A Grammar of Fongbe Volume 5996 () || 7. Clause structures

Chapter 7Clause structures

This chapter examines the clause structures of the language. Copular (and copular-like)structures and complement clause structures are discussed in section 7.1 and section 7.2,respectively. Clause structures involving Wh-movement (topic, cleft, Wh-question andrelative clause structures) are described in section 7.3. Factive, causal, temporal,purposive, conditional and concessive clauses are discussed in the remainder of thesections. Of particular interest in this chapter are the facts pertaining to the distributionof resumptive pronouns in clause structures involving Wh-movement andsubject/object asymmetries (see section 7.3), and data involving verb-doublingphenomena (see sections 7.3.2, 7.4, 7.5 and 7.6).

7.1. Copular structures

In addition to wa 'it is' (discussed in section 6.6), which may be seen to have copularproperties, there are three copular lexical entries in Fongbe: nyi 'to be', φ 'to be at'and tin 'to exist'. The structures containing each of these lexical items will be discussedin turn.

7.7.7. Structures containing nyi 'to be'

The lexical item nyi 'to be' relates an NP to a subject. The structures containing nyi arepredicative or equative.

In predicative structures, the NP related to the subject denotes a property of thesubject and it is non-referential. The sentences in (1H3) constitute typical examples ofsuch structures for some informants. (Variation among speakers will be discussedbelow.)

(1) a. Koku nyi mesiKoku be teacher good'Koku is a good teacher.'

b. Koku nyi gblto kpevi.Koku be human short'Koku is a short human.'

(2) a. Koku nyi gbeto.Koku be human'Koku is a human.'

Brought to you by | Columbia University Library The Burke Library New York (Columbia University Library The Burke Library New York)Authenticated | 172.16.1.226

Download Date | 7/27/12 6:04 PM

144 7. Clause structures

b. Nyibo nyi känlin.cow be animal'Cows are animals.'

(3) a. Koku nyi Mono.Koku be glutton'Koku is a glutton.'

b. Koku nyi ak\ven5.Koku be rich'Koku is a rich person.'

Note that in the examples in (3), ädond and akwend bear the nominal attributive suffix-no (discussed in section 8.2.1.2).

The structures containing nyi may also be equative. In contrast to the predicativestructures above, in equative structures, the NP related to a subject by nyi is referential.The sentences in (4) and (5) are typical equative structures for some speakers.

(4) a. Koku nyi n$vi c£.Koku be sibling my'Koku is my sibling.'

b. Koku nyi xontdn cb.Koku be friend my'Koku is my friend.'

(5) a. Ün (nd) nyi Afiavi.Isg HAB be Afiavi'lam Afiavi.'

b. Nyonu nyi Äsibä.gkl DEM DBF be Asiba'That girl is Asiba.'

Equative structures containing nyi may involve a possessed NP, as is illustrated in (6)and (7).

(6) Wema elo 6 nyi ndvi <£ tan.book DEM DEF be sibling my GENThis book is my sibling's.'

(7) nyi towe I c£.3sg be 2sg:POSS / lsg:POSS

a. 'It is yours/mine.'b. 'It is for you/for me.'

Some speakers do not find the structure shown in (1H6) very natural, when matrixclauses are involved. For this second group of speakers, however, the structures in (1)-(6) are perfectly natural when they are embedded under a verb of the class of 'to say', asis shown in (8).



Copular structures 145

(8) sib φ K ku nyi mesi <[ gbe.Asiba say Koku be teacher good'Asiba said that Koku is a good teacher.'

When matrix clauses are involved, this second group of speakers prefers a structurewhere the NP occurring after nyi in (1H6) has been clefted (see section 7.3.2), as in (9)(compare with (lb)) and (10) (compare with (7)).

(9) Gbeto hwesin ννέ, Koku nyi.human small it.is Koku be'It is a small human that Koku is.'

(10) Ν$νί ώ ton ννέ, wem 615 6 nyi.sibling my GEN it.is book DEM DBF be'It is my sibling's that this book is.'

Topicalisation (discussed in section 7.3.1) may also be involved in predicative andequative structures containing nyi 'to be'. In this case, the sentences may be truncated,since both έ nyi and ye nyi are optionally pronounced, as is indicated by the parenthesesin the examples below.2 The sentences in (11) and (12) illustrate this phenomenon forpredicative and equative structures, respectively.

(11) a. KSku 6, gteto \νέ (έ nyi).Koku DEF human it.is 3sg be'Koku, it is a human that he is.'

b. Nyibu Ιέ 6, k nlin \νέ (ye nyi).cow PL DEF animal it.is 3pl be'Cows, it is animals that they are.'

(12) Nyonu em o, Asib wa (e nyi).girl DEM DEF Asiba it.is 3sg be'That girl, it is Asiba that she is.'

The sentences in (13) show similar data for structures involving a possessed NP.

(13) a. Wema 616 o, n$vi c& ton \νέ (e nyi).book DEM DEF sibling my GEN it.is 3sg be'This book, it is my sibling's that it is.'

b. T we Ι ώ \νέ (e nyi).2sg:POSS / lsg:POSS it.is 3sg be'It is yours/mine that it is.'

For some speakers, the structures in (11H13) are on a par with those in (1X6) as faras naturalness is concerned. Other speakers much prefer the structures in (l 1H13) overthose in (l)-(6) when matrix clauses are involved.




So far, predicative and equative structures have been distinguished only on the basisof the semantic properties of the NP related to the subject by nyi: in predicativestructures, the NP related to the subject denotes a property of the subject and is non-referential, whereas in equative structures, the NP related to the subject is referential.The following syntactic test confirms the distinction between predicative and equativestructures making use of nyi. In predicative structures, the NP is questioned by nu te'which thing/what', whereas in equative structures, it is questioned by mi te 'whichperson/who'. While 'what' refers to a property (and not to an individual), 'who' refersto an individual (and not to a property). This is illustrated in (14) and (15), respectively.As is pointed out by Le"ger (p.c.), the NP predicate in (14a) may be questioned by 'what'as in (14b), and the reply to the question in (14b) may be the sentence in (14a). The NPpredicate in (14a) could not be questioned by 'who'.

(14) a. K ku nyi su c[ gb .Koku be husband good'Koku is a good husband.' (from Loger p.c.)

b. Nu ίέ3 ννέ Koku nyilthing which it.is Koku be'What is Koku?' (from Loger p.c.)

In contrast, in equative structures, the NP predicate in (15a) has to be questioned by'who', as is shown in (15b), and the reply to the question in (15b) may be a sentence ofthe type in (15a). The NP predicate in (15a) could not be questioned by 'what'.

(15) a. K ku nyi Asib sin su.Koku be Asiba OBJ husband'Koku is the husband of Asiba.' (from L6ger p.c.)

b. Με Ιέ \νέ Koku nyi 7person which it.is Koku be'Who is Koku?' (from Leger p.c.)

The results of this formal test thus further support the distinction between predicativeand equative structures involving nyi. As is pointed out by Loger (p.c.), the data showthat nyi may indeed participate in both predicative and equative structures. This iscounter to the claim in Ndayiragije (1993a: 57-75) according to whom nyi canparticipate in predicative structures, but not in equative ones.

Nyf also participates in the verbal passive construction discussed in section 10.4.5.1.As is exemplified in (16), in this structure the nominalised verb is related to its subjectby nyi.

(16) Ανά ό nyi wiwolon.loincloth DEF be creased'The loincloth has been creased.' (by someone)

(=(la) in Brousseau 1998: 126)




As will be seen below, the adjectival passive structure requkes φ 'to be at' instead ofnyi 'to be'. This is in line with the claim that nyi can only relate lexical items that arenouns to their subject. Genuine adjectives (discussed in section 12.1.2) cannot berelated to a subject by nyi. This is shown by the ungrammatically of (17).

(17) *K$ku nyi y y l ny nyKoku be simple / bad

Postpositional phrases (be they locative, comitative or benefactive) also cannot berelated to their subject by nyi, as is illustrated by the ungrammaticality of (18).

(18) *wama 6 nyi t v jibook DEF be table on

The grammaticality of the sentences where nyi relates an NP to its subject, and theungrammaticality of the sentences where nyi relates an adjective or a postpositionalphrase to a subject, show that only nominal predicates can be related to a subject by nyi'to be'. As will be seen in section 7.1.2, adjectival and postpositional phrases arerelated to their subject by φ 'to be at'.

7.7.2. Structures containing djb 'to be at'

The lexical entry φ 'to be at' cannot relate an NP to its subject. This is shown by theungrammaticality of the sentence in (19).

(19) *Koku φ mesiKoku be.at teacher good

The fact is that φ relates only non-nominal predicates to their subject. The reason forthis is that φ is semantically locative in space, state and time.

In (20), φ relates a locative spatial postpositional phrase to its subject.

(20) Wema 6 φ t v ji.book DEF be.at table on'The book is on the table.'

Several examples of this type are provided in sections 11.1 and 11.2. In section 11.1,it is further shown that the lexical item φ also serves as a locative prepositionmeaning 'at'.

In (21), the lexical item φ 'to be at' participates in the formation of the imperfectiveaspect. Recall from section 5.3.4.2 that Fongbe has a locative expression of theprogressive, where φ selects a postpositional phrase headed by we, as in (21).




(21) Kdku φ wiwKoku be.at arriving POST'Koku is arriving.'[Lit.: 'Koku is at arriving.']

The lexical item φ may also combine with φΐιύη 'like' yielding the meaning 'to belike', as is illustrated in (22).4

(22) Koku φ to tonKoku be.at father GEN like'Koku is like his father.'

The lexical item φ 'to be at' may relate a predicate consisting of a genuine adjective(see section 12.1.2) to its subject, as is illustrated in (23).

(23) Kdko φ 4 gte Ι φχό.Koku be.at good / important'Koku is good/important.'

Accordingly, φ participates in adjectival passive constructions, as is illustrated in (24)and (25).

(24) Ανά ό φ wiwolon.loincloth DEF be.at creased'The loincloth is creased.' (=(lb) in Brousseau 1998: 126)

(25) H$n 6 φ htinhun I suso.door DEF be.at opened / closed'The door is opened/closed.'

Adjectival passives will be discussed in section 10.4.5.2.The lexical item φ may situate an event in time, as is illustrated in (26).

(26) Hwt nO e k φ & έ φ sd.when 3sg be.at RES 3sg be.at tomorrow'When will it be? It will be tomorrow.' (from Rassinoux 1987)

In such a context, φ means 'to take place'.Finally, φ 'to be at' is found in clause structures being interpreted as 'there is/there

are', as in (27).

(27) Υόνόζέπ φ έ Μ £έη, έ φ έ.orange be.at RES Q yes 3sg be.at RES'Are there oranges? Yes, there are.' (from Rassinoux 1987)




Rassinoux (1987) has έ tin within parentheses after the reply to the question in (27),suggesting that the reply with fin would be an alternative to the reply with ψ>. Myinformants accept a reply containing tin provided that the question also contains tin,and they clarify the difference in meaning between the two copular verbs: While thereply containing φ <to b6 at> m (27) asserts that there are oranges, say, in -thehouse/room, the reply containing tin 'to exist*, in (28), refers to another reality: theorange season.

(28) Υόνόζέη tin al έέη, e tin.orange exist Q yes 3sg exist'Is it the orange season? Yes, it is.'[Lit.: 'Do orange exist? Yes, they exist.']

7.7.3. Structures containing tin 'to exist'

The lexical item tin 'to exist' occurs in existential clauses, as illustrated in (29).

(29) Xo (fikpo tin.story one exist'There is a problem.' (=(45a) in Lefebvre 1998a: 270)

As is noted in Lefebvre (1998a: 270), the word order in (29) is the sole order possiblein this construction. The ungrammaticality of the (a) sentences in (30}-(32) shows thattin cannot relate a noun phrase to another phrase. The (b) sentences show thegrammatical versions of the intended meanings of the (a) sentences.

(30) a. *to (fikpo tin Βέηίηίόcountry one exist Benin

b. Γα, <jdkpo tin bo\ nyi Βέηίηίό.country one exist and.it be Benin'There is a country that is Benin.'[Lit.: "There is a country and it is Benin.']

(31) a. *wema φ tin f ngfbook IND exist Fongbe

b. [Werna φ]ί tin bo\ ιέ> wl n ngte χό.book IND exist and.it HAB write Fongbe word'There is a book written about Fongbe.'[Lit.: "There is a book and it writes Fongbe words.']

(32) a. *nyibu φ Ιέ tin gtej n mlcow IND PL exist field in




b. [Nyibu φ Ιέ\ tin bo{ φ gtej n ιηέ.cow IND PL exist and.they be.at field inThere are cows in the field.'[Lit.: 'There are cows and they are in the field.']

(33) [Gteto φ Ιέ\ tin boi no φ digb n.people IND PL exist and.they HAB put lie'There are people who lie.'[Lit.: 'There are people and they lie.']

Existential clauses are also discussed in Akoha (1980: 164) and Hounkpatin(1985: 189-198, 283-287).

7.1.4. Summary

In addition to wa, discussed in section 6.6, there are three copular (and copular-like)lexical items in Fongbe: nyi 'to be', which relates a nominal predicate to its subject;φ 'to be at' which relates a postpositional phrase or an adjectival predicate to itssubject; and tin 'to exist', which appears in existential clause structures. The syntacticproperties of these three copular lexical items must follow from their semantics. Aprecise characterisation of the semantics of these lexical entries is a topic for futureresearch.

7.2. Complement clause structures

Complement clauses are discussed in various sections of this book. Here, I onlysummarise the major points. Tensed complements of verbs of the SAY-class areintroduced by φ (see section 6.2.1). Tensed complements of verbs of the WANT-classare introduced by ηίοτηυ (see section 6.2.2). Tensed complements ofk ka 'until' areintroduced by bo or bo (see section 6.2.3). Tenseless complements are discussed insection 10.5.4.1.2, where it is shown that they may or may not contain an overtsubject. As will be seen in section 7.3, it is possible to extract arguments out ofcomplement clauses. Complement clauses are also discussed in Akoha (1980: 211,1990: 251-258) and Anonymous (1983: V, 1).

7.3. Clause structures involving Wh-movement

This section discusses four clause structures involving movement of a phrase out of itsbasic position: topic, cleft, Wh-question and relative clauses. On the basis of severallanguages, it has been argued that these structures share the following properties (seee.g. Chomsky 1981 and related work). First, they all involve movement of a phrase outof its basic position in the clause. Second, movement may be non-local or unbounded.



Clause structures involving Wh-movement 151

Third, these structures manifest subject/object asymmetries of various types. In thissection, it is shown that all four Fongbe constructions manifest the general propertiesobserved in other languages. The distribution of resumptive pronouns in the extractionsites, however, presents certain language-specific properties. Data pertaining to thesubject/object asymmetries observed in these constructions are also highly interesting.

7.3.1. Topicalisation structures

A topicalised phrase occurs at the beginning of a clause. The topicalised phrase isheaded by the definite determiner 6 which serves as a topic marker. This construction isillustrated in (34). Note that there is a resumptive pronoun, glossed as RES, in theextraction site; parentheses indicate optionality.

(34) Kokoi 6, sib παKoku DBF Asiba see RES'Koku, Asiba saw him.'

When the topicalised phrase itself contains a definite determiner, it creates a sequence oftwo determiners in a row. In this case, only one determiner can be pronounced, asshown in (35).

(35) Asoni 6, sib πα (έ\.crab DBF Asiba see RES"The crab, Asiba saw it.'

The surface filter constraining the pronunciation of two adjacent identical morphemes isdiscussed in section 15.4.

The sentences in (34) and (35) show that it is possible to topicalise a noun phrase. Itis also possible to topicalise a postpositional phrase, as is shown in (36). In theexamples below, ί stands for 'trace'; it is not italicised for it only identifies the emptyposition left following extraction.

(36) [X s n 6 n£]i 6, wu 6 φ αφ ψ? tj.basket DBF in DBF cat DBF put piss put"The basket, the cat pissed in it.'

According to my informants, it is not possible to topicalise APs nor VPs. Wholeclauses, however, may be topicalised (see e.g. (115)).

Topic structures involve movement of a constituent out of its basic position. This isshown by the fact that the extraction site may be filled by a resumptive pronoun, as in(34) and (35).




Topic structures manifest subject/object asymmetries. As can be seen in (37a), theextraction site of the subject must be filled by a resumptive pronoun. In contrast, theextraction site of the object in (37b) is only optionally filled by a resumptive pronoun.

(37) a. Kdku ό, έ φ mdlikon.Koku DEF RES eat rice'Koku, he ate rice.'

b. M likun 6, Kdku φ (έ).rice DEF Koku eat RESThe rice, Koku ate it.'

In addition, when the extracted constituent is plural, the resumptive pronoun must beplural, as is shown in (38).

(38) a. Vf ό Ιέ ό, ye φ m likon.child DEF PL DEF RES eat rice'The children, they ate rice.'

b. Vf 6 Ιέ ό, Kdku πα (ye).child DEF PL DEF Koku see RES'The children, Koku saw them.'

Finally, movement can be non-local or unbounded. This is exemplified in (39),where the topicalised constituent is linked to a position within the complement clauseof the main verb.

(39) a. Vi 6, Asiba φ έ φ molikun 6.child DEF Asiba say RES eat rice DEF"The child, Asiba said that (s)he ate the rice.'

b. M likun o, Asiba φ νί ό φ (£).rice DEF Asiba say child DEF eat RES'The rice, Asiba said that the child ate it.'

7.3.2. Cleft structures

As we saw in section 6.6.1.2, cleft phrases occur at the beginning of a clause. Theclefted phrase is headed by \νέ 'it is', and is assigned a contrastive interpretation. Thisconstruction is illustrated in (40).

(40) Mallkuiii \νέ, Koku φ ti.rice it.is Koku eat'It is rice that Koku ate.' (not, e.g., com)



Clause structures involving Wh~movement 153

As we will see in section 7.3.3, Wh-questions are clefts in Fongbe. According to myinformants' judgments, in non-Wh-clefts, ννέ is obligatory5, whereas in Wh-clefts, it isoptional.

The sentence in (40) shows a nominal cleft. The sentence in (41) shows that it ispossible to cleave a postpositional phrase.

(41) X s n ό mi\ we, wn 5 φ αφ φ t;,basket DBF in it.is cat DEF urinate urine put'It is in the basket that the cat pissed.'

The sentence in (42) shows that it is possible to cleave an adjectival predicate.

(42) D gbe we, Koku φ έ,well it.is Koku be.at RES'It is well that Koku is.'

It is possible to cleave the complement of <[o 'to be at', participating in theimperfective construction. Recall from section 5.3.4.2 that the complement of φ isheaded by we, which takes a nominalised VP complement. This creates a sequence oftwo adjacent wes. As can be seen in (43), only one we is overtly manifested in thiscase. The filter constraining the pronunciation of two adjacent identical forms will bediscussed in section 15.4.1.

(43) As$n φ we, Koku φ e.crab eating it.is Koku be.at RES'It is eating crab that Koku is doing.'

The clefted phrase may also consist of a "copy" of the verb, as is illustrated in (44).This construction is being referred to in the literature as the predicate cleft construction.The properties of the "copy" will be discussed extensively throughout chapter 16.

(44) Υϊ wέ, Kdku yi.leave it.is Koku leave'It is leave that Koku did.'

Finally, the clefted phrase may consist of a whole clause (see e.g. (105c) and (124c)).Cleft structures involve movement of a phrase out of its basic position. Movement

can be unbounded, as is illustrated in (45), where the clefted constituent is linked to aposition within the complement clause of the matrix verb.

(45) \As6n le 6\ w , Asiba φ K ku φ tj.crab PL DEF it.is Asiba say Koku eat'It is the crabs that Asiba said Koku ate.'




The Fongbe cleft construction presents some extremely interesting data with respectto subject/object asymmetries. Consider (46a), in which the clefted phrase is linked tothe direct object position of the verb. There is a short pause after \νέ (indicated by acomma), and the extraction site is empty. In (46b), the extraction site contains aresumptive pronoun, and the clause is ungrammatical.

(46) a. Molikuni ννέ, KSku φ tj.rice it. is Koku eat'It is rice that Koku ate.'

b. *m likuni we, Kaku φ ^rice it.is Koku eat RES

The data in (46) show that, in clefts involving the object position, the extraction sitemust be empty. Now, consider the data in (47a), where the clefted phrase is linked tothe subject position of the verb. In this case, there is no pause between wa and theverb, and there is no resumptive pronoun in the extraction site. The ungrammaticalityof (47b) further shows that there cannot be a resumptive pronoun in the extraction site.

(47) a. K$ku\ we ti φ mSlikun 6.Koku it.is eat rice DEF'It is Koku who ate the rice.'

b. *Kaktii wa 4 φ malikun 6Koku it.is RES eat rice DEF

As with the model of (37a), we would expect a resumptive pronoun in the extractionsite of the clefted subject, and yet there is none, and there cannot be one. The data in(47) are like those in (46) with respect to this issue. This raises the question of whetherthere are subject/object asymmetries in this structure.

The fact is that subject/object asymmetries are observed in clefts, when the cleftedphrase is linked to a position in an embedded clause. In (48a), the object position mustbe empty, while in (48b), the subject position must contain a resumptive pronoun.

(48) a. [M likun 6\ w , sib φ KSku φ ti / (*£).rice DEF it.is Asiba say Koku eat / RES'It is the rice that Asiba said Koku ate.'

b. Kdkui wέ, sib φ ^ φ mdlikun o.Koku it.is Asiba say RES eat rice DEF'It is Koku who Asiba said ate the rice.'

Moreover, when the clefted constituent is plural, the resumptive pronoun has to beplural in the subject extraction site, while it remains phonologically null in the objectextraction site. This contrast is illustrated in (49a) and (49b), respectively.




(49) a. [Vi Ιέ ό]{ wl, Asiba φ γέ{ φ son Ιέ ό.child PL DBF it.is Asiba say RES eat crab PL DEF'It is the children who Asiba said ate the crabs.'

b. \Ason Ιέ 6\ \νέ, Asiba φ Koku φ ti.crab PL DEF it.is Asiba say Koku eat'It is the crabs that Asiba said Koku ate.'

The data in (48) and (49) show that cleft constructions exhibit subject/objectasymmetries. The reason why these are manifested in cases of long-distance movement(see (48) and (49)), but not in cases of local movement (see (47)), is a topic for futureresearch. An extensive discussion of this problem for linguistic theory can be found inLaw (1993).

As is the case with NP clefts, in predicate cleft constructions, the "copy" mayundergo long-distance movement similar to long-distance Wh-movement (see Law—Lefebvre 1995; Ndayiragije 1993a). This is illustrated in (50).

(50) Xo we Sika Γιη φ Kofi φ siba xdhit it.is Sika think COMP Kofi say Asiba hit Koku'It is hit that Sika thinks that Kofi said that Asiba did to Koku.'

(=(59c) in Law-Lefebvre 1995)

The sentence in (50) shows that predicate clefting may take place out of a finite clause.It may also take place out of a non-finite clause, as illustrated in (51).

(51) W \νέ Koku jlo na w .come it.is Koku want DEF.FUT come'It is come that Koku wants to do.'

As is pointed out in Law— Lefebvre (1995: 16), this construction exhibits subjacencyeffects.

(52) *φ w Koku k nby Asib φ ma we φ son o -jieat it.is Koku ask Asiba COMP person it.is eat crab DEF Q-on[Lit.: 'It is eat that Koku asked Asiba who did to the crab.']

(=(21) in Law-Lefebvre 1995)

Ndayiragije (1993a: 107-108) shows that this construction also obeys the complex NPconstraint and the Wh-Island constraint. This is shown by the ungrammaticality of (53)and (54), respectively.

(53) *gba (w£) υπ tun sunQ ήέ-έ gb xwe 6destroy it.is Isg know man OP-RES destroy house DEF

(=(9b) in Ndayiragije 1993a: 107)




(54) *blo (we) Bäyi känbyd ete{ (we) Kdku blo tido it.is Bayi ask COMP what it.is Koku do

(=(10b) in Ndayiragije 1993a: 108)

Finally, predicate clefting is mutually exclusive with extraction of another constituentfrom within the same clause. This is shown in (55a)-(55c) for a Wh-question, a cleftand a relative clause, respectively.

(55) a. *<?i£i we, we Kdku tj WH-QUESTIONwhat it.is eat it.is Koku eat

b. *[ason \ wä, w Koka tj CLEFTcrab DEF it.is eat it.is Koku eat

c. *[as$n 5\, we, - Kdku t, 6 RELATIVE CLAUSEcrab DEF eat it.is OP-RES Koku eat DEF

(=(23)inLaw-Lefebvre 1995: 16)

A final point about cleft structures is that, unless they are clausal, they cannotcontain the marker of negation mä, nor the negative marker £, discussed in sections6.4.1 and 6.5.3.1, respectively. This follows from the fact that these markers onlyoccur in tensed clauses. In negative sentences containing a clefted NP constituent,negation is expressed in the non-clefted constituent, as is depicted in (56).

(56) a. Kdku , Äsibä md ä.Koku it.is Asiba see Neg'It is not Koku that Asiba saw.' (she saw someone else)

b. Koku wä, Asiba rnä md (ä).Koku it.is Asiba NEG see Neg'It is Koku that Asiba did not see.' (she saw a lot of other people)

In predicate cleft constructions, similar data obtain, as is shown in (57).

(57) a. Yl we Kdku yi ä.leave it.is Koku leave Neg'It is not the case that Koku left.' (he did something else)

b. Yl wl Kdku mä yi ä.leave it.is Koku NEG leave Neg'It is leave that Koku did not do.' (He did something else.)6

The fact that mä and ä can both co-occur within the same clause, as in (56b) and (57b),constitutes an argument for the bi-clausal status of nominal and predicate cleftconstructions. As we saw in sections 6.4 and 6.5, root clauses contain either mä or ä,but not both. The co-occurrence of the two markers was shown to be allowed only inembedded clauses. Since mä and ä are both allowed in nominal and predicate cleft




constructions, this argues for the bi-clausal status of these constructions. Other specificproperties of predicate cleft constructions will be discussed in chapter 16.

7.3.3. Wh-question structures

Recall from section 4.5 that Fongbe uses Wh-words and Wh-phrases to encode Wh-questions. Both have the structure of clefts, where the Wh-words and Wh-phrases arepart of the clefted constituent. In contrast to the cleft structures discussed in section7.3.2, wa is always optional in Wh-questions (see also Anonymous 1983: VI, 5).

The sentences in (58M61) illustrate questions making use of Wh-words.

(58) Θέίέι (we) tj wff!one.which it. is come'Which one/who came?'

(59) £te, I anii (wl), Kdku xd ttfwhat / what it.is Koku buy'What did Koku buy?'

(60) Negbdni (we), sib yl tj?how.come it.is Asiba leave'How come Asiba left?'

(61) N bii (we), φ tj?how.much/many it.is 2sg eat'How much/many did you eat?'

The sentences in (62)-(69) exemplify questions making use of Wh-phrases.

(62) [Με te]i (we) tj wtf?person which it.is come'Who came?'

(63) [Νύ te\ (we), Kdku xo tj?thing which it.is Koku buy'What did Koku buy?'

(64) [Ff (i£)]j (we), Koku yi tj?place which it.is Koku go'Where did Koku go?'

(65) 14 te\ (we), Kdko gba xwe ό tj?manner which it.is Koku build house DEF'How did Koku build the house?'

(66) [No Mokpa te\ (we), Koku xd t4?thing kind which it.is Koku buy'What kind of thing did Koku buy?'




(67) [Hw nu ie]i (we), K$ku yi ti?time which it.is Koku leave'At what time/when did Koku leave?'

(68) [(£)*£ wu(tu)\ (we), Koku yi ti?what cause it.is Koku leave'Why did Koku leave?'

(69) \Ani wu(tu)\ (we), Koku yi ti?what cause it.is Koku leave'Why did Koku leave?'

The sentences in (70) illustrate Wh-questions involving postpositional phrases.

(70) a. [Xasirn te me]i (we), wu 6 do ml n φ tj?basket which in it.is cat DBF sleep sleep put'In which basket did the cat sleep?'

b. [T vo te jf\i (we), Koku so wowa ό φ tj?table which on it.is Koku take book DEF putOn which table did Koku put the book?'

To the best of my knowledge, only noun phrases and postpositional phrases can bequestioned.

Indirect questions are formed by embedding direct question structures within thecomplement of a verb such as 'to ask'. The sentential complement of such verbs isheaded by the complex postposition a-ji, made up of the question marker and thepostposition.//On*. The Wh-question appears as the complement of this postposition,and it is introduced by the complementiser φ (lit.: 'say') discussed in section 6.2.1.The sentences in (71) and (72) exemplify this structure.7

(71) tin k nbyo w£ [[φ [am wutu we έ wa\] a-ji\7Isg ask 2sg COMP what cause it.is 3sg come Q-onΊ asked you why (s)he came.' (from Anonymous 1983: VI, 8)[Lit.: Ί question you on that why (s)he came.']

(72) tin kanbya έ [[φ [β te ye ιό no]] -jfflIsg ask 3sg say place which 3pl HAB live Q-onΊ asked him/her where they live.' (=(23a) in Kinyalolo 1993b)

As per my field notes, all the direct questions in (58)-(70) may be embedded in the typeof structure shown in (71). For some speakers, a-ji'is obligatory in indirect questions(see Kinyalolo 1993a: 210). For others, it appears to be optional (see Anonymous1983: VI, 8).

Wh-words in situ is not allowed in the language except with an echo interpretation(see e.g. Brousseau 1995a: 7). Examples are provided in (73).




(73) a. A xd (eytel*2sg buy what'You bought WHAT?' (from Brousseau 1995a: 7)

b. Koku yi f i (£)?Koku go place which'Koku went WHERE?'

c. Koka yi hwtnu fE?Koku leave time which'Koku left WHEN?'

Does this construction manifest subject/object asymmetries? Consider the sentencesin (74) where the object has been questioned. There is no resumptive pronoun in theextraction site.

(74) a. ( ) i E i (νέ\ Kdku xo ti?what it. is Koku buy'What did Koku buy?'

b. Anii (wa), Koku xo tj?what it. is Koku buy'What did Koku buy?'

c. [No te\ (we), Koku xd ti?thing which it.is Koku buy'What did Koku buy?'

Now, consider the sentences in (75), where the subject is being questioned. As above,there is no resumptive pronoun in the extraction site.

(75) a. Βέίέ, (we) t{one.which it.is arrive'Which one arrived?'

b. [Με ie]i (we) tj wf?person which it.is arrive'Who arrived?'

The fact that there is no resumptive pronoun in the extraction site of the subjects in(75), as is the case with extraction site of the objects in (74), creates a situation whichis similar to that observed for the non-Wh cleft constructions discussed in section 7.3.2(see (46) and (47)). As is the case with these other clefts, subject/object asymmetriescan be observed only when a subject/object is questioned out of an embedded clause(unbounded Wh-movement). The contrast is shown in (76). In (76a), the subjectposition is obligatorily filled with a resumptive pronoun, whereas in (76b), the objectposition is obligatorily phonologically empty.




(76) a. [Με <e]j (we) Koku ψ φ e\ md sib lperson which it.is Koku think COMP RES see Asiba'Who (is it) Koku thought saw Asiba?' (=(54a) in Lefebvre 1998a: 201)

b. (£)iEi (we) ΚάΜ φ φ B yi πα tj?what it.is Koku think COMP Bayi see'What (is it) Koku thought that Bayi saw?'

(=(55a) in Lefebvre 1998a: 201)

Furthermore, when the extracted subject is plural, the resumptive pronoun must appearin its plural form, ye. This is shown in (77).

(77) [Me 7e]i (we) Koku φ φ ye-, ma Asfbalwho PL it.is Koku think COMP RES see Asiba'Who (pi) (is it) Koku thought saw Asiba?'

(=(56) in Lefebvre 1998a: 201)

Again, the resumptive pronoun is only licit when the questioned subject comes from anembedded clause, as in (76a) and (77). In (78), the questioned subject comes from adirect question, and neither ye (in the plural) nor e (in the singular) is licit in theextraction site, as is shown by the contrast in grammaticality between the sentences in(78) and (79).

(78) a. *πιέ ίέ /έ (we) ye wperson which PL it.is RES come

b. *me ίέ (we") e wperson which it.is RES come

(79) a. [Me ίέ Ιέ\ (we) ti wfflperson which PL it.is come'Who (pi) came?'

b. [Me ie]i (we) ti wf?person which it.is come'Who (sg) came?'

Law (1994a, 1994b) provides extensive discussions of the Fongbe subject/objectasymmetry in Wh-questions. Under his analysis, data such as those in (76a) and (77)show that Fongbe φ, like English that, is not a proper governor for the empty subjectposition. Hence the resumptive pronouns must appear in the extraction site of thesubjects in order to preserve the grammaticality of these structures, which wouldotherwise be illicit (because of ECP violations). Another point addressed in Law(1994b) is the fact that, while data of the type in (78) are unexpectedly illicit, those in(79) are unexpectedly licit. Law's conclusion is that data like those in (78) and (79)pose a problem for any theory of empty categories, and that a syntactic solution to thisproblem still requires further research.




7.3.4. Relative clause structures

Fongbe relative clause structures have the peculiarity of involving exclusively nominalheads. As will be seen below, however, relative clauses can be made out of anyposition, including oblique positions. At first glance, these two statements appear to becontradictory; they are not, however. Indeed, the nominal head is linked to a positionwithin the relative clause through the lexical nominal operator, (je, discussed in section6.3. This nominal operator has the property of pied-piping (or attracting) lexicalmaterial, hence allowing the formation of relative clauses out of any position. Thesefacts, as well as those involving subject/object asymmetries, are discussed below. Ibegin with a general presentation describing the relative clause structure.

The data in (80) exemplify a relative clause made out of a subject position. Thesubject position contains the resumptive pronoun bearing a high tone, e, pied-piped (orattracted) by the operator φ, represented by a hyphen between (]e and e. This complexexpression is pronounced [dj&] (see section 2.6), and is often represented as such in theliterature (see e.g. Akoha 1990: 235).

(80) suiiui (je-έϊ ti w 6man OP-RES come DEF'the man who came'

The data in (81) show a relative clause made out of a direct object position. The objectposition is empty, but the operator $e is followed by the resumptive pronoun <?,bearing a low tone. This sequence is pronounced [djSe], and is often represented as suchin the literature (see e.g. Akoha 1990: 235). These facts show that, in this case as well,the operator pied-pipes (or attracts) the resumptive pronoun bearing the case it isassigned by the verb. Here the objective case is manifested by the low tone on theresumptive pronoun (see section 4.2).

(81) soni 4W-, Kaku φ ti όcrab OP-RES Koku eat DEF'the crab that Koku ate'

The operator may reduce to e, or it may not be pronounced at all (Akoha 1990: 235).Hence, in combination with the resumptive pronoun, the reduced form of the operatorwill yield the sequence [έ-e] for (80) and [e-e] for (81). When the operator is notpronounced at all, only the resumptive pronoun is obligatorily expressed. This holdsfor the other examples below.

In (80) and (81), the relative clause occurs between its head and its definitedeterminer. In (82), the relative clause has been extraposed. The extraposed relativeclause must contain a determiner.




(82) [ son 6\ φ-^ Kdku φ \± 6crab DEF OP-RES Koku eat DBF'the crab that Koku ate'

The sentences below exemplify relative clauses made out of postpositional phrases.In these cases, there is a resumptive pronoun. Both the resumptive and the postpositionare pied-piped by the operator, leaving the extraction site empty. This is illustratedin (83).

(83) xasun{ 4έ-έ-τΏέι Kdku so ami 40 tj όbasket OP-RES-in Koku take cat put DEF'the basket in which Koku put the cat'

The example in (84) shows that the head of the relative clause cannot appear with itspostposition.

(84) *[xasun ma}{ φ Kdku so ami φ t{ όbasket in OP Koku take cat put DEF

This supports the claim made at the beginning of this section, that Fongbe relativeclause structures involve exclusively nominal heads. Additional examples of relativeclauses made out of postpositional phrases will be provided in section 1 1.2.

Relative clauses made out of a possessor phrase are built on the same model, as isshown in (85).

(85) a. sunui (je-e-sin-xoi Kdku φ i{ όman OP-RES-OBJ-word Koku say DEF'the man of whom Koku spoke'

b. ιηέί φ-e-tdni φ tj όperson OP-RES-GEN 2sg eat DEF'the person whose food you ate'

Finally, the relative clauses in (86) and (87) are headed by fi 'place' and hw£nu'time', respectively. In this case, the operator is followed by a resumptive pronoun aswell.

(86) fl- <&% Kdku so wowa ό φ ti 6place OP-RES Koku take book DEF put DEF'the place where Koku put the book'

(87) hwtnui <$-% Kdku yl tj όtime OP-RES Koku leave DEF'the time/moment when/at which Koku left'




As is the case in other languages, Wh-movement in this construction is unbounded.This is illustrated in (88).

(88) a. v/i <#-oi Koku φ" φ <?, \νά όchild OP-RES Koku think COMP RES arrive DEF'the child that Koku thinks arrived'

b. v/i tjWi Koku φ" φ Asib πύ ti $child OP-RES Koku think COMP Asiba see DEF'the child that Koku thinks Asiba saw'

As for subject/object asymmetries, consider again the sentences in (80) and (81).When the subject is relativised, the resumptive pronoun is έ, whereas it is £ when thedirect object is relativised. In both cases, the resumptive pronoun is pied-piped by theoperator. As for relativisation of a plural noun, the following distribution obtains.When the relative clause is made out of a subject position, the resumptive pronoun hasto be plural. However, when the relative clause is made out of an object position, theresumptive pronoun cannot be plural. This contrast is illustrated in (89a) and (89b),respectively.

(89) a. sunoi φ-γέ·, tt w Ιέ 6man OP-RES come PL DEF'the men who came'

b. *sunui (je-yei KSku no ^ Ιέ 6man OP-RES Koku see PL DEF

In contexts of long-distance extraction, however, the subject extraction site is filledwith a plural resumptive pronoun, but the resumptive pronoun pied-piped by theoperator is (and must be) in the singular, as is shown in (90a). In contrast, in the samecontexts, the object extraction site is empty, and the resumptive pronoun pied-piped bythe operator is (and must be) in the singular, as is shown in (90b).

(90) a. sunui φ^ tt Koku lin φ γέ·, w Ιέ όman OP-RES Koku think COMP RES come PL DEF'the men that Koku thinks came'

b. sunoi <&-% Koku Ιίπ φ sib mo tj Ιέ όman OP-RES Koku think COMP Asiba see PL DEF'the men that Koku thinks Asiba saw'

When the relative clause is made out of an oblique position, the resumptive pronounmust occur in the singular in cases of local movement, as is shown by the contrast ingrammaticality between (9 la) and (91b).




(91) a. x surii <je-e-me[ Koka so w Ιέ φ ^ Ιέ 6basket OP-RES-in Koku take cat PL put PL DEF'the baskets in which Koku put the cats'

b. *xasuni φ-ye-mei Koka so ami Ιέ φ ti Ιέ 5basket OP-RES-in Koku take cat PL put PL DEF

In cases of long-distance extraction, however, the resumptive pronoun can appear eitherin the singular or in the plural, as shown in (92).

(92) a. xasun, φ-έ-ιοέ, sib φ K ku so wfi Ιέ φ ti Ιέ όbasket OP-RES-in Asiba say Koku take cat PL put PL DEF'the baskets in which Asiba said that Koku put the cats'

b. x s n\ φ-γέ-ηέΐ sib φ Koku so wii Ιέ φ tj Ιέ 6basket OP-RES-in Asiba say Koku take cat PL put PL DEF'the baskets in which Asiba said that Koku put the cats'

Resumptive pronouns in an oblique position thus share some similarity withresumptive pronouns in subject position, with respect to the expression of number.

All the relative clauses presented in this section are headed restrictive relative clauses.There are no headless relative or free relative clauses in the language.

7.3.5. Summary

In this section, we saw that topics, clefts, questions and relative clauses involve Wh-movement in Fongbe. The distribution of resumptive pronouns in the extraction sites,however, was shown to be language-specific. The Fongbe data were shown to exhibitsubject/object asymmetries. The discrepancy between short-distance and long-distancemovement, with respect to resumptive pronouns, was shown to constitute a challengeto any existing theory regarding subject/object asymmetries in natural languages. Thestructures examined in this section are also discussed in Akoha (1980: 334-335,1990: 96-97, 146, 155-156, 192-210, 234-250), Anonymous (1983: XI, 1-2, VI, 4-9, X, 3-4), and Hounkpatin (1985: 144-151, 235-237). Aboh (1998a: 73-75, 256-257,291-302) discusses Gungbe data.

7.4. Factive clause structures

There are three slightly different factive clause structures, all involving the operator φ,discussed in sections 6.3 and 7.3.

The first structure involves what I will refer to as a copy of the verb (see chapter 16for a discussion of the nature of the copy) preceding the nominal operator φ. Thefactive clause obligatorily ends with the definite determiner. The sentences in (93)illustrate factive clauses linked to the subject position of the matrix verb. In (93a), the



Factive clause structures 165

factive clause occurs before the matrix clause, and in (93 b) it occurs after it. Note fromthe examples in (93) that, when the factive clause precedes the matrix clause, theexpletive in subject position is optionally expressed. When the factive clause followsthe matrix clause, the expletive in subject position is obligatory.

(93) a. Wä - Köku wä 6, (e) nyo.come OP-RES Koku come DEF 3sg be.good'The fact that Koku came is good.'

b. nyo, wä <$-t Köku wä 6.3sg be.good come OP-RES Koku come DEF'It is good, the fact that Koku came.'

The sentences in (94) show factive clauses linked to the object position of the verb.While the factive clause can precede the matrix clause, as in (94a), the preferred order iswhere it follows the matrix clause, as in (94b).

(94) a. Wä * Koku mä wä ä o, Äsibä flin,come OP-RES Koku NEG come Neg DEF Asiba remember'The fact that Koku did not come, Asiba remembers.'

b. Äsibä flin wä -e Köku mä wä ä 6.Asiba remember come OP-RES Koku NEG come Neg DEF'Asiba remembers the fact that Koku did not come.'

Additional properties of this construction will be discussed in chapter 16, which looksat all the structures involving verb doubling phenomena.

The second structure is very similar to the first one, except that it lacks the copy ofthe verb. This clause type simply starts with the operator. In (95), the factive clause islinked to the subject position; it can either precede or follow the matrix clause.

(95) a. De- : Köku wä 6, (e) nyo.OP-RES Koku come DEF 3sg be.good'The fact that Koku came is good.'

b. nyo - Köku wä .3sg be.good OP-RES Koku come DEF'It is good (the fact) that Koku came.'

In (96), the factive clause is linked to the object position. In this case, the factiveclause must follow the matrix clause, as is shown by the contrast in grammaticalitybetween (96a) and (96b).

(96) a. *$?-£ Koku mä wä ä o, Äsibä flinOP-RES Koku NEG come Neg DEF Asiba remember[Lit.: 'The fact that Koku did not come, Asiba remembers it.']




b. Äsibä flin - Köko mä wä ä 6.Asiba remember OP-RES Koku MEG come Neg DEF'Asiba remembers the fact that Koku did not come.'

The third clause type resembles relative clauses in surface structure. In this case, anargument of the verb precedes the operator. Not surprisingly, these clauses areambiguous between a factive and a relative interpretation, as shown in (97a) and (97b),respectively. In both cases, the noun that precedes the operator is linked to the objectposition of the clause.

(97) [Dan 6\ -^ sunu 6 tj 6, (e) nyo.snake DEF OP-RES man DEF kill DEF 3sg be.good

a. 'The fact that the man killed the snake is good.'b. 'The snake that the man killed is good.'

According to my informants, however, the factive interpretation does not obtain whenthe structure occurs as the complement of a verb. In this case, only the relative clauseinterpretation obtains, as is shown in (98).

(98) Ün tun dan^ <$-i\ sunu 6 hü ti o.Isg know snake OP-RES man DEF kill DEF

a. #'I know (the fact) that the man killed the snake.'b. know the snake that the man killed.'

In (99), the goal of a double object verb precedes the operator, and both a factive orrelative clause interpretation are possible.

(99) sibäi - un nä t, wemä o, (o) nyo.Asiba OP-RES Isg give book DEF 3sg be.good

a. 'The fact that I gave Asiba the book is good.'b. 'Asiba, whom I gave the book to, is good.'

In (100), the theme of a double object verb precedes the operator, and again, both afactive and a relative clause interpretation are possible.

(100) Wernai <&% ün nä sibä ti 6, <& nyo.book OP-RES Isg give Asiba DEF 3sg be.good

a. 'The fact that I gave Asiba the book is good.'b. 'The book that I gave Asiba is good.'

In (101), a noun linked to the argument position of a postposition precedes theoperator. Note again that the structure is the same as that of a relative clause, where theoperator (\e pied-pipes the postpositional phrase. Again, both a factive and a relativeclause interpretation are available.



Factive clause structures 167

(101) Xasuni φ-έ-ητέϊ w 6 φ % 6, (e) nyo.basket OP-RES-in cat DEF be.at RES DBF 3sg be.good

a. 'The fact that the cat is in the basket is good.'b. 'The basket, in which the cat is, is good.'

In (102), the operator is preceded by a postpositional phrase. This is a highlyinteresting fact, for, as we saw in section 7.3.4, relative clause structures involveexclusively nominal heads (see (84)). It is not worthy that the structure in (102) canonly be assigned a factive interpretation; the relative clause interpretation is notpossible in this case.

(102) X suni ma φ^ wil 6 φ έ-, 6, (e) nyo,basket in OP-RES cat DEF be.at RES DEF 3sg be.good

a. 'The fact that the cat is in the basket is good.'b. #'The basket, in which the cat is, is good.'

Collins (1994: 36, example (24)) reports similar facts for Ewe. That is, structuressuch as those in (101) and (102) can both be assigned a factive interpretation in theKpele dialect of Ewe; furthermore, a structure such as that in (102), where apostpositional phrase precedes the operator, can only be assigned a factive clauseinterpretation (not a relative interpretation). Interestingly enough, however, Collins(1994: 36) points out that, for his Fongbe informants, a sentence of the type in (102)is not grammatical: "For reasons that are unclear, sentences... where the postpositionalphrase is the initial constituent are unacceptable in Fon." The informants in Lefebvre(1994b: 4-5) also reject structures of the type in (102). The fact that (102) is acceptableas a factive clause for other speakers, however, shows once again that there is variationamong Fongbe speakers. Furthermore, informants who accept (102) also accept a wholerange of postpositional phrases before the operator. For example, the postpositionalphrase in (102) can be replaced by those in (103).

(103) [T v ji\i l [t v gluw \ #<* wn 6 φ <f, o, (e)table on / table under OP-RES cat DEF be.at RES DEF 3sgnyo.be.good"The fact that the cat is on/under the table is good.'

As for the difference between relative and factive clauses with respect to the position ofthe postposition (after the operator in relative clauses, and before the operator in factiveclauses), Collins (1994: 36) accounts for it in the following way: "... in the factiveconstruction there is no selection of the initial DP by the matrix predicate, rather fact isbeing selected."

Given the data in (97) and in (98H101), we would expect a noun linked to thesubject position to be able to appear before the operator, as in (104). Both Collins(1994: 37) and Kinyalolo (1993a: 166-167) note that the factive interpretation is not




available in this case. My informants have the same judgments; for them only therelative clause interpretation is possible.

(104) Sunui -ei ti hu dan 6, (e) nyo.man OP-RES kill snake DBF 3sg be.good

a. #The fact that the man killed the snake is good.'b. 'The man that killed the snake is good.'

Similar data are reported by Collins (1994) for Ewe (Kpele) and Igbo.The data in (102M104) distinguish factive clauses from relative clauses. The reason

for this division is a topic for future research.There can be no extraction out of factive clauses, which are complex NPs; an

independent constraint prevents extraction out of complex NPs (see Ross 1967).Preliminary analyses of these three types of factive constructions in Fongbe can be

found in Collins (1994) and Kinyalolo (1993a). In addition to discussing the complexdata from Fongbe, Collins (1994) reports extensively on similar data for Ewe (Kpele),Yoruba and Igbo. According to his comparative study, the possibility of factivestructures not showing an initial constituent (the second structure discussed above) israther rare among the Kwa languages; Fongbe would appear to show the most liberaldistribution of this structure.

7.5. Causal adverbial clause structures

Causal clauses involve the following "cause" words: the postposition wutu 'cause', theconjunction 'because' and the verb zon 'to cause' (lit.: Order'). These appear in thevarious causal clause structures that are discussed below.

The first structure consists of the postposition wutu 'cause', preceded by a clauseinvolving a copy of the verb. In contrast to the factive clause discussed in section 7.4,there is no operator in the causal clause, as is shown in (105a). The causal clausecannot be topicalised (see (105b)), but it can be clefted (see (105c)).

(105) a. Wä Köku wä wutu, Asibä ylcome Koku come cause Asiba leave'Because Koku came, Asiba left.'

b. *wä Köku wä wutu 5, Asibä ylcome Koku come cause DEF Asiba leave

c. Wä Köku wä wutu wl, Asibä yl.come Koku come cause it.is Asiba leave'It is because Koku came that Asiba left.'

In (105), the causal clause precedes the main clause; in (106), it follows it, and theclause is ungrammatical.



Causal adverbial clause structures 169

(106) *Äsibä yi, wä Koku wä wotuAsiba leave come Koku come cause

The contrast in grammaticality between (105) and (106) shows that the causal clausestructure in (105) must precede the main clause.

The data in (107) show that the causal clause may contain a definite future marker.

(107) Wä Köku nä wä wutu, Asibä yi.come Koku DEF.FUT come cause Asiba leave'Because Koku will come, Asiba left.'

The sentence in (108) shows that the causal clause may be negated. In this case, ma isobligatory and ä is optional.

(108) Wä Köko wä wä (S) wutu, Äsibä yi.come Koku MEG come Neg cause Asiba leave'Because Koku did not come, Asiba left.'

The second structure involves the conjunction 'because', the postposition wutu'cause' and an embedded tensed clause (see (109a)). In (109b), the causal clause istopicalised, and in (109c), it is clefted.

(109) a. Do jl ja wutu, Köko wä äzo ä.because rain fall cause Koku do work Neg'Because it rained, Koku did not work.'

b. Do wutu 6, Kdku wä äzo ä.because rain fall cause DEF Koku do work Neg'Because it rained, Koku did not work.'

c. Do to ce ku wutu wl, u n yi Gfexwe.because father my die cause it.is Isg go Ouidah'It is because my father died that I went to Ouidah.'

(from Anonymous 1983: IX, 7)

In (109), the causal clause precedes the main clause. In (110), it follows it, a structurethat contrasts with the data in (106).

(110) Köko wä art ä, ji wutu.Koku do work Neg because rain fall cause'Koku did not work because it rained.'

In (111), the causal clause contains a definite future marker.




(111) Do ji nä ja woto 5, Koku nä wä äzo ä.because rain DEF.FUT fall cause DEF Koku DEF.FUT do work Neg'Because it will rain, Koku will not work.'

In (112), the causal clause is negated by mä. The negative marker ä is not possible inthis context.

(112) Do mä ß wutu 6, Köku wä äzo.because rain NEG fall cause DEF Koku do work'Because it did not rain, Koku worked.'

A third structure involves the verb zon 'to cause' with we 'this' (discussed in section6.6.1.3), occurring as its subject. In this case, we takes as its antecedent the phrase thatis in topic or focus position. This is illustrated in (113).

(113) a. To ce ku, we W yl Kutonu.father my die this cause COMP Isg go Cotonou'My father died, this caused that I went to Cotonou.'

b. To <je-e ku o, we zon bo yl .father my OP-RES die DEF this cause COMP Isg go Cotonou'The fact that my father died, this caused that I went to Cotonou.'

Finally, causal clauses may consist of a tensed clause followed by the postpositionwutu, as is shown in (114). In this case, the causal clause has to precede the mainclause, as is shown by the contrast in grammaticality between (114a) and (114b).

(114) a. Koku wä wutu, Äsibä yl.Koku come cause Asiba leave'Because Koku came, Asiba left.'

b. *Asiba yl, Kdku wä wutuAsiba leave Koku come cause

There can be no extraction out of causal clauses since they are syntactic adjuncts; anindependent constraint prevents extraction out of adjuncts (see Huang 1982). Additionalexamples of these structures may be found in Akoha (1990: 294-295), Anonymous(1983: IX, 7-8) and Lefebvre (1994b).

7.6. Temporal adverbial clause structures

'When' clauses have the structure of relative clauses, hence they involve the nominaloperator . They consist of a nominal head (hwönü 'time') determined by the definitedeterminer o. This is shown in (115).



Temporal adverbial clause structures 171

(115) Hwönü de- ä xä ätin , un md wo.time OP-RES 2sg climb tree on DEF Isg see 2sg'When you climbed up the tree, I saw you.'

(from Anonymous 1983: XI, 2)

As is the case with relative clauses (see section 7.3.4), the nominal operator is notalways overt. The resumptive pronoun is not always expressed either. Thus, there canbe nothing overt between hwbnu and the rest of the clause. Another point of interest:recall from section 4.5 that hw&nii 'time' is a compound noun composed of h we 'sun'and nu 'mouth'. In temporal clauses, the operator may be realised between these twomorphemes, thus forming the compound noun hw&-dje-nu, (See also Anonymous1983: XI, 2.)

Anonymous (1983: XI, 2) points out that hwenu is not always expressed in temporalclauses. This yields temporal clauses of the type in (1 16).

(116) ( ) - wä o, ä xwegbe ä.OP-RES Isg come DEF 2sg be.at home Neg'When I came, you were not home.' (from Anonymous 1983: XI, 2)

According to my informants, when hw£nu is not pronounced, the operator must beovert.

In (115) and (116), the temporal clause precedes the matrix clause. The sentence in(117) shows that 'when' clauses may also occur after the main clause.

(117) Koku wä äxi me, hweiw - Äsibä yi .Koku arrive market in time OP-RES Asiba leave DEF'Koku arrived at the market when Asiba left.'

The temporal clause may be followed by an adverb specifying the temporalrelationship between the temporal and main clauses. This is illustrated in (118).

(118) a. - ä wä Üolo o, KSku yi.OP-RES 2sg arrive as.soon.as DEF Koku leave'As soon as you arrived, Koku left.'

b. fe ä wä gudo o, Köku yi.OP-RES 2sg arrive behind DEF Koku leave'After you arrived, Koku left.'

Note that the postposition meaning 'front' could not replace gudo in the structure in(118b), yielding a 'before' interpretation of the temporal clause. The structure thatencodes such an interpretation will be discussed at the end of this section.

The sentences in (119) show that the temporal clause may be marked for mood andaspect.




(119) a. Hwenu -e a m wä 5, Asiba na yi.time OP-RES 2sg DEF.FUT arrive DBF Asiba DEF.FUT leave

a' 'When you will have arrived, Asiba will leave.'a" 'When you will arrive, Asiba will leave.'

b. Hw&nu (je- ä wiwä we 6, Asibätime OP-RES 2sg be.at arriving POST DBF Asiba be.atyiyi we.leaving POST'At the time you were arriving, Asiba was leaving.'

'As soon as' clauses may be rendered as in (118a). They may also be rendered by aclause structure using a copy of the verb, in which case no overt operator is observed.With this structure, the temporal clause is linked to the main clause by the conjunctionbd 'and', discussed in section 6.1. This structure is illustrated in (120).

(120) Wä Koku wä (tiolo) bo Asiba yi.arrive Koku arrive as.soon.as and Asiba leave'As soon as Koku arrived, Asiba left.'

For obvious semantic reasons, this type of temporal clause cannot be negated.Temporal clauses may also involve the conjunction co, which Segurola (1963)

glosses as 'however', 'nevertheless', 'but', 'in spite of, 'despite' or 'thus'. Incombination with the conjunction/complementiser bo/bo that we saw in sections 6.1and 6.2, it is assigned the interpretation 'before that'. Recall from section 6.1 that bdrelates clauses with disjoint subjects, while bo relates clauses with coreferentialsubjects. The sentences in (121) and (122) exemplify this construction.

(121) a. W 320 co bo yi axi ma.do work before COMP go market in'Work before you go to the market.'

b. nä wä an co bo\ na .2sg DEF.FUT do work before COMP DEF.FUT eat thing'You will work before you eat.'

(122) Co W ä na wä 6, Köku kö yi.before COMP 2sg DEF.FUT arrive DBF Koku ANT leave'Before you had arrived, Koku had left.'

Co may also combine with the complementiser nu, as in (123).

(123) Co nu ä nä wä o, d5 ämlSn.before COMP 2sg DEF.FUT come DEF sleep sleep'Before you come, sleep.'



Purposive clause structures 173

There can be no extraction out of temporal clauses. As we saw above, temporalclauses are either complex NPs (as in (115)), syntactic adjuncts (as in (118) and (119)),or coordinate structures (as in (120)). Extractions out of these structures are not allowed(see Huang 1982). Information on temporal clauses can also be found in Akoha(1990: 271-282) and Anonymous (1983: XI, 2-3).

7.7. Purposive clause structures

As is the case with other clause types, there are several ways of encoding purposiveclauses. A first structure makes use of the postposition gbe 'for' (discussed in section11.2). When gbe introduces a purposive clause, it selects a nominalised clausalcomplement in which the covert subject is understood to be coreferential with thesubject of the main clause. Examples of this structure are given in (124). In (124a) and(124b), the purposive clause occurs after the main verb. In (124c), it has been clefted.In (124b), the purposive clause optionally contain the definite future marker. As hasbeen observed in Kinyalolo (1992), in purposive clauses the definite future markeroccurs between the object and the nominalised verb.

(124) a. n ja [[ηύ φ] gbe].Isg arrive thing eat forΊ arrived in order to eat.' (from Anonymous 1983: IX, 4)

b. Ye w [[hun (oa) xo] gbe].3pl come tomtom DEF.FUT beat for'They came to play the tomtom.' (=(4a) in Kinyalolo 1992)

c. Να φ gbe ννέ, a .thing eat for it.is 2sg arrive Q4It is in order to eat that you came.' (from Anonymous 1983: IX, 4)

Syntactic accounts of this structure are provided in Kinyalolo (1992).9A second structure involves the preposition nu 'for' (discussed in section 11.1). Nu

selects a tensed clause.

(125) a. Ajwa wa azo ό nu Bayi ni ma akwe.Ajwa do work DEF for Bayi SUB find money'Ajwa did the work in order that Bayi would have money.'

(=(47a) in da Cruz 1994a: 25)b. n n yi ηύ mi na φ χό mi ion.10

Isg DEF.FUT leave for 2pl DEF.FUT say word 2pl GENΊ will leave in order to let you talk.' (from Akoha 1990: 291)

Note that, in (125), the clauses that are related by nu have different subjects. No cannotrelate two clauses with the same subject, as is shown in (126).




(126) *ün m yi nu wä äzoIsg DEF.FUT leave for do work[Lit.: will leave in order to work.']

A purposive clause whose subject is coreferential with the subject of the main clausemay be introduced by bo. Recall from section 6.1 that bo relates two clauses sharingthe same subject. In purposive clauses, bo is followed by the definite future marker nä.The contracted form of /bo nä/ is [bä]. Examples of this structure are given in (127)and (128).

(127) Ün na yi bo nä wäIsg DEF.FUT go COMP DEF.FUT do work

will go in order to work.'(128) Äsibä xd llnfin bo nä wo.

Asiba buy flour COMP DEF.FUT prepare dough'Asiba bought flour in order to prepare dough.'

The sentence in (129a) shows that a purposive clause introduced by bo can betopicalised. The sentence in (129b) shows that it can be clefted, but in this case, itmust contain wutu 'cause' .

(129) a. Bo nä wo o, Äsibä xd ünfin.COMP DEF.FUT prepare dough DBF Asiba buy flour'In order to prepare the dough, Asiba bought flour.'

b. Bo nä wo wutu wl, Asiba xd llnfin.COMP DEF.FUT prepare dough cause it.is Asiba buy flour'It is in order to prepare dough that Asiba bought flour.'

When the subject of the purposive clause is disjoint in reference from that of the mainclause, bo is followed by nu 'for', which selects a tensed clause. This is exemplifiedin (130).

(130) Ün ban bo nu ä ni könu.Isg produce song COMP for 2sg SUB smile

sing for you to smile.'[Lit.: sing in order that you smile.']

Purposive structures are also discussed in Aboh (1998a: 189-192), Akoha(1980: 210-211, 1990: 290-293), and Anonymous (1983: IX, 3-7).



Conditional clause structures 175

7.8. Conditional clause structures

Conditional clauses are introduced by nu or m which, as we saw in section 6.2, serve ascomplementisers (among other things); they end with the definite determiner 3.11 Theyare exemplified in (131).

(131) a. Νί β β 6, Kbku n w an .COMP rain fall DEF Koku DEF.FUT do work Neg'If it rains, Koku will not work.'

b. No w so o, m/12 na w z6.COMP 2sg come tomorrow DEF Ipl DEF.FUT do work'If you come tomorrow, we will work.' (=(lb) in Kinyalolo 1993a)

Several authors point out that nu or ni are optional but that 6 is obligatory in sentencesof the type in (131) (see e.g. Akoha 1990: 283; Anonymous 1983: XII, 4; Kinyalolo1993a: 162). As a result, a conditional clause may have the structure in (132).

(132) A yi gte 5, e n νίνί ηύ ml.2sg accept offer DEF 3sg DEF.FUT please for me'If you accept my offer, it will please me.' (from Akoha 1990: 284)

Conditional clauses may also be introduced by e nyi 'it is' instead of by nu or ηί.έnyfis optionally followed by the complementiser φ 'that' (Akoha 1990: 288), and enyi is, itself, optional (Anonymous 1983: XII, 4). This is exemplified in (133).

(133) 6 nyi (φ) m φ kwe 63sg be COMP 2sg NEG have money Neg DEF'if you do not have any money' (from Akoha 1990: 288)

As can be seen in (133), a conditional clause introduced by e nyi also ends with thedefinite determiner o. The properties of conditional clauses are the same whether theyare introduced by nu, ni or e nyi (φ). In all the examples below, nu, ni and e nyi (φ)are interchangeable.

In (131), the conditional clause precedes the main clause. The sentence in (134)shows that a conditional clause may also follow a main clause. In this context, nu isnot optional (see also Kinyalolo 1993a: 162).

(134) έ n \6 e nu e w tob 6.3sg DEF.FUT hit 3sg for 3sg do like.this DEF'(S)he will hit him/her if (s)he acts like this.' (=(1) in Akoha 1990: 284)

Both Akoha (1990: 284) and Kinyalolo (1993a: 162) point out that, for theirinformants, the preferred order is for the conditional to precede the main clause.




When the conditional clause is negated, both the negation marker mä and the negativemarker ä must appear. Recall from sections 6.4 and 6.5 that these two markers aregenerally mutually exclusive, except in conditional clauses, where both must be present(see Anonymous 1983: XII, 4; da Cruz 1994b: 73). Examples of negative conditionalclauses are given in (135).

(135) a. (M) Käku mä x>> äson ä, e nä yi.COMP Koku MEG buy crab PL Neg 3sg DEF.FUT leave'If Koku does not buy the crabs, (s)he will leave.'

(=(7)indaCruzl994b)b. Nu ä mä wä s$ ä , mi nä wä

COMP 2sg NEG come tomorrow Neg DBF Ipl DEF.FUT doäz5 ä.work Neg'If you don't come tomorrow, we will not work.'

(=(4b) in Kinyalolo 1993a)

Note that, in (135a), the definite determiner does not appear in the conditional clause.Anonymous (1983: XII, 4) presents data showing that, in the context of the negativemarker, the definite determiner is optional. He provides the two possible realisations forthe same conditional clause. These are reported in (136).

(136) a. e mä nyi mö ä3sg NEG be like.this Neg DEF'if it is not like this'

b. mä nyi mo ä3sg NEG be like.this Neg'if it is not like this' (from Anonymous 1983: XII, 4)

Kinyalolo (1993a: 162) also points out that, for his informants, the definite determiner6 is optional in this context. Akoha (1990: 288) provides examples of occurring in anegative conditional clause, which parallel (136a) from Anonymous. Finally, accordingto one of my informants, the conditional clause may lack both nu or nf, and thedeterminer, in the context of a negative marker. Thus, the conditional clause may havethe structure in (137).

(137) Ji mä ß ä, Kdku nä wä äz$.rain NEG fall Neg Koku DEF.FUT do work'If it does not rain, Koku will work.'

Recall from section 5.2, that a bare sentence (one that does not contain any TMAmarkers) is interpreted as perfective, with verbs such as wä 'to arrive' and yi 'to leave'.As is noted by Kinyalolo (1993a: 162), this interpretation may be neutralised inconditional clauses. For example, the conditional clauses in (131) are assigned a present



Conditional clause structures 177

interpretation. Conditional clauses may, however, contain a TMA marker. For example,in (138a), the conditional clause contains the marker of anteriority kd; in (138b), itcontains the definite future marker n ; and in (138c), the conditional clause is in theimperfective, encoded by φ... wi.

(138) a. nu ji kd β όCOMP rain ANT fall DEF'if it had rained'

b. no ji n ja 6COMP rain DEF.FUT fall DEF'if it rains (in the future)'

c. no Kdku φ an w we όCOMP Koku be.at work doing POST DEF'if Koku is working'

Kinyalolo (1993a: 162) points out that the habitual marker no is excluded fromconditional clauses.

As has been noted by Anonymous (1983: XII, 1), conditional structures aresometimes ambiguous between a conditional and a temporal interpretation. This isexemplified in (139).

(139) (Νύ) β β ό, joj n no gbe.COMP rain fall DEF cold HAB exaggerate'When it rains, it is cold.' (from Anonymous 1983: XII, 1)

This type of ambiguity is not a rare phenomenon among the languages of the world.(For a discussion of this issue, see Kinyalolo (1993a: 162), and the literature citedtherein.)

Finally, Akoha (1990: 286), Anonymous (1983: XII, 4) and Hounkpatin (1985: 265)point out that, when the main clause is imperative, the conditional clause ends withhun 'therefore', 'thus', 'certainly', 'surely', Of course' (Segurola 1963), rather thanwith the definite determiner o, as is illustrated in (140).

(140) Νύ m likun 5 jolo mi hun mi ψ>.13

COMP rice DEF like 2pl hence 2pl eat'If the rice pleases you, eat it.' (from Akoha 1990: 286)

For my informants, 5 can co-occur with him, as is shown in (141).

(141) (Νΰ) β ja 6 hun, Koku n w zo .COMP rain fall DEF hence Koku DEF.FUT do work Neg'If it rains, then Koku will not work.'




Furthermore, him can occur in contexts where the matrix clause is not in theimperative, as shown in (142).

(142) No m w s$ him, mi n wCOMP 2sg NEG come tomorrow Neg hence l pi DEF.FUT doz$ .

work Neg'If you don't come tomorrow, we will not work.'

Conditional structures are also discussed in Akoha (1980: 211, 1990: 283-290) andAnonymous (1983: XII,

7.9. Concessive clause structures

As is the case with conditional clauses, concessive clauses are optionally introduced byno, ni or e Jiyi14; they must contain the morpheme bo or ίέ, or both,15 and they mustend with the definite determiner. The definite future marker n is also obligatory inthese clauses. Examples are given in (143).

(143) a. (Να Ι ηί Ι έ nyi) β n bo β ό, miCOMP / COMP / 3sg be rain DEF.FUT ? fall DBF Ipln w zo.DEF.FUT do work'Even if it rains, we will work.'

b. (No Ι ηί Ι έ nyi) β n ίέ β ό, miCOMP / COMP / 3sg be rain DEF.FUT ? fall DBF Ipln w zo.DEF.FUT do work'Even if it rains, we will work.'

c. (Να Ι ηί Ι έ nyi) β n bo t ja o, miCOMP / COMP / 3sg be rain DEF.FUT ? ? fall DEF Ipln w zo.DEF.FUT do work'Even if it rains, we will work.'

7.10. Conclusion

This chapter has discussed the various clause types in Fongbe. Of particular interest arethe data involving copular structures (section 7.1), the data pertaining to thedistribution of resumptive pronouns in clause structures involving Wh-movement andsubject/object asymmetries (see section 7.3), and the data involving verb doubling



Notes 179

phenomena (see sections 7.3.2, 7.4, 7.5 and 7.6). Syntactic nominalisations will bediscussed in section 8.3.

Notes to chapter 7

1. One of my informants mentions that a structure of the type in (la) obligatorilyhas a resultative interpretation (i.e. 'Koku is now a good teacher').

2. Ndayiragije (1993b: 69-73) presents data corresponding to those in (5b). For hisinformants, sentences of the type in (5b) are not grammatical, and the preferredstructures would correspond to those of the type in (12). Note, however, that theauthor only provides the truncated version of sentences of the type in (12).Ndayiragije's (1993a) data on the distribution of nyi 'to be' and wa 'it is' arequite different from mine. I refer the reader to his article for further informationon his data.

3. One of my informants prefers ete 'what' instead of no te 'which thing' in thiscontext (for a description of Wh-pronouns and phrases, see section 4.5).

4. According to one informant, the sentence in (22) entails a resemblance incharacter between Koku and his father. Physical resemblance calls for the verb cf'to look like', as is illustrated in (i).

(i) Koku d to t n φηύη.Koku look.like father GEN like'Koku (physically) looks like his father.'

The data in Rassinoux (1987) and Segurola (1963) support this distinction. Foranother informant, however, the verb c/can only entail resemblance in character.

5. For different judgments on data pertaining to this topic, see Ndayiragije(1993b: 85-86).

6. One informant has only a factive reading for this sentence. According to thisspeaker, (57b) means 'the fact that Koku did not leave1.

7. For a discussion on the structure of indirect questions, see Kinyalolo (1993a).8. Brousseau (1995a: 7) notes that am 'what' is less acceptable than ete as a Wh-

word in situ. One of my informants categorically rejects niin situ.9. According to my field notes, only a few verbs may select the postposition gbe.

Such verbs include w 'to come/to arrive', yi 'to leave/to go' and β 'to arrive'.10. The original sentence provided by Akoha (1990: 291) presents the following

differences with respect to the S-structure provided in (125b). First, Akoha(1990: 291) gives the contracted form of / n naV: [ma]. Second there is no toneon mi; in (125b), a high tone has been assigned to mi on the basis of theanalysis in sections 4.1 and 4.2.




11. Although no, occurring in conditional clauses, is generally taken to mean 'if,Kinyalolo (1993a: 165) questions the analysis that it is the source of theconditional interpretation.

12. In Kinyalolo's (1993a) text, mi bears a low tone.13. In Akoha' s (1990: 286) representation of this sentence, the first occurrence of mi

bears a low tone and the second one bears no tone at all. In (140), the twooccurrences of mi have been assigned a high tone on the basis of the analysis insections 4.1 and 4.2.

14. The statement in the text holds for my informants. In Kinyalolo (1993a: 165), itis mentioned that nu and 6 nyi cannot introduce concessive clauses. There is nomention of ni.

15. I have no gloss to offer for bo and £e.



Documents

A Grammar of Fongbe Volume 5996 () || 7. Clause structures