15)

An interesting feature of both the FSPK and AusAID projects was the connection to atoll

agroforestry systems. In this way, tree leaves were added to assist the composting process

while the toilet is in use. Similarly, vegetation was used in the evapo-transpiration trench to

absorb harmful nutrients and prevent contamination of the groundwater lens. Burke (2001,

para. 16) also recommended that food crops such as papaya, banana or breadfruit could be

‘planted adjacent to the trench to further assist evapo-transpiration’. Finally, the composted

manure itself can be used to increase the production of different agroforestry species. The

importance of the food producing component of the composting toilet is reflected in Burke’s

(2001, para. 23) comment that at the outset of the composting trial, ‘there was a definite

aversion to the prospect of using the end product for fertilizer’ but that ‘when the pile in the

toilets did actually produce compost there was … a marked increase in interest in the toilets’.

This is similar to Tebano’s (1996, p. 23) findings on the importance of using compost within

the garden.

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5.3.2 Solid waste management in South Tarawa

The disposal of solid waste such as organic matter, plastics and metals remains a constant

challenge in South Tarawa despite work of numerous NGOs into this issue. Each day women

in urban households sweep up any loose organic material surrounding the house and add it,

along with other solid household waste to a communal rubbish pile beside the road for the

council to collect (MELAD 2003, p. 19). Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 51)

comment that this outdated method of council collection has encouraged poor rubbish

sorting and disposal practices at a household level. As a result, landfills and illegal dumps

are almost always sprawling, unplanned and unsound, creating both visual and health

hazards (Thaman et al. 2003, p. 13). To add to the challenges of waste management, notions

of waste sorting and recycling are new concepts for I-Kiribati (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates

2004, p. 51). Interestingly, in a survey of 250 households, only 18 per cent stated that the

rubbish disposal system was unsatisfactory (Tebano 1996, p. 35).

Several studies and waste management projects have been undertaken in South Tarawa by a

variety of organisations and consultancy firms. The most recent study by Roniti Teiwaki and

Associates (2004) analyses waste produced from the South Tarawa community in Bikenibeu

West. Like previous reports (Gangaiya 1994; Sinclair Knight Merz 2002), the most recent

report found that a considerable amount (48 per cent) of household solid waste was organic

(refer Figure 24). Similarly, Sinclair Knight Merz (2002) found that organic matter

comprised 51 per cent of a household waste stream.

Figure 24: household waste by weight showing the high organic component of household waste

Source: Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 59)

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Projects by NGOs such as FSPK have focused on recycling solid waste materials in South

Tarawa. In 2003, FSPK started the Kaoki Mange (Return the Rubbish) project to address

general waste recycling in South Tarawa (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 8). This

project used a variety of promotion techniques such as competitions, radio advertisements

and theatrical performances to target the recycling and disposal of aluminium and plastic

bottles; organic matter and non recyclables (SPREP 2007, para. 5).

The recycling scheme for aluminium cans and plastic bottles was particularly successful for

three main reasons. Firstly, in 2004 the Government passed legislation to place a five cent

deposit on drink cans and plastic bottles (SPREP 2007, para. 6). This new legislation formed

the basis for the introduction of a container deposit recycling system allowing individuals to

exchange five recyclable items for 20 cents. The remaining 5 cents financed the operation.

Once the recycling process was financially self sufficient, the recycling scheme was leased

to the private sector. SPREP (2007, para. 5) comments that the FSPK scheme is now paying

people to remove cans and plastic bottles and ship them back to Australia. In cases where

households were not able to recycle rubbish, the FSPK project introduced the concept of a

biodegradable “green bag” to be collected by the local council and placed in landfill sites

(SPREP 2007, para. 5). Many of the initiatives used in Kaoki Mange have continued in a

pilot waste management project by the International Waters Project Kiribati (IWPK).

Banana circle

The FSPK project also targeted the large volume of organic waste from urban households in

South Tarawa. This initiative promoted a food producing composting system know as the

“banana circle”. In a banana circle, a shallow pit is dug above the ground water lens, lined

with cardboard, then filled with organic matter. A ring of bananas is then planted around the

pit (refer Figure 25). Household organic waste is placed in the pit, which breaks down and

fertilises the bananas. Grey water from household laundries can be used to water the bananas

and further fertilise soils (SPREP 2003). One of the main advantages of the banana circle

concept is that waste is composted close to the point of generation (Roniti Teiwaki &

Associates 2004, p. 65). The popularity of the banana circle concept is reflected in the 466

per cent increase in the numbers of households in South Tarawa growing bananas from the

2000 census data (Government of Kiribati 2002, p. 105) to the 2005 census data

(Government of Kiribati 2006, p. 78).

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Figure 25: section showing the design of a banana circle

Source: author’s depiction of the design of banana circles in South Tarawa

Community composting scheme and communal piggery

The community composting scheme is another initiative with significant potential to reduce

the problem of organic waste management on atolls. In a project on waste management in

the atoll nation of Tuvalu, organic material was collected by the local council and “chipped”

by a motorised shredder. These chips were then composted and the final composted soil sold

to local gardeners (Golder Associates & AusAID 2002). Like the FSPK recycling project in

Kiribati involving aluminium and plastic bottles, potential exists for a well managed

community composting scheme to convert organic material not composted in the

homegarden into a saleable item. Good quality compost is in high demand in South Tarawa

(Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 65).

The waste management project in the atoll nation of Tuvalu also trialed construction of a

communal piggery to reduce pollution in and around residential areas (Golder Associates &

AusAID 2002). This type of scheme also has potential for future urban settlements in

Kiribati as a component of the urban agroforestry system. If properly managed, such an

initiative could reduce many of the negative health impacts of animal husbandry in urban

areas by concentrating pig effluent and correctly composting pig waste for organic fertiliser.

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5.4 Future settlement options in Kiribati

Future population increase in urban centres is inevitable. Both the Kiribati Government and

NGOs are aware of the increasing pressure on urban centres in future years. The following

section deals with possible options for accommodating the growing number of urban

residents and slowing rural to urban migration.

5.4.1 Decentralisation and growth

As the only urban centre in Kiribati, South Tarawa plays an important role in national

coordination, forming a collective sense of national identity and providing an alternative to

rural life (Larmour 1982, p. 8). However, it is generally acknowledged that the current state

of urbanisation is unsustainable and that some form of decentralisation is necessary (Bryant-

Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 87; Larmour 1982, p. 7; Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007).

The current Kiribati Government population policy is based around promotion of smaller

family sizes, further international emigration and development of growth centres removed

from South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 8).

Plans to develop new settlements to alleviate pressure from overpopulated islands in the

Gilbert group have been attempted at various times throughout history. The first attempt was

made in the 1930s when selected islands in the newly annexed Phoenix group were

designated for resettlement (Schutz & Tenen 1979, p. 81). Although currently uninhabited,

archaeological remains on Sydney island demonstrate that at least some of the islands could

support life (Schutz & Tenen 1979, p. 81). In total 700 colonists chose to take part in the

resettlement scheme (Macdonald 2001, p. 141). Twenty years later the scheme was

abandoned on two of the three islands in the Phoenix group due to lack of water, complex

administration and high financial costs (Macdonald 2001, pp. 141-75; Schutz & Tenen 1979,

p. 82).

Later in the 1980s, the northern Line islands of Kiritimati (Christmas island), Tabuaeran

(Fanning island) and Teraina (Washington island) were identified as potential locations for

resettlements schemes. Although around 3000km distant from the Gilbert islands, these three

islands contained over 60 per cent of Kiribati’s landmass with small or no existing

populations, excellent proximity to principal markets (Hawaii), transport routes, tourist

opportunities and some of Kiribati’s most productive agricultural land and marine resources

(Asian Development Bank 2004; Langston 1993). One of the greatest strengths in this

scheme is that the Kiribati Government holds full ownership of these islands and could

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therefore control the leasing of land to prospective settlers without the usual difficulties

associated with traditional ownership. Until resettlement, these islands remain largely

undeveloped because of the vast distance from the main administrative centre (South

Tarawa), relatively undeveloped and unreliable inter-island transport, inadequate

development resources and the relatively recent acquisition of the land by the Government

(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 25; Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007).

In 1988 the first group of voluntary settlers departed, the resettlement scheme focusing on

the relocation of entire families rather than just individuals (Langston 1993, p. 207). In 1995

and 1996, further settlers arrived at Washington and Fanning islands. As part of the

resettlement plan, emphasis was placed on promoting traditional agroforestry systems to

support the new communities (Langston 1993, p. 208). While significant communication,

transport and infrastructure difficulties accompanied the resettlement scheme in the northern

Line islands, the majority of authors maintain an optimistic view of the potential worth of

such an approach (Asian Development Bank 2006a; Langston 1993). The most recent

resettlement to Washington and Fanning islands occurred in 2001 (Butcher-Gollach et al.

2007b, p. 21).

This resettlement scheme continues today, with particular attention devoted to the

development of Kiritimati island as a future growth centre and significant support from

Asia Development Bank (ABD) (2006a). However, in recent times, the ABD project has

been delayed due to inaction on behalf of the Kiribati Government. To re-establish the

project, ADB has requested that the Kiribati Government satisfactorily address rising

squatter settlements, outstanding rent arrears and the ability to use leases as a security for

mortgage or loans. In July 2007 after nearly a year of inaction, the Government agreed to put

into action steps to resolve these issues (P Jones, 2007, pers. comm., 3 August).

5.4.2 Urban renewal and future urban settlements

A strong and proactive vision for future urban development in Kiribati is needed to combat

the serous environmental, social and economic challenges of sustaining urban populations in

an atoll environment. As a recent report on urban management states, ‘the costs of doing

nothing are extremely high’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 109). Although the National

Development Strategies (NDS) for development in Kiribati from 2004 to 2007 (Government

of Kiribati 2003) provide some guidance for future development initiatives in Kiribati, they

fail to give clear direction to the development of urban centres (Butcher-Gollach et al.

2007b, p. 105).

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Strategies for the development of future urban centres are likely to involve the development

of future growth centres and the expansion of South Tarawa. In particular, the consolidation

of existing land, reclamation of new land and development of Government owned land in

both South Tarawa and North Tarawa have been suggested as future settlement options

(Hockings et al. 2004; MELAD 2003, p. 50). Despite the diversity of development strategies,

a common feature of the majority of resettlement proposals is their orientation towards land

that is either directly acquired or already owned by the Kiribati Government (Asian

Development Bank 2006a; Hockings et al. 2004; MELAD 2003). The recommendations

from a recent study into urban renewal also suggest a similar approach (Butcher-Gollach et

al. 2007a, p. 35).

In early 2007, a team of consultants undertook the Kiribati Urban Renewal Program Scoping

Study on behalf of New Zealand Agency for International Development (NZAID) and

AusAID. The purpose of the study was to ‘establish the priorities and define the scope of an

urban renewal development partnership to address the development impacts of urbanization

[sic] in Kiribati’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 4). The ensuing reports recommended that

in addition to continuing to pursue a growth policy for the outer islands, the Kiribati

Government should ‘address the conditions in the urban areas in a coherent, holistic and

timely way so as to ensure livable and sustainable towns’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p.

14). To achieve this Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a) recommend that the Sustainable Towns

Program (STP) be implemented over a five year period. According to the title of this donor

initiative, achieving sustainable development in urban centres of Kiribati is a high priority

for both the Kiribati Government and associated donor organisations.

The STP is based around five key program components. The first of these is institutional

realignment and capacity building. The purpose of this initiative is to further strengthen

policy and institutional frameworks to ‘better plan, manage and sustain urban development’

(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 21). In particular, this component focuses on the further

development of environmental policy (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 26). The second

component of the STP is the phased upgrading of selected communities in South Tarawa.

The purpose of this component is to substantially improve the amenities of densely

populated urban settlements through a holistic, integrated and phased development process.

Amongst other considerations, this component of the STP will continue to address issues of

solid waste disposal including the potential use of on-plot sanitation solutions in selected

areas (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 28). The third component of the STP is the

engagement of existing communities to develop stronger partnerships between communities

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and all levels of Government. The purpose of this initiative is to effectively harness the

power of communities to address social ills (such as youth unemployment) and improve

ownership and delivery of urban services and infrastructure.

The fourth component of the STP is the development of new plots on serviced land. The aim

of this component is to develop new “greenfield” land to cater for future growth in urban

centres. It is currently proposed that Government owned land in Temaiku be developed

under a leasing system to accommodate minimum plot sizes of 150 square metres (Butcher-

Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 37). The reason given for the preference of smaller plot sizes is the

affordability issues associated with renting larger lands. It is recommended that planning

standards be enforced in these new settlements. Such standards may include: specifying the

location of pig pens, enforcing setbacks and minimum land size and the use of hedge

plantings as boundary markers (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 37). The last component of

the STP is the further development of primary infrastructure to cater for both new and

existing settlements. This could include placement of road signs, pedestrian foot paths,

community facilities, sewerage works.

In summary, the recommendation of Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a) makes a clear attempt to

find a balance between “top down” and “bottom up” development in Kiribati. The

recommendations to date provide an enabling framework within which consultation

processes are designed to identify specific needs and wants of the people. However in some

situations, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a) are more prescriptive in their recommendations.

An example of this is the requirement of contractors engaged in the development of new

plots to hire and train local labourers aged between 18-25 years old (Butcher-Gollach et al.

2007a, p. 38). Although little direct reference is made to the role of urban agroforestry

systems, significant potential exists for such systems to be integrated across all five

components of the STP.

Future visions of urban living and the Temaiku project

The development of land in Temaiku has also been a feature of other reports into future

urbanisation in Kiribati (Hockings et al. 2004). Queensland University of Technology

(QUT) began preliminary investigations in 2004 for the large scale urban settlement in

Temaiku. As with land in the northern Line islands, much of this land area is directly owned

by the Kiribati Government, due to the reclamation of low lying lands following construction

of a causeway that closed off a large section of lagoon (refer Figure 26). The QUT

resettlement plan advocates a staged master planning approach where waste, water, transport

infrastructure and agroforestry food production would be strategically planned at a broad

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scale to create an integrated and sustainable urban settlement (Hockings et al. 2004). It was

proposed that this development would represent an ‘exemplary landmark project’ for the

Pacific on the development of sustainable urban settlement (Hockings et al. 2004, p. 3). The

Kiribati Government is currently seeking funding for this project from the United Nations

Development Corporation (UNDC).

Figure 26: land capability map for the initial stages of the Temaiku Project

Source: adapted from Hockings et al (Hockings et al. 2004, p. 9)

5.4.3 The potential of urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements

The potential of urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements is acknowledged in

the recent report by Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b) on urban development in Kiribati. In

particular the importance of urban agroforestry in poverty alleviation, issues associated with

the loss of productive tree species in urban areas and the potential contribution of urban food

gardening to a micro-credit scheme are all discussed. Thus, the recent focus on future urban

settlement in Kiribati and the pressing need for a clear vision of sustainable atoll urban

living, combine to raise important questions on the potential of urban agroforestry systems in

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future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In particular, understanding: the strengths and

weaknesses associated with the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems on

productive land; how different ownership and management approaches of urban agroforestry

systems effect the cultural appropriateness and food productivity of urban agroforestry

systems; and the appropriateness of previously suggested waste management systems as

components of the broader urban agroforestry system, would assist the decision making

process for the development of future planned urban settlement.


South Tarawa’s urban form is heavily influenced by the linear atoll land mass, strong I-

Kiribati socio-cultural order, influx of rural households from outer islands and the general

inability or reluctance of Government institutions to enforce planning controls. In particular,

the socio-cultural order appears to be one of the main constraining influences on the further

development of urban management in Kiribati. The influence of social-cultural values is

evident in regard to land availability, housing density, water pollution and poor waste

management in South Tarawa. Yet, despite the strength of the socio-cultural order, change is

occurring in existing urban areas, as the people of South Tarawa continue to seek improved

lifestyles and further education.

Numerous reports and studies have already been undertaken in an attempt to improve the

urban management of South Tarawa. These sources show that there is no panacea for

creating more liveable urban settlements in Kiribati. However a common theme within the

literature is the recommendation for development of future urban settlement or growth

centres on land directly owned by the Kiribati Government. In such a scenario, potential

exists for the design of future planned urban settlements to act as an exemplar of sustainable

urban living and a catalyst for change in other urban settlements.

The STP soon to commence in South Tarawa will profoundly influence the development of

future urban settlements in Kiribati for the next decade. Therefore, recommendations in this

research need to engage with the current objectives of STP to influence future urban

development decisions. In this way, existing literature on urban management and the urban

form of South Tarawa reveals much about the likely state of future planned urban

settlements in Kiribati. Firstly, the household unit is likely to remain the cornerstone of

urban society despite some modification by western values. Recent census data provides a

good indication of the likely demographic of future urban households. Secondly, future

planned urban development is likely to occur on Government owned land due to the

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increased level of ownership and control. Finally, a precedent for the future sustainable

design of Government sponsored housing already exists and should be encouraged wherever

possible.

The design and development of future planned urban settlements or growth centres on

Government owned land opens a variety of new areas for research. The role of urban

agroforestry systems in such settlements is of particular importance considering the need to

explore new models of urbanisation, the past and present importance of agroforestry, and the

potential of urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific. In particular, questions within this

topic relate to the case in support of and in opposition to: the inclusion of urban agroforestry

systems in future urban settlements on the most productive lands; the ownership and

management of urban agroforestry systems; and examination of the appropriateness of

previously suggested waste management systems as components of broader urban

agroforestry systems. In the following chapter, specific literature on atoll agriculture and

agroforestry is discussed to give further insight into such questions.

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6.0 ATOLL AGRICULTURE AND URBAN AGROFORESTRY IN KIRIBATI

Developing a thorough understanding of food production within atoll environments is

necessary in the identification of possible approaches for the design of future urban

settlements. This chapter focuses on atoll agriculture and urban agroforestry in Kiribati. In

brief, this chapter discusses traditional agricultural practices used within the atoll

environment, environmental challenges and opportunities for urban food production, current

agroforestry practices in Kiribati and key local species that are currently grown and

consumed in existing urban settlements. The chapter combines existing literature with

personal observations and communications with research participants during research trips to

Kiribati to establish an understanding of agroforestry systems.

6.1 Atoll agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati

The isolation and remoteness of Kiribati increases the importance of agricultural systems

because of their capacity to provide locally grown and nutritious foods. The importance of

agricultural systems in sustaining human settlements is particularly evident in traditional

agroforestry practices. The following section discusses current day agriculture and

agroforestry practice in Kiribati commenting on similarities and differences to traditional

approaches. Furthermore, this section addresses the incorporation of agricultural systems

within existing urban centres to gain insights into the potential role of urban agroforestry

systems in future planned urban settlements.

6.1.1 Traditional agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati

Traditional agricultural practices are still used to varying extents in both urban and rural

areas. Traditional agriculture is based around a specialised system of agroforestry, where

severe environmental constraints resulted in the dominance of trees over other plant species

(Thaman 1990a, p. 6). In this way, traditional agroforestry approaches in Kiribati are based

around a small number of food trees, shrubs and animal species cultivated within a

superdominant matrix of coconut palms (Thaman 1990a, p. 7).

Prior to contact with developed nations, authors agree that the Gilbertese culture was self-

sufficient and essentially sustainable (Johannes & Yeeting 2001, pp. 2-5; Lawrence 1992, p.

271; Liew 1990, p. 83). Before European contact, the Gilbertese diet was highly dependent

on marine resources due to the Gilbertese skill as fishermen (Williams 1982, p. 88). The high

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protein fish based diet was supplemented by starches and vitamins supplied through

subsistence farming of hardy, well-adapted tree and animal species. Traditional island

existence of the Gilbertese people is described by authors such as Lawrence (1992, p. 270) as

‘a successful balance between man and nature’ although sometimes precarious due to

droughts, population increase and infertile soils.

The primary tree crops in traditional agroforestry systems are the coconut (Cocos sp.),

pandanus (Pandanus tectorius) and breadfruit (Artocarpus sp.) (Koch & Slatter 1986, pp. 53-

64; Lewis Jr 1988, p. 81). Although all three of these species are an important part of the

traditional diet, the coconut is dominant as both physical vegetation and as a dietary staple

(Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 56; Lawrence 1992, p. 268). The importance of the coconut is

partly due to the ability of coconut palms to produce “toddy”, a liquid sap collected from the

cut flower spathe. Thus, agroforestry in Kiribati is often described as ‘palm dominant’

(Thaman 1990a, p. 6).

The native fig (Ficus tinctorial) is also an important food tree in traditional Gilbertese diets

(Koch & Slatter 1986, pp. 63-4). However in traditional times, the native fig was primarily

used during periods of drought and bad weather and is therefore known as a famine food

(Baiteke 1994, p. 5). Pawpaw (Carica papaya), banana (Musa spp.) and pumpkin (Cucurbita

pepo) are other species also regarded as part of the traditional palm dominant agroforestry

system. While these species were brought to the Gilbert islands after contact with Europeans

they were quickly integrated into the existing agroforestry system (Baiteke 1994, pp. 2-3).

Another key traditionally based agroforestry species is the giant swamp taro or babai

(Cyrtosperma chamissonis).

Unlike other tree crops that are merely propagated and then harvested, babai pits are

intensively cultivated through a labour intensive farming system in a moist composting pit

dug sometimes over four feet into the hard compacted soil in the middle of the island. These

pits allow farmers to access the purest supply of fresh water from the underground water lens

with which to grow babai (Paeniu 1999, p. 156; Small 1972, p. 65). In traditional

agroforestry systems, these artificially created swamps are then planted with rows of babai,

and filled with organic material to create nutrient rich organic compost. Although widely

grown throughout the Gilbert islands, Koch and Slatter (1986, p. 64) comment that very

rarely are babai eaten as part of a regular diet. Rather, babai were held in reserve for events

of ceremony and celebration, often being deliberately cultivated for up to several years so

that they could grow to an adequate size (Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 64). Babai cultivation

demonstrates that in the past the Gilbertese people understood principles of composting and

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soil improvement, a practice that was sometimes used in the preparation of planting holes for

new seedlings (Baiteke 1994, p. 4).

Pigs and chickens are other examples of foreign species that were quickly assimilated into

the traditional Gilbertese culture. Like many other Pacific island cultures, pig ownership in

Kiribati is strongly connected to status and wealth, representing a valuable capital reserve

which is used to fulfil social obligation in times of marriage, birth and death (Thorne 1992,

para. 2). Thus, like babai, pigs do not form part of the daily diet but rather are eaten at

special events. Poultry are also a traditional part of an I-Kiribati household. However, Mason

(1960, p. 14) states that poultry are often underutilised as a food resource and not regularly

consumed or farmed. This remains the case is the vast majority of homegardens in South

Tarawa today

The configuration of the abovementioned species around the homestead can be seen in the

design of a traditional self-contained and self-sufficient homestead by Baiteke (1994, p. 3)

(refer Figure 27). Although Baiteke’s (1994) image is helpful in understanding the design of

agroforestry systems around homesteads, the number of people in the homestead is not

mentioned. This makes it difficult to compare such a design to current day urban

agroforestry practices.

Figure 27: configuration of a traditional homestead and surrounding vegetation

Source: Baiteke (1994, p. 3)

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6.1.2 Changes in atoll agriculture

Agricultural development in Kiribati beyond traditional methods has been slow due to the

infertility of the soils and lack of agricultural expertise. While current day agricultural

approaches are very similar to traditional practices, change has occurred in some areas.

Small (1972, p. 1) states it was only since the 1960’s and 1970’s that the possibility of

improving agriculture in Kiribati was considered. The establishment of the Government

Agricultural Department greatly assisted in the development of atoll agriculture in Kiribati.

Publications such as Small (1972), authored by the Agricultural Officer in charge of training

in 1970s, have assisted greatly in maturing the concept of atoll agriculture. Small (1972)

provides a detailed account of key species and systems involved in atoll agriculture and is

one of the most comprehensive sources of information on food production in Kiribati.

Similarly, Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000) is a publication written by agricultural experts

with experience in the cultivation of food crops on atoll soils. The agricultural approaches

suggested by both of these publications demonstrate that in general, agriculture in Kiribati

has changed relatively little from pre European times.

Monocultural versus polycultural approaches

One of the greatest changes in agricultural practice has been the shift towards cash cropping

of monocultural coconut plantations (Thaman 1990a, p. 16). As the most dominant atoll

species, the coconut is both consumed locally and exported as copra (Thaman 1990a, p. 7;

Thomas 2002, pp. 167-70). When cash crop coconuts are produced on the outer islands they

are shipped to South Tarawa for processing in a copra mill. While coconut is frequently

shipped in and out of South Tarawa, the transportation of fresh foods from rural areas (outer

islands) to urban areas (South Tarawa) is on the whole, not well developed. This is largely

due to unreliable transport, lack of basic infrastructure and the high cost of transporting fresh

foods (Kunzel 1997, pp. 21-4). A feasibility study carried out by Kunzel (1997, pp. 23-4) on

the transportation of fresh vegetables showed that while a market for fresh vegetables exists

in South Tarawa further work is required to make transportation of fresh goods more

reliable.

Despite the benefits to the economy of copra production, Thaman (1990a, p. 16) comments

that an over emphasis on monocultural coconut cash cropping for export has led to the

neglect of traditional polycultural systems. Furthermore, new generations of I-Kiribati are

now largely unaware of the long term utility and importance of trees due to their pursuit of

cash crops and imported foods. Similarly, Kunzel (1996, p. 143) comments that traditional

agricultural knowledge is being lost as traditional agricultural systems are being neglected

due to increasing levels of nutritionally inferior imported food. Lewis Jr (1988, p. 85)

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comments that coconut cash cropping in Kiribati was often used to produce funds to

purchase imported food items. Increased cash cropping resulted in the clearing of other

agroforestry species to allow for the expansion of coconut production. Such clearing has

resulted in the emergence of poor nutrition and food insecurity facing Kiribati today.

Introduction of new species

Although contact with westernised countries has changed agroforestry methods relatively

little, it has resulted in the introduction of a number of new species. While many species

have been suggested and trialled; few species are sufficiently well adapted to maintain a

permanent place in the agroforestry system outside Government nurseries (Kunzel 1996, p.

142). A good example of this is seen in the attempted introduction of 26 nitrogen fixing tree

species for building atoll soils. Many of these species were recommended in a publication on

nitrogen fixing trees as atoll soil builders (Rosa 2001b). Of the 26 trees only one of these

species (Casuarina equiseifolia) became established (Kunzel 1996, p. 142). Furthermore,

members of the agriculture division now believe that nitrogen fixation is not effective in

Kiribati because of the high soil salinity (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2005, pers. comm., 7

December).

The success of a small number of introduced vegetables is an exception to the general failure

of introduced agricultural species in Kiribati. These species include the Chinese cabbage

(Brassica chinensis), cucumber (Cucumis sativus), and edible hibiscus (Abelmoschus

manihot). A comprehensive account of the cultivation of these and other traditional species

can be found in Small (1972) and Peduzzi (1999). Although not a vegetable, the leaves of the

Drumstick tree (Moringa oleifera) can be eaten as vegetables. This nutritious species has

also been successfully introduced to Kiribati and offers great potential for future cultivation

(Kunzel 1996, p. 142). However, this species is not widely grown in Kiribati and is not yet

consumed as a regular part of the local diet (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers.

comm., 17 May).

Exotic pests and diseases have also been introduced into Kiribati. The babai beetle (Papuana

hubneri), otherwise know as the swamp taro beetle, is one of the most serious threats that

agricultural production in Kiribati has experienced (Dharmaraju 1982, p. 90). This beetle

bores into the babai corm and feeds within the root. The beetle was first reported in 1935 in

South Tarawa (Dharmaraju 1982, p. 93). While the Australian Centre for International

Agricultural Research (ACIAR) is currently researching methods to control this pest in the

Pacific, an effective control suitable for use in Kiribati has yet to be identified. The babai

beetle throughout South Tarawa and in parts of North Tarawa has significantly contributed to

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decline in babai cultivation. Other contributing factors also include the time required to

harvest corms and increasing salt water intrusion into babai pits (Kiribati Agriculture

Division 2007, pers. comm., 31 January).

Climate change

It is generally acknowledged that rising sea levels are one of the greatest threats to

agricultural production and sustained human settlement on atolls in Kiribati (Asian

Development Bank 2006b, p. 250; Manner 1990, p. 60; Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. 307;

Preston et al. 2006, p. 31). Although responsible for only 0.01 per cent of carbon emissions

from 1850 to 2000, atoll nations such as Kiribati will poentailly be one of the greatest losers

from sea level rise (Connell & Lea 1992; Preston et al. 2006, p. 57). Modelling by Preston et

al. (2006) predicts that a sea level rise of 30 centimetres would result in a significant loss of

land and salt water intrusion into the ground water lens. However, this is not expected to

occur until the latter end of the twenty first century (Preston et al. 2006, p. 32). Similarly the

former President of Kiribati, Iremiah Tabai, said in Connell and Lea (1992, p. 295) that ‘if

the greenhouse effect raises sea levels by one metre it will virtually do away with Kiribati’.

An increase of this kind would profoundly impact agricultural productivity in an already

marginal environment through increased coastal erosion, salinity and salt water intrusion

(Manner 1990, pp. 42-53). Although dire, the predictions for future sea level rise reiterate the

importance of identifying well adapted flora and fauna species capable of prolonging the

human habitation of atolls. In this way, the Kiribati Government with the assistance of donor

organisations is implementing adaptation strategies to respond to the threat of sea level rise

(Government of Kiribati 2007). Similarly, in their paper on global warming and atoll states,

Connell and Lea (1992, p. 295) conclude that ‘taking note of the possible changes associated

with long-term environmental warming is less important than the necessity of incorporating

environmental considerations into contemporary development planning’.

6.1.3 Similarity between past and present agroforestry approaches

The species and approaches used in traditional Gilbertese agroforestry systems continue to

play a key role in atoll agriculture in Kiribati today (Thaman 1990a, p. 16). Despite

introduction of monoculture coconut production and increasing amounts of imported food

staples, species such as coconut, breadfruit, pandanus and the native fig retain an important

role in supporting atoll settlement in South Tarawa and in the outer islands (Thaman 1990a,

pp. 8-10; Thomas 2002, p. 166). Similarly, animal husbandry practices have also largely

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remained the same, with pigs retaining their position of cultural significance and chickens

rarely caged and generally poorly maintained.

Soil infertility continues to remain one of the greatest constraints to food production in

Kiribati despite over a century of exposure to modern agricultural techniques. This problem

is compounded by the financial and ecological constraints on the use of chemical fertilisers

due to high import costs and potential to leach into the ground water lens. For these reasons

Teunissen (1997, p. 1) states that ‘attempts to adopt intensive farming systems which rely on

imported inorganic fertilisers and other inputs to produce high yields have largely failed’.

Therefore, except for limited use within the agricultural department, soil improvements

remain dependent on organic composting approaches. In such situations, Peduzzi (1999, p.

13) identifies a variety of local products such as feathers, mangrove fruits, wood ash,

pumice, animal manure and rusty cans that can be used in the soil to increase fertility.

Organic approaches such as these are commonly identified in the majority of publications on

food production in Kiribati and atoll environments more generally (Kunzel 1997; Mollison

& Jeeves 1988; Peduzzi 1999; Small 1972; Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000). Such mulching

systems build upon the traditional babai pit approach using leaves of trees, grass, seaweeds,

pumice, tin cans and other plant debris to supply nutrients to growing plants (Thaman 2002b,

p. 274).

Restrictions on the use of pesticides are similar to those of fertiliser use. In overcoming these

restrictions authors such as Peduzzi (1999, p. 31) propose a home made organic pesticide

that minimises the risk of ground water contamination and substantially reduces the cost of

pest control. In areas where such ideas have yet to be taken up, farmers still practice the

labour intensive method of hand picking insects off plants (Thomas 2002, p. 170).

6.1.4 NGOs projects and urban agroforestry in South Tarawa

A variety of different donors or NGOs have been involved with agricultural research and the

promotion of agroforestry systems in both urban and rural areas in Kiribati. The Pacific

Regional Agricultural Program (PRAP) was one such initiative. PRAP was designed to

improve atoll farming systems throughout Kiribati through agricultural research, education

and capacity building (Kamauti 1999; Kunzel 1996, 1997). One feature of PRAP’s work

included the promotion of homegarden systems and establishment of demonstration plots in

South Tarawa (Kunzel 1997, p. 10).

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Agriculturally based aid programs have also been a feature of a variety of other NGO

projects operating in South Tarawa. Over the last five years, increasing attempts have been

made by foreign donor nations, NGOs and quasi-Government organisations in South Tarawa

to harness the benefits of low cost urban agroforestry systems such as homegardening. In

particular, organisations have focused on the increased cultivation of a vegetable understorey

and compost based waste management in homegardens. Such agencies currently working in

South Tarawa include the Taiwan Technical Mission (TTM), FSPK, Development of

Sustainable Agriculture in the Pacific (DSAP), Kiribati Organic Farmers Association

(KOFA) and the International Waters Project of Kiribati (IWPK). These organisations

continue to promote the value of urban agroforestry by undertaking a range of activities,

including homegarden competitions, and the provision of training, gardening equipment and

(often) seedlings to local gardeners and have experienced varying levels of success (Roniti

Teiwaki & Associates 2004, pp. 18-9). Homegardening has also been promoted on the outer

islands through community competitions coordinated by organisations such as DSAP

(McGlashan 2006, p. 21).

The impact of such projects in South Tarawa is reflected in the general increase in food

producing species in urban households from the 2000 to 2005 census (refer Table 8). Table

8 shows that remnants of traditional subsistence palm dominant agroforestry systems are still

a prominent feature of many homegardens in South Tarawa, despite the accelerated urban

growth of the past 50 years (refer Figure 28). Urban residents’ deliberate cultivation of

coconut based agro-ecosystems in an urban homegarden setting demonstrates that traditional

agroforestry practices still have a role to play in future urban environments (Thaman 1993a,

pp. 130-44). Such gardens are often a mixture of productive atoll species, intentionally

planted and maintained to produce food. Although the majority of homegardens are

comprised of a variety of crops, more structured plantings of single species (such as

pawpaw) were observed during visits to homegardens.

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Table 8: number of South Tarawa households cultivating specific agroforestry species near their

house

Census year

Household total

Breadfruit Babai Banana Coconut Pawpaw Local pig

Local chickens

Cabbages

2000 4529 1754 86 361 - 1826 3781

546 -

2005 5245

2865

247

2042

4204

3420

4268 512 638

Per cent change

16 63 187 466 - 87 12 -11 -

Notes: * Near includes area surrounding the house; total households exclude “collective households” such as institutions, schools, etc. ** The lack of data in some cells is due to differences in the data collected in the 2000 and 2005 census Source: Government of Kiribati (2002, pp. 105-6; 2006, pp. 78-82)

Figure 28: example of a homegarden in South Tarawa

Source: Author’s photograph of a homegarden in South Tarawa

The design of mixed gardens in Kiribati

Mixed gardening or homegardening was not traditionally practiced by the Gilbertese. This

was introduced in the early 1990s through campaigns jointly sponsored by Government and

NGOs (Tekanene 2004, p. 34). Few authors address the design of agroforestry systems such

as homegardens in existing or future urban settlements in Kiribati. One publication that does

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investigate such systems at a household level is Peduzzi (1999). This publication strongly

promotes the connection between homegardening and household nutrition. Although simple,

the design solutions suggested by Peduzzi (1999) are practical responses to the challenges

that face homegardeners in South Tarawa. These include the use and reuse of local materials

(coconut timber and fronds, cans, plastics, canoes), use of composting pits, raised garden

beds, locally produced organic pesticides, living fences (refer Figure 29) and the

incorporation of multipurpose tree species.

Figure 29: living fence using local materials and species

Source: Peduzzi (1999, p. 11)

In his study of self-reliance in South Tarawa Thomas (2002, p. 169) comments that the

mixed garden concepts of Peduzzi (1999) were clearly evident in the agricultural practices at

Bonriki. In this settlement, Thomas (2002, p. 169) found that households occupied between

0.25 and 1 hectares of land, of which between 0.1 and 0.25 hectares were devoted to

agroforestry food production. However, Thomas’ (2002) study was carried out on the outer

fringe of South Tarawa and it can therefore be assumed that homegardens in denser areas of

South Tarawa such as Betio and Bairiki, would be considerably smaller. This record of

homegardening in South Tarawa provides one of the few estimates of the size of productive

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lands connected to urban household in Kiribati. On the other hand, Macdonald (2001, p. 207)

states that most families on the outer islands have regular access to around five hectares.

Peduzzi’s (1999) designs again reinforce the importance of species such as coconut,

breadfruit, pandanus, native fig, banana, pawpaw, edible hibiscus, Chinese cabbage and

cucumber in producing food in Kiribati. This food production supplements other sources of

food such as purchases from the local shop, fishing or food gifts from other families.

However, while successfully focusing on the details of individual species in homegardens,

Peduzzi (1999) gives little consideration to the broader issues involved with integrating

urban agroforestry systems at settlement level. Additionally, Peduzzi (1999) fails to capture

the integrated complexity of agroforestry systems which are addressed more fully by authors

such as Mollison and Jeeves (1988) in their publication on permaculture.

Permaculture in atoll environments

The work of Mollison and Jeeves (1988, pp. 250-307) into integrated permaculture systems

in palm-dominant polyculture tropical environments provides a variety of useful suggestions

for the inclusion of food producing agroforestry systems in future urban settlements in

Kiribati. This work presents a discussion on how naturally designed systems provide organic

solutions to infertile and harsh environments through composting, nitrogen fixation, animal

tractors, fodder systems, crop rotation and integrated total system design. Conclusions and

design solutions proposed by Mollison and Jeeves (1988) include:

• dense planting of nucleus areas such as keyhole and banana circle gardens;

• development of different agricultural zones around settlements to achieve an

integrated system approach to food production;

• use of movable animal tractors to fertilise depleted soil structures;

• further development of traditional systems such as the babai pit;

• replication of natural systems to create wind breaks and climatic protection for both

natural systems and built forms.

One of the distinctive features of Mollison and Jeeves (1988) is the exploration of palm

dominant permaculture systems beyond the household level to a community setting.

Although the ideas contained in Mollison and Jeeves (1988) have much to offer the

development of agricultural practices and urban settlements in Kiribati, permaculture

systems such as banana circles are still relatively new and emerging production systems in

Kiribati (SPREP 2007) (refer Figure 30). Although Mollison and Jeeves (1988) are the only

authors to officially use the term ‘permaculture’, it is clear that the ideas and concepts of this

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theory have existed in different forms in Kiribati for many years prior to the creation of this

term.

Figure 30: cross section showing the design of a banana circle

Source: Mollison and Jeeves (1988, p. 275)

Windbreaks

Windbreaks are an important component of atoll agroforestry systems. Although many atoll

windbreak species are not food producing, they are mentioned here because of the

importance of windbreaks for reducing salt spray and damaging winds so that more

vulnerable food producing species can grow further inland. Mollison and Jeeves (1988, p.

306) suggest the construction of a layered windbreak to stabilise atoll foreshores (refer

Figure 31). Similarly, Rosa (2001a, p. 331) suggests the layered planting of small trees (2 to

3 metre spacing), medium trees (3 to 4 metre spacing) and larger trees (maximum 6 metre

spacing), emphasising that different rows should always be planted in line with the gaps

between the proceeding rows. Various species are suggested in the literature for use in atoll

windbreaks. Key species include in order from shortest to tallest: Scaevola sericea,

Tournefortia argentea, Pandanus tectorius, Terminalia catappa and Cocos nucifera

(Fleming 1996, p. 47; Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. 306; Rosa 2001a, p. 176).

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Figure 31: the design of a coastal windbreak on an atoll

Source: Mollison and Jeeves (1988, p. 306)

6.1.5 The tension between urban development and urban agroforestry systems

A fundamental tension exists between the increasing urban densities and the protection of

and promotion of locally grown foods such as coconut and breadfruit (Butcher-Gollach et al.

2007b, p. 56; Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 39). Thaman (1990a, pp. 16-7) states

that traditional agroforestry systems are commonly seen as ‘anachronisms or obstacles to

modern development’. In this way, the expansion of urban settlements or monoculture

coconut plantations is frequently associated with the unmitigated clearing of vegetation

(including productive trees). As Thaman (1990a, p. 2) argues the issue of agro-deforestation

is a serious threat to cultural and ecological foundations that underpin Kiribati.

The loss of productive trees is a serious issue in South Tarawa particularly because of the

blending of the cash and subsistence economies. In urban villages such as Bikenibeu, it is

often necessary for many households to participate in both the subsistence economy and the

cash economy to provide adequate support for the household (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates

2004, p. 40). Similarly, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 51) states that traditional foods

such as fish, coconut and pandanus contribute significantly to preventing the spread of

absolute poverty in South Tarawa. Therefore the retention of traditionally based urban

agroforestry systems is imperative (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 40). The

importance of strengthening traditional approaches has also been supported by authors such

as Neemia and Thaman (1993, p. 287) and Geddes et al. (1982, p. 155).

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The tension between the construction of built forms and the preservation of agroforestry

systems is further highlighted in Williams’ (1982, p. 88) discussion of the problem of future

land shortages in South Tarawa. Williams’ (1982, p. 88) statement that in 20 years land

shortages would mean many families would ‘lack the necessary land to grow their food

crops,’ leading to potential food shortages has proven to be accurate (Thomas 2002). In

response Williams’ (1982, p. 88) suggests the ‘promotion of crop and livestock production

geared towards self-sufficiency’. Similarly Thaman (1990a, p. 16) states that polycultural

agroforestry, traditionally based agroforestry systems found in Kiribati, ‘offer ideal bases for

further development and innovation’ because of their wide range of environmental, cultural,

nutritional and economic self-reliance benefits.

6.2 Dietary preferences, nutrition and food security in South Tarawa

The inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements has

considerable potential to address developmental issues such as poor nutrition and food

insecurity in Kiribati. Despite the clear connection between local food production, nutrition

and food security, many urban residents in Kiribati continue to consume large amounts of

imported foods. The following section addresses how dietary preferences in Kiribati have

changed over the last fifty years and addresses associated issues of food security and

nutrition.

6.2.1 The nutritional value of local fresh produce versus imported processed foods

Today, many I-Kiribati people, once self-sufficient in their way of life, are devoting an

increasing amount of their income to the import of foreign foods such as rice, flour, sugar

and processed meats even though many of them ‘remain capable of feeding themselves from

indigenous sources’ (Kunzel 1996, p. 143). This is largely due to the process of “gustatory

subversion” where an ‘acculturating society comes to see the foods of the technologically

dominant society as a significant source of superiority’ (Lewis Jr 1988, p. 80). Lewis Jr

(1988, p. 79) goes on to state that dietary change in Kiribati started during the early contact

period with explorers and traders and has now transitioned into the hands of multinational

companies who seek to ‘open new markets and consequently bring Pacific peoples into the

world economic system’.

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Malnutrition due to the lack of vitamins and minerals in urban diets is becoming an

increasing problem in Kiribati and the Pacific (Englberger 2003; Englberger et al. 2006;

Thaman 2002b). Many of Kiribati’s nutritional problems are a result of ever-increasing

separation from traditional subsistence lifestyles (Englberger et al. 2006; Thaman 1982, p.

112). The majority of urban residents now live on ‘imported diets high in sugar, salt, alcohol

and animal fat and low in vitamins, minerals and fibre’ (Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 297).

Even when local foods are available, there is a perception that imported foods are superior.

This general lack of nutritional understanding, combined with poor nutritional choices, has

led to an increase in nutritionally related diseases such as night blindness (dietary vitamin A

deficiency) and diabetes (Englberger 2003; Thomas 2002, p. 166).

The extent of nutritional problems associated with urban living in Kiribati is seen in the

World Health Organisation (2004) study in health and nutrition in South Tarawa. This study

focused data collection on five main risk factors including smoking, consumption of less

than five servings of fruits and vegetables per day, low level of physical activity, obesity and

raised blood pressure. A stratified sample of 928 participants aged 25 to 64 found that over

69 per cent of participants from aged 25 to 44 and over 75 per cent of participants aged 45 to

64 had three of the abovementioned risk factors.

Studies into the nutritional value of locally grown food species in Kiribati and the Pacific

show that traditional foods are considerably more nutritious than processed, imported staple

foods such as rice, bully-beef and canned fish (Christensen 1995; Englberger et al. 2006;

Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999; Tebano 1984; Thaman 1982). Although the

nutritional value of local foods continues to be promoted in Kiribati, the majority of

households continue to consume large amounts of imported and nutritionally inferior foods

(Englberger et al. 2006, p. 632). Thomas (2002, p. 172) comments that despite the work of

NGOs and Kiribati Government, the link between health and nutrition is still poorly

understood particularly among the less educated. Thus, the replacement of time-tested diets

with untested nutritionally inferior imported food continues to occur in Kiribati and more

broadly throughout the Pacific (Englberger et al. 2006, p. 632; Malolo, Matenga-Smith &

Hughes 1999, pp. 4-5). Attempts to change this trend are only as effective as the

commitment of a given population to changing dietary preferences. As Malolo, Matenga-

Smith and Hughes (1999, p. 65) state, ‘the final arbiters are the people’. Therefore, the

importance of identifying culturally appropriate, locally grown, nutritional foods is even

more essential, particularly as I-Kiribati are known to be very conservative and resist change

(Tabokai 1985, p. 191).

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Although, imported foods are often seen as “modern” and “superior” (Lewis Jr 1988, pp. 79-

80), local foods still remain a culturally acceptable dietary choice and are regularly

consumed. In particular, traditional foods are consumed in traditional recipes, as healthy

snacks or at times of celebration (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999, p. 5). Similarly,

Thomas (2002, pp. 170-71) states that traditional seafood caught during inshore fishing

accounts for the vast majority of protein consumed in both South Tarawa and the outer

islands. Furthermore, Sharp’s (2005) study of local markets in South Tarawa found that local

foods remain a key saleable food item. However, the consumption of particular types of local

food is often influenced by the perception of what is “modern”. In this way, Kunzel (1996, p.

143) comments that two of the most common locally grown vegetables in Kiribati during the

PRAP project were cucumber and Chinese cabbage. While, none of these species are

particularly nutritious, Kunzel (1996, p. 143) states that they share a connection to the

foreign administration and are therefore popular and modern. Similarly, such vegetables

have started to fulfil a cultural role that was previously reserved for the babai, with big plates

of vegetables used during festivities to show ‘wealth and prestige’ (Kunzel 1996, p. 143).

6.2.2 Food security

Food security is a continual issue in both rural and urban settlements due to the remote and

isolated location of Kiribati. While food imports diversify the base of food security in

Kiribati, they also place consumers at the mercy of foreign producers (Thomas 2002, p. 172).

Today, the majority of Kiribati’s urban residents rely on imports such as rice and flour to

guarantee food security, instead of traditional foods. In the inter-censal period 2000-2005,

food products were the largest imported commodity, totalling over AU $31 million (Kiribati

National Statistics Office 2006).

Thaman (1990a, p. 16) states that Kiribati’s dependence on imported staples is ‘dangerously

high’. Any significant disturbance to global trade would have dramatic ramifications for

South Tarawa. While it is unrealistic to believe that homegardening alone could sustain

current population densities, urban cultivation can significantly improve a family’s food

access in times of shortage. In particular, imported staples such as rice and flour are likely to

continue to play a ‘vital role in feeding growing populations, notably in urban centres’

(Thomas 2002, p. 173). In this way, rice is a common staple that is typically consumed twice

a day, at both lunch and dinner. These meals are usually accompanied by fish. On the other

hand, bread is usually consumed at breakfast (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers.

comm., 17 May).

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6.3 Nutritional value and agricultural productivity of key food producing agroforestry

species

Urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens typically supplement the daily food intake

of urban residents rather than supply all dietary requirements (Marsh 1998, p. 4). Therefore,

it is useful to develop an understanding of the nutritional value, yield and general

agroforestry profile of species likely to be consumed on a daily basis in future urban

settlements in Kiribati. The following section discusses the nutritional value and yield of key

food producing agroforestry species which could be used to supplement the daily

consumption of imported staples such as flour and rice in future urban settlements.

Throughout this section, specific reference to yields, spacing and nutritional inputs of

selected agroforestry species is made through combining personal observations and

communications from participants during research trips with existing nutritional and

agricultural literature in Kiribati and the Pacific. This data forms the basis of the quantitative

procedure used to answer Research Question Four.

6.3.1 Coconut

The coconut (Cocos nucifera) remains the dominant canopy species in Kiribati and South

Tarawa (Government of Kiribati 2006, pp. 105-6). In Kiribati, immature green coconuts are

sometimes given to guests as a refreshing welcoming drink. This gesture emphasises the

importance of coconuts in Kiribati. Mature coconuts and associated coconut milk are also an

acceptable local food (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers. comm., 7 March). However,

the proportion of immature coconuts consumed compared to mature coconuts is unknown in

existing urban areas.

Coconuts are suitable for planting in almost all areas of an atoll, although increased yields

are associated with more fertile soils of the interior (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers.

comm., 29 January). In plantations, coconuts spacing ranges from 7.5 to 9 metres in a

triangular grid (Chan & Elevitch 2006, p. 24; Small 1972, p. 69; Stone, Migvar & Robison

2000, p. 15). A larger spacing of 9 metres was recommended when intercropping coconuts

with pandanus (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 31 January). In general,

coconut spacing varies anywhere from seven to nine metres (Kiribati Agriculture Division,

2007 pers. comm., 1 March 2007). Physically mature coconuts are high in saturated fats,

crude fibre and potassium (Christensen 1995, p. 29; Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes

1999; Peduzzi 1999, p. 38).

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A number of different varieties of coconut exist in Kiribati, however the most commonly

occurring and locally adapted variety is known as Kiribati Tall (Small 1972, p. 55). Tall

cultivars are capable of growing to between 20 and 30 metres with a canopy spread of 8 to 9

metres. On the other hand, dwarf cultivars typically only reach 10 to 15 metres with a spread

of 4.5 to 5.5 metres (Chan & Elevitch 2006, p. 21). Coconut yields vary considerably from

island to island and even village to village in Kiribati (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007,

pers. comm., 29 January). This difference is often due to sub-standard planting material. In

Kiribati, coconut fruiting occurs throughout the year with higher production following

periods of rain. However, increasingly inconsistent rainfall patterns have made it difficult to

predict periods of increased yield (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29

January).

Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) record coconut yield in atoll soils to be between 40

to 50 nuts per year. However, this figure is based on senile trees that are past peak

production. A senior agricultural officer from the Kiribati Agricultural Division confirmed

that yields of over 70 nuts per palm per year are achievable in atoll conditions (Kiribati

Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This figure is supported by Chan and

Elevitch (2006, p. 11) who state annual coconut yields in the Pacific range from 50 to 80

nuts per tree per year.

In homegardens, coconuts are often used as boundary markers both in Kiribati and the

Pacific (Baiteke 1994, pp. 3-4; Chan & Elevitch 2006, p. 20). However, such practice

potentially raises issues of nut ownership if the coconut is planted directly on the boundary.

Furthermore, coconuts are sometimes used as a canopy shading tree to provide shaded light

to understorey crops (Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. 305). However, due to the hazardous

nature of falling coconuts, Chan and Elevitch (2006, p. 11) recommend that dwarf cultivars

are better suited to urban environments. An average sized husked mature coconut weighing

700 grams contained 380 grams of coconut flesh and 100 grams of coconut water, while an

immature husked coconut weighing 850 grams contained 160 grams of flesh and 460 grams

of coconut water. Assuming an average coconut production of 60 nuts per tree in future

urban settlements, the per annum yield of a single tree harvested for mature nuts is

approximately 22.8 kilograms of mature coconut flesh and 6 kilograms of mature coconut

cavity fluid. However, a single tree harvest for green coconuts would produce 9.6 kilograms

of immature coconut flesh, and 27.6 kilograms of immature coconut cavity fluid.

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6.3.2 Toddy

Toddy is a nutritionally rich liquid that is produced from the cut flower spathes of coconut

trees and is commonly consumed as a beverage in Kiribati. The continual production of

flower spathes from a coconut tree allows a single tree to produce toddy for many years

(Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 59). Tebano (1984, p. 36) states that toddy is a good source of

vitamin C and calcium with a smaller quantity of iron. The nutritional value of toddy is

supported by Christensen (1995, p. 30) and Malolo, Matenga-Smith and Hughes (1999, pp.

90-1). Tests are currently being undertaken to determine the highest yielding coconut

varieties. It is however known that the Kiribati tall and dwarf varieties produce good toddy

yields (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). A unique feature of

toddy production is its ability to maintain constant production through times of drought

(Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 59; Thaman 1990a, p. 8).

Dwarf coconut varieties are generally preferred because they are safer to climb during

periods of high winds and rain. Due to the high maintenance requirements of toddy it has

been recommended that toddy producing coconut palms be placed near the home (Kiribati

Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). It is estimated that a mature coconut

tree is capable of yielding two to three litres of toddy per day (Kiribati Agriculture Division

2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This is similar to the 2 litres per day recorded in Nair GK

(2001) and the two coconut shells recorded in Thaman (1990a, p. 8). Assuming a mature

coconut palm yields 2 litres per day and that each litre weighs approximately 1 kilogram, a

mature coconut tree is expected to yield 730 kilograms of toddy per year.

6.3.3 Breadfruit

Artocarpus altilis and Artocarpus mariannensis (breadfruit tree) are handsome trees capable

of growing to around 60 feet (18.29 metres) (Small 1972, p. 75). Nutritionally, this trees fruit

is an excellent source of vitamin C, calcium and carbohydrates (Malolo, Matenga-Smith &

Hughes 1999; Tebano 1984, p. 9). Many breadfruit trees were observed within the

compounds of homegardens during research trips to Kiribati. Breadfruits were also regularly

seen for sale at the local market and consumed by local families at meal time and as a snack.

Breadfruit do not usually grow wild under atoll conditions, however it is possible to cultivate

this tree if carefully planted and well maintained (1972, p. 75). In addition, Stone, Migvar

and Robison (2000, p. 17) state that breadfruit needs to be planted ‘well away from exposed

coasts and on the best soil available’. This often means that breadfruit trees are located close

to the house so they can be easily composted and provide shade for urban families (Raynor

1992, p. 16).

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Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) recommend that breadfruit trees be spaced at

approximately 9.1 to 12.2 metres. A senior agricultural officer from the Kiribati Agricultural

Division estimated that the optimum spacing of breadfruit trees was between eight to nine

metres (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 1 March). Calculating the average

yield of a mature breadfruit tree is difficult due to the seasonal production in the Gilbert

islands and the number of different varieties of breadfruit, all of which have different fruiting

seasons (Small 1972, p. 77). In general, different varieties are classified as either seedless

(Artocarpus altilis) or seeded (Artocarpus mariannensis). Small (1972, p. 77) states that the

majority of fruit is produced from March to June and August to November. However,

inconsistent rainfall patterns in recent years have changed cropping patterns making it more

difficult to predict the fruiting season of different varieties (Kiribati Agriculture Division

2007, pers. comm., 29 January). Agricultural trials are currently underway to establish the

yield of breadfruit trees in the Gilbert islands, however these trials are still incomplete.

Potential exists to prolong the period when breadfruit is available to a household by planting

different varieties that yield throughout the year (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers.

comm., 29 January).

Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) estimate that newly planted breadfruit seedlings

require four to six years before production commences and that mature species yield around

200 fruits per year on atoll soils. This figure is similar to Small’s (1972, p. 77) estimate that a

good breadfruit tree can yield several hundred fruit in one year with each fruit weighing

between half a kilogram and one kilogram (slightly less when fruit is skinned). Yields

ranging from 100 to 700 have been recorded more generally in the Pacific (2006, p. 7).

Ragone (2006, p. 7) states that while some breadfruit trees have high yield, the yield is often

highly variable. Assuming an average mature breadfruit tree produces 250 fruits per year

with an average edible weight of 725 grams, it provides 181 kilograms of edible breadfruit.

6.3.4 Pawpaw

Pawpaw (Carica papaya) is an introduced tree that grows to about 6 metres in height and

produces fruit throughout the year in atoll conditions. It general, the pawpaw is best suited

for cultivation in sheltered fertile areas near the house (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p.

22). In addition, the mixed garden designs of Peduzzi (1999, pp. 3-8) show that pawpaw is

well suited to dryer areas and also as corner fence posts and supports for trellises. Potential

also exists to intercrop pawpaw with vegetables (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers.

comm., 31 January). Pawpaws were commonly seen in homegardens visited during research

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trips to Kiribati. Nutritionally, pawpaw is known to be a good source of vitamin C and

calcium (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999; Tebano 1984, p. 40).

Due to the poor soils in Kiribati, pawpaw fruits are often small and are recorded by Small

(1972, pp. 101-2) to typically be 17 centimetres long and 12 centimetres wide. A pawpaw

fruit of these dimensions weighs around 1.2 kilograms with a final edible portion of

approximately 950 grams (after the fruit has been skinned and deseeded). Stone, Migvar and

Robison (2000, p. 22) record pawpaw yield per tree to be approximately 28.7 kilos per year

in a spacing approximately 1.8 to 2.4 metres. However, consultation with agricultural

technicians from the Agricultural Department found that a wider spacing of 4 metres was

believed to be more appropriate (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 1 March).

In general, pawpaw seedlings require 10 to 15 months until they yield fruit. Using these

figures, the annual edible yield of a mature pawpaw tree is assumed to be 24 fruits,

producing 22.8 kilograms of edible fruit per year.

6.3.5 Banana

Bananas were introduced to Kiribati by American missionaries and are now widely grown

and consumed throughout South Tarawa and the outer islands (Small 1972, p. 84). Studies

into the nutritional value of bananas in the Pacific recognise the high carbohydrate, vitamin

C and potassium levels in bananas (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999, pp. 32-3). In

South Tarawa today, bananas are predominately grown in “banana circles” and are

frequently consumed as snacks (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers. comm., 7 March).

The potential to sustain banana production using grey water from the laundry means that

banana circles are best situated close to the house (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 17).

Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) state that bananas should be spaced about 10 feet

(approximately 3.3 metres apart). However, Small (1972, p. 87) notes that if the variety

Dwarf Cavendish are used then 2 metres is appropriate. On the other hand if compost is

unavailable, a spacing of between four to six metres is more appropriate (Kiribati

Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 1 March). Although the particular cultivar name of

the bananas grown in Kiribati is not known, they are most likely to be a smaller variety of

the larger Cavendish banana such as Dwarf Cavendish. A single Kiribati banana weighs

approximately 81 grams and 45 grams after skin removal.

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According to Small (1972, p. 85) bananas are potentially the ‘most prolific of all food crops

and will produce more food per acre than babai or taro’. To attain high yields, bananas need

to be planted in an area that is sheltered from strong winds with good soil and roots close to

the water lens (Small 1972, p. 85). These conditions are similar to those required by the

traditional root crop babai, making old babai pits that are no longer in use an ideal place to

plant bananas (Small 1972, p. 85).

Small (1972, p. 85) states that a heavy yielding Dwarf Cavendish can bear as many as 220

fruit from one bunch. On the other hand, Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) record the

per annual yield of a single banana plant to be approximately 9.1 kilograms. Assuming

average banana weight of 81 grams gives a yield of approximately 112 bananas a per flower

stem. Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) go on to state that banana plants require 18

months from time of planting to first harvest. This figure is supported by Small’s (1972, pp.

88-9) estimate that banana seedlings flower at 10 months and bear fruit around 6 months

after flowering. According to Small’s (1972, pp. 85-7) description of banana cultivation on

atolls it is reasonable to assume that a single banana plant is capable of yielding one bunch of

bananas per year. Thus, annual yield per plant is assumed to be 150 fruit or 6.75 kilograms

of edible banana from a well maintained and correctly spaced banana tree.

6.3.6 Pandanus

Pandanus (Pandanus tectorius) is a prominent component of the atoll landscape and is

consumed regularly by I-Kiribati as a snack food (Small 1972, p. 82). Many different

varieties of pandanus exist in Kiribati. Small (1972, p. 83) reports that there are around 170

named varieties, while Lawrence (1992, p. 268) records 160. However, due to the

fragmentation of islands a single variety is often known by different names (Small 1972, p.

83). More information exists on the nutritional value of the pandanus. A recent study by

Englberger et al. (2006) found that seven of the nine pandanus varieties that were analysed

had significant quantities of vitamin A. The average vitamin A content of these seven

varieties was 65 micrograms per edible portion of 100 grams. The same study shows that

pandanus is a regularly consumed food, with informants from the study reporting that their

normal consumption range was between 1 to 50 keys8 a day (Englberger et al. 2006, p. 640).

8 Pandanus fruit comprise a collection of smaller sections or “keys” attached to a central core.

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Pandanus is a slow growing tree that may take between four and six years to produce fruit

from seedling (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 22). However, Baiteke (1994, p. 5) and

Thaman (1990a, p. 9) state that fruiting generally occurs between one and two years. Despite

its slow growing nature, pandanus is recognised as an exceptionally hardy tree that is well

suited for planting in even the harshest atoll conditions such as an ocean windbreak (Baiteke

1994, pp. 2-3). It was estimated by the Kiribati Agricultural Division that spacing of between

8 to 10 metres was best to ensure high pandanus production (2007, pers. comm., 1 March).

Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 20) record that pandanus should be spaced

approximately 6 to 7.5 metres apart, however it is recommend that this distance be shortened

if pandanus is planted as part of a coastal windbreak. In addition, pandanus can be used to

shade pigs and chickens that are often kept on the ocean side of the atoll (Baiteke 1994, p. 2).

Small (1972, p. 83) states that pandanus fruiting is relatively constant throughout the year in

the southern Gilberts but more seasonal in the northern Gilberts with the best production in

July and August, decreasing to December. Production remains low until April then again

increases towards July. However, interviews with a senior agricultural expert highlighted

that each variety of pandanus has its own peak season, meaning that edible pandanus is never

fully out of season (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). It has been

estimated that a mature healthy tree may produce up to 10 fruit a year on good soil (Kiribati

Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This figure is similar to Stone, Migvar

and Robison’s (2000, p. 22) more general estimate of nine pandanus fruit a year regardless of

location. Although pandanus yield is not greatly affected by soil fertility, nine fruit is

believed to be the most appropriate estimate of the annual yield throughout the atoll.

During interviews at the Agricultural Division it was estimated that an average fruit

contained 50 keys (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This

number is the same as the Englberger et al. (2006, p. 632) estimate. When pandanus keys are

eaten, the inner part of the key is chewed and sucked to extract the edible portion.

Englberger et al. (2006, p. 640) estimates that the edible portion of a pandanus key is

approximately half the weight of the original key. Although different varieties have different

sized keys, the average weight of the edible portion of pandanus keys across eight different

pandanus varieties in Englberger et al. (2006, p. 640) was 65 grams. Thus, a fruit with 50

keys would contain around 3.25 kilograms of edible pandanus. Based on these figures, a

mature pandanus tree is assumed to produce 29.25 kilograms of edible fruit per year.

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6.3.7 Chinese cabbage

Vegetable cultivation is commonly recognised as having a significant potential to improve

the nutritional standards in Kiribati (Kunzel 1997; Peduzzi 1999). While the lack of soil

organic matter is the single biggest factor limiting vegetable growth, soils can be improved

through intensive composting processes as outlined in Peduzzi (1999). Regular management,

composting and cultivation on sheltered land are the necessary ingredients to ensure good

yield from vegetable gardens. In such circumstances, Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p.

20) state that a ‘small area of ground will grow enough vegetables for a whole family’.

Chinese cabbage was found to be the most commonly grown vegetable during visits to

homegardens in South Tarawa. Preferring well drained, well composted soils, the Chinese

cabbage is eaten in both raw and cooked form and is a good source of vitamin A, vitamin C

and magnesium (Dignan et al. 2004, p. 18). Due to the vulnerability of vegetables such as

Chinese cabbage to animals such as pigs and chickens it is recommended that vegetable

gardens be well fenced (Peduzzi 1999, p. 2). For best production, Stone, Migvar and Robison

(2000, p. 20) recommend a spacing of 12 inches (30 centimetres) within rows and 24 inches

(61 centimetres) between rows. A row commonly consists of two lines of Chinese cabbage.

This is similar to Kunzel (1997, p. 6) who records a spacing of 60 centimetres by 30

centimetres for Chinese cabbage. This figure was confirmed by the Kiribati Agriculture

Division (2007, pers. comm., 1 March). Typically, a shade structure of coconut leaves is

required over each row to prevent plant dehydration.

When cultivated according to the above information it is believed that time from planting to

harvest is around 60 days (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 23). Similarly, Bailey (1992, p.

36) states that it takes between two and three months before Chinese cabbage is ready for

harvesting. The average weight of a mature cabbage used by the Taiwan Technical Mission

(2006) to calculate yield is 300 grams. Although many different varieties of Chinese cabbage

have been trialled in Kiribati, the varieties “Salder” and “Pak Choi” were made available to

the public during PRAP (Kunzel 1997, p. 5). Assuming harvest time of 60 days and a

spacing of 60 by 30 centimetres, it is estimated that a single Chinese cabbage (continually

harvested and replanted) would be capable of yielding 1.8 kilograms per annum.

6.3.8 Edible hibiscus

Edible hibiscus (Abelmoschus manihot) or nambere is a vigorous perennial shrub between 1

to 2 metres tall (Bailey 1992, p. 56). Although many varieties exist, the two main varieties in

Kiribati are broad and narrow leafed (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29

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January). Young leaves are edible both cooked and raw. As an introduced species,

nutritionists in Kiribati encourage locals to plant and consume greater quantities of this

species. While progress is slow, edible hibiscus cultivation was sighted numerous times in

South Tarawa homegardens. It was estimated by a senior member of the Kiribati

Agricultural Division that spacing of between 1 to 2 metres was best to ensure high

production (2007, pers. comm., 1 March).

Edible hibiscus has a low wind and salt tolerance, and is best planted in the atoll interior

where soil is more fertile. Bailey (1992, p. 56) remarks that edible hibiscus is well suited to

growing near or in a vegetable garden in a spacing of one to two metres (Kiribati Agriculture

Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). Nutritionally, edible hibiscus leaves are a good

source of vitamin A, vitamin C, potassium, calcium and magnesium (Bailey 1992, p. 75).

These leaves are produced throughout the year. As a vigorously growing shrub, it was

estimated that a mature edible hibiscus is capable of yielding 20 fresh leaves per month

(Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. Comm., 29 January). Bailey (1992, p. 56)

estimates that an average leaf weighs 5 grams. It is therefore assumed that in future urban

settlements a single edible hibiscus shrub would be capable of producing 1.2 kilograms of

fresh leaves in a year.

6.3.9 Cucumber

Cucumber is a commonly grown vegetable in South Tarawa (1996, p. 143). Cucumber is a

reasonable source of vitamin A (Dignan et al. 2004, p. 26). To maximise production in atoll

soils, Kunzel (1997, p. 6) recommends a spacing of 1 metre by 30 centimetres. On the other

hand, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 23) recommend a spacing of approximately 91

centimetres by 91 centimetres. However, the spacing of cucumber plants in South Tarawa

homegardens is generally closer to Kunzel’s (1997, p. 6) spacing recommendations. In

Kiribati, cucumber plants are usually grown on trellises (Peduzzi 1999, p. 8). Stone, Migvar

and Robison (2000, p. 23) estimate that a single cucumber plant can produce approximately

2.27 kilograms of cucumbers annually. A single cucumber was found to weigh 165 grams. It

is therefore assumed that a cucumber plant spaced at 1 metre by 30 centimetres would yield

2.2 kilograms per year9.

9 This estimate of cucumber yield assumes that production is slightly lower for closer spacing.

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6.3.10 Other species

Many other food producing species may form part of urban agroforestry systems in future

planned urban settlements. Babai (Cyrtosperma chamissonis) is one such species, which is

still a prominent component of agroforestry systems in outer islands. However, the babai

beetle remains a serious barrier to babai cultivation in South Tarawa and future planned

urban settlements (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). In addition,

the tendency to reserve babai for celebratory events, suggests that babai production is

unlikely to play a significant role in a household’s daily food intake in future planned urban

settlements.

The drumstick tree (Moringa oleifera) is also unlikely to play a central role in future planned

urban settlements because of its low level of acceptance as a food crop. The native fig (Ficus

tinctorial) has not been included, because of a lack of data on both the nutritional value and

yield of this tree. Furthermore, its role as a famine food indicates that it may not form part of

an urban family’s daily diet. Similarly, the beach mulberry (Morinda citrifolia) has not been

addressed in detail because of a lack of data on yields in atoll soils and because fruit from

this tree is typically only consumed when an individual is ill rather than on a day to day basis

(Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers. comm., 1 February).

The vegetable “chaya” (Cnidoscolus chayamansa) is sometimes consumed in urban areas but

has not been included in the final species list in this study because of a lack of data.

However, edible hibiscus and chaya are generally regarded as quite similar (Kiribati

Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January) and therefore the potential contribution

of chaya to the agroforestry system will largely be accommodated by the inclusion of edible

hibiscus. Pigs and chickens have not been detailed in this discussion as they are not a daily

food item but are consumed at events of celebration (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007,

pers. comm., 17 May).

6.3.11 Literature on the nutritional value of Pacific island foods

A variety of literature exists on the nutritional value of food in the Pacific (Bailey 1992;

Dignan et al. 2004; Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999). Tebano (1984) is one of the

few studies that records the nutritional value of a variety of atoll foods. However, this source

was not used in the nutritional data because of large gaps in nutritional recordings, lack of

uniformity in measurement techniques, inadequate information on the preparation of food

samples and suspected errors in the units used to record some findings. In contrast,

Englberger et al. (2006) provides precise estimates of vitamin A content in edible Kiribati

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pandanus. More broadly, data on the nutritional value of foods in the wider Pacific region in

Dignan et al. (2004) contains an accurate measure of the nutritional contribution of a variety

of Pacific foods consumed in Kiribati.


In conclusion, appropriate urban food production practices in future planned urban

settlements in Kiribati will be dictated by three key considerations. In particular, the infertile

atoll environment, culturally sensitive food consumption patterns and the financial

limitations of a resource poor developing nation constrain the selection of food producing

species to well adapted, culturally acceptable, affordable and technologically accessible

agricultural approaches. The continuation and adaptation of time tested traditional

agricultural approaches (reinterpreted in the form of urban agroforestry systems)

successfully fulfils each of these requirements. Such systems offer environmentally,

culturally and financially feasible solutions to many of Kiribati’s development problems.

In this way, literature on soil based food production in Kiribati repeatedly identifies the same

key food producing species. Although some new species have been introduced into Kiribati

in past years, the core food producing species in Kiribati have generally remained unchanged

since British colonisation. It is therefore highly likely that these species will continue to play

an important role in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In such settlements, the

research of Thomas (2002, p. 169) into existing homegardens in South Tarawa suggests that

an area of between 0.1 and 0.25 hectares of agroforestry land per household is feasible.

Despite the potential of traditional agricultural systems, the consumption of imported staples

has continued to the extent that food imports such as rice and flour are now necessary to

sustain urban populations in Kiribati. In such a situation, urban agroforestry is well suited to

provide nutritional supplements to dietary staples of urban residents. Investigating what the

nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods

would make to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on a daily basis is an

important step in understanding the potential role of urban agroforestry systems in future

planned urban settlements. Table 9 summarises the nutritional and agriculture values of some

of the key agriculture species in Kiribati. This data lays the foundation for the quantitative

analysis of the nutritional value of atoll agroforestry species in Chapter 8. In the following

chapter, the methodological approach for answering this and other research questions is

outlined.

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Table 9: nutritional and agriculture values of some of the key agriculture species in Kiribati

Species Edible portion

Spacing range (metres)

Assumed species per annum yield (kg)

Key nutritional contribution

Coconut mature

Flesh 7 - 9 22.8 Saturated fats Fibre Potassium

Cavity fluid 7 - 9 6 Saturated fats Fibre Potassium

Coconut immature

Flesh 7 - 9 9.6 Saturated fats Potassium

Cavity fluid 7 - 9 27.6 Saturated fats Potassium

Toddy 7 - 9 730 Vitamin C Calcium Iron

Breadfruit Flesh 8 - 12 181 Vitamin C Calcium Carbohydrates

Pawpaw Flesh 1.8 - 4 22.8 Vitamin C Calcium

Banana Flesh 2 - 6 6.75 Carbohydrate Vitamin C Potassium

Pandanus Flesh 5 - 10 29.25 Vitamin A Chinese cabbage

Leaf .3 1.8 Vitamin A Vitamin C Magnesium

Edible hibiscus

Leaf 1 - 2 1.2 Vitamin A Vitamin C Potassium Calcium Magnesium

Cucumber Fruit .3 - .9 2.2 Vitamin A Source: synthesis of various sources

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7.0 PLANNING A PRODUCTIVE FUTURE: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH

This chapter documents the methodological approach used to answer the research problem

outlined in Chapter 1.0 and discussed in detail in Chapters 2.0 to 6.0. In explaining this

approach, particular attention is given to the development of research questions from the

literature review, justification of the research philosophy, paradigm, strategy and research

procedures. Finally the internal and external validity of the research is discussed with

reference to the methodological approach and the capacity of the case study research strategy

for generalisation.

7.1 The use of theory: connection between the literature review, theoretical framework

and research questions

Existing literature is used for a variety of purposes throughout this thesis. In Chapters 2.0

and 3.0 existing literature “frames” the research problem through an exploration of literature

relating to urban planning, sustainability, agroforestry and homegardening in the Pacific. On

the other hand, Chapters 4.0, 5.0 and 6.0 review literature with specific connection to the

research problem to identify key variables and knowledge gaps. These gaps form the basis of

key research questions. Literature on variables contained in existing and future urban

settlements is then used to create a hypothetical scenario for future planned urban settlement

that is illustrative of the character of future planned urban settlements throughout Kiribati.

Following the analysis of data from research trips, results from the illustrative case study are

discussed in relation to existing literature on urban planning and management in Kiribati.

Results are then generalised back to the wider body of literature on urban planning and

management in the Pacific according to the broader exploratory case study approach and the

ability of case studies to generalise to theory (Yin 2003, pp. 31-2). The following section

forms a conceptual bridge between the literature review and the methodology, illustrating

how literature is used to frame the study, identify key variables and inform specific

methodological choices.

7.1.1 Identification of key variables, knowledge gaps and specific research questions

Chapters 2.0 and 3.0 provide the broad theoretical framework within which the research

problem is located. In contrast, Chapters 4.0 and 5.0 highlight more specific cultural,

environmental, agricultural and developmental aspects of the research problem. This more

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specific literature review assists in the identification of key variables and gaps in existing

knowledge. These variables and knowledge gaps form the basis of specific research

questions identified in Chapter 1.0. Each question provides further structure and direction for

the development of the methodological approach to answer the broader research problem.

Key knowledge gaps emerging from the literature review include the need to develop a

greater understanding of:

• alternative approaches to urban planning and management in the Pacific beyond

traditional industrialised planned models;

• the potential role of urban agroforestry systems in addressing urban management

issues;

• ownership and management issues surrounding the promotion and inclusion of urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati;

• the appropriateness of each of these technologies for use in future planned urban

settlements;

• the nutritional contribution of regularly produced and consumed urban agroforestry

foods compared to the area of land required to sustain peak production.

Various methodological difficulties arise when investigating the design of food producing

agroforestry systems in a settlement context that is yet to exist (future planned urban

settlements). However, the difficulties associated with researching future phenomena are

overcome through utilising existing literature and first hand field experience of urban living

in Kiribati to develop a “predicted” scenario of future planned urban settlement. This

hypothetical settlement scenario allows research to focus more effectively on the research

problem.

The identification and management of key variables existing in planned future urban

settlements in Kiribati can be seen in Table 10. Making informed assumptions10 on the state

of future planned urban settlements allows research to take place into a phenomenon that is

yet to exist. While nine key variables are identified in future planned urban settlements, the

detailed investigation of all of these variables is both beyond the scope of this thesis and

unnecessary for answering the research problem. Rather, this thesis focuses data collection

on three of the nine variables. The remaining six variables are held constant according to

their likely state established in Chapters 4.0, 5.0 and 6.0.

10 Assumptions are informed by literature into urban development and agriculture in Kiribati and the researcher’s first hand experiences of living in South Tarawa in 2005 and 2007

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Table 10: management of variables to create the future planned urban settlement scenario

within which to base research

Identified variable Details of variable Relevant section of literature review

State of variable in planned future urban settlements

Natural environment of settlement land

Soil fertility, microclimate, existing vegetation, underground water lens, rainfall and land width

4.1.2 The typical atoll environment

Constant: based on the typical atoll environment found in South Tarawa

Demographics of urban household

Size, income, employment, age, gender

5.2.3 The urban household

Constant: based on the demographic of existing urban households in the 2005 census

Land tenure Freehold, leasehold 5.4 Future settlement options in Kiribati

Constant: based on Kiribati Government and donor preference for development of planned urban settlement on Government owned land

Design of houses Size, services (toilet, rainwater tanks)

5.2.2 Housing in South Tarawa

Constant: based upon the design of sustainable housing proposed for South Tarawa

Cultural context and existing cultural norms

Importance of family, feasts, reciprocity and the cultural mix of island types typically associated with urban living

4.3 Economic, cultural and political background of Kiribati

Constant: based on the current cultural cross section of South Tarawa

Overall urban design of settlement

Number, type and configuration of land uses in the urban settlement

5.0 the urban form of South Tarawa

Constant: based on a simplified selection of land uses to focus research on the interaction between the household and the productive land

Configuration and design of agroforestry systems

Type, location and connection of agroforestry systems

6.1 Atoll agriculture and urban agroforestry in Kiribati

Focus of research

Management and ownership of agroforestry systems

Individual or cooperative management bodies, allocation of productive resources between households

4.4 Differing approaches to ownership and management in Kiribati

Focus of research

Settlement and productive land size

The nutritional contribution of a set area of urban agroforestry

6.1 Atoll agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati

Focus of research

Source: author’s synthesis of variables in future urban settlements

Although Table 10 is based on the assumption that many of the variables in future planned

urban settlements are constant, it is acknowledged that this would not be the case. However,

holding some variables constant, according to the predicted state of each variable as

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informed by the literature and personal experience, allows a more detailed investigation of

the research problem. Furthermore, the aim of developing a hypothetical scenario of planned

future urban settlement is not to depict an exact representation of future planned urban

settlements but rather to effectively capture the interactions between variables to enable the

exploration of the research problem. The variables nominated as the “focus of research” in

Table 10 mark gaps in the literature where little work has been undertaken. These gaps have

already been expressed as individual research questions in Section 1.2. Each of these

research questions is used extensively throughout the remainder of the thesis to guide

methodological and analysis procedures.

7.2 Justification and explanation of the research philosophy and inquiry paradigm

Stating one’s research philosophy and inquiry paradigm is an important step in developing a

strategy to answer the research problem. Such a statement establishes what is believed to

constitute legitimate problem solving and therefore possible approaches to respond to the

problem (Creswell 1994, p. 1; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 10). The following section identifies

the research philosophy and inquiry paradigm of this research.

7.2.1 Research philosophy

Identifying a research philosophy involves investigation of the problem solving assumptions

made when developing a strategy to answer the research problem. The building blocks of a

philosophy are identified in Creswell (1994, p. 5; 2003, p. 6) as relating to a researcher’s

understanding of the nature of knowledge (ontological assumption); how it can be known

(epistemological assumption); the role of bias (axiological assumption); how what is known

can be written about (rhetorical assumption) and the process for examining it

(methodological assumption).

In recent decades these different assumptions have amalgamated into the two opposing

schools of thought (research paradigms) known as qualitative and quantitative research

(Creswell 1994, p. 5). The quantitative paradigm is championed by a positivist philosophy

that believes knowledge to be singular and objective and only able to be understood through

an unbiased and value-free research strategy. This paradigm is centred on the use of a

deductive process to test for measurable relationships (Creswell 1994, p. 5; Johnson &

Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 14).

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On the other hand, the qualitative paradigm is supported by a constructivist/interpretivist

philosophy that believes that knowledge is subjective and multiple and can only be

understood through the researcher interacting with the focus of the research in a personal yet

biased inductive process (Creswell 1994, p. 5; Denzin & Lincoln 1994, pp. 4-5; Groat &

Wang 2002, p. 176). In the qualitative paradigm, patterns and theories are inductively

developed to form a deep understanding of the meaning of the data, collected within a rich

context-bound setting (Creswell 1994, p. 145; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 176; Johnson &

Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 14).

Disagreements over qualitative versus quantitative paradigms have been a feature of the

research world for over a century (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 14). However, Johnson

and Onwuegbuzie (2004, pp. 14-5) remark that more recently, an increasing amount of

literature has focused on the advantages that come from combining the strengths and

minimising the weaknesses of both qualitative and quantitative approaches rather than

focusing on the differences between each paradigm. This view is also supported by other

authors such as Dey (1993, p. 4) who comments that the two paradigms should be seen as

complementary rather than opposing. Greater recognition of the strengths and weaknesses of

each paradigm has resulted in the recent growth of the mixed methods paradigm which is

informed by a pragmatist philosophy.

7.2.2 Pragmatist philosophy and the mixed methods paradigm

Instead of being constrained by the logic of a particular problem solving approach, a mixed

methods paradigm is based on a pragmatic philosophy that encourages the researcher to

select whatever methodological mix best answers the research problem (Johnson &

Onwuegbuzie 2004, pp. 16-7). The strength of the mixed methods paradigm is that it is

driven by a needs-based, pragmatic philosophy that is outcome oriented, highly practical and

rejects dogmatism (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 17). Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004,

p. 18) and Creswell (2003, pp. 11-2) describe a pragmatist philosophy as:

• value-oriented and based on shared cultural values such as democracy, freedom,

equality and progress;

• highly supportive of practical theory (theory that informs effective practice);

• tolerant of eclecticism and pluralism in theory and human experience;

• based on common realities;

• tolerant of ambiguity, viewing truth, meaning and knowledge as tentative and as

changing over time based on experience and culture, while acknowledging the

existence of absolute truth.

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Despite the strength of such a practical approach, the mixed method paradigm also has

various weaknesses. In particular, Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004, p. 19) comment that the

pragmatist philosophy may adversely favour slow gradual change rather than widespread

revolutionary change. Furthermore, the pragmatist philosophy may fail to identify the

audience that the pragmatic solution is suited to or clearly state the criteria for identifying

what is meant by a “pragmatic solution”. Finally the pragmatist philosophy is criticised for

too often favouring applied research over theoretical research. Yet from a pragmatist’s

perspective, any paradigm will have both strengths and weaknesses and therefore such

weaknesses can be tolerated if the strengths outweigh the weaknesses.

The pragmatist philosophy is well suited to this research because of the orientation of the

research problem towards identifying practical yet culturally appropriate solutions to

incorporating urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlement in Kiribati.

While the context bound, culturally rich and inductive nature of the research problem points

towards adopting a qualitative paradigm, the potential contribution of data on agricultural

yields and dietary intakes related to urban agroforestry systems supports the use of a

quantitative paradigm. Therefore, a mixed methods paradigm has been adopted to allow this

research to draw on the strengths of both qualitative and quantitative paradigms in answering

research questions outlined in Section 1.2. This paradigm is grounded on overarching

pragmatic philosophy based on the value of practical and workable research outcomes as

informed by a deep cultural understanding.

7.3 Research strategy

A research strategy outlines and justifies the approach used to answer the research problem.

In this way, the following section provides an overall summary of the case study research

strategy, role of researcher and a brief summary of the research procedures and justification

for their use.

7.3.1 The case study research strategy

A case study strategy is one in which the researcher explores a single entity or phenomenon

(the case) bounded by time and activity using a variety of data collection procedures

(Creswell 1994, p. 12). This approach allows a case to be seen in relation to the complex

dynamics in which it exists (Groat & Wang 2002, p. 246). The case study research approach

has proved effective in past studies in Kiribati. In Jones (1997) a case study strategy was

used to investigate urban management in Kiribati. Results from this study were then related

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to urban management in the broader Pacific region. Furthermore, Yin (2003, pp. 5-9)

remarks that a case study strategy is particularly well suited to an investigation where the

research is orientated towards a set of contemporary events, over which the investigator has

little or no control. Thus, using a case study approach in this research is an appropriate

strategy because of the orientation of the research problem towards contemporary

phenomena (urban agroforestry systems) where the researcher has little control (future

planned urban settlements).

Exploratory and illustrative case study approaches at a national and regional level

An exploratory case study approach is used to investigate the potential of urban agroforestry

systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. Typically, exploratory case studies

are used when considerable uncertainty exists about a process or phenomenon (Davey 1991,

para. 5). This is the case in this study due to the lack of research into the urban agroforestry

systems in future planned urban settlements. Thus, an exploratory case study is undertaken to

provide information into the potential use of agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements in projects such as the QUT Tarawa Urban Futures Project (Hockings et al.

2004) and STP (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a). Hypotheses, insights, propositions and

designs generated from this research provide a vital starting point with which to commence

the larger task of designing future planned urban settlements in Kiribati.

To increase the transferability of results, the exploratory case study has been developed

around the concept of an “illustrative” or “typical” model of future planned urban settlement

in Kiribati. An illustrative case study involves an in-depth study of a small number of

instances believed to be typical of interactions and relationships contained within the broader

phenomenon (Davey 1991, para. 3; Morra & Friedlander 1999, p. 10). This research uses an

illustrative case study approach within the broader exploratory case study approach to extend

findings to all future planned settlement scenarios in Kiribati. In this way, the agroforestry

systems contained in the future planned urban settlement scenario as outlined in Table 10 is

studied as a “case” to illustrate the key issues pertaining to future planned urban settlements

throughout Kiribati.

Results from the exploratory case study of agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements are also relevant to future planned urban settlements throughout the Pacific.

Unlike the nationally focused exploratory case study that uses an illustrative approach,

results are not directly transferable to urban contexts at a regional level but rather can be

generalised to theory on urban planning and management in the Pacific. Such transferability

provides initial insights and hypotheses regarding the potential of agroforestry systems in

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future planned urban settlements in the Pacific region. At this regional level, Kiribati is the

preferred case because of existing connections between QUT and the Kiribati Government

regarding the design of future urban settlements and relatively small size of the atoll nation.

7.3.2 The role of the researcher

The value laden nature of the qualitative research component of this thesis necessitates the

clear and frank identification of my own personal values, preconceptions, assumptions and

bias (Denzin & Lincoln 1994, p. 4). This bias is based on my ontological standpoint

pertaining to the subjective nature of cultural realities and epistemological belief that certain

situations require the researcher to interact with what is researched (Creswell 1994, p. 5). An

awareness of bias helps ensure that my contribution to the research is positive and

constructive rather than detrimental (Locke et al, cited in Creswell 1994, p. 163; Marshall &

Rossman 1999, p. 28).

To manage bias, I have included a brief statement of my personal values, cultural

background and assumptions so that readers can be more aware of the potential influence of

personal bias (Creswell 1994, p. 147). While it is misleading to attempt to claim total

objectivity, the awareness of these values assists in providing greater levels of insight into

potential sources of bias, while also identifying situations where such knowledge is required

to understand the meaning of qualitative data (Creswell 1994, p. 182). At the time of this

thesis, I describe myself as a:

conservative, tertiary qualified, middle class, married, well travelled male, in mid to

late twenties, with a worldview shaped by a fundamental Christian belief. As one who

is tolerant of ambiguity, I view truth, meaning and knowledge as tentative and as

changing over time based on experience and culture, while still acknowledging the

existence of absolute truth.

My previous tertiary education and work place experience has focused on designing

and constructing landscapes in urban environments (Bachelor of Built Environment,

Graduate Diploma in Landscape Architecture). Although having travelled to Papua

New Guinea (1999), Asia (2003) Kiribati (2005 and 2007), and Fiji (2007) I have no

family or political connection to the Pacific islands. This lack of connection is an

advantage in minimising bias often related with personal association and stakeholder

involvement. Over the course of this research I have developed a strong belief in the

value of urban agroforestry in the Pacific. This belief is based both on extensive

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reading into homegardening and agroforestry in the Pacific and my own observations

and experiences during trips to Kiribati (2005 and 2007).

7.3.3 Nature of research questions and implications for research procedures

Understanding the views and opinions of urban residents likely to be present in future urban

settlements is critical in collecting data on identified research questions. The importance of

recognising the attitudes, values and needs of future urban residents directs data collection

towards obtaining well informed interview data from participants capable of communicating

a deep understanding of cultural, urban living, agricultural, planning and nutritional issues in

Kiribati. However, significant differences exist between the “ideal participant group” and

what is actually realistic or achievable in the given research context. Due to the relatively

small population of Kiribati and the diversity of fields in this research, it is not realistic to

interview large numbers of participants with detailed knowledge in all of the

abovementioned fields. Rather, particular groups of participants are selected because of their

detailed knowledge of two or more of the research fields while only having a general

knowledge of remaining fields.

Furthermore, when deciding on the size and demographic of the participant group it is

important to consider the nature of data required to be collected. In some cases, more

accurate results can be gained by interviewing “recognised experts” rather than by averaging

results from a larger random sample. The practice of collecting data from experts in a

particular field is a research method practiced in both developed (DPI&F 2006, p. ii) and

developing countries (Lamanda, Malezieux & Martin 2006, p. 108). In other cases, it is

important to obtain a diversity of opinions from both “educated experts” and “common

people” to avoid biasing the results towards theoretical yet impractical solutions to complex

cultural phenomena. Accessing data from a variety of groups allows key differences in

opinion between groups to be identified and discussed.

7.3.4 Context and timing of data collection

Data collection was staged across two research trips to Kiribati. The four week trip

(November to December 2005) was used to gather first hand experience of urban

settlements, establish on-the-ground contacts and collect preliminary data on the practice of

homegardening in existing urban centres. The second six week research trip (January to

March 2007) was used to collect interview data from homegardeners, government

employees, consultants and volunteers. Interviews took place on South Tarawa, although the

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outer islands of Abaiang and North Tarawa were visited to develop a richer understanding of

the local culture.

7.3.5 The mixed methods strategy

In this dissertation, qualitative and quantitative procedures are implemented sequentially

during the exploration of different research questions. In this way, the findings from the

qualitative procedures inform the design and development of urban agroforestry systems in

quantitative procedures. Thus, overall the qualitative paradigm is dominant because of the

large numbers of qualitatively based Research questions. Although informing procedural

choices in quantitative procedures, the full integration of qualitative and quantitative

procedures occurs during the interpretation of results. Finally, this dissertation uses theory as

an explicit guiding framework for the research (Creswell 2003, p. 213). Table 11 shows how

qualitative and quantitative procedures have been combined in relation to their

implementation, priority, integration and use of theoretical perspectives.

Table 11: choices for determining a mixed methods strategy of inquiry

Implementation Priority Integration Theoretical Perspective

No sequence –

concurrently

Equal At data collection Explicit *

Sequential –

Qualitative first *

Qualitative * At data analysis Implicit

Sequential –

Qualitative first

Quantitative At data

interpretation *

With some

combination

Note: asterixes mark approaches used in this study

Source: adapted from Creswell (2003, p. 213)

7.4 Research procedures

Research procedures are the specific tactics used to gather data on individual research

questions. The following section identifies, justifies and outlines the procedures used in this

research. Research procedures in this study can be grouped according to qualitative and

quantitative procedures. In this section, a brief summary is given of the overall connection of

different procedures, followed by a more detailed explanation of the procedures for

collecting qualitative data.

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7.4.1 Summary of procedural steps in the exploratory case study research strategy

Individual procedures in the research strategy were constructed around a logical problem

solving sequence designed to answer the research problem. The first step of this sequence

(refer Figure 32) was to review relevant literature. In the second procedural step, key

variables identified in the literature review were used to develop a settlement scenario

illustrative of future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. This scenario formed a

framework within which qualitative and quantitative research procedures were based. At this

point of the research strategy, qualitative and quantitative procedures diverged to address

differing research questions.

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Figure 32: summary of research strategy showing specific research procedures

Source: author’s synthesis of methodological approach

1a. Literature review: identify gaps in existing knowledge

1c. Research questions: continue to refine questions based on knowledge gaps and key variables

1b. Literature review: establish body of theory on urbanisation and urban agroforestry in Kiribati and the Pacific islands

1d. Literature review: identify and predict the state and nature of variables in future settlements

Research problem

Literature review

7. Conclusions: Conclude findings and discuss significance to urbanisation in Kiribati and the Pacific

4. Data analysis and discussion: Code themes within participants’ responses. Display data through the use of matrices and direct quotes

Analysis and discussion of results

Conclusions and recommendations

2. Development of settlement scenario: Establish the image of future planned urban settlements

Data collection and analysis

3. Qualitative procedure used to answer Research Questions 1, 2 and 3

3b. Semi-structured interviews: investigate the ownership and management of agroforestry systems in future settlements and appropriateness of organic waste management approaches

5b. Expert interviews: determine the appropriate spacing of selected urban agroforestry species

5. Quantitative procedure used to answer Research Question 4

5a. Expert interviews: determine the nutritional requirements of the typical urban family and nutritional value of different atoll foods

6. Data analysis, design and discussion: Calculate the nutritional contribution of 1000 metre square of atoll land through designing an urban agroforestry system based on research findings

Methodological development of the illustrative and explorative case study approach

3a. Pilot study: Undertake four pilot studies to refine interview procedure

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During the qualitative component of the research strategy (refer Figure 32), the three

qualitative research questions in Section 1.2 were used to develop a single semi-structured

interview. This interview was undertaken with three separate participant groups in South

Tarawa, each comprising 13 individuals. The semi-structured interview collected data

relating to the general incorporation of agroforestry land uses, ownership and management of

agroforestry systems and the appropriateness of existing organic waste management

technologies in future planned urban settlements. Four pilot study interviews were held (two

with I-Kiribati and two with Europeans having travelled to Kiribati) in Brisbane before data

collection in South Tarawa. These pilot studies helped refine the interview procedure and

identify potential culturally or ethically sensitive material in the interviews.

The next procedural step involved the quantitative component of the research. In this

procedure, experts in atoll agricultural and nutrition were interviewed to collect data on both

the nutritional requirements of the typical urban household and the spacing of selected

agricultural species. This data was then combined with data on the nutritional requirements

of the typical urban household, the nutritional value of selected atoll foods, results from

qualitative interviews and assumptions relating to the future urban settlements scenario to set

the parameters for the design of urban agroforestry systems within an area of 1000 metres

squared.

The fifth and sixth procedural steps involved the analysis, comparison and discussion of

findings from qualitative and quantitative research procedures (refer Figure 32). In step

seven of the research strategy, findings of the illustrative case study were presented and

discussed within the context of literature on urban planning and management in Kiribati.

Finally, results from the illustrative case study were discussed within the broader context of

literature on urban management and planning in the Pacific.

7.4.2 Qualitative research procedures for collecting data on the incorporation of

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements

A single semi-structured interview procedure was used to collect data on the three qualitative

research questions. As outlined in Section 1.2, these three research questions relate to the

strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most productive land in future

planned urban settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems, different

approaches for the ownership and management of urban agroforestry resources and the

appropriateness of existing organic waste management system for use in agroforestry system

of future planned urban settlements. The qualitative nature of these questions and the

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common settlement scenario outlined in Table 10 supported the use of a single semi-

structured interview to collect data on all three of the research questions.

Participant groups and recruitment

In the qualitative interview procedure, data collection focused on three different participant

groups. The first group consisted of 13 educated Government employees of mixed gender

with experience in urban planning, agriculture and nutrition in Kiribati. Participants in this

group were chosen due to their in-depth knowledge of urban life in Kiribati and their

education in disciplines directly relevant to this research. Recruitment of these participants

was assisted by the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Kiribati

Government and QUT for the purpose of developing future urban settlements in Kiribati.

13 homegardeners of mixed gender who lived and worked in South Tarawa were also

interviewed. This group provided insight into the views and opinions of individuals who may

potentially work in the productive landscape of future planned urban settlements if urban

agroforestry systems were to be included on a large scale. Participants from this group were

recruited through pre-existing networks with homegarden organisations in South Tarawa. In

particular, an elderly I-Kiribati male translator was used to recruit homegarden participants.

As well as a member of the local homegardeners’ association, this translator had access to a

well established network of local homegardener contacts. These contacts were used to assist

in identifying potential homegardener participants. The involvement of the translator during

qualitative interviews is discussed in greater detail later in this section. During recruitment,

participants were deliberately selected from a range of locations within South Tarawa to

diversify opinions. For the purposes of participant recruitment in this study, a homegardener

was defined as an individual growing a vegetable understorey in addition to food producing

tree species.

Finally, 13 consultants or volunteers with over six months experience of living in South

Tarawa or two years in the Pacific region formed the last participant group interviewed in

qualitative procedures. Recruitment of participants in this group focused on individuals with

education and experience that would provide them with a well developed knowledge of

urban issues in Kiribati. Data collected from this group gave valuable insight into the views

of participants with both an insider’s and outsider’s perspective on development in Kiribati.

Participants from this group were recruited through personal contacts established throughout

the research.

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Overall, thirteen individuals from each participant group were interviewed. This number

reflected time and resource constraints rather than a particular sampling requirement. Despite

these constraints, this number was sufficient to adequately answer the research questions due

to the depth and breath of knowledge revealed in the interviews.

In summary, participants were selected deliberately from each of these three participant

groups, to gain the most accurate information possible. The data collected during interviews

should not be seen as representative of the opinions of all I-Kiribati but rather a collection of

individuals selected from a particular participant group because of their experience,

knowledge and availability. This focus on local knowledge, experience and expert opinion is

similar to the sampling method used by Johannes and Yeeting (2001, p. 1) who researched

the management of South Tarawa’s lagoon resources by interviewing several fishing experts

in various villages who had a well developed knowledge of I-Kiribati fishing practices.

Ethical issues and informed consent

Ethical clearance was obtained from the QUT Human Research Ethics Committee prior to

the commencement of interviews. In general, very few ethical issues were raised during the

course of this research. Minor concerns included the need to obtain informed consent and

ensure anonymity of participants’ comments. Informed consent was obtained from

consultants and volunteers and Government participants through use of an information sheet

and tear off written consent form (refer Appendix 2). Homegarden participants were asked to

provide verbal consent in response to an information sheet which which that was read to

them (refer Appendix 2). The use of a verbal consent rather than written consent was

necessary with homegardener participants because of low literacy levels of some individuals

in this group. Finally, anonymity of participants was ensured by adopting a simple alphabetic

and numeric coding system to record data.

Summary of the interview process

Prior to the commencement of the interview, potential consultant and volunteer, and

Government participants were contacted by the chief investigator (Mr East) and given a

verbal summary of the research and provided with an information sheet to read (refer

Appendix 2). Following this summary, potential participants were asked if they would agree

to take part in the research. On agreement of the participant to be involved in the study

(which was the case in all situations), a time was made to undertake the interview. In

general, interviews with consultants and volunteers, and Government participants took place

in office blocks, local restaurants or the participant’s place of residence. In the case of

homegardeners, the translator personally visited potential participants beforehand to explain

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the research and ask if a time could be made to undertake the interview. Interviews with

homegardeners occurred at the homegardener’s place of residence (refer Figure 33).

Figure 33: male translator explaining the settlement models to a homegardener during an

interview

After participants gave informed consent to participate in the study, the interview process

commenced. In the case of consultants and volunteers and Government participants,

individual interview questions were read aloud in English by Mr East. Participants then

responded to each interview question. When homegarden participants were interviewed,

each interview question was read aloud in English by Mr East but then repeated in I-Kiribati

by the translator according to the translated version of the interview script (refer Appendix

3). The translator then listened to participants’ responses and translated their words back to

Mr East in English. However, in cases where homegarden participants were fluent in

English, the interview was conducted in a similar manner to the other participant groups.

Throughout the interview process, misunderstandings were minimised through clear

explanation of the research scenario prior to interview questions and the use of follow up

questions and paraphrasing to clarify meaning. Particular attention was also given to

ensuring that all participants responded to interview questions based on their own opinion

rather then what they “thought” the research team would like them to say. To minimise the

chance of this occurring, a clear statement of the value of participant’s opinion was included

in the information given to all participants prior to the interview (refer Appendix 3).

Similarly, the interview script and interview questions were designed to give participants no

indication of what the “correct” answer might be. Furthermore, the translator was briefed

prior to interview to be aware of this issue and encourage participants to respond truthfully.

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These methods were effective in increasing the reliability of participant responses. This was

reflected in the thoughtfulness of participants’ responses and eagerness of participants to

provide these responses. In all interviews, the research team believed that participants

responded to questions in an honest and transparent fashion. On the completion of the

interview, all participants were offered a souvenir pen from Australia as thanks for their

contribution.

Role of the translator and translation of interviews

Prior to the commencement of interviews the translator received training in both qualitative

interview techniques and interview procedures over a two day period. The assistance of a

translator, proved an effective means of overcoming communication barriers when

interviewing homegarden participants. In particular, the assistance of the I-Kiribati translator

was helpful in overcoming misunderstandings, clarifying cultural issues and assisting

homegardener participants feel at ease during the interview process. In this way, the prior

relationship between the translator and many of the homegarden participants did not

adversely effect participants’ responses but rather increased their willingness to

communicate their opinion during the interview.

During interviews with I-Kiribati not fluent in English, constant reference was made to the

translated version of the interview script. This interview script was translated into I-Kiribati

by a highly educated I-Kiribati male living in Brisbane prior to the commencement of the

research trip. The accuracy of the translated interview material was confirmed by the

translator in Kiribati.

The semi-structured interview procedure and ownership and management of

agroforestry systems

Semi-structured interviews commenced with two introductory questions designed to assist

participants feel comfortable in responding to interview questions. These questions focused

on the participants’ background and their view of urbanisation in Betio11. Following these

questions, a brief summary of the interview was given to participants with particular

reference to improving the productivity and sustainability of future urban settlements.

Following this summary, participants received additional information on the hypothetical

scenario for future planned urban settlement on which the interview was based. The key

11 The interview question focused specifically on Betio because the problems associated with

continued urban growth are best illustrated in this area of South Tarawa

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assumptions and images in this summary are similar to those outlined in Table 10. The

details of the interview script are contained in Appendix 3.

The visual and oral explanations of the settlement scenario provided a context within which

different ownership and management approaches were further explored with participants. As

earlier identified in Section 4.4 these include individual integrated tenure, private property,

collective access and state property ownership and management approaches. Participants

were shown a diagram of each model and were read the written description accompanying

the image (refer Figures 15 to 18).

The abovementioned models were explained to participants in alphabetical order during the

early stages of the interview procedure. During this explanation, it was emphasised that the

models should not be seen as answers to the research problem but rather a discussion tool to

investigate different approaches for owning and managing productive lands. To emphasise

this point, participants were shown a fifth model (model E) of the settlement base plan and

encouraged to draw any new ideas of how food producing agroforestry lands could be owned

or managed.

Following this explanation, each participant was asked to comment on what they saw as the

positive and negative aspects of each model. Dialogue during this stage of the interview

revealed participants’ level of understanding of each model within the settlement scenario.

At this time, any misunderstandings were clarified through further discussion. Participants’

views on freehold or leasehold tenure in models A and C, as well as different payment

options in model D were also discussed at this point.

After discussing the strengths and weaknesses of each model, participants were asked to rank

the four models (or combinations of models) in priority order in terms of agricultural

productivity. Participants were then asked to rank each of the models (or combinations of

models) in priority order in terms of what they believe the people living in the settlement

would like best. Finally, participants were asked to rank each of the models in terms of

which model they would prefer to live in with their family. After each ranking, participants

were asked to give reasons for their arrangement of the models. For further detail of this

section of the interview refer to Appendix 3.

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The semi-structured interview procedure for investigating the strengths and

weaknesses of reserving the most productive land in future planned urban settlements

for food producing urban agroforestry systems

After the ranking of individual models according to food production, cultural

appropriateness and personal preference, the structure of the interview changed to investigate

the strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most productive lands in future

planned urban settlements for agroforestry systems. Topics covered during this section of the

interview included the distance participants believe that they would be willing to walk to

access agricultural lands; issues associated with locating residential dwellings on the ocean

and lagoon side of the atoll and a general exploration of the strengths and weaknesses

associated with reserving the most productive land in future planned urban settlements for

food producing urban agroforestry systems. Participants were asked to provide justification

of their opinion in each of these cases. Details of this section of the interview can be seen in

Appendix 3.

The semi-structured interview procedure and appropriateness of organic waste

management systems in future planned urban settlements

The final section of the interview investigated issues associated with organic waste

management in future planned urban settlements. In this investigation, the four settlement

models in Figures 15 to 18 were used to display different options for locating pigs and

chickens within the urban settlement. Small rectangles were placed in different sites on each

of the models to represent the different location of pigs and chickens12. Pigs and chickens

were placed at three different locations within the settlement: in homegardens near

residential areas; in individual pens in the middle of the atoll and individual pens within

communal animal housing near the ocean side of the atoll. Participants were then asked to

rank models from most preferred to least preferred and provide justification for their ranking.

Interview data was also collected on the appropriateness of different organic waste

management approaches as informed by the composting technologies identified in the

literature review (refer Section 5.3). Thus the banana circle, community composting scheme

and composting toilet were included as the main composting technologies. Following an

explanation of each of these recycling techniques, participants were asked to discuss the

good and bad aspects of each approach. Participants were also asked which approach they

would prefer to use in their house if they lived in a future urban settlement like those

12 In Models D and B pigs and chickens were located next to the urban residence because only three

models for the placement of pigs and chickens were explored in the interview

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described earlier in the interview. Details of this section of the interview can be seen in

Appendix 3. The final questions in the interview collected data on participat’s age, level of

education, island of birth and location of longest residence in Kiribati. On average this

interview took between forty five minutes and seventy five minutes.

7.5 Qualitative analysis of interview data

Qualitative data analysis involves the use of well-thought-out procedures to reveal the

meaning and significance contained in the data (Ezzy 2002, p. 81). The following section

justifies and describes the analysis method used in this dissertation. Particular attention is

given to the broad method of analysis followed by more specific issues of coding and

categorisation.

7.5.1 Coding within thematic analysis

Qualitative data analysis requires making sense of themes and concepts contained within the

data set. While a small amount of quantitative data exists in participants’ ranking of

settlement models, the majority of data obtained from this procedure is contained in words

and phrases in the interview dialogue. Therefore, a qualitative analysis approach was

appropriate to understand the meaning contained within the interview dialogue. To correctly

understand the meaning of a statement it is necessary to view a participant’s words with

reference to the tone of voice, emphasis and context in which the statement was made.

Coding is a common technique used to understand the meaning of interview dialogue.

According to Ezzy (2002, p. 86) the purpose of coding is to ‘develop a systematic account of

what has been observed and recorded’ by coding data according to common themes and

categories in the data. Thematic analysis is one analysis technique that uses coding to

identify and contextualise such themes (Ezzy 2002, p. 88). Thematic analysis was used in

this study to code interview dialogue.

7.5.2 The coding and analysis procedure

The first step of the analysis process was to accurately transcribe digital recordings of the

interviews. After being converted into a written format, transcribed interviews were read

several times to further familiarise the researcher with the meaning of content in individual

interviews. The small amount of quantitative data such as the participants’ ranking of models

was extracted and entered into Microsoft Excel during this process. The quantitative data

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was then tallied to identify participants’ preferences for different models across the theme of

food production, cultural and personal preference. Notes were made on the underlying

meaning in the interview data during the re-reading phase. These notes helped provide a

foundation for the later development of categories of meaning.

Following the completion of the transcription and re-reading phase, interview transcripts

were imported into the qualitative analysis program Nvivo 7. Nvivo 7 assisted in recording

the connection between interview text and codes as they were identified. In general, codes

were categorised according to the broad themes contained in each of the interview questions.

This is in keeping with Ezzy’s (2002, p. 88) and Dey’s (1993, p. 9) belief that data coding

reflects the interests that the analyst brings to it. However, while interview questions and

research questions provided a framework for data analysis, the data itself was the source of

more specific categories (Dey 1993, p. 97).

Thematic coding of the interview transcripts took place across a number of different coding

stages. In the first stage, know as ‘open coding,’ the data was closely examined and

individual ‘chunks’ of meaning identified and coded according to the surrounding meaning

in the transcript. The number of words ascribed to each code varied from key words to one

or two paragraphs depending on the length of the meaning in the transcript (Dey 1993, p. 8).

Codes were named to reflect their meaning and ‘fit’ the data (Ezzy 2002, p. 89). Codes were

constantly compared as analysis proceeded and new codes were developed (Ezzy 2002, p.

90).

The second stage of the thematic coding process was the integration of identified codes

‘around the axes of central categories’ (Ezzy 2002, p. 91). This process involved the further

exploration of existing codes and the examination of relationships between codes to further

refine the coding scheme. The open coding and selective coding data analysis stages formed

the first part of what Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 21) refer to as the ‘data reduction phase’

of qualitative research.

Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 21) define qualitative analysis as consisting ‘of three

concurrent flows of activity: data reduction, data display and conclusion

drawing/verification’. Each of these phases was repeated throughout the analysis process,

further refining data until final conclusions were reached. Figure 34 depicts the evolving

nature of the qualitative analysis process.

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Figure 34: the process of qualitative analysis

Source: Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 23)

The data display phase of the qualitative analysis involved the organised assembly of

categories identified during the data reduction process. The data display process assisted in

the development of further insights and conclusions. Miles and Huberman (1984, pp. 21-2)

emphasise that the data display phase should not be seen as separate from the analysis

process but as a necessary step in refining and understanding the data. Thus, the display

phase continued the process of examining regularities, variations and associations in the data

so that a more complete understanding of the data could be constructed (Dey 1993, p. 47).

Matrixes are used to communicate the numerical and conceptual significance of categories

developed during the data reduction phase (Dey 1993, p. 50; Miles & Huberman 1984, pp.

221-4). In addition, direct quotes from interview dialogue are used to summarise the

meaning of a broader theme and capture the unique insights of participants.

The final phase of the data analysis process involved understanding the overall meaning of

the data contained in the data displays. This process involved drawing together a logical

chain of evidence from across the data set to form final conclusions and explanations (Miles

& Huberman 1984, p. 227). Techniques during this process included the identification of

common themes across the three different participant groups, examining the level of

knowledge of a participant group on a particular issue; using metaphors to explain findings

and clustering results around a dominant theme or category (Miles & Huberman 1984, pp.

219-21). This phase of drawing conclusions also included the final coding phase known as

‘selective coding’. This coding technique was used to identify core codes which could be

used to explain or organise the entire data set (Ezzy 2002, p. 87).

halla


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7.6 Quantitative analysis procedures and the investigation of Research Question Four:

the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems

Determining the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements requires both nutritional and agricultural data. The complexity of

quantifying urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens has already been discussed in

Section 3.2. The complexity and variability of urban agroforestry systems means that some

assumptions are required to predict nutritional outputs.

In the future urban settlement scenario discussed in this thesis, the amount of land designated

for urban agroforestry systems is a decision that can only be made by the Kiribati

Government. To allow for a nutritional investigation of agroforestry systems in future

planned urban settlements, a predetermined population density and size of agricultural land

must be chosen. Based on past studies into cultivated urban land areas discussed in Section

6.1.4, it has been assumed that each urban household is allocated 1000 square metres of land

for urban agroforestry purposes13.

7.6.1 Identifying the number and type of agroforestry species for daily consumption in

future urban settlements

As discussed in Section 6.1, many households produce food from their own land, purchase

food from local shops (local and imported foods) as well as receive food gifts from relatives

and friends. While it is inevitable that households purchase and receive food inputs in

addition to food produced within the urban settlement, calculating the amount of such inputs

was not the focus of this research. To quantify the nutritional contribution of locally

produced urban agroforestry foods the following assumptions are made:

• Food inputs beyond those produced in local productive lands are assumed to be zero,

apart from the three main staples of fish, bread and rice.

• The nine key locally grown, and regularly consumed food types identified in Section

6.3 (coconut, breadfruit, pawpaw, banana, pandanus, Chinese cabbage, nambere,

cucumber and toddy) are the only local agroforestry species available to the urban

household.

13 This figure includes productive land around the house

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A structured nutritional interview procedure was developed based on the abovementioned

assumptions. Nutritionists from the Kiribati Nutrition Department in South Tarawa were

interviewed as “experts” due to their training and experience in household nutrition in

Kiribati. The nutritionists were asked to estimate the number and the type of locally grown

foods that a typical urban household would need to eat for breakfast, lunch, dinner and

snacks in addition to fish, rice and bread to maintain a balanced diet14. The amount of fish,

rice and bread assumed to be consumed by a typical urban household was identified during

discussions with members of the Nutrition Department.

Results from this interview provided information on the number and consumption ratios of

selected locally grown foods. Data was also collected from the Agricultural Department on

the yields and spacing of atoll species to determine the number of each species required to

provide food to maintain a balanced diet for a typical urban household. Although it was

unlikely that sufficient land exists in the settlement scenario to include the full number of

recommended species necessary to meet the entire nutritional needs of the urban household,

this data provided insights into different ratios for the consumption of locally grown foods.

These ratios were then used to determine the number of agroforestry species that could be

included in a 1000 square metres.

In combination with the results from the qualitative interview, the nutritional and agricultural

data provided a framework for development of urban agroforestry systems in the

hypothetical settlement scenario outline in Table 10. It is important to note that the final

design should not be seen as the only configuration of agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements but rather one potential application of collected data.

7.6.2 Nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems

Following calculation of the number of agroforestry species in future planned urban

settlements the nutritional contribution of productive species is able to be calculated. To do

this, demographic information of the typical urban household identified in Section 5.2.3

(age, gender and family size) is combined with Dietary Reference Intakes for Recommended

14 Food requirement for events of celebration or ceremony were not included due to the high level of

variability in feasts across different families.

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Dietary Allowances15 (RDAs) for vitamins, elements and macronutrients from Otten,

Hellwig and Meyers (2006).

The nutritional value of each atoll food is also required. Nutritional records were provided

from literature identified in Section 6.3. In general, data on the nutritional value of foods in

the wider Pacific region in Dignan et al. (2004) were used in this research because of the

comprehensive and accurate nature of the data. This nutritional data was used for each

agroforestry species and dietary staple (fish, rice, flour) identified in Chapter 6 as key daily

nutritional inputs likely to exist in future urban settlements.

However, calculation of the final nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems in

the established scenario requires further assumptions. It was assumed that species produce a

constant amount of food throughout the year. This assumption was necessary due to the

difficulties associated with predicting seasonality of each species and the influences of

changing weather patterns. However, it is noted that planting a number of varieties of each

species in the agroforestry system reduces the impact of seasonal and climatic variability.

This is particularly evident for breadfruit and pandanus, where planting different varieties

can ensure almost constant production throughout the year. Furthermore, the calculations

assume that the same amount of produce from the urban agroforestry system is consumed

each day by the typical urban household and not sold or given away. It is also assumed that

all species in the urban agroforestry system were healthy, fully mature and produced yields

equal to those outlined in Section 6.3.

Yield data on each agroforestry species from existing literature and expert opinion was

combined with nutritional data to calculate the final nutritional contribution of urban

agroforestry systems in the established scenario. The flow chart in Figure 35 is a graphical

representation of the process used to calculate the nutritional contribution of the urban

agroforestry system that has been designed.

15 RDAs are set to meet the needs of almost all (97 to 98 per cent) individuals in a group. Where

RDAs are yet to be established, Adequate Intakes (AIs) were used. AIs are believed to cover needs of

all the majority of individuals in a group, however a lack of data or uncertainty in the data mean that

the claim to cover 97 to 98 of the population cannot be made with absolute certainly.

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Figure 35: flow chart of the procedure used to calculate the nutritional contribution of urban

agroforestry systems in future urban settlements

Source: author’s synthesis of methodological approach

7.7 Validation of research

Establishing internal validity of research involves demonstrating how the research

methodology and associated results are a truthful and accurate representation of the problem

under study (Creswell 2003, p. 196; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 36). While establishing validity

Nutritional requirement of typical urban family

Population data from 2005 Kiribati Census

Nutritional data on required dietary allowances for each age group (Otten, Hellwig and Meyers 2006)

Nutritional value of different atoll foods

Interviews with Government nutritional experts in Kiribati

Species yields in atoll soils

Publications on agricultural productivity of different atoll species (refer Section 6.3)

Interviews with Government agricultural experts in Kiribati

Nutritional value of Pacific (Dignan et al. 2004) and Kiribati foods (Englberger et al. 2006)

Identify different species ratios in urban agroforestry systems

Identify species spacing and diameters of different atoll species

Development of a design for urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements

Interviews with members of the Nutrition Department

Literature on urban agroforestry species in Kiribati (refer Section 6.1)

Agricultural literature on atoll key food species in Section 6.3

Literature on the design of homegarden and agroforestry systems in Kiribati (refer Section 6.1)

Settlement scenario in Section 7.1

Maximum 1000 square metres of land per household

Qualitative interviews

Interviews with members of the Agricultural Division

Number and type of agroforestry species available to a household

Calculation of the nutritional contribution of the urban agroforestry system

Yield of each atoll agroforestry species from existing literature in Section 6.3

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occurs throughout the research process, it is highlighted in this section to emphasise the final

validity of results (Creswell 2003, p. 195).

7.7.1 Internal validity

Various attempts have been made in this research to maximise internal validity. Firstly, the

inclusion of three different participant groups in qualitative interviews allows results to be

tested between different groups (Miles & Huberman 1984, pp. 235-9). The concurrence of

results from a variety of different sources on the same topic adds to the validity of the

research work as a whole (Miles & Huberman 1984, p. 239). Furthermore, the triangulation

of different qualitative and quantitative procedures examine the research problem from a

variety of different perspectives (Creswell 2003, p. 217; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 361; Stake

1994, p. 241; Yin 1989, p. 96). Yin (1989, p. 96) comments that the ability to use multiple

sources of data is a major advantage of the case study strategy.

Internal validity is further established by a statement of personal bias (refer Section 7.7.1).

This statement increases both the reader and author’s awareness of how my personal

involvement may have influenced results. Thirdly, considerable reading into the culture and

history of Kiribati and the Pacific, networking with the I-Kiribati community in Brisbane

and on-the-ground data collection in Kiribati adds further weight to the accuracy of results.

In this way, firsthand experience allows the researcher to confirm the accuracy and reliability

of many of the results.

Additional validity is established through focusing data collection around the opinions of

local experts and homegardeners with extensive firsthand experience of urban living in

Kiribati. The translation of all interview material into I-Kiribati (refer Appendix 2 and 3) and

assistance of a well known I-Kiribati translator during interviews with homegardeners also

increases the validity of the findings. In this way, the use of a translator provided insight into

communication particulars that may have been hidden from the researcher. Validity of

results is further increased by the use of quotes and summaries taken directly from the

interviews. Results also include negative or discrepant data that runs contrary to emerging

themes (Creswell 2003, p. 196).

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7.7.2 External validity

External validity relates to the transferability of results beyond the immediate case study.

Despite the differences between nations in the Pacific, significant historical, developmental

and geographical similarities also exist. The regional similarity between Pacific countries is

evident in the numerous publications that have focused on “the Pacific islands” as a region

(Bryant-Tokalau & Frazer 2006; Clarke & Thaman 1993; Jones 1997; Thaman, Elevitch &

Kennedy 2006).

Although results cannot be directly generalised to all countries in the Pacific due to any

number of environmental, cultural and economic differences, the results are transferable to

theory on urban management and planning and development work in the Pacific. Similarly,

while results on the land requirements necessary to support urban populations in Kiribati are

not directly transferable to other Pacific nations, the methodological approach and theoretical

insights can be applied to the broader issues of sustainability and homegardening in the

Pacific and property regime theory. Thus, one of the major strengths of the case study

approach is its ability to generalise to ‘theoretical propositions and not populations or

universes’ (Yin 1989, p. 21).


This chapter describes and discusses the methodological approaches of the study’s research

design. In drawing together the relevant literature, this chapter established the settlement

scenario on which the remainder of the thesis is focused. Due to the nature of the research

problem being investigated in the settlement scenario, the need for a pragmatic approach to

data collection is emphasised. Based on a pragmatic research philosophy, a mixed methods

research paradigm is shown to be appropriate. The development of the explorative and

illustrative case study research strategy is then discussed within this overarching problem

solving framework. Finally, the procedural steps and analysis approaches to investigate

qualitative and quantitative research questions is documented. In the following chapter, the

results of the methodological approach outlined in this chapter are recorded.

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8.0 ANALYSIS AND RESULTS

This chapter presents results from the analysis of data obtained through the research methods

outlined in Chapter 7. Due to the close connection between research questions and data

collection procedures, this chapter is structured around results of each of the four research

questions outlined in Section 1.2. Firstly, results on the strengths and weaknesses associated

with reserving the most productive land in future planned urban settlements is discussed to

give a background to more specific research questions. These include the exploration of the

ownership and management of urban agroforestry resources and the appropriateness of

existing waste management systems. In the Fourth Research Question, results from the

quantitative component of this research are examined with regard to the nutritional

contribution of regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods grown on a set area of land.

8.1 Results from qualitative research questions

The following section discusses results from the qualitative analysis of semi-structured

qualitative interviews undertaken with 39 participants. The details of these participants can

be seen in Appendix 4. A diversity of participants were interviewed. Participant ages ranged

from 25 to 65 years, with an average of 44 years. The majority of participants were educated

at a secondary institution, born in the Gilbert islands and had spent the majority of their life

living on Tarawa (refer Appendix 4 for further details).

The majority of the results in this section relate to the categorisation of the meaning and

concepts communicated by participants during semi-structured interviews. However, a small

section is associated with participants’ ranking of different ownership and management

options. These two sets of data are used in a complementary fashion to explain results. In

this way, participants’ rankings of different settlement options are used to establish and

compare trends in participant preferences. These results are then explained through

discussion of results relating to the categorisation of the meaning of participants’ statements.

Each of these categories is connected through a multidimensional web of socio-cultural,

economic and environmental interrelations. Therefore, the following discussion is structured

around the exploration of dominant themes and patterns in the data, rather then merely

noting the frequency of participant responses. This approach focuses the discussion of results

upon the exploration of the complex interrelationships within and between conceptually

linked categories to gain a more accurate understanding of results.

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The analysis and discussion of such qualitative data requires combining the synthesised

patterns and themes in the data while giving due reference to the rich qualitative sources in

which they are based. In other words, qualitative analysis builds explanations of complex

socio-cultural realities yet must support these theoretical structures with examples from the

data itself. For this reason, quotations from interviews are used to communicate the detail of

data, while matrixes and figures are used to support the identification of broad themes and

patterns.

A second tension that exists is balancing the significance attributed to the number of

participant references to a single category/theme, while acknowledging the potential for

individual insight and bias. On one hand, a small number of participant responses in a single

theme may indicate that the issue in question is less important than other issues in the same

table. On the other hand, a small number of responses may reflect the complexity of the

identified theme and the unique participant insight required to identify it. Reflecting on the

nature of the category in question and the background of the participants who identified it

can be useful in data interpretation. While it is not possible to fully resolve this tension, a

larger number of participant responses in a single category is one indication of the

importance and priority of a particular issue. For this reason, categories in the following

result tables have been ordered according to the total number of participant responses to

provide an indication of the potential importance of conceptually related issues.

8.2 Research Question One: the potential and constraints associated with the planned

inclusion of urban agroforestry systems

The decision to intentionally allocate land for urban agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements is in essence a question of investment for both urban residents and the

Kiribati Government. The core issue underpinning the potential role of urban agroforestry

food systems in such a scenario is why, if at all, should the industrialised concept of the

“urban” and “rural” be challenged in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati? An

adequate response to this question requires the recognition of both the potential and the

constraints surrounding the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future

planned urban settlements in Kiribati.

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8.2.1 Potential benefits of reserving the most productive land in future planned urban

settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems

Developing a clear plan for a more sustainable future was the key theme underlying

participants’ belief in the benefits of reserving the most productive land in future planned

urban settlements for food production. Throughout interviews, numerous references were

made to the potential of urban agroforestry systems to produce a variety of benefits through

the use of culturally acceptable technologies, while at the same time preventing the creation

of ‘unsustainable urban circumstances’ (extract from interview C13)16. In this way,

numerous participants identified one of the main benefits of reserving the most productive

land in future planned urban settlements as the development of a clear plan for a sustainable

future. Speaking in regard to urban agroforestry systems, one participant stated that, ‘we

need to have a healthy population within the restrictions of our environment’ (extract from

interview G02). Yet, while numerous references were made by consultants and volunteers,

and Government employees to the benefit of increased sustainability, homegardener

participants repeatedly struggled to understand the concept of sustainability even at a simple

level.

The theme of sustainable urbanisation can be further categorised according to the different

benefits of urban agroforestry systems across socio-cultural, economic and ecological fields.

Table 12 shows the number of times that participants made reference to each different

benefit. Three socio-cultural issues were frequently identified. The most regularly identified

benefit was the improved public health resulting from consumption of more nutritious food

produced from urban agroforestry systems. One participant stated that they practised urban

agroforestry because, ‘it helps with the health of the household people’ (extract from

interview G10). A second benefit was that urban agroforestry systems are culturally accepted

and proven agricultural technologies. ‘It is better to give people productive land because it is

part of life’ (extract from interview HG03). As accepted vegetation, some participants noted

that the introduction of urban agroforestry systems would improve their living conditions

through, ‘making the place more beautiful’ (extract from interview C07) and a general

reduction of urban densities. Finally, a small number of participants felt that providing

agricultural land in future planned urban settlements would increase educational

opportunities. ‘It will benefit me and educate me’ (extract from interview HG02).

16 A simple coding approach was used to record participants’ responses where “C” stands for

consultants and volunteers, “HG” stands for homegardener and “G” stands for government.

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Table 12: key benefits associated with maintaining the most productive land in future planned

urban settlements for food production17

Number of references to each benefit Consultants and

volunteers Government employees

Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Clear plan for a sustainable future

7 7 0 14

Socio-cultural benefits

Health and nutrition 10 6 3 19

Culturally accepted approach 8 5 5 18

Improved living conditions 9 6 3 18

Educate urban residents 0 1 1 2

Economic benefits

Self sufficiency 24 12 4 40

Generate income from sale of produce

3 6 30 39

Financial saving from producing their own food

2 1 2 5

Create employment 1 1 0 2

Affordable, low technology solution

2 0 0 2

Ecological benefits

Protection of the atoll ecosystem

8 6 0 14

Recycle urban waste and increase soil fertility

9 2 2 13

Intake of carbon dioxide 0 3 0 3

Source: analysis of interview data

On an economic level, the capacity of urban agroforestry systems to increase the self

sufficiently of urban settlements was also identified because, ‘people have space to plant

their own food, rather than depend on food from the store’ (extract from interview HG05).

This was believed to be particularly important because they would not have to, ‘rely heavily

on the western imports’ (extract from interview C11). Another commonly identified issue

was the potential for urban food production to assist households generate income. ‘You can

sell your vegetables and you get a lot of food from your own vegetables’ (extract from

interview HG01). Interestingly, the majority (77 per cent) of references to the financial

benefits of urban agroforestry systems were from homegardener participants. This result

provides further insight into the primary motivation of existing households who are already

choosing to intensively produce food in an urban environment. One participant said that 17 In this table more then 13 responses were sometimes recorded in each column because

participants sometimes made multiple references to each category during the interview

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homegardeners, ‘plant coconuts because they earn money out of it and they don’t care about

their daily diet’ (extract from interview G01). Although not as frequently identified, the

ability of produce from urban agroforestry systems to offset food purchasing costs and create

employment through using affordable, low technology agricultural techniques again reflects

the financial incentives associated with urban food production. ‘They cannot use the

chemical fertilisers, so which way also to reduce their input costs and recycle their natural

resources to do the agricultural work’ (extract from interview C03).

Finally, urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements were also believed to

be associated with a variety of ecological benefits. In particular, the use of native tree species

in urban agroforestry systems was seen to add an additional layer of protection to natural

ecosystems. ‘You have large areas of land and vegetation which is good for the environment’

(extract from interview C10). Waste management was also seen as a primary benefit of

urban agroforestry systems because of its ability to improve soil fertility through recycling

organic waste. By using organic composting methods, ‘the land will become rich and

recover’ (extract from interview C03) and people can help, ‘clean the environment’ (extract

from interview C09). Finally, the ability of urban agroforestry systems to help address the

issue of climate change through absorbing carbon dioxide was identified by a small number

of participants. ‘Planting within a large area of land, that would probably help contribute to

carbon sinks’ (extract from interview G03).

8.2.2 Potential constraints of the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry lands in

future urban settlements: demand and control issues relating to urban agroforestry

systems in future planned urban settlements

Despite the wide range of benefits associated with reserving the most productive land in

future planned urban settlements for urban agroforestry systems, numerous criticisms of this

concept were also raised during interviews. Participants frequently stated that they felt that

this was a “good idea in theory”. One participant stated that, ‘on the face, there is definitely

merit to try and get this [urban agroforestry] in some of the new things that are being planned

here’ (extract from interview C01). Another participant stated, ‘I think that we should

encourage it as much as we can’ (extract from interview C07). However, despite such

enthusiasm the vast majority of participants perceived difficulties associated with

introducing such an initiative. Fundamentally, criticisms of reserving the most productive

land in future planned urban settlements were clustered around two interrelated issues: a lack

of public demand and lack of Government control. Table 13 shows the different categories

that were identified during the analysis of interview data.

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Table 13: key criticisms associated with maintaining the most productive land in future planned

urban settlements for food production

Number of references to each criticism Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Good idea or good idea in theory 24 16 9 49

Demand for agricultural land is comparably low

15 25 4 44

Government does not have the strength to enforce productive land uses

10 15 0 25

Reasons for low demand

Harsh infertile atoll environment 11 7 5 23

Prevents the growth and development of the city

6 6 3 15

Theft and destruction of produce 2 5 5 12

Urban agroforestry requires significant land investment

2 7 2 11

Intensive agriculture a new concept 4 5 0 9

Imported foods are preferred 2 3 0 5

Potential for increased pollution and contamination of urban areas

2 2 0 4

Constant use of agricultural inputs 2 2 0 4

Hard for household to afford additional lands

2 1 1 4

Fresh produce can be supplied from the outer islands

0 2 2 4

Movement of people in and out of urban areas

1 1 0 2

Employed people don't have time for farming

0 2 0 2

Reasons for poor Government control

Government assets not managed or maintained

9 8 2 19

Young democracy 0 2 0 2

Pressure of urban growth 0 1 0 1

Lack of institutional capacity 0 1 0 1


A recurring theme in the interview data was the lack of demand from urban residents for

urban agroforestry lands compared to other land uses such as housing. ‘There’s not a big

push for productive land’ (extract from interview G12); ‘people will obviously use the land

for a higher use’ (extract from interview C01). The believed general disinterest of the

majority of urban residents in growing food in an urban environment can be explained

through examining the various constraints identified during interviews. Firstly, the infertility

of the soils and the harsh marine environment was seen to be a significant disincentive for

households to invest resources in food production. This is reflected in one participant’s

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statement in regard to growing vegetables that, ‘you don’t water for a day, everything dies’

(extract from interview C12).

The lack of demand also underlies the concern of a number of participants that if lands were

specifically designated for urban agroforestry in future planned urban settlements then this

may be an impediment to the further growth and development of urban centres. Such

thinking is a direct result of the, ‘ever increasing pressure of finding places for people to

live’ (extract from interview G12). As one participant stated, the planned inclusion of urban

agroforestry lands forces people, ‘to go back to the farming system, whereas they’ve already

touched the modern lives of western society’ (extract from interview C02). Similarly one

participant was concerned that, ‘people will not be able to develop the land as it is required’

(extract from interview G05).

The increasing problem of crop theft was also identified by participants as a constraint to

urban food production. Some participants believed decreasing crop security was largely

because, ‘community ties have started to break down’ in urban areas (extract from interview

G12). Further explanation for crop theft included the desire of I-Kiribati to want to be, ‘equal

with each other’ and therefore destroy the crops of successful households (extract from

interview G06).

A lesser number of references were made to the issue that the added cost of leasing or buying

productive land or regularly purchasing agricultural inputs could be beyond the financial

capacity of many urban households. ‘The people that probably need the land are the poorest

ones and they’re probably the people that can’t buy it’ (extract from interview C11). The

high cost of agricultural lands is largely due to the amount of land needed to make a viable

investment in urban agroforestry systems. ‘At the moment there’s just not the land available’

(extract from interview C11). The lack of knowledge and familiarity with intensive

agricultural practices was also believed to be a limiting factor on the demand for agricultural

land in urban areas. ‘We are not used to farming; we used to plant for [sic] the tree and leave

it’ (extract from interview G02).

The association between urban living and the consumption of “modern” processed foods was

also seen to be a disincentive for urban food production. The promotion and availability of

imported foods in urban areas means that some urban residents believe that, ‘coconuts are for

people who live on the outer islands’ (extract from interview G12).

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It was believed that the constant requirements for agricultural inputs such as seeds and water

would put an additional financial and environmental strain on urban areas. ‘The concern is

the constant pressure of the lens’ (extract from interview with C02). Participants also

expressed concern that urban pollutants may be transferred to crops, making them unsafe to

consume. ‘In urbanisation we have industries and the impact of especially the pollution … is

not a good thing’ (extract from G09).

Some participants also believed that agricultural land in urban areas was unnecessary

because fresh produce could be supplied from more rural outer islands. However, one of the

same participants freely admitted that significant infrastructure difficulties are associated

with transporting large amounts of produce from outer islands. ‘Fly the stuff in from the

outer islands, and, you know, not that that’s going to happen either’ (extract from interview

G12). Finally, it was believed that the notion of including urban agroforestry lands in future

planned urban settlements faced the more general problem that community support for

projects in Kiribati commonly, ‘fade away’ with time (extract from interview C06).

The regular movement of people in and out of urban areas was also identified as an

impediment to the demand for productive land in urban areas. This is particularly the case

with Government employees who are often relocated to outer islands to take up a

Government position. The transient nature of many people in urban areas was also believed

to decrease incentive to invest in food production schemes that require long term investment,

as settlements such as South Tarawa are, ‘still a bit kind of a no persons land’ (extract from

interview C13). A small number of participants believed that many urban residents are busy

at work and, ‘they don’t have time for farming’ (extract from interview G11). It was also

highlighted during interviews that many I-Kiribati migrate to urban areas to move away from

subsistence lifestyles and are therefore disinterested in urban cultivation.

The lack of demand for productive land in future planned urban settlements directly impacts

on the Government’s ability to control and enforce agricultural land uses. There was a

general belief among many participants that Government assets are not well managed or

maintained. ‘The Government have a poor history of managing things’ (extract from

interview C10).

The political system in Kiribati lies at the heart of the abovementioned problem. One

participant stated that having a democracy in Kiribati means that, ‘decisions made by

Government are least likely to be the tough ones and most likely to be the ones that are

popular’ (extract from interview G12). This issue is exacerbated because Kiribati is, ‘still a

161

very young Democracy’ (extract from interview G12). As a result, ‘it’s very, very difficult

for our politicians to make tough decisions that are going to make people unhappy’ (extract

from interview G12).

In this way, concerns over the Government’s ability to enforce the necessary planning

controls to maintain productive land uses were raised by one Government employee. In this

way, one participant believed that due to the, ‘domestic pressure that exists for people to live

on South Tarawa, people see land which is not being lived on as being a waste of space’

(extract from interview G12). Thus, some participants felt that if urban residents challenged

the productive land use of urban agroforestry lands the Government would be unwilling to

impose necessary controls. This is because the Government is, ‘not very big on enforcing

laws and regulations’ (extract from interview C01). In support of this argument, reference

was made to difficulties that the Government currently faces with evicting squatters from

Government leased land.

Government control over land uses in urban areas is further weakened through the lack of

highly skilled Government employees as the Government has a ‘limited number of good and

effective Civil Servants’ (extract from interview G12). This lack of institutional capacity is

further compounded by the pressure for urban development in Kiribati, as planning controls,

‘all go out the window when you know, when pressure is so great’ (extract from interview

G12).

8.3 Research Question Two: the effect of different ownership and management models

on food productivity and cultural appropriateness of urban agroforestry systems

The literature review (refer Chapter 4) identified four key ownership and management

approaches that could be used in the allocation of zoned urban agroforestry lands in future

planned urban settlements. These included: model A with integrated individual tenure under

a private property (households have direct ownership of productive land) or state property

(households lease productive land from the Kiribati Government) tenure arrangement. Model

B, where the tenure of productive land and household plots are separated and households are

free to privately own zoned agricultural land. Model C, where a cooperative of households

have collective access to separate productive land through either a common property

arrangement or through leasing state owned land. Finally, model D, where productive land is

state owned and accessed by paid workers who live in the urban area. The following section

presents results on the potential and constraints of these four approaches, with reference to

issues of food production and social/cultural appropriateness.

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8.3.1 Tenure preferences

The decision to lease or sell productive lands to urban residents in future planned urban

settlements has a significant influence on the ownership of urban agroforestry lands. When

asked if the Kiribati Government should lease productive lands or sell productive lands to

individual households (model A) and cooperatives (model C), the majority of participants

stated that the Kiribati Government should lease productive lands in order to maintain

control of the productive land use (refer Figure 36 and Figure 37). On the other hand, the

majority of homegardeners believed that private ownership in model A and common

property ownership in model C was more preferable than leasing state owned property (refer

Figure 36 and Figure 3718).

Figure 36: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model A

Source: analysis of analysis of interview data

18 A small number of participants did not provide a response to this question due to the political nature

of the topic. However a sufficient number of participants responded to identify a clear preference for

state owned land by consultants and volunteers and Government employees compared to the

preference of homegardeners for private property and common property.

0

5

10

15

20

25

Lease Government lands Sell Government lands No answer

Tenure option

Num

ber

of p

artic

ipan

ts .

Over all total

Consultants and volunteers

Government employees

Homegardeners

163

Figure 37: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model C

Source: analysis of analysis of interview data

Maintaining state ownership over productive land in future planned urban settlements was

seen to have a variety of benefits (refer Table 14). Issues of control and enforcement emerge

as the dominant themes in explaining the overall preference for leasing state owned

productive land to individuals (model A) and cooperatives (model C). The most frequently

identified benefit of leasing productive land to individuals and cooperatives was the

increased land use control this approach would provide the Kiribati Government.

Furthermore, a leasing approach was believed to allow greater flexibility and affordability

for individuals and cooperatives. Finally, one participant stated that leasing would be

accepted by the majority of urban residents as it was now a culturally accepted practice.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Lease Government lands Sell Government lands No answer

Tenure option

Num

ber

of p

artic

ipan

ts .

Over all total



Homegardeners

164

Table 14: positive and negative issues surrounding the lease of productive lands to urban

farmers in model A and C

Number of references to each issue

Consultants

and volunteers

Government

employees

Homegardeners Total

Negative

Decreased ownership and control for

urban farmers

3 5 11 19

Ongoing cost to farmers 2 1 7 10

History of non payment 0 1 0 1

Positive

Increased Government control 8 11 0 19

More affordable and flexible for

farmers

6 4 3 13

Leasing culturally accepted 0 1 0 1


However, Table 14 also highlights a variety of negative of issues associated with leasing

productive land in future planned urban settlements. By vesting land tenure in the state,

urban farmers are likely to have reduced ownership and control of the productive land. The

ongoing cost of rent payments was also seen as a negative outcome of leasing productive

land. Finally, a leasing arrangement raises issues of individuals and cooperatives defaulting

on rental payment.

8.3.2 The effect of different ownership and management models on the production of

food from urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements

Overall participants’ ranking of the productivity of different ownership and management

models, identified model A as least productive and models B, C, D as similar in their

potential to produce food from the zoned productive land (refer Figure 38). This trend was

repeated in the opinions expressed by consultants and volunteers and Government employees

during interviews. However, homegardener participants believed model A to be the most

productive of the four models. To explain this result it is necessary to understand the

justification participants gave for their ranking as informed by their perception of the

advantages and limitations of each model.

165

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

Model A Model B Model C Model D No answer

Different models for ownership and management of agroforestry resources

Tota

l of p

artic

ipan

t ran

king

(sca

le o

f 1 to

4)

Over all total



Homegardeners

High

Low

Figure 38: participant ranking of different ownership and management models for producing

the most food from available urban agroforestry land in future planned urban settlements


Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement scenario where tenure

over productive lands is integrated with ownership of the household plot and therefore

equally distributed (model A)

The equal distribution of productive land to households in future planned urban settlements

was believed to have a variety of positive and negative influences on levels of urban food

production. The overarching criticism of model A was that maintaining tight control on the

size and allocation of productive land would cause inefficiency in food production. ‘Some

people may be more enterprising than others but because they have a restricted piece of land

there is nothing that they can do about it’ (extract from interview G10).

Three sub-categories exist within this key theme. The most frequently identified issue related

to a lack of user choice. Indiscriminately dividing up the agricultural land would not allow

urban residents to choose the amount of productive land that they wish to have access to.

Some participants believed that this lack of user choice would prevent interested farmers

accessing additional land and would encourage misuse of the land by uninterested urban

residents. ‘Some lands are, could be better utilised than others and that some people may

actually use their land quite productively; other people it may just sit there and become a

166

cricket pitch’ (extract from interview G12). Agricultural productivity was also believed to be

further reduced through the division of agricultural land into small plots for each household.

This was because the increased division of land was seen to require increased access while

decreasing the use of heavy machinery. ‘They would work on it but the size of the land

restricts them from using technology like tractors and big machinery’ (extract from interview

G10).

Fewer references were made to the impact of the variability of production zones within the

atoll on food production under an individual ownership approach. Despite the predictability

of the atoll environment, allocating each household the same amount of land would

invariably lead to different households having different levels of land productivity because

all land is not exactly the same. ‘Even though, I know that it is kind of a generic model

where the reality of that might be that in that kind of model, one group of people are going

through a patch of wet land and another group of people are going through a patch of hills,

so there is likely of be some kind of disruption in that model’ (extract from interview C13).

Table 15 is a summary of the key limitations of model A according to the number of

participant references made to each criticism.

Table 15: limitations of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive

lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each limitation Consultants

and volunteers Government employees

Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Restricted use of land leads to agriculture inefficiency

18 24 9 51

Reasons why restricted use of land leads to agriculture inefficiency

Lack of user choice 15 23 7 45

Productivity reduced through land division

5 2 2 9

Different land productivity within the atoll

4 3 0 7


Model A was also believed to positively influence food production from agricultural lands in

future planned urban settlements. Table 16 presents a summary of the major benefits

according to the number of participant references to each theme. Overall, participants

believed that requiring all households to have access to productive land would increase the

ownership and overall control and therefore increase the productivity of the overall concept.

‘One of the great virtues of that model [model A], is that conceptually a piece of dirt for a

167

house comes with a piece of dirt to grow something and you can’t get out of it’ (extract from

interview C13).

Table 16: advantages of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive

lands in future planned urban settlements

Number of references to each benefit Consultants


Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Ownership of the productivity concept

8 10 13 31

Reasons why increased ownership of the productivity concept increases food production

Increased control over productivity concept

7 8 7 22

Increased ownership and access to agricultural land

2 3 9 14


Within this overall theme the highest number of participant references were made to the

issue of increased control at a settlement scale. Some participants believed that model A was

the most productive because having a direct connection between household and productive

land increased the strength and uniformity of the overall productivity concept. Thus, the use

and maintenance of productive land would be easier to control in a settlement where all

households were required to have productive land. ‘You let everybody be involved in

productivity, I think that it might be better. I am thinking about educating and involving

people’ (extract from interview G03). Similarly, one participant believed that model A

provided considerable potential to encourage food production in each household through

agricultural competitions between households. ‘Each house would have the same size

plantation land. Because there is a competition after that’ (extract from interview G13).

Some participants also felt that increased connection between households and productive

land in model A would inspire an increase in many households’ agricultural productivity.

‘Whatever they put into that land will be for their benefit. You know I think that they will

have the heart to move forward. Because they will see the others reaping benefit. Why not

us?’ (extract from interview G02). This is reflected in the large number (64 per cent) of

references by homegardener participants to the benefit of increased ownership and access to

agricultural land (refer table 16). Thus, the comparably high ranking for model A in Figure

38 by homegardeners may be due to a belief that having productive lands allocated to all

household would encourage other households to produce food in urban areas. Alternatively,

the large proportion of homegardeners that believed that productive lands should be sold to

168

individual households in Model A (refer Figure 36) could also indicate the homegardeners

believed that productive land would yield more if they were directly owned by a household.

‘That one [plot of agricultural land] for himself, he do that with strength spent on that

particular land so his strength he will earn a lot’ (extract from interview HG09).

Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement where the tenure of the

productive land and households plots are separated and households are free to

privately own zoned agricultural land (model B)

Allowing interested households to invest in productive lands in future planned urban

settlements under a private property regime was seen to have both a positive and a negative

influence on food production. The primary criticism of this approach was that allowing

households the choice of accessing productive lands could result in fragmentation of

productive land in the settlement. ‘I just don’t like the patchy bit of it’ (extract from

interview C02). In particular, three sub-themes were identified within the concept of

fragmentation. The number of participant references to each of these themes can be seen in

Table 17. In the most frequently identified sub-theme, it was believed that increased

households’ choice over investment in agricultural lands could weaken and fragment the

concept of food production in future planned urban settlements and allow people to exploit

the zoned agricultural land uses for other purposes. ‘If you make it optional I think that the

thing starts to fall apart’ (extract from interview C13). ‘The free-market will be wonderful,

because it will allow the people, like the senior civil servants who have the money, to snap

up all the land and put rental houses on them’ (extract from interview G12).

Table 17: limitations of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive




Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Fragmentation 9 6 0 15

Reasons why fragmentation reduces food production

Fragmentation of production concept

7 7 1 15

Fragmentation of land and land access

6 1 0 7

Productivity reduced through land division

2 0 0 2


169

The fragmentation of the productive land was believed to adversely impact urban residents’

access to productive lands. ‘But in model B it may be hard to get land that is close to them?’

(extract from interview C05). Finally, some participants believed that productivity of the

land could be further reduced through continued land division. In this way the boundary lines

in model B were seen to ‘constrain its productivity’ (extract from interview C10).

On the other hand, the flexible ownership approach of model B was believed to potentially

encourage higher levels of production through increased efficiency. ‘What I like about this is

that it’s a more efficient use of land’ (extract from interview C10). Thus, model B was

believed by some participants to be capable of producing more food than other models

because it used a ‘capitalist solution’ (extract from interview C10) to ‘encourage those who

are good at it [food production] and have a natural ability to produce the most food out of the

land’ (extract from C12). Allowing greater choice would also allow larger areas of land to be

farmed by interested farmers, therefore increasing food production through an increased

economy of scale. ‘The number five household own now a bigger land, so if he owns a

bigger land he will produce bigger production’ (extract from interview HG02). The

identification of these themes can be seen in Table 18.

Table 18: advantages of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive

lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each benefit Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Increased efficiency 14 29 16 59

Reason why increased efficiency influences food production

Encourages efficiency through investment from interested households

11 25 14 50

Economy of scale 4 4 8 16


Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement scenario where

cooperatives have collective access to productive land separated from individual

household plots (model C)

The collective access approach to allocating productive land was also seen to have potential

advantages and disadvantages for food production in future planned urban settlements. From

a negative perspective, the success of this approach was believed to be highly dependent on

the management and leadership of any given group. ‘It really depends on the manager’

170

(extract from interview C09). Within the overall theme of varying management the greatest

number of references were made to the belief that a collective access approach could lead to

conflict within a group as a result of disputes between individuals in the group. ‘For any

number of reasons a cooperative or a religious group or an island group or whatever can

suddenly get dysfunctional and then production can cease’ (extract from interview C12).

Further insight into this issue can be seen in the various sub-categories identified in Table

19.

Table 19: limitations of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive




Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Dependent on management 17 13 1 31

Reasons why varying management decreases food production

Conflict within the group 6 6 4 16

Cooperatives often poorly managed

4 4 0 8

Groups may misuse land 4 1 0 5

Momentum fails with time 1 0 3 4


Participants also believed that poor leadership and management in a collective access

approach could increase the potential for the misuse of zoned agricultural lands. ‘The

community or the household own the land and if they own the land, some of the land, what is

the term? Idle land’ (extract from interview G11). In this way, reference was also made to

the general poor management of cooperatives in Kiribati and that such variability would

lower the amount of food produced from agricultural lands and increase the potential misuse.

‘The reality is, we’ve seen the failures of cooperatives in Kiribati’ (extract from interview

C06). Due to such failures there is often an increased likelihood of cooperative initiatives

failing over time. ‘They [the cooperative] work just for how many months and arguments

will start and everything will not go well’ (extract from interview HG05).

Despite the abovementioned criticism, a collective access approach to food production was

also believed to have a variety of positive influences on food production in future planned

urban settlements. If successful, a collective access approach would result in the increased

organisation and involvement of large groups of people. ‘So one or two persons with a big

171

area they cannot achieve their goals. When they group together in one group they establish a

good target’ (extract from interview G13).

The potential for a well managed collective access approach to increase individual strength

and motivation was frequently recognised. ‘They are working as a team, they can give more

strength to them because they are happy to work together’ (extract from interview HG07).

Furthermore, a collective access approach was believed to potentially increase the

availability of resources such as time, labour, equipment, land and expertise. ‘They can share

the knowledge of what they got, or have … some of your community members they don’t

have something they can share’ (extract from interview G04). Collective access and

collaboration also creates the potential to produce more food through efficient delegation of

tasks and responsibilities. ‘Yes because there is a lot of work in the area so they might

separate, “I am the watering man and planting man” ’ (extract from interview G13).

Similarly, a collective access approach was seen to potentially increase food production

through enabling greater opportunities for competitions between groups. ‘It might make

some kind of competition; healthy competition between the two groups’ (extract from

interview C06). A group approach was also seen to create additional opportunities to involve

interested individuals in urban food production. ‘That is taking advantage of the people who

are going to work the hardest and are best at it’ (extract from interview C08). The

identification of each of these categories can be seen in Table 20.

Table 20: advantages of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive



Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Increased organisation and involvement

7 10 20 37

Reasons why increased organisation and involvement increased food production

Strength and motivation increased in group setting

2 5 17 24

Pool individual and community resources

7 6 5 18

Improved potential for organisation and coordination

2 1 0 3

Increased potential for competition between groups

1 1 0 2

Greater opportunity to involve interested individuals

1 0 0 1


172

Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement scenario where

productive lands are owned by the state and accessed by paid workers (model D)

Maintaining productive lands in future planned urban settlements under a state property

regime was believed by participants to have a variety of positive and negative impacts on

levels of food production. Like the previously mentioned collective access approach,

participants felt that the productivity from urban agroforestry lands was highly dependent on

the quality of Government management. ‘Depending on who manages a particular

agricultural enterprise in the Government it might be more or less productive’ (extract from

interview C13). In this way, the inability of the Government to effectively manage projects

was commonly identified as ‘historically the Government are poor managers of their assets’

(extract from interview C10). ‘Nobody is going to monitor it. No one is going to keep track

of who is doing what out there. No body is going to keep track of what these guys

[Government employees] are doing’ (extract from interview C07). Furthermore, participants

believed that a lack of worker incentive and initiative underlies the poor performance of

Government managed projects. ‘People are secured by Government. Even though you are

not productive in the office and you are a permanent worker you still receive your salary’

(extract from interview G02). Identification of these themes according to participants’

responses can be seen in Table 21.

Table 21: limitations of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive

lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each criticisms Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Dependent on management 5 2 0 7

Reasons why varying management decreases food production

Efficiency and accountability concerns

17 11 2 30

Workers generally unmotivated

2 4 1 7


On the other hand, the involvement of Government in the production of food from urban

agroforestry systems was also believed to potentially exert a number of positive influences

on food production. Participants identified that the overarching benefit of a state property

approach would be the increased control that it would provide over the productive land.

‘Government can ensure the best use of the land and they have control’ (extract from

interview C10). In brief, a Government based approach was believed to be a more

173

sustainable solution to the incorporation of urban agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements because the increased control would help guarantee results. ‘Potentially in

terms of sustainability that model would last longer’ (extract from interview C01) because it,

‘is the Government that is the management instead of individuals’ (extract from interview

G03).

A number of categories were identified within this overarching theme as seen in Table 22.

Firstly, participants suggested that a state property approach would increase access to

Government resources such as agricultural expertise, capital and training facilities. ‘With D

you’ve got the technical part from the Agricultural Department’ (extract from interview

C02). A state property approach was believed to potentially increase food production

through increased worker motivation associated with worker payment. ‘You cultivate it and

in return you get paid. You get a bonus for what you work for’ (extract from interview G09).

Central ownership of productive lands was believed to potentially reduce access

requirements and allow for more efficient production from larger lands. ‘You can do it

[urban agroforestry] on a scale that makes it more efficient, more effective’ (extract from

interview G12).

Table 22: advantages of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Improved control 8 17 1 26

Reasons why improved control increase food production

Greater access to Government resources

10 15 2 27

Worker motivation increased through payment

4 3 11 18

More efficient production from larger lands

3 1 0 4


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8.3.3 The effect of different ownership and management models on the social and

cultural appropriateness of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements

Investigating the social and cultural appropriateness of different ownership and management

approaches in future planned urban settlements is an essential step in understanding the

potential incorporation of urban agroforestry systems in Kiribati. Results from participants’

ranking of different ownership and management models showed a clear preference towards

model A, where tenure over productive lands is integrated with ownership of the household

plot and therefore equally distributed throughout the settlement (refer Figure 39). To

understand why this approach was preferred, an investigation of the meaning of underlying

participants’ responses is required.

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160



Tot

al o

f par

ticip

ant r

anki

ng (s

cale

of 1

to 4

)

Total



Homegardeners

High

Low

Figure 39: participant ranking of different ownership and management models according to

which model was believed to be most socially and culturally appropriate


175

Social and cultural issues associated with food production in a settlement scenario

where tenure over productive lands are integrated with ownership of the household

plot and therefore equally distributed (model A)

Analysis of interview data showed that the equal distribution of agricultural land to each

household in future planned urban settlements through an integrated individual tenure

approach could have both positive and negative impacts on issues of social and cultural

appropriateness. From a negative perspective, equally distributing lands to all residents was

believed to be an inflexible approach. ‘I start with dislikes, is the lack of flexibility with land

ownership and house ownership’ (extract from interview C12). Numerous references were

made by participants to the lack of user choice that would result from the Government

requiring households to own productive land. ‘You have no say, you have to cultivate that

land’ (extract from interview G09), ‘the people really don’t have the choice’ (extract from

interview C04). It was believed that if all households were required to have a piece of

productive land there would be insufficient land available in future planned urban

settlements because of the land shortage in Kiribati. ‘In reality it may be a very difficult one

[model A] because the reality of land in Kiribati’ (extract from interview C06). The

identification of each of these categories can be seen in Table 23.

Table 23: limitations of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban

settlement outcome Number of references to each criticism Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Inflexible 7 8 3 18

Reasons why inflexibility is socially and culturally inappropriate

Lack of user choice 7 8 3 18

May require too much land 1 2 1 4


Despite some criticisms, the equal distribution of productive land to all households in future

planned urban settlements via a integrated individual tenure approach was generally believed

to be a socially and culturally appropriate approach. ‘I think model A is an ideal situation

that is based on; very close to the Kiribati cultural ideal of egalitarianism and of equal

opportunities’ (extract from interview C06).

176

The largest number of participant references were made to sub-theme of increased ownership

and access to land. Participants felt that equally allocating productive land to each household

would increase farmer ownership, access and control of the productive lands. Developing

local ownership is critically important in successfully engaging with I-Kiribati society and

culture, ‘because people want their own, it is like I said; their own freedom’ (extract from

interview C05). ‘I think most people will like this one because it gives them security and

something that they can own for a long time’ (extract from interview C06). Model A also

was believed to be culturally appropriate because it fairly distributes Government resources.

‘It’s then giving people an equal share to the resources. The plots are the same size, they’re

all laid out, given the issues of egalitarianism are big in Kiribati’ (extract from interview

C01).

This fair distribution was seen to provide a clear structure for the division of land resources

which would minimise land disputes in future planned urban settlements. ‘It is also orderly.

It is very simple and orderly so people know exactly where their boundaries lie’ (extract

from interview G10). This structured approach was believed to reflect traditional land

settlements patterns. ‘The advantage of this model is that it follows the traditional boundaries

that many of the I-Kiribati will be used to, in other words, that land moves from the ocean to

the lagoon or vice versa’ (extract from interview C01). Equally distributing productive land

was believed to be particularly appropriate with regard to people from the southern Gilberts.

‘Model A is more like the southern islands. It is typical of the southern islands where people

should have the same, the same privilege, same access, same size of the land’ (extract from

interview G10). The identification of each of these categories can be seen in Table 24.

177

Table 24: advantages of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban

settlement outcome



Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Culturally acceptable approach 11 7 1 19

Reasons why model A was seen as a culturally acceptable approach

Increased farmer ownership, access and control of land

15 18 24 57

Fairly distributes Government resources

12 17 5 34

Well structured resulting in fewer disputes

4 5 1 10

Based on the traditional land settlement pattern

9 0 0 9

Better suited to people from the southern Gilberts

0 3 0 3


Social and cultural issues associated with food production in a settlement where the

tenure of the productive land is separated from the tenure of a residential plot and

households are free to privately own zoned agricultural land (model B)

Basing the distribution of productive land in future planned urban settlements on a private

property regime raises a variety of social and cultural issues. Various participants stated that,

such an approach was in tension with the traditional notions of egalitarianism. ‘People don’t

put themselves above anybody else and so people sort of saying “well, look, I’ve got more

land than you” ’ (extract from interview G12). A number of categories were identified in

participants’ responses within this overarching theme as identified in Table 25. In particular,

a private property approach to the allocation of productive land was believed to hold

potential to create social problems because it is not an equitable solution. ‘The bad thing is

that they have got unequal share of land’ (extract from interview G03). ‘Maybe the only

disadvantage is that the rich people, those who have money they will get more land’ (extract

from interview G05).

178

Table 25: limitations of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme In tension with traditional approach 9 9 14 32 Reasons why model B was in tension with traditional approach

Not an equitable solution 6 9 13 28

Does not ensure that all people have access to land

7 7 12 26

Increased jealously and conflict in the community

7 4 0 11

Working for others not culturally acceptable

3 0 1 4

I-Kiribati not very entrepreneurial 0 1 0 1


The use of a private property approach was also criticised because it was seen to further

widen the separation between rich and poor, through concentrating land in the hands of the

rich. It ‘doesn’t seem to me to be of any particular benefit and the circumstances that I think

that we are basically trying to deal with, getting some substance to people that need it, rather

then trying to develop a capitalistic economy’ (extract from interview C13). This unequal

ownership of land could create conflict within the community living in future planned urban

settlements. ‘So household number one will be jealous of household number five. So they

will find ways to destroy this. Because somebody making the best out of it’ (extract from

interview G02). ‘There is more disputes, they can raise a lot of complaints because they got

different sizes’ (extract from interview G04).

Furthermore, it was believed that a private property approach to allocating productive lands

may encounter problems because of peoples’ hesitancy to work for others. ‘It is hard to work

for other people. It is very tough. Because sometimes you might go against the, it is against

the culture’ (extract from interview C05). Similarly, this approach was seen to be flawed

because I-Kiribati are generally not very entrepreneurial. ‘It makes assumptions about

peoples’ entrepreneurial intentions as well, I mean, the entrepreneurialism is not something

that comes naturally to people of Kiribati’ (extract from interview G12).

Despite the social and cultural problems associated with allowing households a choice to

invest in agricultural lands, many participants indicated that the traditional values and

approaches were weakening in urban areas thus making this approach more attractive. ‘That

is good [model B], and it is becoming accepted now, we have people now in shops, banks,

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employed. So change, it is changing now. Before it is difficult’ (extract from interview C09).

Allowing households to choose if they wished to have productive lands in future planned

urban settlements was popular because it allowed greater flexibility, choice and control to

individual households. ‘And then, I think they’d like this model, model B, because it

provides flexibility, you know, if you don’t want to work your land you’d sell it, so halve it,

keep a little bit, like there’s no restrictions on what you can do’ (extract from interview

C12).

In this way, a number of participants commented that I-Kiribati were developing a growing

acceptance of a private property approach governed by the free market. ‘I think my vision

would be for land with no limitation. If I want a big one [plot of land] for development and I

have the money, I can develop it’ (extract from interview G05). Similarly, this approach was

seen to be advantageous because it would encourage the development of the private sector.

‘It would be good to encourage the private sector to manage the plantation’ (extract from

interview G05). Finally, model B was believed to be more acceptable to people from the

northern Gilberts. ‘Whereas in the north where I come from, this [model B] is more

acceptable. Where you don’t have to be the same. It doesn’t have to be; the share doesn’t

have to be equally decided’ (extract from interview G10). The identification of this and other

benefits can be seen in Table 26.

Table 26: advantages of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban

settlement outcome Number of references to each benefit Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Traditional egalitarian approach is weakening in urban areas

5 12 16 33

Reason why traditional egalitarian approach is weakening in urban areas

Provides greater flexibility, choice and control to individuals

11 18 13 42

Growing acceptance of a free market approach

5 12 16 33

Stimulate private sector 3 7 2 12

Potentially a more successful model in the Northern Gilberts

1 1 0 2


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Social and cultural issues associated with food production in a settlement scenario

where cooperatives have collective access to productive land that is separated from

individual residential plots (model C)

Using a collective access approach to own productive lands in future planned urban

settlements was very popular with the majority of participants. Theoretically this approach

was recognised as well grounded in traditional concepts of community cooperation.

However, various concerns emerged when trying to transfer this approach from theory to

practice. ‘I think that’s another one of those ideal ones, if it will work but the reality is,

we’ve seen the failures of cooperatives in Kiribati’ (extract from interview C06).

Inter-group conflict was a key sub-category within the overall theme of poor performance of

cooperatives in Kiribati. ‘I think the curse of an egalitarian society is that when someone

makes the wrong move everyone else will, and then the whole thing will sort of disintegrate’

(extract from interview C06). Poor management was seen to underlie the increased conflict

in a group setting. Some participants stated that cooperatives in Kiribati had a poor

management history. ‘We have a lot [cooperatives] but they fail, a lot of them fail. But if

they have a good manager then that can be good (extract from interview C09). ‘Management

skills are sorely lacking’ (extract from interview G12).

Conflicts were also believed to be linked to the decreased individual accountability and

ownership associated with a collective access approach. ‘I would say the majority of people

keep their own houses pretty tidy but when it comes communal or public land it is trashed so

this model, this C model I don’t know if it would work’ (extract from interview C07). The

difficulty of establishing cooperative groups in urban areas was connected to the diversity of

islands groups in urban settlements. ‘We have a diverse group of people from different

islands. It doesn’t really work if you put them together and ask them to work communally on

anything’ (G10). Similarly, developing strong commitment to a group without direct kinship

ties was seen to be difficult. ‘Yes and I think that issues on Tarawa are radically different

from outer islands in terms of kinship structures and all the rest of it, so you can’t really

successfully work cooperatives there in the way that you can in the outer islands’ (extract

from interview C13). Finally, a small number of references were made to the conflicting

objectives that often exist between groups and Government. ‘Forming communities, in the

context of Tarawa, can work but in the interests of the communities not for your [the

Government] interest’ (extract from interview G02). The identification of these limitations

according to the number of participants’ references can be seen in Table 27.

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Table 27: limitations of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban

settlement outcome



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Ideal in theory, poor in practice 1 1 0 2

Reasons why model C is poor in practice

Conflict in and between groups and group members

9 12 8 29

Cooperatives are historically poorly managed

4 9 0 13

Potential for decreased individual accountability and ownership

1 1 9 11

Urban environment not conducive for developing community structures

6 2 0 8

Commitment to group without kinship ties difficult

2 4 0 6

Conflict between Government and community interests

2 2 0 4


Despite the abovementioned limitations, the allocation of productive lands in future planned

urban settlements where cooperatives have collective access to productive land separate from

individual residential plots was also seen to have many social and cultural benefits. ‘Yes it is

good. It represents a traditional life. Working together, sharing together. That is the main

importance of having the cooperative’ (extract from interview G07). In this way, the desire

for community belonging and involvement was frequently mentioned by participants. ‘We

believe in the community’ (extract from interview G01).

Participants also commented that a collective access approach could benefit urban society in

general because it would help distribute the benefits of the productive land within the wider

community. ‘It can benefit everybody in the community regardless of what their status is’

(extract from interview C11). In a community, individual ownership and identity is

increased. ‘There is a little bit more of a sense of ownership in a cooperative. So I think that

people would understand that and could feel a part of it’ (extract from interview C13).

The collective access approach was also believed to support the development of a symbiotic

relationship between the interests of the group and the interests of the individual. ‘It seems to

be good because they are working in a team and this is for the church and for themselves’

(extract from interview HG08). The number of participant references to each of these themes

can be seen in Table 28.

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Table 28: advantages of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Culturally acceptable approach 18 25 18 61

Reasons why model C is a culturally acceptable approach

Strong desire for sense of community

16 23 17 56

Fair distribution of benefits among community

2 2 5 9

Increased community ownership and identity

3 2 4 9

Symbiotic relationship of group and individual

0 0 9 9


Social and cultural issues surround the allocation of productive lands in a settlement

scenario where productive land is owned by the state and accessed by paid workers

(model D)

The use of a state property approach to the ownership and management of urban agroforestry

resources was met with a mixed response from participants. Some participants believed that

Government involvement was unnecessary and placed a further administrative burden on

existing bureaucratic systems. ‘I think with this one [model D], Government will see the

burden’ (extract from interview G02).

The issue of reduced community ownership and responsibility was frequently raised by

participants. Government assets are generally not well maintained due to the poor attitude of

the general public towards Government owned land. ‘Because that is part of life in the

Government. “What is this [reference to productive land]” “it belongs to the Government”

“you don’t have to look after it proper” ’ (extract from interview HG08).

Reference was also made to the increased management costs associated with Government

owned productive lands. ‘It may end up costing Government far more than it could possibly

need to if they find themselves having to run it’ (extract from interview C10). Questions of

profitability are largely due to poor Government management. ‘What would end up

happening is nothing. Same as, I mean you have seen the bureaucracy at work here. They

can’t, they don’t have that ethos of service provision’ (extract from interview C08). The

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identification of each of these criticisms according to the number of participant references

can be seen in Table 29.

Table 29: limitations of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Unnecessary burden 4 4 1 9

Reasons why model D is an unnecessary burden on the Government

Reduced community ownership and responsibility

14 4 16 34

Government assets not managed or maintained

9 8 2 19

Will cost the Government a lot of money to run

1 4 1 6


From a different perspective, a settlement scenario where productive land is state owned and

accessed by paid workers was seen to have a variety of social and cultural benefits. In this

regard, the overarching benefit of using a state property approach to own and manage

productive lands was believed to be the increased stability and support associated with model

D. ‘We are lucky we have this [model D], the Government is supporting us … like when

your parents are always there. You care little because your parents are always supporting

you’ (extract from interview G02). The culturally accepted nature of Government

employment was commonly identified. ‘People they always want the Government to give a

job’ (extract from G06). Government owned productive lands would create further

employment for urban residents. ‘The good point is that it provides employment for the

people’ (extract from interview G11). Thus, unlike a private sector approach, Government

employment was seen to be culturally acceptable.

Some participants also mentioned that increased Government involvement would help

ensure the fair distribution of resources from the productive land throughout the community.

‘I think that this would be much more fair to the people, hey. The Government can set up a

policy because it is the one controlling it’ (extract from interview G01). The stability and

support afforded by Government involvement was believed to create additional educational

opportunities in the productive landscape. ‘They can teach all of the people, the people there

so that they can get more working’ (extract from interview G04). Finally, the fair distribution

of land resources through Government ownership was seen to help reduce land conflicts.

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‘They, there will be no land disputes’ (extract from interview G11). Table 30 records each of

these themes according to the number of participant references to each theme.

Table 30: advantages of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Stability and support 2 4 1 7

Reasons why model D provides stability and support

Government employment culturally acceptable

4 16 18 38

Create employment 2 7 11 20

Fair distribution of public resources 1 3 3 7

Educational tool 0 2 1 3

Reduced land conflicts 1 1 0 2


8.3.4 Development and implementation of ownership and management models

During interviews, numerous participants commented on what they believed was the best

approach for implementing and sustaining productive urban agroforestry lands in future

planned urban settlements. The different implementation suggestions according to number of

participant references can be seen in Table 31.

Table 31: development and implementation of different ownership and management models

Number of references to each theme Implementation suggestions Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Model A emerging into B or C 11 1 3 15

Model D emerging into B, C or A 0 2 0 2

Two or more approaches in the one settlement

2 0 0 2

Model A as a framework within which model D and C operate

1 0 0 1


The integrated individual tenure approach (model A) was commonly identified as the most

preferred method of owning and managing productive land in future planned urban

settlements. Some participants believed that an approach based on individual access to

productive lands would be the most appropriate starting model. However while model A was

frequently seen to be the best starting model, the potential for this approach to be developed

185

to encourage increased user choice and investment (model B) and community cooperation

(model C) was also recognised. ‘I think that if you can get this model [model A], this

concept across, I think that B and or C are going to evolve quite quickly’ (extract from

interview C08). In this way, compared to an integrated individual tenure approach (model

A), the private property approach (model B) and the collective access approach (model C)

were seen as ‘the next stage of economic development’ which would complicate the

productivity concept ‘by one factor too many at the start’ (extracts from interview C08).

In a similar way, one participant believed that maintaining a purely state owned and

managed approach (model D) could be a good starting model because it could be designed to

gradually evolve into the other models. ‘Model D will probably be a trial for a model to

implement, and as I have said at the end of the day should be either directed to either one of

these models [A, B or C]’ (extract from interview G08). This approach reflects the belief that

the best solution would involve a mixture of different models depending on the settlement

context.

Another participant suggested that the integrated individual tenure approach (model A) could

serve as a framework within which collective access (model C) or state based (model D)

agricultural initiatives function. ‘Model A is essential and it would seem that there might be

the potential to have cooperative and Government farming arrangements on other pieces of

land within that agriculture’ (extract from interview C13). This preference for model A is

also supported in participants’ ranking of which model they would most prefer to be

involved with if they lived in a future planned urban settlement (refer Figure 40)19.

19 Only homegardener and Government employees were included in Figure 37 because it is highly

unlikely that international consultants or volunteers would live in future planned urban settlements

and participate in urban food production.

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0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100



Tota

l of p

artic

ipan

t ran

king

(sca

le o

f 1 to

4)

Total


Homegardeners

Low

High

Figure 40: participant ranking of preference for which model they would like to live in


During interviews, some participants made suggestions of some alternative models that

could be used to own and manage productive land in future planned urban settlements. These

suggestions were slight variations or combinations of the four existing models rather than

completely new ideas. Participants often made verbal reference to alternative models without

drawing their idea on the blank “model E”. Alternative models can be seen in Appendix 4.

8.3.5 Additional data on specific ownership and management issues of urban


In addition to the exploration of overarching ownership and management approaches, data

was also collected on more specific ownership and management issues. These include the

keeping of livestock, location of houses within the urban settlements and the distance of

productive lands from each household. This data is necessary to provide direction and

support to the detailed design of urban agroforestry systems addressed later in this chapter.

Due to the large volume of qualitative data already presented, this section will briefly

summarise key findings on these specific ownership and management issues. For further

detail, refer Appendix 4, Table 4.

187

Keeping of pigs and chickens

The keeping of pigs in urban areas is a highly contentious issue in Kiribati. To further

explore this issue, various options were presented to participants on the keeping of pigs and

chickens: close to urban houses, in the middle of productive land or further away from

houses on the ocean side. During interviews, participants made little to no reference to

chickens but vigorously discussed issues related to pigs. Results show the clear tension

between maintaining urban health and hygiene levels and achieving the necessary security

and access to each household’s livestock. Based on participants’ rankings of different

scenarios (refer Appendix 4), keeping pigs and chickens in the middle of the productive land

in individual household pens or on the ocean side of the atoll in a communal piggery was

equally preferable. Participant justification for these preferences can be seen in the matrix of

participants’ responses in Appendix 4 (Figure 6 and Table 5).

Location of households within future planned urban settlements: lagoon and ocean

settlement

The location of households within an atoll settlement has a direct impact on the different

ownership and management approaches for productive urban lands. Two key options for

residential settlement exist in assuming that the centre of an atoll is retained for food

production: settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll or on both the ocean and the lagoon

side. Results from participants’ rankings show a preference for residential settlement on both

the ocean and the lagoon (refer Appendix 4). This was primarily because of the increased

access and efficient use of space associated with this settlement option. Further details on

these results can be seen in Appendix 4 (Figure 7 and Table 6).

Travel time to productive lands

The distance that households would be willing to travel to their productive lands in future

planned urban settlements also has a significant bearing on the ownership and management

of food producing urban agroforestry lands. In general the majority of participants identified

that they would be willing to walk from 5 to 15 minutes to access productive lands in an

urban setting (refer Appendix 4).

188

8.4 Research Question Three: the appropriateness of existing organic waste

management systems for use in agroforestry system

Tremendous potential in future planned urban settlements exists to utilise simple composting

technologies to increase soil fertility, reduce infrastructure requirements and generate

employment. However, these benefits need to be weighed against the appropriateness of

different waste management initiatives. Identifying the advantages and limitations of existing

waste management techniques is a crucial step in understanding the role of urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. The following section contains the

results of research into the appropriateness of banana circles, community composting

schemes and composting toilets for inclusion as components of the broader agroforestry

system in future planned urban settlements.

8.4.1 Participant preference on use of different composting techniques

Participant opinion on the use of different composting technologies clearly identified the

banana circle as the most appropriate technology followed by the community composting

scheme and lastly the composting toilet. The results from participant ranking on the use of

each of these composting technologies can be seen in Figure 41.

189

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Banana circle Community compostscheme

Compos ting toilet

Different organic waste management practices

Num

ber

of p

artic

ipan

ts w

ho a

gree

d to

use

eac

h co

mpo

stin

g te

chno

logy

Total


Homegardeners

No answer

Figure 41: participant agreement on the personal use of composting technologies in future

planned urban settlements


8.4.2 Participants’ views on the advantages and limitations of the banana circle

The banana circle was clearly identified by participants as the most appropriate option for

organic waste management in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. Overall, very few

negative aspects of this composting process were identified by participants. ‘I can’t think of

anything bad about it’ (extract from interview HG05). The few minor criticisms that were

raised related to poor household management or the limitations inherent within a simple

composting approach. Table 32 gives further information on identified criticisms of the

banana circle composting approach.

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Table 32: criticisms of the banana circle composting approach

Number of references to each criticism Consultants


Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Little to no negatives 0 1 1 2

Details on the limitations of a simple approach

Requires quite a lot of space 1 0 1 2

Takes a long time to decompose 1 1 0 2

Requires some maintenance 1 0 0 1

Breeding area for pests 0 1 0 1

Details on poor management

Potential to contaminate the water lens 0 2 0 2

Bad odours from composting process 0 1 0 1


Although the simplicity of the banana circle was seen to be one of the greatest strengths of

this technology it was also seen by a small number of participants to be a weakness. A small

number of references were made to the spatial requirements of banana circle,, ‘people that

are really struggling with the area’ (extract from interview C11). Similarly, the low

technology approach of the banana circle was criticised by one participant because it was

seen as a relatively inefficient approach for composting organic waste. ‘The banana circle

and the organic waste is not full decomposition’ (extract from interview C03). The exposed

nature of the banana circle approach caused one participant to comment that they sometimes

were required to do extra maintenance to ensure that only organic material was thrown on

the composting pile. In addition, one reference was made to potential health concerns related

to pest activity and breeding. ‘It gets flies, breeds mosquitoes’ (extract from interview G09).

In addition to criticisms surrounding the simplistic nature of the banana circle systems, a

small number of criticisms were associated with poor management. If the banana circle was

not correctly installed, managed or maintained some participants believed that it could

pollute the underground water lens. ‘It might contaminate the water lens if it is dug too

deeply’ (extract from interview G03). Similarly, it was believed that if the incorrect materials

were added to the composting pit then bad odours may be emitted. ‘It give a bad smell and

so it is unpleasant for the environment’ (extract from interview G09). While it is important to

recognise each of these issues, it is also necessary to acknowledge the low number of

participant references to the criticisms associated with the banana circle.

191

On the whole, the banana circle approach was well received by participants. The success of

the banana circle concept was largely due to the ability of this composting technology to use

a simple approach to produce multiple, tangible results. During interviews, many of the

participants made statements that indicated that the banana circle was already a culturally

accepted and proven approach to composting. ‘Banana circle is a popular way and an easy

way to do it’ (extract from interview C03). It was also believed that the low technology

approach lowered financial costs and maintenance requirements. ‘It does not give you a lot

of work in doing this’ (extract from interview HG01).

The ordered nature of the banana circle was also seen by participants to be an advantage

because it easily fits into many women’s daily cleaning routine. ‘Cleaning up your area and

make use of the leaf and the compost’ (extract from interview G11). Some participants

believed that such popularity was partly because the banana circle fitted easily within the

spatial limitation of the urban landscape. ‘I’ve seen people utilising the banana circle on

small plots of land’ (extract from interview, G12). Composting within the boundary of the

garden plot also meant that households could take ownership of their waste. ‘I like the fact

that it’s individual composting so people are able to manage their use of their composting

bits’ (extract from interview C10).

The many tangible outcomes of the banana circle also contributed to its popularity amongst

participants. One of the primary benefits identified during interviews was the ability of the

banana circle to transform waste into a valuable resource. In particular, participants

mentioned the ability to enrich the soil, produce bananas and make money from the sale of

produce. ‘It is a good way to utilise organic waste for the building soil,’ (extract from

interview G05); ‘to get money from it and you can give it to your children to eat it’ (extract

from interview HG09). In a similar way, the banana circle was also believed to assist in the

sorting of organic waste. ‘Yes the good thing about the banana circle is that it helps waste

sorting’ (extract from interview G03). Finally, the ability of the banana circle to absorb

laundry water was also believed to assist in protecting the fresh water lens. ‘I think the good

purpose for this is safeguard the water lens’ (extract from interview C04). The identification

of these themes can be seen in Table 33.

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Table 33: benefits of the banana circle composting technology



Homegardeners Total

Overriding themes

Simple approach 3 2 0 5

Multiple outcomes 2 2 1 5

Details on the simplicity of the banana circle

Accepted and proven system 11 8 6 25

Low technology and cost 3 2 2 7

Fits into daily routine 1 4 0 5

Fits easily into urban environments 1 2 0 3

Low maintenance 1 1 1 3

Well ordered 0 1 1 2

Managed by an individual household

1 0 0 1

Details on the outcomes of the banana circle

Converts waste to a resource 6 11 8 25

On site waste sorting 2 9 3 14

Protects water lens 2 1 2 5


8.4.3 Participants’ views on the advantages and limitations of the community

composting scheme

Numerous advantages and limitations of the community composting scheme were identified

by participants during interviews. Overall, the general preference for on site composting

technologies such as the banana circle seen in Figure 41 was also evident in participants’

opinions regarding the community composting scheme. This was primarily because the

community composting scheme was seen as an overly costly and complex solution.

Furthermore, some participants believed that ‘the council is best at taking care of the rubbish

that can’t be composted’ (extract from interview G01) and leaving the organic waste so that

urban residents can keep their ‘own rubbish and use it for my [their] own garden’ (extract

from interview HG01). However, such a statement assumes that urban residents would

compost their organic material, which is not always the case. The identification of each of

these themes according to participants’ references to each category can be seen in Table 34.

193

Table 34: criticisms of the community composting scheme



Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Too costly 3 7 0 10

Too complex 3 5 0 8

Better to compost at individual household level

1 2 1 4

Details on the complexity of the community composting scheme

Requires efficient management 7 6 0 13

Requires high level of community participation and awareness

4 2 0 6

Labour intensive 4 0 0 4

Questions over long term sustainability

0 3 0 3

Details on the cost of the community composting scheme

Constant infrastructure and maintenance costs

5 7 0 12

Household lose nutrients from their own waste and maybe unwilling to buy it back

6 3 2 11


The regular collection of organic matter by the council in the community composting scheme

caused some participants concern over the ability of the council to collect rubbish on a

regular basis. ‘There is nothing wrong with this one here but at the same time the council

cannot collect the rubbish on time’ (extract from interview G06). Participants also expressed

concern in the willingness of communities to separate their waste so it could be collected by

the council. People are, ‘not that inclined to deal properly with their organic management

because they are not in charge of recycling them’ (extract from interview C02). The added

stages involved in the community composting scheme were also seen by some participants to

detract from the overall effectiveness of the approach. ‘It’s labour intensive in that there’s a

lot of stages involved in it’ (extract from C10). Furthermore, the complexity of the

community composting scheme prompted some participants to question the long term

sustainability of such a waste management approach.

The cost associated with the composting scheme was also seen as a major barrier for the

implementation of this composting technology. In particular, some participants stated that

upfront infrastructure and ongoing maintenance costs would be a significant constraint on

the success of this composting approach. ‘The only disadvantage to this one is the machine.

Very expensive to purchase and also to maintain’ (extract from interview G05). Furthermore,

194

it was believed that some households would be unwilling to allow the council to collect their

rubbish and then have to pay to buy it back, ‘well the Government collected it for free, why

should I pay to get it back?’ (extract from interview G12). The issue of purchase cost was

also raised with regard to the affordability for the poor. ‘I don’t like the fact that it’s being

sold to people, because obviously then there’s a lot of people that can’t afford it’ (extract

from interview C11).

Although the community composting scheme was criticised by many participants because it

was perceived to be a complex and costly solution, various benefits were also identified.

Overall participants saw the multiple outcomes of the composting approach as the primary

benefit. The details of the abovementioned benefits can be seen in Table 35.

Table 35: benefits of the community composting scheme



Homegardeners Total

Overarching theme

Multiple outcomes 2 2 0 4

Details on the multiple outcomes of the community composting scheme

Promotes intensive organic farming systems

5 5 7 17

Reduces landfill through waste separation

10 4 3 17

Generates employment and income 4 6 2 12

Increases soil fertility 4 1 2 7

Improves the appearance of urban areas

1 1 1 3


One of the main outcomes of the community composting scheme was believed to be the

promotion of organic farming systems through the provision of composted materials. ‘All the

rubbish is not wasted but used on the compost. Also he can give it to the banana circle’

(extract from interview HG09). The reduction of organic material dumped into landfills was

also believed to be a significant benefit. One participant stated that the disposal of organic

matter was ‘costing the Government a huge amount of money and it is wasting a really

valuable resource’ (extract from interview C07). In this way, some participants thought that

increased composting activity would generate new jobs and provide additional income for

homegardeners. ‘It will so benefit the community in terms of work and employment and

cash’ (extract from interview G03).

195

More intensive farming composting practices would result in an increase in soil health and

fertility. Apart from use on homegardens, participants believed that chipped organic material

could also be used to beautify public spaces. ‘Bring the chips down to the park in Bairiki, it

is a perfect place for chips’ (extract from interview C07).

8.4.4 Participants’ views on the strengths and weaknesses of the composting toilet

In brief, the composting toilet was not well received by participants as a potential urban

agroforestry technology in future planned urban settlements. The key theme overarching

participants’ criticisms of this technology was the long history of failure of composting

toilets in Kiribati. ‘I would say, 99 per cent a complete disaster. Everywhere I have seen it

trialled in Kiribati it has not worked’ (extract from interview C01). These results are in

keeping with the lower number of participants, who in theory agreed to use this composting

technology in future urban settlements (refer Figure 41).

Various reasons were identified by participants for past failures associated with the

composting toilet. Table 36 presents a summary of the major themes according to the

number of references made to each criticism. Numerous references were made to the cultural

taboos associated with human waste. These taboos exist because, ‘all bits of the body are

available to have magic performed on them’ (extract from interview C13) and therefore

people are sometimes hesitant to leave excreta to compost because, ‘someone will put bad

magic on it’ (extract from interview C13). However, one participant felt that this was

sometimes used as a, ‘bit of an excuse’ (extract from interview C13).

Table 36: criticisms of the composting toilet composting approach

Number of references to each criticism Consultants


Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

A history of failure 6 5 2 13

Details on past failures of the composting toilet

Taboos associated with human excreta

14 11 6 31

Requires disciplined maintenance and commitment

14 7 3 24

Smelly and dirty 4 1 7 12

Health concerns 1 4 1 6

Complex approach 4 0 0 4

Cost of construction 2 0 0 2


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The continued maintenance requirements of the composting toilet were also seen to be a

significant barrier to the successful implementation of this waste management technology.

One participant stated that the composting toilet requires, ‘discipline in its operation’ (extract

from interview C10). Another stated that it, ‘requires the commitment and efforts of the

household’ (extract from interview G11). Some participants also believed that increased

hygiene issues were associated with the composting toilet. ‘If they are not maintained they

do stink’ (extract from interview C07). Furthermore, one participant emphasised that the

composting toilet was, ‘quite a big issue in cleaning’ (extract from interview C11). Similarly,

a poorly maintained toilet leads to health and pollution concerns resulting from,

‘contamination and leakage’ of faecal matter into the surrounding environment (extract from

interview C01). This was believed to be a particular problem if the composting toilet was

made available for public use.

Overall the composting toilet was seen to be a complex ‘answer to the ways that they [I-

Kiribati] have been use to for hundreds of years’ (extract from interview C01). In addition,

the cost of constructing a composting toilet was seen to be a barrier in their potential

introduction into future planned urban settlements. After considering many of the

abovementioned issues one participant stated, ‘I don’t think that they are worth the money

essentially right now’ (extract from interview C07).

Despite the large number of criticisms, participants also identified numerous benefits

associated with the composting toilet. In general, the idea of introducing composting toilets

as part of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements was believed to be

a good idea in theory but in practice very difficult to sustain. Table 37 presents a summary of

the major benefits according to the number of participant references to each benefit. The

most commonly identified benefit was the ability of composting toilets to encourage urban

food production through increased soil fertility. ‘This is urgent for them. I think it is a big

part of islands’ resources losing from the human manure. Yes, if they can recycle to return

the island, maybe ensure their food production continue’ (extract from interview C03).

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Table 37: benefits of the composting toilet composting approach



Homegardeners Total

Overarching themes

Good idea in theory 7 2 0 9

Details on the theoretical potential of the composting toilet

Encourage urban food production through increased soil fertility

4 4 4 12

Prevents environmental pollution 1 3 1 5

Positive first hand experience 0 2 2 4

Does not require water to operate 0 1 2 3

Addresses current sewerage problems

1 0 0 1


If correctly maintained, some participants stated that the composting toilet would help

prevent the pollution of the fresh water lens and the lagoon. ‘Reduces the environmental

impact on the lagoon; reduces the load on the existing sewer system. It’s environmentally

friendly’ (extract from interview C10). In this way, although many participants recounted

negative first hand experience of using composting toilets, a few participants shared positive

experiences. ‘I stayed in Kiritimati and I had one of these in my home and it worked. It

doesn’t have smell. It doesn’t use any water’ (extract from interview G10). Although the

complexity of the composting toilet was seen to be a disadvantage, the ability to operate a

composting toilet without the use of fresh water was seen to be a strength of this approach.

‘The composting toilet would be a good one to practice on the islands because, considering

the fact that we have a limited shortage of water’ (extract from interview G03).

8.4.5 Project implementation ideas

During interviews a number of policy and implementation suggestions were put forward by

participants for each of the composting technologies discussed in this section. A summary of

these suggestions can be found in Appendix 4. Suggestions include:

• provide tax breaks for households with banana circles;

• effective supervision of rubbish collection is the key to the success of the community

composting scheme;

• involve interested household in a pilot composting toilet program.

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8.5 Research Question Four: quantitative results on the nutritional contribution of

regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods from a set area of land

This section, discusses the nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed

urban agroforestry foods to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and bread on a daily

basis. Due to the large amount of quantitative data, many of the tables underlying the results

in this section are contained in Appendix 5. However, sufficient data is included in the text

to present key findings.

8.5.1 Nutritional intake of the typical urban household

Results from interviews with Government nutritionists showed that the key species identified

in the literature in review (refer Section 6.1) still remain a culturally accepted food source for

many urban residents. The estimated quantities of produce from urban agroforestry species

required to be consumed by the typical urban household to maintain a balanced diet can be

seen in Figure 42. Results show that the daily consumption of locally grown foods varies

greatly depending on the food type. Consumption levels recommended by Government

nutritionists to meet the typical urban household’s daily nutritional requirements ranged in

weight from .08kg of edible hibiscus leaves to 3.8 kilograms of pawpaw.

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0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

3500

4000

Banan

a

Breadf

ruit

Matu

re co

conu

t

Immatu

re co

conu

t

Chines

e cab

bage

Cucum

ber

Edible

hibisc

us

Panda

nus

Pawpa

w

Cocon

ut tod

dy

Reef f

ish

Whit

e brea

d roll

Boiled

rice

Recommended food inputs to be consumed by the typical urban household

Wei

ght (

g)

Figure 42: daily consumption of locally grown foods recommended by Government nutritionists

to maintain a balanced diet for the typical urban household assuming set inputs of fish, rice and

bread


More specifically, the nutritional intake estimated by Government nutritionists catered for

over 90 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended by Otten, Hellwig and

Meyers (2006) for the typical urban household in 15 out of the 17 nutritional inputs.

However in the case of sodium and calcium, only 50 to 70 per cent of the daily Dietary

Reference Intakes were reached. The comparison between the nutritional values of the

recommended consumption of local foods from Government nutritionists and the required

daily Dietary Reference Intakes from Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) calculated for the

typical urban household can be seen in Figure 43. Combining data from nutrition interviews

with the agricultural yields in Section 6.3 allows the number of species to produce the

required amount of food to be calculated. For further details on these calculations refer

Appendix 5.

200

0.00 100.00 200.00 300.00 400.00 500.00 600.00 700.00 800.00 900.00

Energy

Protein

Carbohydrates

Fibre

Sodium

Magnesium

Potassium

Calcium

Iron

Zinc

Vitamin A

Thiamin

Riboflavin

Niacin

Vitamin B12

Vitamin C

Vitamin E

Key

nut

ritio

nal i

nput

s of t

ypic

al u

rban

hou

seho

ld

Per cent of family daily Dietary Reference Intake

Imported staples

Reef fish

Garden produce

Figure 43: comparison between the nutritional values of the diet of the typical urban household

from Government nutritionists and the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes from Otten,

Hellwig and Meyers (2006) calculated for the typical urban household

Source: analysis of nutritional data

8.5.2 The detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future planned urban

settlements

Undertaking the detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future planned urban

settlements provides valuable insights into the potential contribution of agroforestry systems

in urban atoll environments. Although such a design is only an example of how urban

agroforestry systems could be configured in future planned urban settlements, it is a useful

indication of the general nutritional contribution of such systems. A variety of data was

required to undertake these calculations.

201

Data on the required spacing between different agroforestry species to ensure maximum

yield was critical in calculating the productivity of different species on atoll lands. However,

as the literature review shows (refer Section 6.3), opinions on the spacing of atoll species can

vary between different sources. In this way, results from interviews with members of the

Government Agricultural Division further highlighted the difficulties involved in precisely

defining species spacing in atoll environments.

Despite such difficulties, it was still possible to estimate the nutritional contribution of

different urban agroforestry species through combining existing literature with the estimates

of species spacing from interviews with members of the Government Agricultural Division.

Appendix 5 contains further details on these calculations. The minimum spacing

requirements of this data was used with data on species ratios, the settlement scenario

developed in Section 7.1 and results from qualitative interviews to inform the design of an

urban agroforestry system in 1000 square metres of land (refer Figure 44). The number, type

and spacing of agroforestry species included in the detailed design of 1000 square metres of

productive land can be seen in Table 38 and 39. Furthermore, the ownership and

management approach for this detailed design was based on a variation of “model A”

because qualitative results suggested that this ownership and management approach was the

most appropriate in the initial stages of introducing urban agroforestry systems into future

planned urban settlements as a recognised land use. Results from qualitative interviews were

also used to justify the placement of individual pig sties in a shared shelter in the middle of

the atoll. Likewise, chickens are not included as a central component of this design because

of the general disinterest in chicken cultivation during qualitative interviews.

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Figure 44: an example of the detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future planned

urban settlements on 1000 square metres of productive land

Source: author’s synthesis of data on urban agroforestry in Kiribati and nutritional requirements of a

typical urban household

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Table 38: number and type of agroforestry species included in the detailed design of 1000

square metres of productive land

Number Scientific name Local name Common name Diameter 8 Abelmoschus manihot Nambere Edible hibiscus 1.5m

1 Artocarpus altilis Te mai Breadfruit 9m

38 Brassica chinensis Te kabiti n taina Chinese cabbage .3m

19 Carica papaya Te babaia Pawpaw 3m

8 Cocos nucifera Te ni Coconut 5.5m

1 Cocos nucifera Te karewe Coconut toddy 5.5m

8 Cucumis sativus Te kiukamba Cucumber .4m

6 Musa spp. Te banana Lady's finger banana 3m

4 Pandanus tectorius Te kaina Pandanus 7m

Source: author’s synthesis of data on urban agroforestry in Kiribati and nutritional requirements of a typical urban household

Table 39: results from agricultural interviews and literature review on optimal spacing of

selected agroforestry species

Edible hibiscus

Breadfruit Pawpaw Coconut Banana Pandanus Vegetables

Edible hibiscus

1 to 2m 7m 6m 7m 5m 7m 2m

Breadfruit / 8 to 12.2m 8m 9m 10m 10m 7m Pawpaw / 1.8 to

4m 8m 6m 5m 4m

Coconut / 7 to 9m 7m 6m 7m Banana / 2 to 6m 8m 4m Pandanus / 5 to 10m 8m Vegetables / 1m

Source: Kiribati Agricultural Department

8.5.3 The nutritional contribution of the designed urban agroforestry system

The investigation into the nutritional contribution of regularly consumed locally grown

agroforestry foods in future planned urban settlements showed that urban agroforestry

systems can make significant contributions to household nutrition. In particular, a cultivated

area of 1000 square metres of atoll land could contribute an average of 39 per cent of the

daily Dietary Reference Intakes of a typical I-Kiribati urban household. Overall, the

contribution of urban agroforestry systems to the nutritional intake of a typical urban

household falls into four categories. The daily Dietary Reference Intakes of the typical urban

household compared to the nutritional intakes provided by agroforestry species in the

productive landscape can be seen in Figure 45.

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0.00 50.00 100.00 150.00 200.00 250.00 300.00 350.00

Energy

Protein

Carbohydrates

Fibre

Sodium

Magnesium

Potassium

Calcium

Iron

Zinc

Vitamin A

Thiamin

Riboflavin

Niacin

Vitamin B12

Vitamin C

Vitamin E

Key

nut

ritio

nal i

nput

s of t

ypic

al u

rban

hou

seho

ld

Per cent of family daily Dietary Reference Intake

Imported staplesReef fishGarden produce

Figure 45: nutritional value of produce from agroforestry species in 1000 square metres

compared to the required Dietary Reference Intakes of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006)

calculated for the typical urban household


In the case of vitamin C and magnesium, produce from urban agroforestry systems

contributed more than 30 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended for

the typical urban household by Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006). Combining this

nutritional intake with the consumption of rice, bread and reef fish would allow the typical

urban household to achieve their daily dietary requirements for these two inputs. Over 20 per

cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended for the typical urban household by

Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for vitamin E, riboflavin, vitamin A, iron, potassium,

fibre and energy were provided from the recommended consumption levels of urban

agroforestry produce. However, when combined with assumed daily nutritional inputs of

rice, bread and reef fish this contribution was insufficient to meet the daily Dietary

Reference Intakes of these seven inputs.

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Thirdly, the consumption of produce from the urban agroforestry system contributed less

than 20 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes for the typical urban household

recommended by Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for thiamin, zinc, calcium and sodium.

In these four inputs, the combined intake of the urban agroforestry systems and rice, flour

and reef fish was again insufficient to meet the daily dietary requirements of the typical

urban household. Finally produce from urban agroforestry systems contributed from 0 to 50

per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended by Otten, Hellwig and Meyers

(2006) for vitamin B12, niacin, carbohydrates and protein. However, this contribution made

little difference in the given scenario because the daily Dietary Reference Intakes for these

foods are already met through the consumption of rice, bread and reef fish.


In this chapter the results of data collection and analysis procedures have been recorded. In

brief, results from Research Question One indicate that convincing arguments exist both in

support and in opposition to reserving the most productive land in future planned urban

settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems. Moreover, results on Research

Question Two show that while the four different approaches to ownership and management

each have strengths and weaknesses, the allocation of productive lands to individual

households is initially the most appropriate approach. Furthermore, results from Research

Question Three suggest that simple, low technology, on site composting technologies would

be the most appropriate in future planned urban settlements. Finally, results from Research

Question Four demonstrate that a significant amount of atoll land is needed to yield wide-

ranging nutritional contribution to a typical urban household. In the following chapter, these

results will be discussed with reference to existing literature.

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9.0 DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

Following the presentation of results in Chapter Eight, this chapter discusses findings from

each research question within the framework of existing literature. The significance of

results is then summarised in a discussion of the contribution and implications of findings for

theory, policy and practice. Finally, limitations of results are highlighted.

9.1 Discussion of results from each research question

The discussion of findings in the following section is structured around the four research

questions. Firstly, results on the potential and constraints associated with the deliberate

inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements are discussed to

provide a broad overview of relevant issues. Secondly, results on the effect of different

ownership and management models on food productivity and cultural appropriateness of

urban agroforestry systems are examined. Thirdly, results on the appropriateness of existing

organic waste management systems for use in the agroforestry system of future planned

urban settlements are addressed. Finally, results on the nutritional contribution of regularly

consumed, urban agroforestry foods from a set area of land are critiqued.

9.1.1 What are the strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most

productive land in future planned urban settlements for food producing urban

agroforestry systems?

Integrating urban agroforestry initiatives such as urban forestry, ‘into overall urban planning,

obviously will be easier in cities with strong planning capabilities’ (Carter 1995, p. 80).

However, in cases such as Kiribati where urban planning capacity is less developed, Carter

(1995, p. 80) states that ‘those who are planning urban forestry activities must be aware of

potential social, environmental and economic repercussions of their actions’.

For this reason research into the potential and constraints associated with the deliberate

inclusion of urban agroforestry systems on the most productive land in future planned urban

settlements is necessary. While the potential and constraints of urban food production as a

generic concept has already been addressed in literature on urban agriculture (Mougeot 2005,

2006; Viljoen 2005) and homegardening in the Pacific (Thaman 1995; Thaman, Elevitch &

Kennedy 2006), existing literature is yet to explore the role of urban agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. Understanding these issues is particularly

207

critical because of the unusually marginal nature of human settlement and agricultural

production on atolls and the recent emphasis on the development of future planned urban

settlements in Kiribati (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings et al. 2004).

Literature on urban agroforestry in the Pacific categorises urban agroforestry systems

according to two main types of small scale agriculture: houseyard food gardening adjacent to

residences and food gardening on idle or undeveloped land within urban areas (Thaman

1995, p. 210). While, the benefits and constraints of each of these two approaches have

already been noted in the Pacific (Thaman 1995, pp. 214-5) current literature provides little

information on the issues surrounding the inclusion of urban agroforestry lands in Kiribati or

the Pacific in future planned urban settlements. These gaps have been answered through the

thorough identification of arguments in support of and in opposition to reserving the most

productive land in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati for food production. It can be

concluded from this investigation that:

• the development of future planned urban settlements creates a rare opportunity for

the Kiribati Government to establish a new precedent for urban development which

could act as a catalyst for change in existing urban settlements;

• increasing demand for and control of zoned productive land will be the greatest

challenge confronting the introduction of urban agroforestry systems in future

planned urban settlements;

• significant potential exists within the five program components of the STP in

Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a, p. 14) for urban agroforestry systems to be

incorporated through bottom up and top down approaches;

• it is important to select the correct approach from a range of different agroforestry

systems so not to unnecessarily hinder future economic development but rather

facilitate a holistic and well rounded approach to future urban development.

Issues surrounding the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future


Many of the criticisms relating to the promotion, protection and development of urban

agroforestry systems in Table 13 have also been identified in more general literature on

urban agriculture (Carter 1995; Ellis & Sumberg 1998; Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996). These

include the potential contamination of urban foods by heavy metals, pollution of ground

water lenses by agricultural production, occupation of agricultural activities on high value

urban land, increased consumption of urban resources such as water to support agricultural

production and the theft of produce from urban agricultural lands.

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In a similar fashion, the potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlement to deliver socio-cultural, economic and ecologically sustainable benefits is

supported in literature that emphasises the sustainability of urban agricultural systems

(Mougeot 2005, 2006; Viljoen 2005). In such works, the potential for urban agriculture to

improve food security, increase nutritional intakes, create employment, off-set food cost,

recycle urban waste and improve the ecology of urban environments is clearly identified. In

summary, urban agriculture is commonly presented as one of the most efficient tools for

transforming urban waste into food, jobs and healthier, cleaner urban environments (Smit,

Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).

A common theme: sustainability and literature on agroforestry and homegardening

The theme of sustainability is also a feature of literature relating to agroforestry. The concept

of sustainability is itself included in many of the definitions of agroforestry (1993, p. 28).

This is particularly evident in the title of publications such as Clarke and Thaman (1993)

‘Agroforestry in the Pacific islands: systems for sustainability’. Furthermore, sustainability is

a central component of literature on homegardening (Nair, P. K. R. & Kumar 2006). Finally,

publications on agriculture in Kiribati also acknowledge the need for ‘more sustainable land

use systems’ such as homegardens to encourage local residents to ‘become more self-reliant’

(Thomas 2002, p. 167). Considering the consistent reference to sustainability in related

literature, it is not surprising that results identified “sustainable development” as the central

theme around which the benefits of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements could be clustered.

Impact of the marginal nature of atoll settlement on the importance of urban food

production

Despite the similarities between many of the results of this study and themes in existing

literature, it would be incorrect to assume that the potential and constraints associated with

the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati

are no different from other parts of the world. While certain similarities exist, the marginal

nature of maintaining high density urban settlements on a fragile atoll environment creates a

variety of new opportunities and constraints for urban agroforestry systems. As Thomas

(2002, p. 166) states, ‘South Tarawa currently faces some of the worst modern challenges

associated with human population growth, urbanization [sic], imported food dependency,

pollution, limited natural resources (at least terrestrial resources), geographical isolation and

impact from global warming’.

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Assuming the regular supply of imported food20, the marginal nature of sustaining urban

settlements in an atoll environment decreases urban residents’ incentive to invest in urban

food systems. The five most frequently identified issues underlying the public’s low demand

for urban agroforestry lands was land infertility, land availability, crop insecurity, land

affordability and lack of education. The challenges associated with low demand for urban

agroforestry lands are further compounded by a poor history of Government land use

enforcement. The unwillingness or inability of Government institutions to enforce land use is

evidence of deeper issues relating to the effectiveness of governance itself. However a

detailed analysis of governance in Kiribati is beyond the scope of this thesis. Viewed in

isolation from the benefits of urban agriculture systems, such constraints provide a strong

argument against the potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements.

On the other hand, if urban settlements in highly marginal environments are to be sustained,

then certain controls are necessary. This is because externalities such as the overall

ecological integrity of urban settlements are not prioritised by individual households and

therefore require some level of protection by Government organisations. Thus, the marginal

nature of urban settlement in an atoll environment can be used as an argument in support of

initiatives such as the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements. This is because waste management, employment, food insecurity and

nutritional problems are generally compounded by increasing densities yet assisted by urban

agroforestry systems. As one participant stated, ‘population increase, the land decrease and

their costs increase from imports, so push them to accept to work by themselves, to produce

their own food and enrich their own land; otherwise they will cause their own crisis’ (extract

from interview C03).

An oxymoron? Sustainable urbanisation in Kiribati

The marginal and fragile nature of atoll living is widely accepted in existing literature (Dijk

2006, p. 79; Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 289; Thaman 1990a, p. 6). However, the possibility

that such constraints should fundamentally change the approach to the design of urban

settlements is not. Consequently, current urban development in Kiribati pursues a vision of

urban living consistent with more developed countries’ notions of the divide between urban

and rural lands uses. This is despite past recognition that the current state of settlement in

South Tarawa is unsustainable (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 19; Butcher-

20 This assumption is flawed from a food security perspective considering the geographical isolation

of Kiribati but is necessary to illustrate the above point.

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Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 109; Larmour 1982, p. i; MELAD 2003, p. 48). In this way, Butcher-

Gollach et al. (2007a, p. 14) states that the situation regarding urban management in South

Tarawa is now at the stage where ‘the costs of doing nothing are extremely high’. This

situation is a result of a long history of unsustainable urban development. However, results

from interviews in Table 12 show that urban agroforestry systems provide a cost effective,

culturally acceptable and ecologically responsible approach to addressing many of the

challenges associated with urbanisation in Kiribati.

Sustainability in theory and practice

On a theoretical level, little argument exists against the inclusion of agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements in Kiribati as it, ‘makes a lot of sense from all perspectives’

(extract from interview C07). However on a practical level, the inclusion of such systems is

clearly limited by peoples’ willingness to participate and support such a scheme.

Thus, is it also necessary to consider sustainability from the perspective of the long term

viability of a given development initiative. Results show that the long term sustainability of

the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements faces two

key constraints (refer Table 13). Firstly, the perception of many urban residents that urban

agroforestry systems are a relatively low value land use (low demand). Secondly, the

Government’s poor history of regulating and enforcing planning controls (low control). In

this way, issues of agro-deforestation (Thaman 1990a, pp. 16-7), loss of productive lands in

urban areas (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 56) and ineffective Government planning

controls (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18) in South Tarawa have all been identified as

constraints in past studies.

The comparably low number of references by homegardeners to the potential of urban

agroforestry systems to create a ‘clear plan for a sustainable future’ in Table 12, suggests

that the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements using the

justification of “sustainability” alone would hold little meaning for many I-Kiribati. While

this finding is most probably a result of many homegardeners not having encountered the

concept of sustainability before, this lack of understanding remains a significant barrier for

using “sustainability” as a justification for urban change. However if urban settlements in

Kiribati are to continue in the long term, then sustainable management strategies are needed

to maintain the crucial ecological systems which support such dense populations.

Despite this, Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p. 10) states that, ‘sustainability principles have little

relevance and meaning to the bulk of the population’s strong social and economic affiliation

211

to land’. At a Pacific level, Nunn (2004, p. 317) also argues that while sustainable

development is often a popular concept on paper, few Pacific island governments are

prepared to count the cost of such philosophies for the sake of “sustainability” alone.

Alternatively, results from Table 12 indicate that homegardeners are highly motivated by

financial profit that can be earned from the sale of produce from urban agroforestry systems

rather than concern for the environment or overall welfare of society. This result again

emphasises the potential of urban agroforestry systems to achieve economic and health

benefits at a household level while providing broader ecological and environmental benefits

to the overall urban settlement; in brief, achieving sustainable outcomes without directly

promoting sustainability.

Urban agroforestry: an essential land use or a waste of space?

The above perspectives explain why strong arguments exist in support of and in opposition

to the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. From one

perspective, urban agroforestry systems offer a plethora of benefits capable of addressing the

vast majority of development issues in Kiribati. However, from another point of view, low

public interest in urban cultivation and the poor history of Government regulation threatens

to undermine the potential of such an approach. This tension is reflected in Thomas’ (2002,

p. 168) comment on one hand that, ‘agroforestry development provides hope for the

sustainable use of local resources, while lessening the dependency on the expensive imports,

and reverses the trend leading to a deterioration of nutritional health’ yet on the other that,

‘greater involvement in agricultural activities currently seems unlikely among the people of

South Tarawa’ (2002, p. 172).

Due to the strengths of both of these arguments and the division between the “theoretical

potential” of urban agroforestry and the “practical reality” of urban living in Kiribati, it

would appear that a compromise is necessary. Thus, the most accurate understanding of the

potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements rests between a

view of urban agroforestry as an “essential land use” and a panacea for all urban problems,

compared to urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements as a “waste of space”,

unnecessarily constraining the economic development of urban settlements. Results from this

research question show that balance is needed in integrating urban agroforestry systems into

future planned settlements in Kiribati so as not to unnecessarily hinder future economic

development but rather facilitate a holistic and well rounded approach to future urban

development. In promoting such systems the Government of Kiribati must develop policy to

increase public demand for urban agroforestry land and enforce land use controls. This point

212

will be further discussed later in this chapter during the implications section (refer Section

9.2).

Urban agroforestry systems: a diversity of investment options

With the above point in mind, it is important to note that the inclusion of urban agroforestry

systems in future planned urban settlements exists within a spectrum of investment options.

Selecting urban agroforestry approaches from a spectrum of choices, allows the production

approach to be tailored to the specific needs of a community thereby increasing both the

public’s support and the Government’s control of urban agroforestry systems. More

conservative policies toward urban agroforestry systems while having the advantage of

reduced cost would be less effective in addressing key urban problems. A decision to further

invest in urban agroforestry approaches would see the potential benefits of these systems

more fully realised. Thus, while more costly investment options such as reserving

agricultural land in urban settlements would require a greater land investment, it would also

more fully address urban problems such as food security, waste management, nutrition,

employment and overcrowding. Possible investment options can be seen in Table 40.

Table 40: example of the variety of investment options for urban agroforestry systems in future


Potential urban agroforestry investment option Indicative implementation cost to Government or donor organisation

Educate government workers on the value of urban agroforestry systems

Low

Plant food producing street trees Low Undertake community workshops on the value of urban agroforestry systems

Low

Combine urban agroforestry approaches with recreational land uses Low Mulch public gardens with wood chips Low Tighter regulations on the clearing of productive trees Medium Mandatory keeping of pigs at a certain distance from housing Medium Construction of demonstration farms Medium Construction of communal piggeries Medium Development of farmers’ cooperatives Medium Phased development of future urban settlements to allow for access to surrounding productive land

Medium

Compost organic matter at existing waste management facilities Medium Tax incentives for households to plant banana circles High Pilot composting toilet program undertaken with committed households

High

Provision of agricultural lands to educational institutions to demonstrate the importance of agroforestry systems

High

Leased productive land allocated to all houses in future urban settlements for households to intensively farm

High

Community gardens for urban farmers in each major centre High Development of a community composting scheme High Source: synthesis of results

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Future urban settlements: a catalyst for change

The Government’s general inability to adequately enforce land planning controls is a major

constraint to the potential inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements. One of the primary difficulties associated with the Government’s ability to take

a leadership role in the development of future planned urban settlements is the inherent

limitations associated with achieving strong Government leadership in a democratic society.

This is because in a democratic system political leaders are likely to be directed by the

“popular” decision and not necessarily the “right” decision. The lack of political will and

strong leadership from the Kiribati Government is highlighted in Thomas and Tonganibeia

(2007, p. 51).

Although it is important not to lightly dismiss the difficulties associated with urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements, it is also important to recognise

that any attempt to increase the sustainability of urban settlements in Kiribati will face

similar behaviour change and institutional limitations. The recent report into urban renewal

in South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a) is an example of the complexities associated

with developing a more sustainable urban existence in Kiribati. However, as Jones (1997,

Ch. 9, p. 7) study into urban management in Kiribati states, ‘where the Government has

made firm and committed decisions for change, it can make inroads on some key urban

management issues’.

As was highlighted in Chapter 4, change has and will continue to profoundly influence

human settlements in Kiribati. The design and development of future planned urban

settlements creates a rare opportunity for the Government to establish a new precedent for

urban development which could act as a catalyst for change in existing urban settlements.

For this reason, it is disappointing to note that urban agroforestry systems were not given a

higher priority in the recommendations of the recent Kiribati Urban Renewal Program

Scoping Study preceding the STP (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a). However, significant

potential still exists within the five program components of the STP in Butcher-Gollach et al.

(2007a, p. 14) for urban agroforestry systems to be incorporated through bottom up and top

down approaches where the Government sets the parameters for urban food production and

local initiative is encouraged. This point will be further discussed later in this chapter during

the implications section (refer Section 9.2).

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9.1.2 How would different ownership and management approaches effect the cultural

appropriateness and food productivity of food producing agroforestry systems in

future planned urban settlements?

Examining the impact of different ownership and management approaches on food

production and cultural acceptability of agroforestry systems is necessary for a number of

reasons. Urban management in Kiribati and the Pacific is an evolving field of research with

considerable potential for further work. Although broader literature on property regimes is

significant (Berkes 1989b; Bromley 1991; Stevenson 1991), literature on the impact of

different ownership and management approaches on food production and cultural

acceptability of urban agroforestry systems in Kiribati is minimal. Key pieces of literature on

urban management in Kiribati (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994; Butcher-Gollach et

al. 2007b, 2007a; Jones 1996, 1997; MELAD 2003) have provided only passing insights into

the potential role of urban agroforestry systems in shaping Kiribati’s urban future. Similarly,

literature on urban agroforestry, homegardening and agriculture in Kiribati (Peduzzi 1999;

Small 1972; Thaman 1990a) does not connect broader urban management issues with the

potential benefits offered by urban agroforestry systems.

While some of these issues are highlighted in existing literature on urban forestry in

developing countries (Carter 1995; Konijnendijk et al. 2004; Kuchelmeister 1998b), it is

noted by Kuchelmeister (1998a, para. 95) that urban agroforestry initiatives beyond

homegardens are ‘virtually non-existent in the developing countries of the Pacific region’.

Furthermore, literature on urban agroforestry such as homegardens in the Pacific either

reports on existing agroforestry practices (Sommers 1990; Vasey 1985) or emphasises the

potential of urban agroforestry systems (Thaman 1995; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy 2006)

without exploring more fundamental ownership and management issues surrounding the

promotion and inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements.

These gaps have been answered in this research question by exploring how different

ownership and management approaches effect the cultural appropriateness and food

productivity of food producing agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. It

can be concluded from this investigation that:

• strengths and weaknesses exist in all four ownership and management approaches;

• a phased approach to the use of different models could be effective in minimising

the weaknesses and maximising the strengths of different ownership and

management approaches;

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• a co-management approach where individual households lease state owned

productive land with an integrated tenure arrangement between residential plots and

productive land (model A) is the most appropriate starting model to introduce the

concept of zoned productive land.

Cultural acceptability

The importance of acknowledging and working within the restrictions of the socio-cultural

order is paramount in Kiribati (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 15). Participants’ ranking of different

ownership and management models revealed that integrating individual tenure of productive

land with tenure of individual household plots (model A) was the most culturally appropriate

approach (refer Figure 39). This was a result of cultural issues relating to land ownership and

access and the need to ensure the fair distribution of resources in the community (refer Table

24). The importance of land (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 4) and equality (Macdonald 2001, p. 207)

in the I-Kiribati socio-cultural order is also firmly established in existing literature. The

cultural significance of owning land also assists in explaining why so many homegardeners

believed that it would be better for the Kiribati Government to sell productive land to

individual households and cooperatives (refer Figures 36 and 37)

In this way, allowing households to freely buy and sell productive lands in a private property

approach (model B) was believed by some participants to be culturally inappropriate because

it was not an equitable solution due to an inability to guarantee all households access to

productive land. This finding reflects the negative social impacts frequently associated with

private property (Stevenson 1991, p. 104).

Furthermore, employment between unrelated I-Kiribati was also raised by a number of

participants as a cultural concern. Macdonald (2001, p. 97) comments that traditionally there

is a strong sense of disdain for ‘those who profit from the efforts of others’ and a general

sentiment that, ‘no man [should] rise above his fellows’. Such a statement reflects

Stevenson’s (1991, p. 4) comment that private property regimes may not be appropriate in a

given cultural context.

On the other hand, numerous participants made comments that suggested a capitalistic

approach is becoming increasingly accepted in urban areas. This was particularly evident in

the relatively high ranking of the private property approach (model B) as the preferred model

for household residence in future planned urban settlement (refer Figure 38). This result

supports Jones’ (1997, Ch. 9, p. 7) suggestion that western values such as individualism,

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freehold land and formal cash employment continue to profoundly influence the socio-

cultural order in Kiribati.

In contrast, the collective access approach (model C) for owning and managing productive

land was seen to be firmly based on traditional approaches. Geddes et al. (1982, p. 97) states

that a cooperative model provides an ‘acceptable way out of the cultural impasse in which

enterprising individuals find themselves’. However, despite the large numbers of participants

who emphasised the cultural acceptability of model C, many participants also expressed

concern over conflict and social breakdown in a cooperative setting. In particular, a number

of participants believed that the diversity associated with urban living made it difficult to

develop and maintain strong community structures. Furthermore, firm group commitment

without kinship ties was also seen to be difficult, particularly in urban areas. This is because

with increasing density comes increasing fluidity and casual relationships that frequently

result in the breakdown of the intimate contact necessary to ensure appropriate management

and collective responsibility in a common property regime (Berkes 1989a, p. 71). Similar

sentiments are recorded in the following comment from Carter (1995, p. 81) on urban

forestry in developing countries:

Ensuring meaningful community involvement in urban forestry initiatives will not

always be easy. Whereas in many developed countries “community” can be

synonymous with “neighbourhood”, this is often not the case in cities undergoing

rapid population growth and frequent movement of dwellers. In such cities, a

neighbourhood may be made up of people of different ethnic origins, religions and

even languages.

Thus, although a community approach with collective access was seen to be “ideal in theory”

the breakdown of kinship ties associated with urban living results in significant practical

limitations on this approach. However, while the potential of common property regimes in

urban settlements is clearly limited, the importance of cooperative effort and sharing

remains.

Finally, the state property approach (model D) was believed to facilitate the fair distribution

of public resources. Unlike private sector employment, Government employment was not

seen as culturally inappropriate but rather was highly sought after. In this way, the central

role of the Kiribati Government in employing large numbers of urban residents is a feature of

the MIRAB economy (Bertram 2006).

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Unnecessary burden on Government

The final theme that emerged from the investigation of different ownership and management

approaches in future planned urban settlements was the level of Government involvement

required to implement each approach. While each model requires some level of Government

involvement, the state property approach (model D) was criticised by participants because it

was seen to add an unnecessary administrative burden to the Government. Although the

issue of Government involvement was not raised in relation to the integrated individual

tenure approach (model A) or the collective access approach (model C), the private property

approach (model B) was seen to be advantageous because it was believed to be capable of

stimulating private sector involvement. Similarly, Carter (1995, p. 80) states that urban

agroforestry initiatives such as urban forestry ‘cannot and should not be carried out solely by

the public sector’. Instead, ‘partnerships must be developed with community groups, non-

governmental organizations [sic], research and academic institutions, and the private sector’

(Carter 1995, p. 80). Further involvement of the private sector is critical in Kiribati where the

public sector already ‘provides two out of every three formal jobs and four out of every five

dollars of pay’ (Government of Kiribati 2003, p. 13).

Overall strengths and weaknesses of different models and the best starting model

Results on the potential and limitations of the four different approaches for ownership and

management of agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati reveals

that strengths and weaknesses exist in all four approaches (refer Table 41). In this way,

although integrated tenure with individual allocation of productive land (model A) clearly

emerged as the preferred approach for both Government employees and homegardener

participants (refer Figure 38), the limitations of this model were also identified.

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Table 41: key strengths and weaknesses of management models A to D

Different ownership and management approaches

Key themes Model A:

individual

Model B: free

market

Model C:

cooperative

Model D:

Government

Land use control High Low Medium High

Farmer

ownership

Medium High Medium Low

Centralised

management

Low Low to Medium Medium High

Economy of scale Low Low to Medium Medium to high High

Cultural

acceptability

High Low High Medium to high

Administrative

ease

High High Medium to High Low

Source: synthesis of results

The apparent strengths and weaknesses of all models in regard to food production and

cultural appropriateness resulted in some participants suggesting the phased use of different

models to minimise the weaknesses and maximise the strengths of different approaches. In

particular, integrated tenure with individual allocation of lands to urban residents (model A)

was seen to be the most appropriate starting model at the outset of future planned urban

settlements. Although model A was not believed to be the most productive model, it was

seen to be the most culturally appropriate approach. This was because it was seen by some

participants to be capable of minimising interpersonal conflict and land disputes while

preserving the integrity of the productivity concept through ensuring that all households had

access to productive lands. Viewed within the context of the overall preference of

participants for leasing productive land (refer Figures 36 and 37), this result clearly points

towards a co-management approach between the individual and the state. Under this

arrangement, the Kiribati Government would provide a check on individuals use of

productive land, while individual access to productive land would help ensure greater

ownership and control in food production (Berkes, George & Preston 1991, p. 12).

As the best starting model, some participants suggested that model A could transition into a

private property (model B) and or collective access approach (model C). This could occur

over time as interested households began to group together and households that were not

interested in food production withdrew from urban food production. This transition would

then allow the choice and efficiency associated with model B and the community belonging

and management of model C to be introduced to the settlement. Small areas of productive

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land could also be developed as demonstration plots (model D). A phased approach would

result in an urban settlement scenario where a variety of different approaches to ownership

and management exist within the starting framework of integrated tenure with individual

allocation of productive land.

In summary, the evolutionary development of an integrated individual tenure co-

management approach (model A) towards increased user choice and control (model B) and

cooperative action through collective access (model C) is supported through a variety of

different results: (i) participants ranking of their most preferred model for habitation (refer

Figure 38), (ii) participant ranking of cultural appropriateness of different models (refer

Figure 37), and (iii) the identification of key themes in interview transcripts (refer Table 15

to 30). This preference of individual ownership and management (at least at the outset) is yet

another indication of the modification of the social-cultural order in urban areas towards

individualism (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 7).

9.1.3 How appropriate are existing organic waste management systems for use in

agroforestry systems of future planned urban settlements?

Considerable research has already been undertaken into various waste management

approaches in Kiribati. In particular, the design and effectiveness of initiatives such as the

composting toilet (Burke 2001; Coffey MPW & FSPK 2001; Roniti Teiwaki & Associates

2004; Tebano 1996), banana circle (Mollison & Jeeves 1988; Roniti Teiwaki & Associates

2004; SPREP 2003) and community composting scheme (Golder Associates & AusAID

2002) have all been addressed to varying extents in existing literature on atoll waste

management. However, the appropriateness of each of these technologies for use in future

planned urban settlements is largely unknown, particularly in regard to the banana circle and

the community composting scheme. Results from Research Question Three add further

knowledge to this field through investigating the appropriate of existing organic waste

management systems for use in agroforestry systems of future planned urban settlements. It

can be concluded from this investigation that:

• composting techniques such as the banana circle are preferable over alternative

waste management technologies such as community composting schemes and

composting toilets because of the banana circle’s simplicity, affordability,

availability and cultural appropriateness at a household level.

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Composting toilet

Results on the appropriateness of the composting toilet in future planned urban settlements

generally confirmed findings of previous studies of the difficulties involved with the

promotion of composting toilets in Kiribati. During interviews, over half (58 per cent) of

Government and homegardener participants agreed in theory to have a composting toilet in

their house if they lived in a future planned urban settlement (refer Figure 41). This figure

was higher then the 29 per cent of participants who indicated their approval of composting

toilets in Tebano (1996, p. 23). The increased number of positive responses in this study

could be due to factors such as the small participant pool, high level of education of

Government employees, potential bias of homegarden participants towards the production of

organic fertilisers or increased awareness of waste management issues over time. Despite the

relatively high number of participants in this study who indicated that they would be willing

to use a composting toilet, personal observations of failed composting toilets in South

Tarawa and the key themes identified from interviews in Table 36 suggest that the long term

commitment of many participants to this technology is questionable. Similarly, the tendency

of community involvement in composting toilet schemes to fail over time has been reported

in Asia Development Bank (2006a, p. 115) and Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 54).

Many of the criticisms of the composting toilet identified in Table 36 are also noted in

existing literature. In particular, taboos associated with human excreta, perception of

composting toilets as unhygienic and a general lack of community commitment to

maintenance are identified by Burke (2001, para. 23-35). Similarly Tebano (1996, p. 23)

found that those who did not support the use of the composting toilet believed that it was

unhygienic and a foreign concept. Furthermore, the relatively high maintenance

requirements of the composting toilet is evident in the description of this composting

technology in Coffey MPW and FSPK (2001).

Despite these challenges, existing literature recognises that in theory composting toilets have

significant potential in Kiribati. Burke (2001, para. 38-43) suggests that although composting

toilets are highly recommended in Kiribati, the success of projects using this technology is

largely dependent on practical issues such as the, ‘cooperation of women in the community’.

In this way, the benefits of composting toilets identified in Table 37 are also a feature of

existing literature (Burke 2001, para. 41). In particular, the ability of composting toilets to

promote urban agroforestry systems such as homegardening is emphasised in Burke (2001,

para. 23) and Tebano (1984, p. 23). In summary, the broad scale introduction of composting

toilets in future planned urban settlements would face significant challenges and would most

likely fail within a few years. A more appropriate approach would be to introduce

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composting toilets in a small number of highly committed households in future planned

urban settlements to demonstrate the value of this technology. The success of such an

approach would assist in establishing a foundation for further development of composting

toilets in future projects.

Community composting scheme

Literature on community composting schemes in Kiribati in minimal. However, reports into

waste management in South Tarawa indicate that organic waste is a large portion of an urban

household’s waste stream (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004). Due to the high content of

organic matter in household waste, considerable potential exists for, ‘viable, low cost

alternatives that can be implemented at the local level’ to, ‘reduce loadings of solid and

liquid waste’ (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 3). Although a community composting

scheme (like that described during interviews) has yet to be trialled in Kiribati, the success of

similar recycling initiatives (such as the FSPK Kaoki Mange project) indicate that with the

necessary funding and support, such a project is socially, ecologically and economically

feasible (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 8).

The increased popularity of this composting approach compared to the composting toilet was

seen in the increased numbers (73 per cent) of Government and homegarden participants

who indicated that they would be willing to participate in such a scheme if they lived in a

future planned urban settlement. The key benefits of the community composting scheme in

Table 35 were very similar to the multiple benefits identified in literature on urban

agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152). Such benefits include efficient waste

management, increasing soil fertility and employment generation. However, results show

that such benefits would come at a cost. In particular, criticisms identified in Table 34

emphasise the increased logistical and infrastructure complexities of a community based

composting approach. This was seen to be particularly difficult to achieve in Kiribati given

the challenges councils already face in the relatively simple task of collecting rubbish. In this

way, Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004) report that the urban councils in South Tarawa

sometimes fail to collect household rubbish on time and that rubbish collection is generally

erratic. Similarly, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 50) describe council rubbish collection as

‘a little haphazard’.

The willingness and ability of households to purchase compost was also raised during

interviews. Similarly, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 60) reported that poorer households

in South Tarawa are unable to afford the council fees for existing waste collection. In

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summary, although the community composting scheme has clear potential in future planned

urban settlements, the added cost and complexity of such an approach meant that on site

composting approaches (such as the banana circle) were preferable. However, in a situation

where appropriate supervision, funding and infrastructure exist, combining an on site

composting initiative such as banana circles and a community composting scheme is

achievable.

Banana circle

The banana circle was identified by participants as the most popular composting technology

to use in future planned urban settlements. This is reflected in the large number (96 per cent)

of Government and homegardener participants who agreed in theory that they would like to

use this approach in their household if they lived in a future planned urban settlement. The

popularity of the banana circle was further demonstrated in the low number of references to

criticisms of this composting approach (refer Table 32). The criticisms that were raised

related to the limitations of a simple composting approach and poor management rather than

any significant cultural, financial or environmental issues.

The popularity of the banana circle is also apparent in existing literature. Sources such as

Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 31) suggest that the extension of recycling initiatives using

the banana circle, ‘to cover all of urban Tarawa and Kiritimati would be beneficial’.

SPREP’s (2007) reference to the banana circle again demonstrates the popularity and

acceptance of this approach. Results in Table 33 show that the banana circle was popular

because of the multiple outcomes and the simple low cost, localised approach. Similarly,

Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 65) also emphasise the infrastructure benefits of

recycling organic waste, as close as possible to, ‘the point of generation’. As with previous

composting approaches, these benefits were widely acknowledged in the more general

literature on urban agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).

Overall appropriateness

Results show that each composting technology has both strengths and weaknesses. Overall,

the banana circle was the most appropriate composting technology because of its’ consistent

performance across a variety of social, economic and environmental fields. The strengths

and weaknesses of each composting approach are summarised in Table 42.

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Table 42: key themes and indicative costs associated with differing composting technologies

Potential of each composting technology

Key themes Banana circle Community composting scheme

Composting toilet

Financial cost Low High High Maintenance Low High High Management at household scale

Medium Low High

Management at settlement scale

Low High Low

Complexity Low High High History of negative experience

Low Unknown High

Health concerns Low Low High Direct benefit to household

High Low High

Employment generation potential

Low High Medium

Cultural acceptability

High High Low

Source: synthesis of results

9.1.4 What nutritional contribution would locally produced, regularly consumed urban

agroforestry foods make to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on a

daily basis?

The vast majority of literature on urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens focuses

on the benefits of food production in urban areas and the general complexity of homegarden

systems (Kumar & Nair 2004, 2006; Nair, P. K. R. 2006). A smaller number of studies have

attempted to quantify the nutritional output of urban agroforestry systems in Asia (Marten

1990) and the Pacific (Thaman 1995, p. 219) and correlate food production to land area.

Existing literature on atoll agroforestry (Thaman 1993a), agriculture (Baiteke 1994; Small

1972) and homegardening (Peduzzi 1999) in Kiribati provides in-depth information on

cultivation and production of atoll foods. However, quantifying the nutritional contribution

of regularly produced and consumed urban agroforestry food has not been addressed: few

studies have investigated the configuration of urban agroforestry systems in atoll

environments. Findings from Research Question Four fill these research by researching the

nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods to

a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on a daily basis. It can be concluded

from this investigation that:

• it is not possible to maintain even low urban densities and achieve total self-

sufficiently in an atoll environment;

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• considerable land investment in urban agroforestry systems is required to deliver

significant results across the majority of nutritional inputs;

• focusing food production on high yielding species such as toddy, Chinese cabbage

and cucumber would significantly reduce the spatial requirements of urban

agroforestry systems.

Results from Government Nutritionists on the recommended diet of the typical urban

household

A comparison of the combined nutritional value of estimated local agroforestry foods,

imported staples and reef fish with the nutritional requirements of the typical urban

household according to Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) shows that the estimates of the

Government Nutrition Department in this study were generally quite accurate. In 15 out of

the 17 nutritional inputs, 90 per cent of the nutritional requirements for the typical urban

household were reached (refer Figure 43). However, this was not the case for the nutritional

inputs of calcium and sodium. The shortfall in these inputs exists because of the low sodium

and calcium values in produce from many of the urban agroforestry species. Other studies

have also shown the low calcium content of produce from homegardens (Marten 1990, p.

149)21.

This shortfall in calcium and sodium is not believed to have a significant bearing on results

because the data provided by Government Nutritionists was used to guide culturally

acceptable consumption levels of agroforestry produce rather than design a productive

landscape to ensure total self-sufficiently. This approach is in keeping with the general role

of urban food systems (such as homegardens) to supplement rather than cater for the total

nutritional requirements of a household (Marsh 1998, p. 4).

Yield and spacing of different agroforestry species

Determining the exact agricultural yields (from existing literature) and spacing of atoll

species (from interviews) reveals the difficulty involved in precisely quantifying agricultural

production. Such difficulties are not surprising considering the many variables in urban

agroforestry systems (such as soil, light, water, wind and species competition). In this way,

the complexities associated with quantifying urban agroforestry systems have already been

noted in existing literature (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 106; Kumar & Nair 2004, pp. 137-

21 The nutritional intake of sodium was not recorded in this study

225

40). A more realistic view for food production in an atoll environment is to see species yields

and spacing within a given range of possibilities. Thus, even in the simplified agricultural

systems in atolls, the complexities of urban agroforestry systems remain.

Design of the urban agroforestry system

The ratios of different species in Figure 44 and Table 38 are generally in keeping with

personal observations of the structure of existing homegardens in South Tarawa. This is

particularly true of agroforestry systems around the house in Figure 44. However, some

components of the design are quite different to urban agroforestry systems in existing urban

settlements. The large number of pawpaw trees, ordered nature of species spacing and the

existence of a shared piggery are markedly different from typical urban agroforestry practice

in existing urban settlements. However, these differences are not believed to cause

significant difficulty due to the culturally accepted nature of each of the agroforestry species

in the design. Furthermore, the cultivation of large numbers of pawpaw trees and ordered

planting of agroforestry species was observed in some homegardens in South Tarawa.

Final nutritional results

In summary, results from this investigation show that it is not possible to maintain even low

urban densities and achieve total self-sufficiency in an atoll environment. Although not

quantitatively proven before, the inability of such systems to support dense populations has

already been highlighted in Thomas (2002, p. 170). However, the nutritional shortfall is

more fully apparent when considering that calculations combine estimates of the nutritional

inputs of a well planned, relatively productive 1000 square metres of atoll land with the

regular consumption of imported staples (bread and rice) and reef fish; yet still found that 65

per cent of key nutritional inputs for the typical urban household were below the

recommended dietary allowances of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for the typical urban

household. These results add further insight into the marginal nature of settlement in an atoll

environment, poor nutritional standards that already exist in South Tarawa, increasing

dependence of urban populations on imported foods and the general nutritional value of

urban agroforestry systems in Kiribati. In this way, Thomas (2002, p. 173) states that food

imports will ‘continue to play a vital role in feeding growing populations, notably in urban

centres’.

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However, it is important not to understate the contribution of urban agroforestry to the

results. Findings show that a cultivated area of 1000 square metres, could on average

contribute 39 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes of a typical urban household

across 17 different nutritional inputs. However, this figure is distorted by the high value of

vitamin C in the diet of the typical urban household (307 per cent of a typical household’s

needs)22. This value shows that the contribution of urban agroforestry systems is highly

variable across different nutritional inputs. In this way, in some inputs (vitamin C), urban

agroforestry systems make a highly valuable contribution. This variability is a feature of

other studies into the nutritional output of urban food systems (1990, p. 149). In this way,

one of the central findings of this study is the identification of the nutritional contribution of

key urban agroforestry species compared to the land area required to sustain peak

production.

The difficulties in meeting the required nutritional intakes of the typical urban household

should not be interpreted to imply that urban agroforestry systems have a low capacity to

contribute to household nutritional intakes. A more accurate interpretation of these results is

that considerable land investment in urban agroforestry systems is required to deliver

significant results across the majority of nutritional inputs. As has already been discussed,

such land investment is a major barrier to the large scale adoption of urban agroforestry

systems. Furthermore, it is important to highlight that these results represent the nutritional

benefits of urban agroforestry systems and do not quantify the contribution of the many other

benefits that would exist if urban agroforestry systems were included in future planned urban

settlements.

Despite this, the decision to allocate 1000 square metres of land for urban agroforestry to all

urban households in future planned urban settlements is clearly a costly investment for the

Kiribati Government to make. An investment of this scale would require strong enforcement

by the Kiribati Government and could inevitably lead to conflicts of interest between

different stakeholders due to the desire of certain interest groups to use agroforestry lands for

other purposes. This tension between urban agroforestry and urban development is not new

in Kiribati and, in the past, urban agroforestry systems have made way for urban

development (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 56).

22 The species mix could have been adjusted to lower to value of vitamin C and increase

other dietary inputs, however the focus of this research was on the regular consumption of

agroforestry foods according to nutritionists’ recommendations.

227

Finally, results suggest that focusing food production on high yielding species such as toddy,

Chinese cabbage and cucumber would significantly reduce the spatial requirements of urban

agroforestry systems. In this way, orienting urban agroforestry systems towards intensive

vegetable production within a matrix of traditionally cultivated trees would produce higher

yields within a smaller area. This has important implications for the type of urban

agroforestry systems that should be prioritised in future planned urban settlements if the

benefits of urban agroforestry systems are to be fully realised. The promotion of such

systems has already commenced in South Tarawa by the Taiwan Technical Mission (2006).

9.2 Implications of findings to theory, policy and practice

The findings of this study have significant implications for theory, policy and practice. At a

theoretical level, results inform theory on urbanisation and urban agroforestry in the Pacific

and appropriate property regimes in Kiribati. At a policy and practice level, implications

relate to more specific issues in Kiribati surrounding future urban development. In particular,

the following discussion of the implications of this research for future urban development in

Kiribati is structured around the recommendations of the recent Kiribati Urban Renewal

Scoping Study (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a) because of the effect these recommendations

will have on urban development in Kiribati in coming years.

9.2.1 Theory on urbanisation, urban agroforestry in the Pacific and property regimes

As highlighted in Section 2.1.1, the Pacific region is both highly diverse yet full of broad

commonalities. Thus, caution is necessary to not over generalise findings. Despite the above

differences, the geographical, developmental, ecological and economic similarities between

PICs mean that some generalisation is possible.

This study adds further support to the claim that urban agroforestry systems offer viable

solutions for many of the problems arising out of rapid urbanisation in the Pacific. While the

benefits of homegarden systems in the Pacific have been emphasised, the link between the

current challenges facing PICs and the solutions offered by the intentional provision of urban

food systems is rarely made in the current debate on urban development in the Pacific. This

is somewhat surprising given the call for the exploration of new models for urban planning

and management in the Pacific beyond traditional industrialised planning models (Jones

2005; Overton & Storey 1999; Storey 2006). In this way, this study has assisted in advancing

urban agroforestry in the Pacific beyond the realm of private homegardens to examine issues

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surrounding the intentional provision of urban agroforestry systems in a future planned urban

settlement context. Therefore, a second implication of this study is that urban agroforestry

systems need to increasingly be seen outside the homegarden context if the true potential of

urban agroforestry systems is to be realised in the Pacific.

Furthermore, the current theoretical classification of urban agroforestry as related to private

residential holdings or idle and undeveloped land would benefit considerably from the

expansion of this theoretical perspective to include land specifically zoned for agroforestry

cultivation. This is not to say that an indiscriminate approach should be used to promote,

protect and develop urban agroforestry throughout the Pacific. Rather, the extent of

investment in urban agroforestry systems should vary depending on a community’s

environmental, social and economic needs. Yet, it is recommended that consideration of

urban agroforestry systems should be one of the first “ports of call” for governments, donors

and NGOs working to address urban issues in the Pacific.

Findings from this study show that co-management should be a fundamental element in the

design of future planned urban settlements in Kiribati and more broadly in the Pacific. While

Pacific urban centres are rapidly changing to reflect more westernised notions of urban

living, caution is required so as not to prematurely abandon traditional approaches of

collective effort and common property in favour of private property regimes. For productive

urban land in future planned settlements in Kiribati, a co-management approach where

integrated individual tenure is combined with a leasing agreement is the most appropriate

method to secure the long term success of zoned productive land in future planned urban

settlements. Although somewhat restrictive, this approach has the potential to transition

towards a more flexible arrangement to include cooperative action and increased individual

landholdings.

9.2.2 Policy and practice for future urban development in Kiribati

The fundamental implication of this study for urban development in Kiribati is that the

further development of urban agroforestry systems is a critical component of future planned

urban settlements if sustainability is to be seriously considered. Although many I-Kiribati do

not appreciate the importance of this issue, ignoring mounting economic, social and

environmental stresses associated with increasing urbanisation only invites disaster. While

the promotion, protection and development of urban agroforestry systems would come at a

financial and administrative cost, it is difficult to find a more appropriate and cost effective

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alternative to holistically address waste management, employment, nutrition, food security

and density control issues currently associated with urban settlement in Kiribati.

Despite the many benefits of such an approach, various difficulties are likely to be

encountered if urban agroforestry systems are intentionally developed in future planned

urban settlements. The lack of public demand for agricultural uses in urban areas and the

limited ability of the Kiribati Government to enforce land use controls is at the centre of such

challenges. However, with appropriate selection of urban agroforestry systems and the

support of well developed Government policy, such constraints are surmountable.

Fortunately, the recommendations of the STP provide a framework with which to approach

urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. As discussed in Section

5.4.2 both the Kiribati Government and donor organisations have already affirmed their

commitment to sustainable urban development through the STP. While this program

advocates sustainable development, the danger exists for projects associated with this

program to simply continue to sustain development through the injection of aid monies into

Kiribati rather than addressing the fundamental challenges of sustainable urban development

on a fragile and marginal coral atoll. Thus, it is the recommendation of this study that the

promotion, protection and development of urban agroforestry systems be included within the

five key components of the STP outlined in Section 5.4.2.

Although it is important not to unnecessarily constrain the enabling framework surrounding

the STP, potential exists to provide further direction and guidelines on the solutions that will

emerge from community consultation in each component23. In this way, a requirement to

clearly demonstrate meaningful engagement with urban agroforestry approaches in all

consultancy briefs connected to the STP would guarantee that solutions to current urban

problems engage with sustainable urban agroforestry technologies. Potential contributions of

urban agroforestry systems to each of the program components of the STP can be seen in

Table 43.

23 In some program components Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007) are more prescriptive in their

recommendations. Refer Section 5.4.2 for further detail.

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Table 43: examples of the potential inclusion of urban agroforestry approaches into the five

components of the STP

STP component

Details of component Investment option Indicative cost

Institutional realignment and capacity building

Policy development and strengthening of institutional capacity

Educate government workers on the value of urban agroforestry systems

Low

Tighter regulations on the clearing of productive trees

Medium

Mandatory keeping of pigs at a certain distance from housing

Medium

Tax incentives for households to plant banana circles

High

Phased area upgrading

Improving the physical, environmental and social conditions of selected urban neighbourhoods

Food producing street tree plantings Low

Construction of demonstration farms Medium Construction of communal piggeries Medium Pilot composting toilet program

undertaken with committed households

High

Community engagement

Mobilising local communities to address urban problems

Community workshops on the value of urban agroforestry systems

Low

Development of farmers’ cooperatives Medium Provision of agricultural lands to

educational institutions to demonstrate the importance of agroforestry systems

High

New plots on serviced land

Cater for future urban growth by providing new land for settlement

Combine urban agroforestry approaches with recreational land uses

Low

Phased development of future urban settlements to allow for access to surrounding productive land

Medium

Co-managed, leased productive land allocated to all houses in future urban settlements for households to intensively farm

High

Key primary infrastructure

Development of city wide (primary) infrastructure

Spreading of wood chips in public areas

Low

Compost organic matter at existing waste management facility

Medium

Community gardens for urban farmers in each major centre

High

Development of a community composting facility

High

Source: author’s synthesis of research findings with STP components from Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a)

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9.3 Research limitations

The delimitations surrounding this study have already been highlighted in Section 1.7.

However, this section discusses other limitations that emerged during the research process.

9.3.1 Limitations identified during the research process

A small number of limitations were identified during data collection. In particular, this

research was limited by the availability of participants during month long research trips to

Kiribati in 2005 and 2007. Because of the transient nature of many individuals in South

Tarawa, some individuals (particularly Government employees) could not be interviewed as

they were away on international business or working on distant outer islands. In this way, the

results of this research were limited by the knowledge, understanding and bias of the

participants who were interviewed. To overcome this limitation, participants were carefully

selected from each participant group in an attempt to target participants who already

possessed an in-depth understanding of the research problem. Furthermore specific attempts

were made to ensure that results of the study were not un-necessarily biased by my own

involvement but rather were a product of the informed opinions of participants.

In this way, my own cultural background as a white, relatively young, male foreigner was

also a limitation on data collection. However, this limitation was addressed by employing the

services of a well respected male I-Kiribati translator and the translation of interview

material into I-Kiribati (refer 7.7.1). Although the abovementioned limitations are

acknowledged, they do not detract from the significance of the results because they were

identified early in the research process and managed successfully.

Further limitations include the obvious time and resources constraints inherent in any study.

These constraints are particularly important in this project where long distances are required

to be travelled to conduct field work at a significant cost to both myself and QUT. Despite

these constraints, the methodology has been designed to efficiently and accurately collect

sufficient data to adequately answer the research problem.

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9.4 Contributions

The contributions of this study to existing knowledge have been highlighted throughout this

chapter but are now summarised in this section as the thesis draws to a close. The primary

contributions of this thesis can be summarised in the following four statements. Results from

this study have contributed to a comprehensive understanding of:

1. the strengths and weaknesses associated with the planned inclusion of urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements;

2. the appropriateness and comparative strengths and weaknesses of different

ownership and management approaches for urban agroforestry systems in future

planned urban settlements;

3. the appropriateness and comparative strengths and weaknesses of existing

composting technologies for inclusion in future planned urban settlements;

4. the nutritional contribution of popular urban agroforestry species to a typical urban

household.

At the broader level, this research also contributes to theory on urban agroforestry systems

and urbanisation in the Pacific. In this way, results from this study have contributed a new

level of understanding to:

1. extending the existing concept of urban agroforestry beyond the homegarden context

through examining urban agroforestry as a land use in Kiribati;

2. identifying potential solutions to mounting urban problems associated with rapid

urbanisation in the Pacific.

9.5 Summary

This chapter has discussed the results of this study within the context of existing literature. In

each research question the close relationship between findings and existing literature is

highlighted. Despite this similarity, results have extended understanding beyond existing

knowledge. In particular, contributions to existing knowledge have been to issues

surrounding planning of urban agroforestry systems, specific management and ownership

approaches, appropriateness of existing waste management technologies and the nutritional

contribution of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati.

Although these results have specific implications for future planned urban settlements in

Kiribati, findings also hold relevance to the broader Pacific region. Finally, although this

233

study was bounded by cultural, methodological and resource limitations, these constraints

were effectively identified and managed so as not to jeopardise the integrity of results. In the

following chapter, final conclusions are made regarding the research problem and areas for

suggestions for further research.

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10.0: CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS

As the last chapter in the thesis, Chapter 10 summarises the research, highlighting key

findings on the research problem, contribution to existing knowledge and proposing future

research directions.

10.1 What role should food producing urban agroforestry systems play in future

planned urban settlements in Kiribati?

The emergence of urban agroforestry in PICs is one of the products of the unprecedented

growth of urban settlements in the Pacific over the past century. Today, Pacific towns and

cities are increasingly becoming a focus of urban poverty and environmental deterioration as

rising populations place mounting strain on aging infrastructure. In the past, agroforestry

systems have played an integral role in providing cost effective, locally adapted, ecologically

sustainable solutions to Pacific islanders’ needs. Despite the integration of agroforestry

approaches into an urban context, the importance and value of these systems remains. In this

way, the role of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati

and more generally in the Pacific has been the focus of this thesis. While acknowledging the

challenges associated with agricultural production and urban management in Kiribati, this

thesis argues in support of the incorporation of urban agroforestry in future planned urban

settlements.

Mounting problems associated with rapid urbanisation in the Pacific have resulted in an

increasing need to move beyond traditional industrialised planning approaches and explore

alterative planning and management approaches (Jones 2005; Overton & Storey 1999;

Storey 2006). Government ownership of large land parcels both in South Tarawa and future

growth centres such as Kiritimati present a rare opportunity to plan large scale urban

settlement without the land constraints typically associated with urban development in the

Pacific. The cultural and environmental realities of settlement in Kiribati will ensure that

agroforestry species are an informal component of such settlements in the form of

homegardens. However, if no attempt is made by the Kiribati Government to more

intentionally invest in these systems, an important opportunity will be lost and current urban

problems already existing in South Tarawa will continue in future urban settlements.

Alternatively, significant potential exists for a holistic planning approach to maximise the

benefits of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements and address many

of the urban problems that currently exist in urban centres in Kiribati.

235

In brief, the case for the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements is largely dependent on the priority that is given to achieving future sustainable

urbanisation. The commencement of the Sustainable Towns Program (STP) indicates that, at

least on paper, current Government and donor commitment to sustainability concepts is high.

However, if the role of urban agroforestry systems is ignored, sustainable urbanisation in

Kiribati in the future will remain as it has in the past, an oxymoron.

Although, a strong case can be made against reserving the most productive land in future

planned urban settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems, such criticisms are

a reflection of the difficulties and cost involved with moving towards more sustainable urban

settlements, the developing nature of the economy of Kiribati and the marginal nature of

atoll settlement. Thus, a balanced approach is needed where the most accurate understanding

of the potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements exists

between a view of urban agroforestry as a panacea for all urban problems compared to urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements as a “waste of space”. Viewed in

this light, food producing agroforestry systems are a crucial addition to future planned urban

settlements.

This view, while recognising the constraints of agricultural production and urban planning in

Kiribati, acknowledges that urban agroforestry systems remain one of the most cost

effective, ecologically viable and culturally accepted approaches to addressing the majority

of issues arising from rapid urbanisation including food security, waste management,

environmental degradation and unemployment. The flexibility and potential of such systems

is clearly evident in Table 40. Although such an approach may go against the usual concept

of development and progress, this thesis demonstrates that it is a logical solution to many of

the problems that confront urban settlements in Kiribati and the Pacific. In summary, this

thesis argues that recognising and responding to the potential contribution of urban

agroforestry systems is an essential component in the design of future planned urban

settlement in Kiribati.

In reaching this conclusion, this study has examined four research questions. Firstly, research

into the strengths and weaknesses of reserving the most productive land in future planned

urban settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems has identified significant

arguments in support and in opposition for such an initiative. In this way, the marginal nature

of atoll settlement, rather than favouring a particular solution, adds strength to each of the

opposing views.

236

From a positive perspective, the marginal nature of sustaining urban settlements in an atoll

environment supports the planned introduction of urban agroforestry systems. This is

because in geographically isolated, infertile, fragile and resource poor atoll nations, waste

management, employment, food insecurity and nutritional deficiencies are generally

compounded by increasing densities yet assisted by urban agroforestry systems. For this

reason, the simple act of composting organic material minimises landfill waste, while

increasing soil fertility. Increased soil fertility results in increased opportunities for local

food production, which in turn results in greater food availability, nutritional intake and

employment opportunities. These benefits can be summarised within the overriding

argument that the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban

settlements would result in a more sustainable form of urban development. Despite the truth

of this statement, sustainability as a concept holds little meaning for many I-Kiribati.

Therefore, focusing on practical and tangible benefits of urban agroforestry is essential if

food producing systems are to be embraced by urban residents.

From an alternative perspective, the marginal nature of atoll settlement can also be used to

oppose the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry systems on the most productive land in

future planned urban settlements. Assuming the availability of imported food, the marginal

nature of sustaining urban settlements in an atoll environment decreases urban residents’

incentive to invest in urban food systems. This is due to land infertility, crop insecurity,

potential contamination of food from urban pollutants and land affordability and availability

issues. As a result, urban agroforestry is seen as a relatively low value land use by many

urban residents. This low public demand for food producing land uses reduces the

Government’s ability to enforce urban agroforestry planning controls due to the fear of

making unpopular political decisions. For these reasons, increasing demand for and control

of zoned productive land will be the greatest challenge confronting the introduction of urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements.

However, with appropriate selection of urban agroforestry systems and the support of well

developed Government policy, such constraints are surmountable. More particularly, the

recommendations of the Sustainable Towns Program (STP) provide an excellent starting

point from which to develop future urban agroforestry initiatives. Within this framework,

successfully identifying appropriate urban agroforestry technologies and ownership and

management approaches for a given urban circumstance is critical to the success of urban

agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. Within this framework, urban food

production will need to be increasingly seen outside the homegarden context for the benefits

237

of urban agroforestry systems to be maximised. This approach recognises the potential for

gradual change in Kiribati, linking the many benefits of urban agroforestry systems with an

appreciation of the capacity of future planned urban settlements to establish a new precedent

for urban development in Kiribati.

Secondly, examining the effect of different ownership and management approaches on the

cultural appropriateness and food productivity of agroforestry systems in future planned

urban settlements reveals that no one model caters for the diversity of urban needs. Rather,

each model has different strengths and weaknesses. These include, the capacity of different

ownership and management approaches to enforce productive land uses, foster local

ownership and involvement, develop centralised management of productive land, generate

economy of scale of food production, produce culturally acceptable settlement solutions and

minimise the ongoing administrative and financial burden to the Kiribati Government.

Due to the strengths and weaknesses of each approach, the phased development of different

ownership and management approaches is the most appropriate method to maximise the

strengths and minimise the weaknesses of each model. In this way, initially distributing

urban agroforestry lands to individual households provides a cohesive, culturally acceptable,

localised approach to the ownership and management of urban agroforestry resources based

on a co-management approach. Following the establishment of this model, initiatives could

be developed to encourage interested households to increase their agroforestry land holdings

or farm cooperatively within the broader community, thereby incorporating elements of both

common, private property regimes. In summary, integrated individual lease of productive

land and residential plots is crucial to the further development of urban agroforestry beyond

the homegarden in future planned urban settlements. However, providing the choice to

participate in urban cultivation and encouraging a cooperative, community-based approaches

is also vital.

Thirdly, research into different composting technologies for use in future planned urban

settlements shows that composting techniques such as the banana circle are preferable

because of their simplicity, affordability and availability at a household level. In contrast,

although the community composting approach has considerable potential, it is less

appropriate because of added logistical and infrastructure complexities. Finally, the

composting toilet is recognised as an environmentally sustainable form of waste

management, yet faces a high probability of failure if widely included in future planned

urban settlements. This is largely due to issues such as cultural taboos, maintenance

requirements and user perceptions that this technology is unhygienic. Despite such

238

limitations, the small-scale introduction of composting toilets and community composting

schemes involving committed households, if correctly supported, would be an effective

means of increasing community acceptance and awareness of the advantages of these

composting technologies.

Finally, analysis of the nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed,

urban agroforestry foods to household nutrition reiterates the difficulties associated with

supporting dense urban settlements in an atoll environment. In particular, the nutritional

contribution of identified atoll species is highly variable. In some nutritional inputs,

significant contributions can be made from locally produced food to households’ diets.

However from a self-sufficiency perspective, it is not possible to sustain the dietary

requirements of even low density urban settlements through sole reliance on food produced

from urban agroforestry systems.

10.2 Future research directions

Although making a significant contribution to existing knowledge, this study also highlights

areas where future research could be undertaken. Further research need to be carried out into

co-management approaches in future planned urban settlements, particularly in regard to

integrating and transitioning from state, private and common property regimes. Such a study

should focus on how to encourage the development of private businesses and community-

based cooperatives in future planned urban settlements based on an initial state property

leasing arrangement.

In addition, a cost benefit analysis of urban agroforestry systems in PICs is necessary to

provide quantification on the true value of urban agroforestry systems. Such a study should

address land, infrastructure, labour and material costs while also considering the benefits

such as waste management, nutrition, food production, employment and density control. A

similar methodology could be used to determine the true cost and benefits of food imports

and undertake further research into waste management such as a costs/benefit comparison of

composting toilets and septic systems. Such a comparison could form the basis of an

investigation into the design of a hybrid toilet where treated overflow is used as an organic

fertiliser.

Further research should also be undertaken into understanding the key factors underlying a

household’s willingness to invest in urban agroforestry. Such an investigation could consider

variables such as garden size, place of birth, gender, education, income and the level of

239

donor support associated with households who are already choosing to invest in urban

farming. This information would inform policy on encouraging further involvement in urban

agroforestry systems in Kiribati and the Pacific.

Additional investigation into the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems is

also required. Such an investigation should further compare the nutritional output of different

atoll species with the land area required to sustain maximum yield. This investigation could

be extended to correlate the nutritional contribution of different atoll species with key

nutritionally related diseases, yields and required lands area. Such work would provide

further information into how to maximise nutritional and spatial efficiency of urban

agroforestry systems.

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APPENDIX 1: CENSUS DATA USED TO DEVELOP THE TYPICAL URBAN

HOUSEHOLD

Table 1: population statistics from the 2005 census on the population of South Tarawa

Total urban population 40311

Number of urban households 5245

Number of males 19435

Number of Females 20876

Average number of people a

household

7.69

Source: Government of Kiribati (2006)

Table 2: population figures on urban households in the 2005 census and calculations used to

determine the demographic of the typical urban household

Age Number of people Population age group as an

expression of the average

household size

People in household

rounded to the

nearest whole number

0 to 4 4587 0.87 1

5 to 14 9205 1.76 2

15 to 24 9202 1.75 2

25 to 49 12927 2.46 2

50 + 4390 0.84 1

Total 40311 7.68 8

Source: adapted from Government of Kiribati (2006)

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APPENDIX 2: WRITTEN AND VERBAL CONSENT PACKAGES USED TO

OBTAIN INFORMED CONSENT

Information sheet given to participants for written consent

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION for QUT RESEARCH PROJECT

Urban agroforestry in future settlements of the Republic of Kiribati and

associated implications for appropriate responses to urbanisation in the Pacific

Research Team Contacts

Mr Andrew East Dr Les Dawes

+(61) 7 3138 9184 +(61) 7 3138 2776

[email protected] [email protected]

Description

This interview investigates how future urban settlements in Kiribati can be designed to

effectively include food producing trees, plants and animals. This study is part of a PhD

project and is partly funded by the Queensland University of Technology (QUT). The research

team requests your assistance because it is believed that your knowledge will help answer

many of the Research questions of this project.

Participation

Your participation in this project is voluntary. If you agree to participate, you can withdraw at

any time without comment or penalty. Your decision to participate will in no way impact upon

your current or future relationship with QUT or any other organisation.

Your participation will involve an interview that will run for around one hour. Please respond

honestly to the questions based on what you think, not on what you think we want to hear. We

are interested in your opinion. If you do not feel able to carry out the interview at this time

please feel free to suggest a more convenient time or location. There are no risks associated

with your participation in this project.

242

Expected benefits

This research will assist in more fully understanding the potential for organic food

production in future urban settlements. Organisations that will potentially benefit from this

research include QUT, Kiribati Government and urban residents in Kiribati. While your

involvement in this study does not directly benefit yourself, it is hoped that by increasing

knowledge in this field, this research will one day improve the quality of life for urban residents

in Kiribati.

Confidentiality

The research team will ensure that your identity will be safeguarded after the completion of

this interview. In reporting the findings of this study, you will not be directly referred to by

name. Only the research team will have access to the information you provide.

During the interview a digital audio recorder will be used to assist the research team recount the

important points raised in this interview. Due to the need to have a complete record of this

interview, it is not possible to participate in this interview without being recorded. Once recorded,

this data will be stored in digital copy, only accessible to Mr East. This data will only be used for

research purposes. After the completion of this study the data will be stored by Mr East for a

period of five years.

Consent to Participate

Please sign the attached written consent form to confirm your agreement to participate.

Questions / further information about the project

Please contact Mr East if you have any questions. When complete, the results of this study will

be available from the Kiribati Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural

Development in Bikenibeu.

Concerns / complaints regarding the conduct of the project

QUT is committed to researcher integrity and the ethical conduct of research projects. However,

if you have any concerns or complaints about the ethical conduct of the project you may contact

the QUT Research Ethics Officer on 617 3138 2340 or [email protected]. The Research

Ethics Officer is not connected with the research project and can facilitate a resolution to your

concern.

243

Signature page signed by participants who gave written consent

CONSENT FORM for QUT RESEARCH PROJECT

Urban agroforestry in future settlements of the Republic of Kiribati and

associated implications for appropriate responses to urbanisation in the Pacific

Research Team Contacts

Mr Andrew East Dr Les Dawes

+(61) 7 3138 9184 +(61) 7 3138 2776

[email protected] [email protected]

Statement of consent

By signing below, you are indicating that you:

• have read and understood the information document regarding this project

• have had any questions answered to your satisfaction

• understand that if you have any additional questions you can contact the research

team

• understand that you are free to withdraw at any time, without comment or penalty

• understand that you can contact the Research Ethics Officer on 617 3138 2340 or

[email protected] if you have concerns about the ethical conduct of the

project

• agree to participate in the project

• understand that the project will include audio recording

Name

Signature

Date / /

244

Consent script read to homegardeners for verbal consent

The research team requests your assistance because it is believed that your knowledge as a

homegardener in South Tarawa will help us understand how food producing trees, plants and

animals can be included into future urban settlements.

If you wish to participate in this study, you will be asked some questions about how you

think future urban settlements in Kiribati should be designed to include productive

agricultural land. This study is for academic purposes only and is part of the PhD thesis of

Mr East. Any answers you give will remain private and confidential. There are no risks

related with participation in this study. Please respond honesty to the questions based on what

you think, not on what you think that we want to hear. We are interested in your opinion.

During the interview a digital audio recorder will be used to assist the research team remember

the important points covered. Due to the need to have a complete record of what is said, it is not

possible to participate in this interview without having the discussion digitally recorded. You are

free to end this interview at any time and do not have to answer any questions that you do

not wish to. When complete, the results of this study will be available from the Kiribati

Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development. While your involvement in

this study has no direct benefits to yourself, it is hoped that by increasing the understanding of

these issues, the services and knowledge available to the community can be improved in the

future.

It is estimated that this interview will take around one hour. Please feel free to ask questions

at any time. Do you have any questions?

Would you like to participate in this study?

If potential participant answers yes, then the participant is asked to write their name in a

table in a field journal. Time, date and place of the interview is also recorded.

245

Consent script read by translator to homegardeners who have given informed consent

E kawenea ana buubuti te tiim-n-marooro n kan buokaki mai iroum man am atatai ma ootam

iaon te unuuniki n irekereke ma aron taraakia maan ke te maniman iaon Tarawa Teinainano

ike e na konaa iai n buoka aron katamaroan te mwakuri n kamaeka nakon taai aika a na roko.

Ngkana arona bwa ko anga nanom n kariaia irakin te marooro aei ao kona bon titirakinaki

tabeua titiraki n irekereke ma am iango bwa e na kanga aron katamaroan te kamaeka iaon

Kiribati n ikotaki ma kabonganakin taabo aika maeu tanoia ibukin te unuuniki. Te mwakuri-

n-marooro aei e na bon buoka naba te mwakuri n kareirei iaon te itera aio ni ikotaki ma

karekean ana beebwa n taokita (PhD thesis) Mr East. Reeke ke am kaeka ake ko taekinii a na

bon tiku n kaawakinaki n aki manga tataekinaki. Bon akea te kanganga ke te rekenikai

nakoim ibukin irakin te marooroo aei. Te buubuti bwa ko bia anga am iango are ko taku bwa

te kabanea n koaua. Te tiim n marooro aei e bon tii rang kan ongo are man ootam ao man am

koaua.

Inanon tain te marooro ao e na bon kabongaanaki te bwai n rawebwanaa ibukin rawean te

marooro aei bwa e aonga n manga ongoraeaki riki te kaua tai te marooro aei n taai rimwi

ngkana e riai. Ibukin kainanoakin te rawerawe ao e kakoauaaki bwa e aki konaa n waaki te

marooro n akean te rawebwanaa. Ko bon anganaki naba inaomatam n motika te marooro

nakon te tai are ko taku bwa ko a aki konaa riki n manga reitinako n kaekai titiraki. Ngkana

arona bwa e bane waakinan te mwakuri n kakae aei, ao mwiina nako a na bon tiku n

kaawakinaki n aobitin te Kiribati Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural

Development i Bikenibeu. E kakoauaaki bwa irekerekem ma te mwakuri-n-marooro aei e na

bon aki rootiko, ma e na bon ibuobuoki ibukin karikirakean te ataibwai iaon itera aikai

ibukiia te bota n aomata nakon taai aika a na roko.

E bon katautauaki bwa e na nakon teuana te aoa maanin te marooro. Ko butiiaki bwa ko

konaa n tabeki am titiraki n bwaai ake ko kan kaotaaki iai. Taiaoka naba n kaekai titiraki ma

nanom n koaua, man otam ao am iango. Iai riki am titiraki n kan oota? Ko kukurei n ira te

marooro aei?

Ngkana arona bwa e kariaia te tia kataetaeaki bukinana n marooro, ao e na bon titirakinaki

ao n tauaki arana. Te tai ao te tabo e na bon koreaki naba mwiina.

246

APPENDIX 3: INTERVIEW SCRIPT AND VISUAL AIDS USED IN QUALITATIVE

INTERVIEW ON AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS IN FUTURE PLANNED URBAN

SETTLEMENTS

Interview script – English

Introductory questions

1. Please briefly describe your experience in planning and agriculture in Kiribati?

2. Betio is described by some authors as one of the most densely populated urban

settlements in the Pacific. What do you think are some of the positive and negative

impacts of such density?

Details of the study

The following picture shows the general productivity of agricultural land in a typical atoll

environment (show participant Figure 1: productive zones in the typical atoll). Traditional

settlement in Kiribati used the lagoon for settlement and the middle of the atoll for food

production. Increasing density in urban settlements such as South Tarawa have seen this

model replaced by high density living. Despite this, various authors continue to advocate the

benefit of producing food in an urban environment in the form of homegardens (show Figure

2: homegardening in Kiribati). This simple and affordable act can improve food availability,

increase nutrition, generate income and recycle household waste.

This research looks at the potential for such benefits to be maximised in future urban

settlements by intentionally allocating land in urban settlements for agricultural production.

One of the key steps in this research is understanding the best approach for managing and

owning productive land in future urban settlements.

For the sake of this interview, let’s assume the following about future urban settlements in

Kiribati:

• The Government owns the land rights to a large area of land (show participant

Figure 3: large area of land owned by the Government) and wants to build a new

urban settlement that keeps the centre of the atoll for food production.

• The centre of the atoll is therefore zoned for agricultural production (show

participant Figure 4: conceptual image of future planned urban settlement).

• The families that want to live in this settlement are from a variety of island groups

and religions much like you would find in South Tarawa today.

247

• Each household in the settlement is the size of the typical urban household that

already exists in South Tarawa (8 people of varying ages from both immediate and

extended families).

• The produce from the agricultural land is used to help feed people in the settlement.

In this scenario, there are many different ways this settlement could be designed. I am now

going to show you four different models of such a design. These designs focus on the

relationship between the household and the productive land not the detailed design of urban

land uses themselves. When you see each image please try and think what you like and

dislike about each model (show participant Figures 5 to 9: different models for ownership

and management of agroforestry systems from models A to E).

Management and ownership

3. What do you like and dislike about each of the models that you have just seen?

3a. In model A do you think that the Government should:

• Lease the productive land to the households

• Sell productive lands to the households

3b. In model C do you think that the Government should:

• Lease the productive land to the households

• Sell productive lands to the households

3c. In model D do you think that it would be better for the urban residents

who are employed to farm the productive lands to be paid in cash or in

food?

4. Do you have any other models you can suggest that could be used to own or manage

productive lands in this scenario?

5. Which model or combination of models do you think would produce the most food

from the available land? Why? Please rank models from most productive to least

productive.

6. Which model or combination of models do you think would be best for the people of

the settlement, which one would they like best? Why? Please rank models from most

preferred to least preferred.

7. Which model or combination of models do you think you and your family would

like to live in if you were to live in a newly designed settlement? Why? Please rank

models from most preferred to least preferred.

248

Strengths and weaknesses associated with the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry

systems

8. Do you think that all houses should be built on the lagoon edge of the atoll or should

some be built along the ocean edge behind a windbreak as well (show participant

Figure 10: comparison of lagoon settlement versus ocean settlement)? Why?

9. What amount of time do you think people would be willing to spend walking from

their place of residence to access their productive lands in an urban setting? Do you

think that this time would differ from productive lands in the outer islands?

Organic waste management

10. If each household wanted to keep their own pigs and chickens, which of the

following models do you think would work best? Please rank models from most

preferred to least preferred (show participant Figures 5, 6 and 7 highlighting the

placement of pigs and chickens).

Strengths and weaknesses associated with the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry

systems

11. What do you think are some of the good and the bad things about reserving the most

productive land in urban settlements for food production?

12. What is the potential of this idea for making urban living on atolls more sustainable?

Organic waste management

13. Various recycling approaches have been suggested to increase soil fertility and

recycle organic matter in Kiribati. Some of these models make reference to recycling

human waste. In discussing these models I am not trying to offend you. If you do

feel offended please let me know. Some approaches that have been suggested are

(show Figurers 11, 12, 13: various composting technologies):

• Banana circles

• Collection, processing of organic material by the Government and resale of

compost back to local farmers

• Composting toilets

14. What do you believe are the good and the bad things about each of these

approaches?

249

15. Which of the recycling approaches in the previous question would you be happy to

use in your house if you were to live in a newly designed urban settlement? Why?

16. Lastly, it is important when analysing the data to have some general information on

each participant. Could you please tell me your:

• Age.

• Highest level of education completed.

• Gender.

• Island of birth.

• Location where you have spent the majority of your life in Kiribati.

250

Visual aids used during interview – English

Figure 1: productive zones in the typical atoll

Figure 2: homegardening in Kiribati

251

Figure 3: large area of land owned by the Government

Figure 4: conceptual image of future planned urban settlement

252

Figure 5: settlement model A

Figure 6: settlement model B

Explanatory notes:

• Each household either leases the plantation land from the Government or owns it outright.

• Each household has the same size plantation land. • Ownership of plantation land cannot be separated from ownership of each house plot.

Explanatory notes:

• No Government restrictions on the size of agricultural land • Plantation land exists on a separate title to the house and can be bought, sold and

leased but must remain as productive land. • Different households have different sized plantation land based on what they have

bought or sold. • Some larger plantation lands (5 and 9) are owned and managed by individuals who

employ members of other households to farm the land.

253

Figure 7: settlement model C

Figure 8: settlement model D

Explanatory notes:

• Plantation lands owned and managed by the government agricultural department. • The Government offers to employ one person from each household to work on the

agricultural land.

Explanatory notes:

• Plantation land communally owned or leased from the Government by a cooperative of households grouped together based on church, island of birth or general location in the settlement.

• Families own and work land together and divide produce according to a cooperative agreement.

254

Figure 9: settlement model E

Explanatory notes:

• Other management approaches specified by the participant

255

Figure 10: comparison of lagoon settlement versus ocean settlement

256

Figure 11: Banana circle and home composting

257

Plant waste collected by individual farmers

Government rubbish truck comes to collect the plant waste

Plant waste is put into a machine that cuts it into compost

Plant waste is mixed with animal waste to make good compost which is then sold to

farmers

Figure 12: community composting scheme

258

This toilet:

• Turns human waste into compost that can be used on the garden (6 months). • Needs ash and dry leaves added regularly to control the smell. • No water added • Is designed to fit two toilets in one cubical. The first is used until it is full and then

users switch to the second toilet. • Needs users to empty the chamber of each toilet after the composting process has

made the compost safe to handle.

Figure 13: composting toilet

259

Interview script – I-Kiribati

Titiraki n kaukuuki

1. Taiaoka kabwarabwara am atatai iaon te unuuniki n te mweenga iaon Kiribati.

2. E kakoauaaki bwa Betio ngaia te tabo teuana ae e ataaki mai ibuakon aban nako Te

Betebeke, bwa te tabo ae e onrake aona n te maekanaki irouia aomata aika a mwaiti.

Teraa am iango n raoiroin ao buakakan te maeka n te mwaiti ae tiraua iaon te tabo ae

uarereke?

Kamataatan riki te mwakuri-n-kakae/maroro

Te tamnei ae e oti inano e bon kaota katootoon

taabo ake a maeu aoia ibukin te unuuniki, n aaba aika a rinano/uarereke. N aron ae e ataaki

ao kaain Kiribati a bon kabongana etan te nama (tanrion te aba) ni maeka iai ao nuukan te

aba bwa aia o-n-kabwebwe ibukin aroka/kai-n-amwarake. Ma rikiraken te botannaomata

iaon Tarawa Teinainano bon ngaia teuana te katooto ae e a onrake aona n te maekanaki. Ma

e ngae n anne ao angiia aomata (taan koroboki) a rangi n boutokaa te kabwaia are karekean

te amwarake man te o-n-aroka (katoto ane e oti n te tamnei). Aron te mwakuri n unuuniki n

te mwenga bon ngaia teuana te kawai ibukin tatauraoin te amwarake, karekean te

tianti/mwane man mwaketenakin uaanikai/baanikai ao ai aron kabongaanakin mangen te auti

ibukin kanan te aroka.

Te mwakuri-n-kakae aio e bon taraa naba aron karikirakean te kabwaia nakon taai aika a na

roko, man kabonganakin taabo ke aaba ake a maeu aoia/tanoia ibukin te unuuniki. Teuana te

agana ae kona n karaoaki n te kakae aei bon man te kamaatata bwa tera te aro n tararua ao n

bwaibwai nakon taabo/aaba aikai ibukin te kamaeka n taai aika a na roko.

Ibukin te marooro aei, ao ti konaa n katautaua bwa nakon taai aika a na roko ao iaon Kiribati:

• Te tautaeka ngaia ae taua mwiin aaba ake a maekanaki (kaota tamnein

katoton aei) ao n kabongana nuukan te aba bwa te o-n-kabwebwe

• Ngaia are nuukan te aba e kawakinaki bwa te tabo n unuuniki

• Aomata ake a kan maeka n aban te tautaeka aio a bon katautauaki bwa a

roko man aaba ao aaro aika a kakaokoro

260

• Te auti teuana e na bon katautauaki naba bwa 8 (waniman) kaaina n aron ae

e taabangaki n te wareaomata iaon Tarawa Teinainano (ao ma mwaitin aia

ririki n maeu aika a kakaokoro)

• Amwarake nako (uanikai ma banikai) ake a reke man te o-n-aroka bon ngaia

oin kanaia kaain te auti teuana ma teuana n te maeka aio.

N aron iangoan te katamaroa n te kamaeka aio, ao e konaa n iangoaki n itera aika a mwaiti.

Ngkai ao nna kaotii katooto/tamnei ni kaineti ma aron katamaroa aikai. Katooto aikai a bon

kaineti riki ma maekanakin te mweenga ao kabonganakin tanona ibukin te unuuniki (o-n-

aroka n te mweenga). Karaua kamatebwaia raoi tamnei n katooto aika a na oti ao kaota am

iango bwa e ngaa ae ko nano iai ao e ngaa ae ko aki nano iai ao bukin teraa?

Te aro n bwaibwai ma tararua

3. Teraa ae ko nano iai ao ae ko aki nano iai man tamnei n katooton te kamaeka akana

oti?

3a. N am iango ao te tautaeka e na riai n:

• Riitina te aba ibukin te unuuniki nakoia aomata

• Kabooanako te aba

• Ke tao n anganiia aomata ma nanonia n rinea are a tangiria? Ao bukin tera?

3b. N am iango ao te tautaeka e na riai:

• Riitina te aba ibukin te unuuniki nakoia aomata

• Kaboonakoi aaba aikai

• Ke n kariaia aomata bwa a na bon rinea are a tangiria n karaoia? Ao bukin

teraa?

3c. N am iango ao enga ae tamaroa riki, a na kabooaki aomata ake a kamwakuraki n

te unuuniki, n te mwane ke te amwarake?

4. Iai riki am iango irarikin katootoon kamaeka aikai ae ko taku bwa e na kona n

buoaka katamaroan te aro n tararua ibukin te unuuniki n te mwenga?

5. Te katooto raa (man tamnei akana a oti) ae ko taku bwa e na rangi n korakora reken

te amwarake man ana o-n-unuuniki? Ao bukin teraa? Taiaoka karinani katooto

akanne n moanna man are e korakora ana kariki-ua-n-amwarake nakon are e aki bati

n kakariki-ua.

261

6. Te katooto raa (man tamnei akana a oti) ae ko taku bwa te kabanea n tamaroa ibukin

te maekanaki? Ao bukin teraa? Taiaoka karinani katooto akanne n moanna man are

te moan tamaroa n te maekanaki nakon te kabanea.

7. Te katooto raa ae ko taku bwa ko nano iai ao ae ko kan maeka iai ma am utu ngkana

arona bwa e na kateaki te kamaeka ae boou aei? Bukin teraa? Taiaoka karinani

katooton kamaeka aikai man are ko nano iai nakon are ko aki nano iai.

8. N am iango ao engaa ae raoiroi riki, katean auti n maeka i maeao (etan te nama) ke a

riai n kateaki i tanrake? Ao bukin teraa?

9. Tao maanra n am katautau ae a kona n kabanea aomata (taan maeka iaon Tarawa) n

ririanna aia o-n-ununiki man aia auti? (Aanga manin te tai). N am iango ao te maan

aio e okoro ma are itinakun Tarawa (i buki)?

Te mwakuri n kaoki maange

10. Ngkana arona bwa te auti teuana e kan maniman irouia beeki ma mooa, te katooto

raa (iaon te kamaeka) man tamnei akana a oti ae e na rang nakoraoi ma aron te

mwakuri n maniman? Ao taiaoka karinani katooton kamaeka akanne man te moan

nakon te kabanea n nakoraoi n kaineti ma te mwakuri n maniman aio.

Nakoraoin ao kabwakan tein te mwakuri n unuuniki are e kairaki ma te kamaeka

11. N am koaua ao tera tikiraoin ao buakakan kawakinan taabo/aaba ake a maeu aoia

ibukin te unuuniki?

12. What is the potential of this idea for making urban living on atolls more sustainable?

Te mwakuri n kaoki maange

13. Aron mwakuri n kaoki maange ma kabonganaan mange ake a mka bwa kanan te

aroka, a bon kaungaaki nakoia aomata bwa ngaia teuana buokan katamaroan itiakin

tanon te aba ibukin te unuuniki iaon Kiribati. Tabeua katooto iaon kamaeka ake a oti

a bon kaota aron manga kabonganaan te nakotaari bwa kanan te aroka. Inanon

waakin te marooro aei ma ngkana ko taku bwa iai tangi buakan au marooro/taeka

iroum ao taiaoka kaotia bwa I aonga n ataia. Tabeua ibuakon kawai ao iango ake a

tia n marooroakinaki bon:

• Kabwebweakiia Bwanana n te mronron/tieeko

262

• Ikoikotan ao manga oneakin mange ake a mka nakon te kamkamka iroun te

tautaeka ao n manga kabooanako nakoia taan unuuniki

• Kai-n-nakotaari n kamkamka

14. Teraa am iango n tikiraoin ao buakakan aron mwakuri ake a oti ieta?

15. Ngkana arona bwa ko na maeka n te kamaeka aei, te kaokimaange (recycle) raa mai

buakon ake a oti ieta ae ko kukurei n kamanena n am auti? Ao bukin teraa?

16. Inanon mwakurian mwiin te marooro are karaoaki ao e rang kakawaki naba bwa e na

iai ataakin bwaninin rongorongon te aomata are e karaoaki te marooro aei ma ngaia.

Ti butiiko bwa ko konaa n tuangiira am:

• Ririki:

• Tokin am reirei mai ieta:

• Rikim:

• Te aba are ko bungiaki iai:

• Te tabo/aba ae ko kabanea angiin am tai n maeka iai:

263

Visual aids used during interview – I-Kiribati

Tamnei 1: taabo ake a maeu aoia/tanoia ibukin te unuuniki n aba aika uarereke

Tamnei 2: te o-n-kabwebwe/aroka n te mweenga

264

Tamnei 3: te mwkoro n aba ae buubura are e tauaki mwiina iroun te tautaeka

Tamnei 4: te aba are e kona n kabonganaaki ibukin te kamaeka nakon taai aika a na roko

265

Tamnei 5: katooto A

Tamnei 6: settlement model B

Kabwarabwara

• Akea ana tua te tautaeka ibukin katautauan buburan te aba n unuuniki • Te mwakoro n aba ibukin te unuuniki e konaa n kabooaki, kaboonakoaki ke n

riitinaki ma e na riai n teimatoa n maeu aona ibukin te ununiki. • Buburan te aba teuana ma teuana e konaa n kakaokoro • Tabeman taan maeka a abaaba n mwakoro n aba ake a bubura (5 ao 9) ao a

kammwakuriia kaain auti ake tabeua ibukin kamaeuan ao unikan aona.

Kabwarabwara

• N te moan katooto aei ao aomata a riitina maekaia mai iroun te tautaeka ke tao bon abaia ae a maeka iai.

• Auti ni kabane a toa ma aia o-n-aroka ke te aba ibukin unikan kai-n-amwarake aika tiitabo buburaia ni kabane.

• Te auti teuana ea tia n katauaki ma teuana te mwakoro n aba ibukin ana unuuniki/o-n-aroka ao a aki konaa n kamaenakoaki.

266

Tamnei 7: katooto C

Tamnei 8: katooto D

Kabwarabwara

• Aaba ibukin te unuuniki a bon abanaki ao man tararuaki iroun te tautaeka • Te tautaeka e kamwakuriia aomata man te auti teuana ma teuana ibukin unikan ao

kamaeuan kai-n-amwarake.

Kabwarabwara

• N te katooto aei ao a konaa aomata n kurubunaki nakon aia Aro ke abaia are a bung iai, ao te kurubu teuana ma teuana ngkanne a riitina aia maeka man te tautaeka ke tao a bon bwaibwai n te aba ane a maeka iai.

• Kaain te auti ma te utu ae tii teuana, a kaai n mwakuri ibukin kabwebwean te o-n-aroka, ao amwarake ma uaa ake a reke man kai-n-amwarake a tibwauaia imarenaia nakon are a tia n booraraoiakinna.

267

Tamnei 9: katooto E

Kabwarabwara

• Katooto tabeua man ana iango/kaoti te tia kataetaeaki.

268

Tamnei 10: kabootauan te kamaeka ietan te nama ma te maeka i tanrake

269

Tamnei 11: te kamkamka n te o-n-aroka: Banana tieeko

270

Rikorikoan mangen aroka nako irouia taan unuuniki

Rikoan mangen aroka nako n kaa n maange

Korekorean mange n aroka n te mitiin

Mangen te aroka n renganaki ma nakotaariia maan ibukin karaoan kanan te aroka ao

n kabooakinako nakoia taan unuuniki.

Tamnei 12: karaoan te kamkamka irouia kaain te kaawa

271

Te roki aei:

• E kawakina te nakotaari inanon te maan 6 te namwakaina ao ikanne are e a konaa

naba n kaboganaki ibukin te o-n-aroka ke kanaia aroka.

• E kabonganaa te baanikai bwa te tiraa

• E renganaki ma te mannang ma baanikai ake a mwau bwa e aonga n buoka

kauarerekean te boi.

• Uoua te kai n nakotinaniku inanona bwa ngkana e on are teuana ao e manga

kabonganaaki are te kauoua.

• E kainanoia taan kabonganaa bwa a na kaika kanoan tangken te nakotaari n te tai are

e a boo iai taina imwiin onoua te namwakaina.

Tamnei 13: te roki

272

APPENDIX 4: ADDITIONAL RESULTS FROM ANALYSIS OF INTERVIEW DATA

Table 1: different professions of participants

Record of different professions in each participant group

Profession Consultants and volunteers


Homegardeners Total

Academic 1 0 0 1

Nun 0 0 1 1

Project manager (Government) 0 5 0 5

Agronomist 1 0 0 1

Project manager (donor) 5 0 0 5

Homegardener 0 0 12 12

Surveyor 0 3 0 3

Nutrition and health advisor 1 0 0 1

Agricultural advisor 1 3 0 4

Town planner 1 1 0 2

Architect 2 0 0 2

Environmental consultant 1 0 0 1

Lawyer 0 1 0 1

Total 13 13 13 39 Source: analysis of interview data

273

Table 2: demographic information on participants in semi structured interview

Code Age Education Island of birth

Majority of life I-Kiribati heritage

Male (M) or female (F)

C1 52 Tertiary International Tarawa n M C2 28 Tertiary International Tarawa n F C3 50 Tertiary International Tarawa n M

C4 56 Tertiary Southern Gilberts

Tarawa y M

C5 45 Secondary International Tarawa y F


Tarawa y M

C7 65 Tertiary International Tarawa n M



Tarawa y M


C11 26 Tertiary International Tarawa n F C12 32 Tertiary International Tarawa n M

Con

sulta

nt a

nd v

olun

teer

s


G1 30 Tertiary Southern Gilberts

Tarawa y F


Tarawa y M

G3 26 Tertiary Northern Gilberts

Tarawa y F


Tarawa y M

G5 42 Tertiary Central Gilberts

Outer islands y M


Tarawa y M


Tarawa y F


Tarawa y M


Tarawa y F


Tarawa y M


Tarawa y F

G12 39 Tertiary International Tarawa n M

Gov

ernm

ent e

mpl

oyee

s


Tarawa y M

HG1 54 Primary Northern Gilberts

Tarawa y F

HG2 54 Secondary Northern Gilberts

Tarawa y M

HG3 34 Secondary Southern Gilberts

Tarawa y M

HG4 40 None Southern Gilberts

Tarawa y F

Hom

egar

dene

rs

HG5 56 Secondary Banaba Tarawa y F

274

HG6 54 Primary Northern Gilberts

Tarawa y F


Tarawa y F

HG8 42 Secondary Banaba Tarawa y F

HG9 54 Primary Banaba Tarawa y M


Tarawa y F

HG11 67 Secondary Northern Gilberts

Tarawa y M


Tarawa y M

HG13 28 Primary Central Gilberts

Outer islands y M


Table 3: participants’ suggestions on potential implementation approaches for the banana

circle, community composting scheme and composting toilet

Number of references to each implementation approach Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Promotional and implementation ideas for banana circle

Households with banana circles receive reduction in land tax

1 0 0 1

Promotional and implementation ideas for community composting scheme

Effective supervision of rubbish collection the most critical issue

1 0 0 1

Potential to privatise 0 1 0 1

Advertising in local newspaper and radio

1 0 0 1

Move chipping machinery around the urban areas to raise awareness

1 0 0 1

Develop a mascot and include in a cartoon

1 0 0 1

Smaller chipping machinery in each community

1 0 0 1

Require comprehensive educational campaigns

1 0 0 1

Promotional and implementation ideas for composting toilet

Need for greater public awareness 1 3 0 4

People employed to maintain composting toilets

0 1 0 1

Interested households involved in a pilot program

0 1 0 1

Hold a competition and winner gets a free toilet

2 0 0 2


275

Table 4: alternative participant models for the ownership and management of urban


Number of references to each implementation approach Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Alternative participant models Larger homegarden plots 3 0 0 3

Divide land in half and place settlements on ocean and lagoon side of the atoll

0 1 0 1

Large private companies oversee productive land

2 4 0 6

Combine recreation and productive land uses

2 1 0 3

Productive land connected to institutions

1 0 4 5

As a stage in the development of future planned urban settlements

1 0 0 1

Road in middle of productive land with access paths down boundary lines

1 0 0 1

Single road on the lagoon side with settlement on ocean and lagoon side

1 0 0 1

Local councils administer productive lands rather than Central Government

2 1 0 3


Figure 1: alternative model for atoll settlement proposed by participant C10

Source: interview data

Explanatory notes:

• Settlement on either side of the atoll • People have the option of buying productive land • Pig pens near the road • Access down boundary lines

276





Explanatory notes:

• Productive land is leased out under a staged development scheme • Household in stage one will have access to surrounding agricultural land • As more stages are completed the lease agreement is revised to include new

households

Explanatory notes:

• Settlement on either side of the atoll • Plots of land could be divided either side of the road • Livestock away from the houses on the boundary line • Access down the boundary lines

277





Explanatory notes:

• Increase the size of home garden plots

Explanatory notes:

• Land managed by institutions such as schools, hospitals, prisons, aid agencies • Profits used to support institution • Education, nutritional, food security and waste management outcomes are

closely linked to food production • Organisations produce seedlings to sell to local gardeners

278

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

Close to house Middle ofproductive lands

Ocean side No answer

Location of pigs and chickens

Tot

al o

f par

ticip

ant r

anki

ng (s

cale

of 1

to 4

)

Total



Homegardeners

High

Low

Figure 6: participant ranking of different options for keeping pigs and chickens in future



279

Table 5: positive and negative aspects relating to different options for keeping pigs and chickens

in urban areas

Number of references to each issue Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Communal pens on ocean side

Negatives

Increased infrastructure costs 2 0 0 2

People like to be close to their pigs 0 2 3 5

Harsh environment impedes live weight gain

0 0 1 1

Concern for security of animals 3 1 1 5

Difficult to change current practices 1 0 0 1

Positives

More able to control pig effluent 1 0 0 1

Pollutants flushed away by tide 0 1 0 1

Distance from human dwellings 4 8 7 19

Success of communal piggeries in Colonial times

3 3 0 6

Better option for narrow land 0 1 0 1

Decreases pollution of water lens 1 0 0 1

Traditional to keep animals at a distance

0 1 0 1

Efficient use of productive land 1 0 0 1

Individual pens in middle of land

Negatives

Pollution of ground water lens and crops

4 2 1 7

Difficult to change current practices 1 0 0 1

Increased potential for animals to eat crops

1 0 0 1

Concern for security of animals 2 0 0 2

Positives

Potential for waste to enrich soils 4 9 3 16

Distance from human dwellings 2 8 2 12

Better option for wider lands 0 1 0 1

Closer to human dwellings 2 2 3 7

Easy access to fresh water 0 0 1 1

Clear demarcation of animal location

2 0 0 2

Pens next to house

Negatives

Pollution of the urban environment 11 8 9 28

Positives

Sign of wealth 2 0 0 2

Improved access and security 3 1 8 12

Fertilise soils around the home 1 0 2 3


280

0

5

10

15

20

25

Settlement on oceanand lagoon

Settlement just onlagoon

No answer

Settlement option

Part

icip

ant n

umbe

r Total

Consultants andvolunteers

Governmentemployees

Homegardeners

Figure 7: participant preference for housing settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll or on both

the lagoon and ocean sides


Table 6: reasons why participants preferred urban settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll or

on both the lagoon and ocean sides

Number of references to each issue Consultants and


Homegardeners Total

Different settlement options

Settlement on lagoon and ocean sides

More efficient access and use of space

5 5 0 10

Lessen population pressure on lagoon resources

4 3 0 7

Cooling breezes of ocean side 1 2 0 3

Settlement on lagoon side only

General preference for lagoon 3 0 1 4

More sheltered than the ocean 4 1 10 15

Lagoon preferred for narrow land 0 1 0 1

Lagoon used for boating access 0 1 1 2

Easier to reclaim land 0 0 1 1

Increases access to different ecological zones

2 0 0 2

Less road infrastructure to maintain 1 0 0 1


281

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Next to

house

5 minu

te or le

ss

10 minute

or le

ss

15 minute

or le

ss

20 minute

or le

ss

25 minute

or le

ss

30 minute

or le

ss

More

then

30 minute

s

No answ

er

Walking time to productive lands

Num

ber

of p

artic

ipan

tsTotal



Homegardeners

Figure 8: the amount of time that participants would be willing to walk to productive lands


282

APPENDIX 5: CALCULATION OF THE NUTRITIONAL CONTRIBUTION OF

URBAN AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS

Table 1: consumption of locally grown foods recommended by Government nutritionists to

maintain a balanced diet

Food units Number of food units consumed in a day*

Edible portion of 1 food unit (g)**

Weight of food to be consumed in a day (g)

Weight of food to be consumed in a day (100g)

Banana (whole fruit)

8 45.00 360.00 3.60

Breadfruit (whole fruit)

2 725.00 1450.00 14.50

Mature coconut (flesh and cavity fluid)^

3 480.00 1440.00 14.40

Immature coconut (flesh and cavity fluid)”

3 620.00 1860.00 18.60

Chinese cabbage (whole plants)

2 300.00 600.00 6.00

Cucumber (whole vegetable)

1 165.00 165.00 1.65

Edible hibiscus (leaves)

16 5.00 80.00 0.80

Pandanus (keys) 16 65.00 1040.00 10.40

Pawpaw (whole fruit)

4 950.00 3800.00 38.00

Coconut toddy (litres)

2 1000.00 2000.00 20.00

Reef fish NA NA 2160.00 21.60 White bread roll NA NA 400.00 4.00 Boiled rice NA NA 3200.00 32.00 Notes: * Data from interviews with Government nutritionists ** Data from Section 6.3 ^ Figures for mature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid ” Figures for immature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid Source: analysis of interview data

283

halla

This table is not available online. Please consult the hardcopy thesis available from the QUT Library

284

Source: Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006)

halla

This table is not available online. Please consult the hardcopy thesis available from the QUT Library

285

Table 3: calculations to determine the contribution of recommended consumption levels of locally grown agroforestry foods to overall household nutrition

Nutritional Information per 100g‘

Banana Boiled breadfruit

Mature coconut*

Immature coconut"

Raw Chinese Cabbage

Raw cucumber

Boiled edible hibiscus leaves

Pandanus Pawpaw Coconut toddy

Bake/grill reef fish composite

White bread roll

Boiled white rice

Amount consumed per day typical urban family ^

Daily Dietary Reference Intakes for typical urban household

Energy (kJ) 433.00 313.00 1688.46 184.62 77.00 46.00 120.00 360.00 213.00 177.00 542.00 1085.00 515.00 77420.15 72354.90

Protein (g) 1.30 1.30 4.08 0.73 2.20 0.80 3.40 1.30 0.50 0.20 24.10 9.70 2.30 770.51 322.00

Carbohydrates (g) 23.60 14.40 4.79 5.22 0.90 1.20 0.30 17.20 11.80 9.60 0.40 48.40 28.00 2370.92 1040.00

Fibre (g) 0.80 2.50 7.30 1.11 1.30 1.10 3.50 3.50 0.80 0.00 0.00 3.10 0.80 260.72 226.00

Sodium (mg) 29.00 1.00 45.93 17.48 38.00 18.00 6.00 70.00 6.00 34.00 85.00 700.00 5.00 7664.96 11000.00

Magnesium (mg) 33.00 23.00 59.37 14.44 28.00 13.00 108.00 17.00 12.00 4.00 50.00 29.00 13.00 4001.88 2310.00

Potassium (mg) 241.00 350.00 451.53 188.20 428.00 120.00 201.00 236.00 170.00 110.00 411.00 122.00 10.00 38344.38 34800.00

Calcium (mg) 11.00 13.00 21.63 12.70 94.00 12.00 216.00 88.00 24.00 0.00 24.00 60.00 4.00 4182.29 8100.00

Iron (mg) 0.60 0.20 2.23 0.45 1.00 0.10 1.50 0.40 0.70 0.00 0.70 1.30 0.30 107.03 88.00

Zinc (mg) 0.20 0.10 0.65 0.14 0.50 0.20 1.20 0.30 0.10 0.00 0.70 0.60 0.60 60.17 65.00

Vitamin A (�g) 4.00 3.00 0.00 0.00 223.00 22.00 731.00 95.00 59.00 0.00 17.00 0.00 0.00 5614.20 5400.00

Thiamin (mg) 0.07 0.08 0.02 0.04 0.03 0.02 0.10 0.09 0.03 0.00 0.08 0.14 0.03 7.97 7.80

Riboflavin (mg) 0.08 0.05 0.02 0.01 0.09 0.02 0.30 0.02 0.05 0.02 0.11 0.08 0.01 7.71 8.10

Niacin (mg) 0.70 0.70 0.63 4.05 0.80 0.20 1.30 0.90 0.40 0.20 4.00 1.60 0.60 241.96 102.00

Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.70 0.00 0.00 36.72 15.90

Vitamin C (mg) 17.30 22.00 2.53 2.72 38.00 7.00 7.00 5.20 73.00 20.00 1.30 0.00 0.00 3962.17 490.00

Vitamin E (mg) 0.40 0.70 0.60 0.07 0.20 0.10 1.00 0.00 1.20 0.00 1.00 0.00 0.00 89.13 99.00

Notes: ‘Data in this table was sourced from Dignan et al. (2004) except for the vitamin A content of pandanus calculated by averaging the nutritional values of the five most nutritious pandanus species in Englberger et al. (2006) * Figures for mature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 1:0.26 per 100 grams " Figures for immature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 0.35:1 per 100 grams ^ Figures in this column are calculated by multiplying the earlier established consumption of selected agroforestry species with the nutritional value of produce of each species Source: analysis of interview data

286

Table 4: comparison between the nutritional value of the recommended consumption of local

foods from Government nutritionists and the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes from

Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for the typical urban household

Imported staples

Reef fish Garden produce

Total intake


Energy (kJ) 20820.00 11707.20 44892.95 77420.15 72354.90 Protein (g) 112.40 520.56 137.55 770.51 322.00 Carbohydrates (g) 1089.60 8.64 1272.68 2370.92 1040.00 Fibre (g) 38.00 0.00 222.72 260.72 226.00 Sodium (mg) 2960.00 1836.00 2868.96 7664.96 11000.00 Magnesium (mg) 532.00 1080.00 2389.88 4001.88 2310.00 Potassium (mg) 808.00 8877.60 28658.78 38344.38 34800.00 Calcium (mg) 368.00 518.40 3295.89 4182.29 8100.00 Iron (mg) 14.80 15.12 77.11 107.03 88.00 Zinc (mg) 21.60 15.12 23.45 60.17 65.00 Vitamin A (�g) 0.00 367.20 5247.00 5614.20 5400.00 Thiamin (mg) 1.52 1.73 4.72 7.97 7.80 Riboflavin (mg) 0.64 2.38 4.69 7.71 8.10 Niacin (mg) 25.60 86.40 129.96 241.96 102.00 Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 36.72 0.00 36.72 15.90 Vitamin C (mg) 0.00 28.08 3934.09 3962.17 490.00 Vitamin E (mg) 0.00 21.60 67.53 89.13 99.00 Source: analysis of nutritional data

287

Table 5: calculations to determine the number of species required to produce Government nutritionists’ recommendations for the consumption of locally produced

foods

Banana Breadfruit Mature coconutª

Immature coconut^

Chinese cabbage

Cucumber Edible hibiscus


Edible per annum yield from a single mature species (kg)

6.75 181 28.8 37.2 1.8 2.2 1.2 29.25 22.8 730

Recommended daily consumption levels from nutritionist (100g)

3.60 14.50 11.46 18.60 6.00 1.65 0.80 10.40 38.00 20.00

Daily food volume (kg) 0.36 1.45 1.15 1.86 0.60 0.17 0.08 1.04 3.80 2.00 Number of species required to fulfil recommended intake (rounded to nearest whole number)

19 3 15 15” 122 27 24 13 61 1

Notes: ª Figures for mature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ^ Figures for immature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ” The number of immature coconuts required has been lowered to be equal to the number of mature coconuts, as the number of coconuts to be consumed was originally the

same Source: analysis of nutritional data

288

Table 6: daily food production and consumption based on the number of species within 1000 square metres of urban agroforestry land

Banana Breadfruit Mature coconutª

Immature coconut^

��

Cucumber¨ Edible hibiscus


Reef fish

White bread roll

Boiled white rice

Edible per annum yield from a single mature species (kg)

6.75 181.00 28.80 37.20 1.80 2.20 1.20 29.25 22.80 730.00 NA NA NA

Diameter (metres) 3.00 9.00 5.50 5.50 0.30 0.40 1.50 7.00 3.00 5.50 NA NA NA

Area per tree (m²) 7.07 63.62 23.76 23.76 0.17 0.33 1.77 38.48 7.07 23.76 NA NA NA

Yield per (m²) 0.95 2.85 1.21 1.57 10.59 6.67 0.68 0.76 3.23 30.73 NA NA NA

Daily food production and consumption (100g)

1.11 4.96 3.16 4.08 1.87 0.48 0.26 3.21 11.87 20.00 21.60 4.00 32.00

Number of species included within 1000 square meters

6.00 1.00 4.00 4.00 38.00 8.00 8.00 4.00 19.00 1.00 NA NA NA

Notes:

ª Figures for mature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ^ Figures for immature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ˜ The area for Chinese cabbage is calculated using a spacing of 30 centimetres in rows and 60 centimetres between rows ̈The area for cucumber is calculated using a row spacing of 1 metre by 30 centimetres

” The number of immature coconuts required has been lowered to equal to the number of mature coconuts required as the number of coconuts to be consumed is originally the same NA - Not Applicable


289

Table 7: per day nutritional contribution of atoll agroforestry species within 1000 square metres of urban agroforestry land

Nutritional Information per 100g‘

Banana Boiled breadfruit

Mature coconut*

Immature coconut"

Raw Chinese Cabbage

Raw cucumber

Boiled Edible hibiscus leaves


Bake/grill reef fish composite

White bread roll

Boiled white rice

Amount consumed per day by typical urban household

Daily Dietary Reference Intakes for typical urban household^

Energy (kJ) 433.00 313.00 1688.46 184.62 77.00 46.00 120.00 360.00 213.00 177.00 542.00 1085.00 515.00 48061.50 72354.90

Protein (g) 1.30 1.30 4.08 0.73 2.20 0.80 3.40 1.30 0.50 0.20 24.10 9.70 2.30 676.19 322.00

Carbohydrates (g) 23.60 14.40 4.79 5.22 0.90 1.20 0.30 17.20 11.80 9.60 0.40 48.40 28.00 1621.77 1040.00

Fibre (g) 0.80 2.50 7.30 1.11 1.30 1.10 3.50 3.50 0.80 0.00 0.00 3.10 0.80 103.47 226.00

Sodium (mg) 29.00 1.00 45.93 17.48 38.00 18.00 6.00 70.00 6.00 34.00 85.00 700.00 5.00 6106.44 11000.00

Magnesium (mg) 33.00 23.00 59.37 14.44 28.00 13.00 108.00 17.00 12.00 4.00 50.00 29.00 13.00 2372.97 2310.00

Potassium (mg) 241.00 350.00 451.53 188.20 428.00 120.00 201.00 236.00 170.00 110.00 411.00 122.00 10.00 19767.88 34800.00

Calcium (mg) 11.00 13.00 21.63 12.70 94.00 12.00 216.00 88.00 24.00 0.00 24.00 60.00 4.00 1888.76 8100.00

Iron (mg) 0.60 0.20 2.23 0.45 1.00 0.10 1.50 0.40 0.70 0.00 0.70 1.30 0.30 52.36 88.00

Zinc (mg) 0.20 0.10 0.65 0.14 0.50 0.20 1.20 0.30 0.10 0.00 0.70 0.60 0.60 43.56 65.00

Vitamin A (�g) 4.00 3.00 0.00 0.00 223.00 22.00 731.00 95.00 59.00 0.00 17.00 0.00 0.00 2012.04 5400.00

Thiamin (mg) 0.07 0.08 0.02 0.04 0.03 0.02 0.10 0.09 0.03 0.00 0.08 0.14 0.03 4.68 7.80

Riboflavin (mg) 0.08 0.05 0.02 0.01 0.09 0.02 0.30 0.02 0.05 0.02 0.11 0.08 0.01 4.76 8.10

Niacin (mg) 0.70 0.70 0.63 4.05 0.80 0.20 1.30 0.90 0.40 0.20 4.00 1.60 0.60 148.32 102.00

Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.70 0.00 0.00 36.72 15.90

Vitamin C (mg) 17.30 22.00 2.53 2.72 38.00 7.00 7.00 5.20 73.00 20.00 1.30 0.00 0.00 1534.94 490.00

Vitamin E (mg) 0.40 0.70 0.60 0.07 0.20 0.10 1.00 0.00 1.20 0.00 1.00 0.00 0.00 42.62 99.00

Notes: ‘ The nutritional data in this table has been sourced from Dignan et al. (2004) except for the vitamin A content of pandanus calculated by averaging the five most nutritious pandanus species in Englberger et al. (2006) * Figures for mature coconut include both nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 1:0.26 per 100 grams " Figures for immature coconut include both nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 0.35:1 per 100 grams ^ Figures in this column are calculated by multiplying the earlier established consumption of selected agroforestry species within 1000 square metres with the nutritional value of produce of each species


290

Table 8: nutritional value of produce from agroforestry species in 1000 square metres compared

to the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for the

typical urban household

Imported staples

Reef fish Garden produce

Total intake


Energy (kJ) 20820.00 11707.20 15534.30 48061.50 72354.90 Protein (g) 112.40 520.56 43.23 676.19 322.00 Carbohydrates (g) 1089.60 8.64 523.53 1621.77 1040.00 Fibre (g) 38.00 0.00 65.47 103.47 226.00 Sodium (mg) 2960.00 1836.00 1310.44 6106.44 11000.00 Magnesium (mg) 532.00 1080.00 760.97 2372.97 2310.00 Potassium (mg) 808.00 8877.60 10082.28 19767.88 34800.00 Calcium (mg) 368.00 518.40 1002.36 1888.76 8100.00 Iron (mg) 14.80 15.12 22.44 52.36 88.00 Zinc (mg) 21.60 15.12 6.84 43.56 65.00 Vitamin A (�g) 0.00 367.20 1644.84 2012.04 5400.00 Thiamin (mg) 1.52 1.73 1.43 4.68 7.80 Riboflavin (mg) 0.64 2.38 1.74 4.76 8.10 Niacin (mg) 25.60 86.40 36.32 148.32 102.00 Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 36.72 0.00 36.72 15.90 Vitamin C (mg) 0.00 28.08 1506.86 1534.94 490.00 Vitamin E (mg) 0.00 21.60 21.02 42.62 99.00


291

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