A History of Political Economy

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A History ofPolitical Economy

John Kells Ingram


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A HISTORY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. NEW AND ENLARGEDEDITION WITH A SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER BY WILLIAM A.

SCOTT AND AN INTRODUCTION BY RICHARD T. ELY

1915JOHN KELLS INGRAM

Copyright 2008 Dodo Press and its licensors. All Rights Reserved.


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CONTENTS

IntroductionChapter I: Introductory

Chapter II: Ancient Times

Chapter III: The Middle Ages

Chapter IV: Modern Times First and Second Phases

Chapter V: Third Modern Phase: System of Natural Liberty

Chapter VI: The Historical School

Chapter VII: The Austrian School and Recent Developments

Chapter VIII: Conclusion


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INTRODUCTION

BY RICHARD T. ELY, LL.D.PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF

WISCONSIN

In his own economic philosophy Dr. Ingram has given us certainprinciples which help us to assign to him his place in the history ofeconomic thought. Dr. Ingram was first of all a follower of AugusteComte, but as an economist he was most in sympathy with the

German historical school, Roscher, Knies, Schmoller and othersassociated with them in Germany and elsewhere. So far as hediffered with these men the difference may be said to be dueprimarily to the fact just mentioned, namely that first of all he was afollower of Comte and an adherent of the Religion of Humanity asenunciated by the Comtean Positivists. Perhaps the main guidingthread in Ingrams social and economic philosophy was the idea ofevolution, which, more than seventy-five years ago, was stated by

Comte as clearly as it has been since then. Now this idea of evolutionmeans also the idea of relativity. Institutions must be judged in theirproper setting of time and place, and men cannot be understoodunless they are brought into connection with the life of their owncountry and their own age. We must judge Ingram then as anIrishman, born in 1823, whose main work in economics centres aboutthe year 1880, belonging roughly to the decade 18751885.

Dr. Ingram first attracted in marked degree the attention of theeconomists of the world in 1878, when he delivered his address onThe Present Position and Prospects of Political Economy. It was theintroductory address delivered in the Section of Economic Scienceand Statistics of the British Association for the Advancement ofScience at its meeting in Dublin in 1878. Dr. Ingram was at that timePresident of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland, andwas president of the Section of Economic Science and Statistics of the

British Association. Dr. Ingram opens his address with a descriptionof the position of political economy in England at that time, and noone can successfully challenge the correctness of the picture which


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he draws so far as the main outlines are concerned. It was generallyadmitted that political economy was at a low ebb in public esteem;that scientific men also doubted its claims is indicated by the fact

that its right to a position in the British Association for theAdvancement of Science had been challenged. It was this challengewhich led Dr. Ingram to examine the validity of the claims ofpolitical economy to a place in an Association which seeks toembrace all true sciences. A quarter of a century before, politicaleconomy commanded general confidence, and it was supposed bymany that it was approaching finality so far as its leading doctrineswere concerned. But in 1878 it had arrayed against it the opinion of

the wage-earning classes and their spokesmen, and also itencountered the doubts of the general body of scientific men.

Dr. Ingram seeks an explanation of the unsatisfactory position ofpolitical economy, and also endeavours to point out remedies.Following his master, Comte, he finds an explanation of the apparentfailure of political economy in its separation from other socialsciences, and the remedy, he believes, is to be found in a treatment of

political economy as one part of a general social science, in otherwords, sociology. But this sociology of which political economyshould be only a chapter was to be an evolutionary sociology. Onestage in the development of society follows another stage, and thedoctrines appropriate to each stage must be a reflection of its life.Political economy had been far too absolute, its masters in Englandlaying down doctrines which they or their followers regarded asapplicable to all times and places. Free trade was correct,

protectionism as opposed to free trade was wrong, according togenerally accepted views; whereas, according to the views of thehistorical school, it was impossible to say that either practice wascorrect or incorrect. The true policy had to be framed with referenceto a particular country at a particular stage in its evolution. Thisfurnishes simply one illustration.

As a necessary corollary of Ingrams general view of political

economy, he held that one cause of error was to be found in its tooabstract and deductive character. While he did not condemn the useof deduction, he held that to understand the economic world, we


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must, as Richard Jones earlier had said: Look and see. We muststudy facts, past and present, and must be in the main inductiverather than deductive.

Ingram also found in political economy, as it had been presented,and as perhaps a necessary consequence of its method, a certaindryness and hardness. Turning away from actual conditions, thepolitical economists had lost sympathetic touch with the masses ofmen, and had come to be regarded as opposed to their aspirations.

It is difficult for the younger economists in 1915 to understand the

actual conditions of 1878, but until they do understand theseconditions they are not in a position to appreciate Ingrams greatwork. The new movement in economic thought had not begun inAmerica at that time, and in England Dr. Ingram, with his friend andassociate, T. E. Cliffe Leslie, was a pioneer. Leslie was born fouryears later than Ingram, was also an Irishman, and likewise the sonof a clergyman of the Church of England. This movement of thoughtclosely affiliated with the historical school, as it was called then, did

not make itself felt in America until about five years later, whenseveral young Americans who had carried on their studies inGermany had returned to their own country and were beginning topreach similar doctrines. A condition of things in America like thatwhich existed in England was encountered. When one now reads theutterances of the American periodical press in the early eighties oneis transported back into a strange world. It was felt by youngereconomists, men twenty-five to thirty-five years younger than

Ingram, that political economy, as it was then understood by itsleaders, was opposed alike to scientific advancement and tohumanitarian progress. It is now clearly enough seen that it was notso much the real doctrines of the great masters like Ricardo andAdam Smith which were the enemy as what we may call by theconvenient, even if not elegant, terms, Smithianism andRicardianism. Smaller men, the epigones, had grouped about thegreat leaders certain hard teachings and drawn from their theories

unwarranted conclusions. Scientifically the worst evil was that, touse Bagehots apt phrase, a crust had been formed which impededthe advancement of economics.


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The present writer was one of these young men, and was a studentin Germany at the time Ingram delivered his address in 1878. Heremembers very well the impression produced in Germany, an

impression not unlike that which was produced later in America,where, however, there was a larger group of opponents than inGermany. It was felt that this address marked the beginning of a trueprogressive movement and signified a warmer and justerappreciation of the work which had been going on in Germany andin other countries. The translation of the work was suggested byProfessor J. Conrad, of the University of Halle, who probably hashad under his instruction more American economists than any other

German professor. The translation of the Dublin address waspublished with an introduction by Dr. H. von Scheel in 1879. In thesame year also a Danish translation was published in Copenhagen.

Attention should next be called to an address which Dr. Ingramdelivered to the Trade Union Congress in Dublin in September 1880.The address was called Work and the Workman. In the bibliography ofDr. Ingrams writings, compiled by Mr. T. W. Lyster, Librarian of the

National Library, Dublin, for The Library Association of Ireland, andprinted in their magazine, the following brief statement concerningthis address is made:

A plea for the really human conception of labour. Labour is not anindependent entity separable from the personality of the workman,not a commodity like corn or cotton. The human agent, his humanneeds, human nature, and feelings are to be kept in view. Dr. Ingram

develops the several deductions from this propositiontheworkman should have (1) adequate wages, (2) a well-regulated homeand family life (postulating leisure), (3) education; and sums up thus:What is really important for working men, is not that a few shouldrise out of their classthis sometimes rather injures the class, bydepriving it of its more energetic members. The truly vital interest isthat the whole class should rise in material comfort and security, andstill more in intellectual and moral attainments.

The treatise on the History of Political Economy appeared in the ninthedition of the Encyclopdia Britannica in 1885 and, revised, was


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published in book form in 1888. But before it had been published inbook form, the Encyclopdia Britannica article was printed separatelyin America for the use of economic students. This was done at the

suggestion of Professor F. W. Taussig, of Harvard University. Thebook has been translated into most modern European languages andalso into Japanese. Dr. Ingram then exercised a wide influence.Whatever critics may say, it is apparent that he had a message for theworld at large.

In the United States Ingram was one of the forces producing whatwith some exaggeration was called the new economics. We

younger men generally felt that he was in the main working with us.He helped to set in motion forces which culminated in the formationof the American Economic Association in 1885, and this is the greatHegira in the history of economic thought in the United States. Hewas old enough in years to have been the father even of the oldermen engaged in the formation of this Association, but in spirit wefelt that he was young with us. This association attracted world-wideattention, and led to the formation of similar organizations in other

countries. To it also is to be attributed in part the formation of theBritish Economic Association five years later.1

The American Economic Association fittingly recognized the servicesof Dr. Ingram by making him an honorary member in 1891. Thepresent writer was then secretary of the American EconomicAssociation, and it was a peculiar pleasure to announce to him thehonour which had been conferred upon him. There is no doubt that

Dr. Ingram greatly appreciated this recognition from his fellow-economists on the other side of the Atlantic.

Even in a brief sketch like this, it should be mentioned that Ingramwrote numerous articles on economic subjects and economists forthe ninth edition of the Encyclopdia Britannica; especially importantamong these is the one on slavery, which was published in revisedand enlarged form under the title The History of Slavery and Serfdom.

This is not the proper place for a biography of Dr. Ingram. Theintention of the writer is simply to give an idea of the services of the


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distinguished author of the present treatise; and these introductoryremarks have been necessary as a basis for an evaluation of Dr.Ingrams work as a political economist. Ingram broadened the scope

of political economy. Whatever we may say about the proper scopeof political economy, the fact remains that in England and in theUnited States and elsewhere it has been vastly broadened. The lineswhich were laid down as the boundary of economic inquiry seemedto many of us to be unnatural and to stop us precisely at those pointswhere our inquiries were becoming really fruitful of results. Whenwe were studying the labour question, housing reform, improvedeconomic conditions, we were constantly being rebuked for having

gone beyond the proper scope of political economy. We now are ableto carry on our inquiries freely without the artificial limits whichseemed formerly to impede us, and for this we must give a largemeasure of credit to Dr. Ingram as a pioneer in broadening the scopeof our science.

It would take us too far afield to inquire into the present views ofeconomists concerning the true limits of economic inquiry. It may be

said that political economy is freely recognized as a social science,while on the other hand it has to be admitted that moderneconomists have not followed Dr. Ingrams suggestion that politicaleconomy should be made simply one division of sociology. Thetendency of even progressive thought has in recent years been in thedirection of a separation of sociology from political economy, eachscience finding a field of its own, while at the same time economicinquiries have been broadened out by the social spirit. The

connection of economics with ethics and other social sciences isrecognized, but it is given a separate field. We are reminded of whatAdam Smith said: If the twig is bent too much in one direction, tostraighten it it is necessary to bend it as much in the other.

Ingram was a leader among a group of men who have beensuccessful in introducing humanitarianism into political economy.No attempt can be made here and now to apportion credit among

those who belong to this group, but for England and America noinconsiderable proportion of it belongs to Dr. Ingram. He did hismans part. The measure of success achieved is brought out clearly in


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Marshalls Principles of Economics, Bk. I, chap. i, where economics isdescribed as a study of wealth and a branch of the study of man, andwhere it is stated that the question whether poverty is necessary

gives its highest interest to economics.

Ingram was one of the founders of the Statistical and Social InquirySociety of Ireland. As such he wished to encourage the use ofstatistics to promote social reform. He may be credited with a realservice in enlarging the interest in statistical inquiry and inpromoting the study of statistics in England and America.

Ingram also exercised an influence which was encouraging to thosewho were inclined to pursue studies in the field of economic history.Economic history has engaged the attention of many able economistsin England and in America during the past generation, and Dr.Ingram has helped to create for them a favourable socialenvironment.

Dr. Ingram was a man of vast learning, and attained a recognized

position in many different fields of work. He was an ablemathematician and a fine philologist. He wrote on Shakespeare andTennyson, and was himself a poet of distinction, some of his sonnetsin particular, receiving very high praise on the part of competentjudges. He wrote various philological papers and in 1866 wasappointed Regius professor of Greek in Dublin. It would prolongunduly this introduction to enumerate all the various positionswhich he held and to give a list of his writings in the many different

fields of his intellectual activity. Several of his associates after hisdeath said that he was probably the most learned man in the world.

This all suggests that Dr. Ingram was a scholar of the old type ratherthan a modern specialist. His History of Political Economy, whileperhaps his best known and most important work, was one amongmany productions, and political economy was one among his manyintellectual interests. Nor was political economy his main interest.His main interest was religion. The Religion of Humanity as foundedby Auguste Comte and developed by the Positivists. This is not theplace in which to enter into any religious discussions, but it must be


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said that economists generally feel that Dr. Ingrams interest in theReligion of Humanity had an unfortunate influence upon hiseconomic work. Instead of taking Auguste Comtes sociology as a

beginning from which to develop independently, he made AugusteComte his goal. The teachings of Comte had thus on the whole aninfluence which tended to set certain limits to the development ofDr. Ingrams economic philosophy. It will probably then generally beagreed that Comtes influence on Ingram was not scientifically agood one.

After all, the chief animating motive in Ingrams life was his

enthusiasm of humanity. His passion was the general welfare. Whilehis natural reserve was such as to make him seem possibly a littlecold to those meeting him, we know how deep his affection was forthe members of his immediate family, and we know also that hislove reached beyond his family circle to his country and to all men.He was a sufficiently deep philosophical thinker to perceive thatreligion is an indispensable condition of human well-being, but hedid not find what satisfied him in the traditional religions, and he

embraced eagerly Comtes Religion of Humanity, because to hismind it was what its title indicated. He believed in its philosophy,and he believed that it had force to move men. Ingrams activity inall the societies with which he was connected shows that his desireto promote human welfare was with him the chief consideration,and that science with him did not embrace an end in itself, but wassimply regarded as a means to promote human welfare.

The circumstances of Dr. Ingrams life, as well as his own qualities,were such as to stand in the way of that kind of leadership whichmight have resulted in the formation of a school of thought. Theprofessional economists in England are few, and in Dr. Ingramstime they were still fewer. He was separated by years from theyounger group of workers in economics with whom he wouldnaturally sympathise. He also was modest and retiring, and lackedthat self-assertion which is generally found in leaders. If he had been

associated in a great modern university with a group of youngeconomists, his work might have received further development inconnection with his own name. Yet it may be questioned whether he


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would have done a greater work. His influence may not count forless because it is widely diffused and often almost invisible. Hecontributed to the general stream of economic thought and

humanitarian progress, and that is doubtless what he would havewished for himself.

It may be even yet too early to assign Dr. Ingram his final position,but that he has a firm place in the history of modern economicthought cannot be doubted. Modern political economy owes him adebt of gratitude. To many English economists he may have seemedlike a rebel, and there were, and perhaps are, those who might feel

that he attacked too severely the leaders of English economicthought. In some directions he may have gone too far; but he wasengaged in a struggle, and to those looking upon this struggle from aconsiderable distance of time and place, it seems that the strugglewas a necessary one. Also, he helped to advance economics bybringing the economic thought of England out of a certainunfortunate narrowness and isolation. The economists of the worldare now working together more closely and helpfully than ever

before, Ingram occupies a not inconspicuous position among thosehelping to bring about this world-wide co-operation.

Perhaps it also may be said that Ingram in attacking Smithianismand Ricardianismand in particular Ricardianismhas helped togive the world the true Adam Smith and the true Ricardo.Economists have now been able to separate the great English writersfrom the myths which have been associated with their names.

Even yet the Ricardo myth exercises here and there an influencewhich is a real obstacle in the way of reform. A curious illustration ofthis was furnished by the hearings before the Committee of theHouse of Commons on enclosures in 1913 when the question underdiscussion was the order for the enclosure of the Elmstone-Hardwicke open arable fields near Cheltenham in Gloucestershire.Very satisfactory arrangements had been made for the enclosure and

every farmer concerned was eager to have the enclosure made. Thepresent writer knows from personal conversation that apparentlythere was no difference of opinion among them. The conditions were


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such as to discourage all good farming, and every farmer knew thatenclosure would benefit him. Yet Ricardianism showed itself in theCommittee as an obstacle to enclosure. Again and again the question

was put, Would not the enclosure simply raise the value of land,and consequently the rent which the farmers would have to pay?The idea was that if the economic rent was to be raised, thelandowner and not the tenant would get the benefit of the enclosure.The truth was, however, that under actual conditions the rent to bepaid by the farmers would not be raised in proportion to the increasein the economic rent. In fact, under actual English conditions therewas even reason to believe that the farmers and not the landowners

would be the first to receive the benefits resulting from improvedagricultural conditions, following upon enclosure. Now there isnothing contrary to the teaching of Ricardo in all this, but certainforces which he neglected to consider were also overlooked in thecommittee hearing. Ingram has helped to make modern politicaleconomy in England and elsewhere more realistic. While the Ricardomyth is not so forceful an evil now as when Ingram gave his addressin 1878, it still persists here and there.

In this connection it is interesting to read Dr. Ingramscharacterisation of the new school of economics. Under the fourheads he discussed its characteristics as follows:

I. As to the place of Economics in the general system of the Sciences,it holds that the study of wealth cannot be isolated, excepttemporarily and provisionally, from the other social phenomena;

that it is essential to keep in view the connections and interactions ofthe several sides of human life. There is, in fact, properly speaking,but one great Science of Sociology, of which Economics forms asingle chapter which must be kept in close relation to the others.

II. It has shown that Economic science, like Sociology in general,must beto employ the useful terminology of Comtenot staticalonly, but also dynamical. It must not assume one fixed state of

society, and suppose that it has to deal only with laws of co-existence, ignoring those of succession. It is now universallyacknowledged that societies are subject to a process of development,


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which is itself not arbitrary, but regular; and that no social fact canbe really understood apart from its history. Hence the pocketformulas, in favour with the older school, which were supposed to

suit all cases and solve all problems, have lost the esteem they onceenjoyed, and Economics has become historical in its method, theseveral stages of social evolution being recognized as havingdifferent features, and requiring in practice a modifying interventionwhich ought to vary from one stage to another.

III. Whilst recognizing the real, and not inconsiderable, place whichbelongs to Deduction in Economics, as in other Sociological studies,

it holds that inductive research must preponderate. Instead ofconstructing an abstract Economic man, and deducing from one ortwo principles of action by which alone he is supposed to beactuated all the Economic phenomena of Society, we must, as in theother positive sciences, ascertain what the social facts are, and, onlyafter this inquiry has been completed, endeavour to trace them totheir sources in the constitution of the external world, in humannature, and in the contemporary circumstances of Society. And a

most valuable organ of research must be that specialised form ofInduction known as Comparison, which is best adapted to the studyof historic filiation.

IV. With these intellectual movements have been combined newtendencies in sentiment and moral tone. There has been whatProfessor Gide, the ablest representative of the new School in France,has well described as un grand dgela great thaw. A more humane

and genial spirit has taken the place of the old dryness and hardnesswhich once repelled so many of the best minds from the study ofEconomics, and won for it the name of the dismal science. Inparticular, the problem of the Proletariate, of the condition andfuture of the working classeshas taken a powerful hold on thefeelings, as well as the intellect, of Society, and is studied in a moreearnest and sympathetic spirit than at any former time.1

It is hoped and believed that the present revised edition of IngramsHistory of Political Economy brought down to date by the additionalchapter written by Professor William A. Scott, will continue and


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enlarge Dr. Ingrams great work. It renews our sense of obligation tothis leader who fought the good fight. New generations of studentswill find in this work instruction and inspiration.

RICHARD T. ELY.

University of Wisconsin, Madison,

July 1915.

Notes

[1] For the facts in regard to the connection between the AmericanEconomic Association and the British Economic Association (nowthe Royal Economic Association), see the address entitled TheAmerican Economic Association, 18851909, with Special Referenceto its Origin and Early Development, a Historical Sketch, by R. T.Ely, reprinted from the Papers and Proceedings of the Twenty-Second Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association.

[1] See Ingrams Preface to the Introduction to the Study of PoliticalEconomy, by R.T. Ely, pp. 46.


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A History of Political Economy

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CHAPTER IINTRODUCTORY

In the present condition of Political Economy, the production of newdogmatic treatises on the subject does not appear to be opportune.There are many works, accessible to every one, in which, with moreor less of variation in details, what is known as the orthodox orclassical system is expounded. But there exists in England andother countries widespread dissatisfaction with that system, andmuch difference of opinion with respect both to the method and the

doctrines of Economic Science. There is, in fact, good reason tobelieve that this department of social theory has entered on atransition stage, and is destined ere long to undergo a considerabletransformation. But the new body of thought which will replace, orat least profoundly modify, the old, has not yet been fullyelaborated. The attitude of mind which these circumstances seem toprescribe is that of pause and retrospection. It is thought that ourposition will be rendered clearer and our further progress facilitated

by tracing historically, and from a general point of view, the courseof speculation regarding economic phenomena, and contemplatingthe successive forms of opinion concerning them in relation to theperiods at which they were respectively evolved. And this is the taskundertaken in the following pages.

Such a study is in harmony with the best intellectual tendencies ofour age, which is, more than anything else, characterised by the

universal supremacy of the historical spirit. To such a degree has thisspirit permeated all our modes of thinking, that with respect to everybranch of knowledge, no less than with respect to every institutionand every form of human activity, we almost instinctively ask, notmerely what is its existing condition, but what were its earliestdiscoverable germs, and what has been the course of itsdevelopment? The assertion of J. B. Say1 that the history of PoliticalEconomy is of little value, being for the most part a record of absurd

and justly exploded opinions, belongs to a system of ideas alreadyobsolete, and requires at the present time no formal refutation.2 Itdeserves notice only as reminding us that we must discriminate


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between history and antiquarianism: what from the first had nosignificance it is mere pedantry to study now. We need concernourselves only with those modes of thinking which have prevailed

largely and seriously influenced practice in the past, or in which wecan discover the roots of the present and the future.

When we thus place ourselves at the point of view of history, itbecomes unnecessary to discuss the definition of Political Economy,or to enlarge on its method, at the outset. It will suffice to conceive itas the theory of social wealth, or to accept provisionally Saysdefinition, which makes it the science of the production, distribution,

and consumption of wealth. Any supplementary ideas which requireto be taken into account will be suggested in the progress of oursurvey, and the determination of the proper method of economicresearch will be treated as one of the principal results of thehistorical evolution of the science.

The history of Political Economy must of course be distinguishedfrom the economic history of mankind, or of any separate portion of

our race. The study of the succession of economic facts themselves isone thing; the study of the succession of theoretic ideas concerningthe facts is another. And it is with the latter alone that we are heredirectly concerned. But these two branches of research, thoughdistinct, yet stand in the closest relation to each other. The rise andthe form of economic doctrines have been largely conditioned by thepractical situation, needs, and tendencies of the correspondingepochs. With each important social change new economic questions

have presented themselves; and the theories prevailing in eachperiod have owed much of their influence to the fact that theyseemed to offer solutions of the urgent problems of the age. Again,every thinker, however in some respects he may stand above orbefore his contemporaries, is yet a child of his time, and cannot beisolated from the social medium in which he lives and moves. Hewill necessarily be affected by the circumstances which surroundhim, and in particular by the practical exigencies of which his fellows

feel the strain. This connection of theory with practice has itsadvantages and its dangers. It tends to give a real and positivecharacter to theoretic inquiry; but it may also be expected to produce


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exaggerations in doctrine, to lend undue prominence to particularsides of the truth, and to cause transitory situations or temporaryexpedients to be regarded as universally normal conditions.

There are other relations which we must not overlook in tracing theprogress of economic opinion. The several branches of the science ofsociety are so closely connected that the history of no one of themcan with perfect rationality be treated apart, though such a treatmentis recommendedindeed necessitatedby practical utility. Themovement of economic thought is constantly and powerfullyaffected by the prevalent mode of thinking, and even the habitual

tone of sentiment, on social subjects generally. All the intellectualmanifestations of a period in relation to human questions have akindred character, and bear a certain stamp of homogeneity, which isvaguely present to our minds when we speak of the spirit of the age.Social speculation again, and economic research as one branch of it,is both through its philosophic method and through its doctrineunder the influence of the sciences which in the order ofdevelopment precede the social, especially of the science of organic

nature.

It is of the highest importance to bear in mind these several relationsof economic research both to external circumstance and to otherspheres of contemporary thought, because by keeping them in viewwe shall be led to form less absolute and therefore juster estimates ofthe successive phases of opinion. Instead of merely praising orblaming these according to the degrees of their accordance with a

predetermined standard of doctrine, we shall view them as elementsin an ordered series, to be studied mainly with respect to theirfiliation, their opportuneness, and their influences. We shall notregard each new step in this theoretic development as implying anunconditional negation of earlier views, which often had a relativejustification, resting, as they did, on a real, though narrower, basis ofexperience, or assuming the existence of a different social order. Norshall we consider all the theoretic positions now occupied as

definitive; for the practical system of life which they tacitly assume isitself susceptible of change, and destined, without doubt, more orless to undergo it. Within the limits of a sketch like the present these


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considerations cannot be fully worked out; but an effort will be madeto keep them in view, and to mark the relations here indicatedwherever their influence is specially important or interesting.

The particular situation and tendencies of the several thinkers whosenames are associated with economic doctrines have, of course,modified in a greater or less degree the spirit or form of thosedoctrines. Their relation to special predecessors, their nativetemperament, their early training, their religious prepossessions andpolitical partialities, have all had their effects. To these we shall insome remarkable instances direct attention; but, in the main, they

are, for our present purpose, secondary and subordinate. Theensemble must preponderate over the individual; and theconstructors of theories must be regarded as organs of a commonintellectual and social movement.

The history of economic inquiry is most naturally divided into thethree great periods of (1) the ancient, (2) the mediaeval, and (3) themodern worlds. In the two former, this branch of study could exist

only in a rudimentary state. It is evident that for any considerabledevelopment of social theory two conditions must be fulfilled. First,the phenomena must have exhibited themselves on a sufficientlyextended scale to supply adequate matter for observation, and afforda satisfactory basis for scientific generalisations; and secondly, whilstthe spectacle is thus provided, the spectator must have been trainedfor his task, and armed with the appropriate aids and instruments ofresearch, that is to say, there must have been such a previous

cultivation of the simpler sciences as will have both furnished thenecessary data of doctrine and prepared the proper methods ofinvestigation. Sociology requires to use for its purposes theoremswhich belong to the domains of physics and biology, and which itmust borrow from their professors; and, on the logical side, themethods which it has to employdeductive, observational,comparativemust have been previously shaped in the cultivationof mathematics and the study of the inorganic world or of organisms

less complex than the social. Hence it is plain that, though some lawsor tendencies of society must have been forced on mens attention hievery age by practical exigencies which could not be postponed, and


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though the questions thus raised must have received some empiricalsolution, a really scientific sociology must be the product of a veryadvanced stage of intellectual development. And this is true of the

economic, as of other branches of social theory. We shall thereforecontent ourselves with a general outline of the character of economicthought in antiquity and the Middle Ages, and of the conditionswhich determined that character.

Notes

[1] Que pourrions-nous gagner a recueillir des opinions absurdes,

des doctrines dcries et qui men tent de ltre? II serait la foisinutile et fastidieux. con. Pol. Pratique, IXme Partie. Thecependant which follows does not really modify this judgment.

[2] See Roschers Geschichte der National-konomik in Deutschland,Vorrede.


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CHAPTER IIANCIENT TIMES

The earliest surviving expressions of thought on economic subjectshave come down to us from the Oriental theocracies. The generalspirit of the corresponding type of social life consisted in takingimitation for the fundamental principle of education, andconsolidating nascent civilisation by heredity of the differentfunctions and professions, or even by a system of castes,hierarchically subordinated to each other according to the nature of

their respective offices, under the common supreme direction of thesacerdotal caste. This last was charged with the traditional stock ofconceptions, and their application for purposes of discipline. Itsought to realise a complete regulation of human life in all itsdepartments on the basis of this transmitted body of practical ideas.Conservation is the principal task of this social order, and its mostremarkable quality is stability, which tends to degenerate intostagnation. But there can be no doubt that the useful arts were long,

though slowly, progressive under this rgime, from which they wereinherited by the later civilisationsthe system of classes or castesmaintaining the degree of division of labour which had been reachedin those early periods. The leading members of the corporationswhich presided over the theocracies without doubt gave muchearnest thought to the conduct of industry, which, unlike war, didnot imperil their political pre-eminence by developing a rival class.But, conceiving life as a whole, and making its regulation their

primary aim, they naturally considered most the social reactionswhich industry is fitted to exercise. The moral side of economics isthe one they habitually contemplate, or (what is not the same) theeconomic side of morals. They abound in those warnings againstgreed and the haste to be rich which religion and philosophy have inall ages seen to be necessary. They insist on honesty in mutualdealings, on just weights and measures, on the faithful observance ofcontracts. They admonish against the pride and arrogance apt to be

generated by riches, against undue prodigality and self-indulgence,and enforce the duties of justice and beneficence towards servantsand inferiors. Whilst, in accordance with the theological spirit, the


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personal acquisition of wealth is in general thesis represented asdetermined by divine wills, its dependence on individual diligenceand thrift is emphatically taught. There is indeed in the fully

developed theocratic systems a tendency to carry precept, whichthere differs little from command, to an excessive degree ofminutenessto prescribe in detail the time, the mode, and theaccompaniments of almost every act of every member of thecommunity. This system of exaggerated surveillance is connectedwith the union, or rather confusion, of the spiritual and temporalpowers, whence it results that many parts of the government ofsociety are conducted by direct injunction or restraint, which at a

later stage are intrusted to general intellectual and moral influences.

The practical economic enterprises of Greek and Roman antiquitycould not, even independently of any special adverse influences,have competed in magnitude of scale or variety of resource withthose of modern times. The unadvanced condition of physicalscience prevented a large application of the less obvious naturalpowers to production, or the extensive use of machinery, which has

acquired such an immense development as a factor in modernindustry. The imperfection of geographical knowledge and of themeans of communication and transport were impediments to thegrowth of foreign commerce. These obstacles arose necessarily out ofthe mere immaturity of the industrial life of the periods in question.But more deeply rooted impediments to a vigorous and expansiveeconomic practical system existed in the characteristic principles ofthe civilisation of antiquity. Some writers have attempted to set aside

the distinction between the ancient and modern worlds as imaginaryor unimportant, and, whilst admitting the broad separation betweenourselves and the theocratic peoples of the East, to represent theGreeks and Romans as standing on a substantially similar ground ofthought, feeling, and action with the Western populations of ourown time. But this is a serious error, arising from the same tooexclusive pre-occupation with the cultivated classes and with themere speculative intellect which has often led to an undue

disparagement of the Middle Ages. There is this essential differencebetween the spirit and life of ancient and of modern communities,that the former were organised for war, the latter during their whole


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history have increasingly tended to be organised for industry, astheir practical end and aim. The profound influence of thesediffering conditions on every form of human activity must never be

overlooked or forgotten. With the military constitution of ancientsocieties the institution of slavery was essentially connected. Farfrom being an excrescence on the contemporary system of life, as itwas in the modern West Indies or the United States of America, itwas so entirely in harmony with that life that the most eminentthinkers regarded it as no less indispensable than inevitable. It does,indeed, seem to have been a temporary necessity, and on the whole,regard being had to what might have taken its place, a relative good.

But it was attended with manifold evils. It led to the prevalenceamongst the citizen class of a contempt for industrial occupations;every form of production, with a partial exception in favour ofagriculture, was branded as unworthy of a free manthe only nobleforms of activity being those directly connected with public life,whether military or administrative. Labour was degraded by therelegation of most departments of it to the servile class, above whomthe free artisans were but little elevated in general esteem. The

producers being thus for the most part destitute of intellectualcultivation and excluded from any share in civic ideas, interests, orefforts, were unfitted in character as well as by position for the habitsof skilful combination and vigorous initiation which the progress ofindustry demands. To this must be added that the comparativeinsecurity of life and property arising out of military habits, and theconsequent risks which attended accumulation, were graveobstructions to the formation of large capitals, and to the

establishment of an effective system of credit. These causesconspired with the undeveloped state of knowledge and of socialrelations in giving to the economic life of the ancients the limitationand monotony which contrast so strongly with the inexhaustibleresource, the ceaseless expansion, and the thousandfold variety ofthe same activities in the modern world. It is, of course, absurd toexpect incompatible qualities in any social system; each system mustbe estimated according to the work it has to do. Now the historical

vocation of the ancient civilisation was to be accomplished, notthrough industry, but through war, which was in the end to create a


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condition of things admitting of its own elimination and of thefoundation of a rgime based on pacific activity.

THE GREEKS

This office was, however, reserved for Rome, as the final result of hersystem of conquest; the military activity of Greece, thoughcontinuous, was incoherent and sterile, except in the defence againstPersia, and did not issue in the accomplishment of any such socialmission. It was, doubtless, the inadequacy of the warrior life, underthese conditions, to absorb the faculties of the race, that threw the

energies of its most eminient members into the channel ofintellectual activity, and produced a singularly rapid evolution of theaesthetic, philosophic, and scientific germs transmitted by thetheocratic societies.

In the Works and Days of Hesiod, we find an order af thinking in theeconomic sphere very similar to that of the theocracies. With arecognition of the divine disposing power, and traditional rules of

sacerdotal origin, is combined practical sagacity embodied in preceptor proverbial saying. But the development of abstract thought,beginning from the time of Thales, soon gives to Greek culture itscharacteristic form, and marks a new epoch in the intellectual historyof mankind.

The movement was now begun, destined to mould the whole futureof humanity, which, gradually sapping the old hereditary structureof theological convictions, tended to the substitution of rationaltheories in every department of speculation. The eminent Greekthinkers, while taking a deep interest in the rise of positive science,and most of them studying the only sciencethat of geometrythenassuming its definitive character, were led by the social exigencieswhich always powerfully affect great minds to study with specialcare the nature of man and the conditions of his existence in society.These studies were indeed essentially premature; a longdevelopment of the inorganic and vital sciences was necessary beforesociology or morals could attain their normal constitution. But bytheir prosecution amongst the Greeks a noble intellectual activity


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was kept alive, and many of those partial lights obtained for whichmankind cannot afford to wait. Economic inquiries, along withothers, tended towards rationality; Plutus was dethroned, and

terrestrial substituted for supernatural agencies. But such inquiries,resting on no sufficiently large basis of practical life, could not attainany considerable results. The military constitution of society, and theexistence of slavery, which was related to it, leading, as we haveseen, to a low estimate of productive industry, turned away thehabitual attention of thinkers from that domain. On the other hand,the absorption of citizens in the life of the state, and their pre-occupation with party struggles, brought questions relating to

politics, properly so called, into special prominence. The principalwriters on social subjects are therefore almost exclusively occupiedwith the examination and comparison of political constitutions, andwith the search after the education best adapted to train the citizenfor public functions. And we find, accordingly, in them nosystematic or adequate handling of economic questions only somehappy ideas and striking partial anticipations of later research.

In their thinking on such questions, as on all sociological subjects, thefollowing general features are observable.

1. The individual is conceived as subordinated to the state, throughwhich alone his nature can be developed and completed, and to themaintenance and service of which all his efforts must be directed.The great aim of all political thought is the formation of goodcitizens; every social question is studied primarily from the ethical

and educational point of view. The citizen is not regarded as aproducer, but only as a possessor, of material wealth; and this wealthis not esteemed for its own sake or for the enjoyments it procures,but for the higher moral and public aims to which it may be madesubservient.

2. The state, therefore, claims and exercises a controlling andregulating authority over every sphere of social life, including the

economic, in order to bring individual action into harmony with thegood of the whole.


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3. With these fundamental notions is combined a tendency toattribute to institutions and to legislation an unlimited efficacy, as ifsociety had no spontaneous tendencies, but would obey any external

impulse, if impressed upon it with sufficient force and continuity.

Every eminent social speculator had his ideal state, whichapproximated to or diverged from the actual or possible, accordingto the degree in which a sense of reality and a positive habit ofthinking characterised the author.

The most celebrated of these ideal systems is that of Plato. In it the

idea of the subordination of the individual to the state appears in itsmost extreme form. Within that class of the citizens of his republicwho represent the highest type of life, community of property and ofwives is established, as the most effective means of suppressing thesense of private interest, and consecrating the individual entirely tothe public service. It cannot perhaps be truly said that his schemewas incapable of realisation in an ancient community favourablysituated for the purpose. But it would soon be broken to pieces by

the forces which would be developed in an industrial society. It has,however, been the fruitful parent of modern Utopias, speciallyattractive as it is to minds in which the literary instinct is strongerthan the scientific judgment, in consequence of the freshness andbrilliancy of Platos exposition and the unrivalled charm of his style.Mixed with what we should call the chimerical ideas of his work,there are many striking and elevated moral conceptions, and, what ismore to our present purpose, some just economic analyses. In

particular, he gives a correct account of the division and combinationof employments, as they naturally arise in society. The foundation ofthe social organization he traces, perhaps, too exclusively toeconomic grounds, not giving sufficient weight to the disinterestedsocial impulses in men which tend to draw and bind them together.But he explains clearly how the different wants and capacities ofindividuals demand and give rise to mutual services, and how, bythe restriction of each to the sort of occupation to which, by his

position, abilities, and training, he is best adapted, everythingneedful for the whole is more easily and better produced or effected.In the spirit of all the ancient legislators he desires a self-sufficing


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state, protected from unnecessary contacts with foreign populations,which might tend to break down its internal organisation or todeteriorate the national character. Hence he discountenances foreign

trade, and with this view removes his ideal city to some distancefrom the sea. The limits of its territory are rigidly fixed, and thepopulation is restricted by the prohibition of early marriages, by theexposure of infants, and by the maintenance of a determinatenumber of individual lots of land in the hands of the citizens whocultivate the soil. These precautions are inspired more by politicaland moral motives than by the Malthusian fear of failure ofsubsistence. Plato aims, as far as possible, at equality of property

amongst the families of the community which are engaged in theimmediate prosecution of industry. This last class, as distinguishedfrom the governing and military classes, he holds, according to thespirit of his age, in but little esteem; he regards their habitualoccupations as tending to the degradation of the mind and theenfeeblement of the body, and rendering those who follow themunfit for the higher duties of men and citizens. The lowest forms oflabour he would commit to foreigners and slaves. Again, in the spirit

of ancient theory, he wishes (Legg., v. 12) to banish the preciousmetals, as far as practicable, from use in internal commerce, andforbids the lending of money on interest, leaving indeed to the freewill of the debtor even the repayment of the capital of the loan. Alleconomic dealings he subjects to active control on the part of theGovernment, not merely to prevent violence and fraud, but to checkthe growth of luxurious habits, and secure to the population of thestate a due supply of the necessaries and comforts of life.

Contrasted with the exaggerated idealism of Plato is the somewhatlimited but eminently practical genius of Xenophon. In him the manof action predominates, but he has also a large element of thespeculative tendency and talent of the Greek. His treatise entitled(Economicus is well worth reading for the interesting and animatedpicture it presents of some aspects of contemporary life, and is justlypraised by Sismondi for the spirit of mild philanthropy and tender

piety which breathes through it. But it scarcely passes beyond thebounds of domestic economy, though within that limit its authorexhibits much sound sense and sagacity. His precepts for the


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judicious conduct of private property do not concern us here, nor hiswise suggestions for the government of the family and itsdependents. Yet it is in this narrower sphere and in general in the

concrete domain that his chief excellence lies; to economics in theirwider aspects he does not contribute much. He shares the ordinarypreference of his fellow-countrymen for agriculture over otheremployments, and is, indeed, enthusiastic in his praises of it aspromoting patriotic and religious feeling and a respect for property,as furnishing the best preparation for military life, and as leavingsufficient time and thought disposable to admit of considerableintellectual and political activity. Yet his practical sense leads him to

attribute greater importance than most other Greek writers tomanufactures, and still more to trade, to enter more largely onquestions relating to their conditions and development, and tobespeak for them the countenance and protection of the state.Though his views on the nature of money are vague, and in somerespects erroneous, he sees that its export in exchange forcommodities will not impoverish the community. He also insists onthe necessity, with a view to a flourishing commerce with other

countries, of peace, of a courteous and respectful treatment offoreign traders, and of a prompt and equitable decision of their legalsuits. The institution of slavery he of course recognises and does notdisapprove; he even recommends, for the increase of the Atticrevenues, the hiring out of slaves by the state for labour in the mines,after branding them to prevent their escape, the number of slavesbeing constantly increased by fresh purchases out of the gains of theenterprise. (De Vect., 3, 4.)

Almost the whole system of Greek ideas up to the time of Aristotle isrepresented in his Encyclopdia construction. Mathematical andastronomical science was largely developed at a later stage, but inthe field of social studies no higher point was ever attained by theGreeks than is reached in the writings of this great thinker Both hisgifts and his situation eminently favoured him in the treatment ofthese subjects. He combined in rare measure a capacity for keen

observation with generalising power, and sobriety of judgment withardour for the public good. All that was original or significant in thepolitical life of Hellas had run its course before his time or under his


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own eyes, and he had thus a large basis of varied experience onwhich to ground his conclusions. Standing outside the actualmovement of contemporary public life, he occupied the position of

thoughful spectator and impartial judge. He could not, indeed, forreasons already stated, any more than other Greek speculators, attaina fully normal attitude in these researches. Nor could he pass beyondthe sphere of what is now called statical sociology; the idea of lawsof the historical development of social phenomena he scarcelyapprehended, except in some small degree in relation to thesuccession of political forms. But there is to be found in his writingsa remarkable body of sound and valuable thoughts on the

constitution and working of the social organism The special noticesof economic subjects are neither so numerous nor so detailed as weshould desire. Like all the Greek thinkers, he recognises but onedoctrine of the state, under which ethics, politics proper, andeconomics take their place as departments, bearing to each other avery close relation, and having indeed their lines of demarcationfrom each other not very distinctly marked. When wealth comesunder consideration, it is studied not as an end in itself, but with a

view to the higher elements and ultimate aims of the collective life.

The origin of society he traces, not to economic necessities, but tonatural social impulses in the human constitution. The nature of thesocial union, when thus established, being determined by the partlyspontaneous partly systematic combination of diverse activities, herespects the independence of the latter whilst seeking to effect theirconvergence. He therefore opposes himself to the suppression of

personal freedom and initiative, and the excessive subordination ofthe individual to the state, and rejects the community of propertyand wives proposed by Plato for his governing class. The principle ofprivate property he regards as deeply rooted in man, and the evilswhich are alleged to result from the corresponding social ordinancehe thinks ought really to be attributed either to the imperfections ofour nature or to the vices of other public institutions. Community ofgoods must, in his view, tend to neglect of the common interest and

to the disturbance of social harmony.


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Of the several classes which provide for the different wants of thesociety, those who are occupied directly with its material needstheimmediate cultivators of the soil, the mechanics and artificersare

excluded from any share in the government of the state, as beingwithout the necessary leisure and cultivation, and apt to be debasedby the nature of their occupations. In a celebrated passage hepropounds a theory of slavery, in which it is based on theuniversality of the relation between command and obedience, andon the natural division by which the ruling is marked off from thesubject race. He regards the slave as having no independent will, butas an animated tool in the hands of his master; and in his

subjection to such control, if only it be intelligent, Aristotle holds thatthe true well-being of the inferior as well as of the superior is to befound. This view, so shocking to our modern sentiment, is of coursenot personal to Aristotle; it is simply the theoretic presentation of thefacts of Greek life, in which the existence of a body of citizenspursuing the higher culture and devoted to the tasks of war andgovernment was founded on the systematic degradation of awronged and despised class, excluded from all the higher offices of

human beings and sacrificed to the maintenance of a special type ofsociety.

The methods of economic acquisition are divided by Aristotle intotwo, one of which has for its aim the appropriation of naturalproducts and their application to the material uses of the household;under this head come hunting, fishing, cattle-rearing, andagriculture. With this primary and natural method is, in some

sense, contrasted the other to which Aristotle gives the name ofchrematistic, in which an active exchange of products goes on, andmoney comes into operation as its medium and regulator. A certainmeasure of this non-natural method, as it may be termed inopposition to the preceding and simpler form of industrial life, isaccepted by Aristotle as a necessary extension of the latter, arisingout of increased activity of intercourse, and satisfying real wants. Butits development on the great scale, founded on the thirst for

enjoyment and the unlimited desire of gain, he condemns asunworthy and corrupting. Though his views on this subject appearto be principally based on moral grounds, there are some indications


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of his having entertained the erroneous opinion held by thephysiocrats of the eighteenth century, that agriculture alone (withthe kindred arts above joined with it) is truly productive, whilst the

other kinds of industry, which either modify the products of natureor distribute them by way of exchange, however convenient anduseful they may be, make no addition to the wealth of thecommunity.

He rightly regards money as altogether different from wealth,illustrating the difference by the story of Midas. And he seems tohave seen that money, though its use rests on a social convention,

must be composed of a material possessing an independent value ofits own. That his views on capital were indistinct appears from hisfamous argument against interest on loans, which is based on theidea that money is barren and cannot produce money.

Like the other Greek social philosophers, Aristotle recommends tothe care of Governments the preservation of a due proportionbetween the extent of the civic territory and its population, and relies

on ante-nuptial continence, late marriages, and the prevention ordestruction of births for the due limitation of the number of citizens,the insufficiency of the latter being dangerous to the independenceand its superabundance to the tranquillity and good order of thestate.

THE ROMANS

Notwithstanding the eminently practical, realistic, and utilitariancharacter of the Romans, there was no energetic exercise of theirpowers in the economic field; they developed no large and many-sided system of production and exchange. Their historic mission wasmilitary and political, and the national energies were mainly devotedto the public service at home and in the field. To agriculture, indeed,much attention was given from the earliest times, and on it wasfounded the existence of the hardy population which won the firststeps in the march to universal dominion. But in the course of theirhistory the cultivation of the soil by a native yeomanry gave place tothe introduction, in great numbers, of slave labourers acquired by


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their foreign conquests; and for the small properties of the earlierperiod were substituted the vast estatesthe latifundiawhich, inthe judgment of Pliny, were the ruin of Italy.1 The industrial arts and

commerce (the latter, at least when not conducted on a great scale)they regarded as ignoble pursuits, unworthy of free citizens; and thisfeeling of contempt was not merely a prejudice of narrow oruninstructed minds, but was shared by Cicero and others among themost liberal spirits of the nation.2 As might be expected from thewant of speculative originality among the Romans, there is littleevidence of serious theoretic inquiry on economic subjects. Theirideas on these as on other social questions were for the most part

borrowed from the Greek thinkers. Such traces of economic thoughtas do occur are to be found in (1) the philosophers, (2) the writers dere rustica, and (3) the jurists. It must, however, be admitted that manyof the passages in these authors referred to by those who assert theclaim of the Romans to a more prominent place in the history of thescience often contain only obvious truths or vague generalities.

In the philosophers, whom Cicero, Seneca, and the elder Pliny

sufficiently represent (the last indeed being rather a learnedencyclopdist or polyhistor than a philosopher), we find a generalconsciousness of the decay of industry, the relaxation of morals, andthe growing spirit of self-indulgence amongst their contemporaries,who are represented as deeply tainted with the imported vices of theconquered nations. This sentiment, both in these writers and in thepoetry and miscellaneous literature of their times, is accompanied bya half-factitious enthusiasm for agriculture and an exaggerated

estimate of country life and of early Roman habits, which areprincipally, no doubt, to be regarded as a form of protest againstexisting abuses, and, from this point of view, remind us of thedeclamations of Rousseau in a not dissimilar age. But there is little oflarger or just thinking on the prevalent economic evils and theirproper remedies. Pliny, still further in the spirit of Rousseau, is ofopinion that the introduction of gold as a medium of exchange was athing to be deplored, and that the age of barter was preferable to that

of money. He expresses views on the necessity of preventing theefflux of money similar to those of the modern mercantile schoolviews which Cicero also, though not so clearly, appears to have


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entertained. Cato, Varro, and Columella concern themselves morewith the technical precepts of husbandry than with the generalconditions of industrial success and social well-being. But the two

last named have the great merit of having seen and proclaimed thesuperior value of free to slave labour, and Columella is convincedthat to the use of the latter the decline of the agricultural economy ofthe Romans was in a great measure to be attributed. These threewriters agree in the belief that it was chiefly by the revival andreform of agriculture that the threatening inroads of moralcorruption could be stayed, the old Roman virtues fostered, and thefoundations of the commonwealth strengthened. Their attitude is

thus similar to that of the French physiocrats invoking theimprovement and zealous pursuit of agriculture alike against thematerial evils and the social degeneracy of their time. The questionof the comparative merits of the large and small systems ofcultivation appears to have been much discussed in the old Roman,as in the modern European world; Columella is a decided advocateof the petite culture. The jurists were led by the coincidence whichsometimes takes place between their point of view and that of

economic science to make certain classifications and establish somemore or less refined distinctions which the modern economists haveeither adopted from them or used independently. They appear also(though this has been disputed, Neri and Carli maintaining theaffirmative, Pagnini the negative) to have had correct notions of thenature of money as having a value of its own, determined byeconomic conditions, and incapable of being impressed upon it byconvention or arbitrarily altered by public authority. But in general

we find in these writers, as might be expected, not so much theresults of independent thought as documents illustrating the facts ofRoman economic life, and the historical policy of the nation withrespect to economic subjects. From the latter point of view they areof much interest; and by the information they supply as to the courseof legislation relating to property generally, to sumptuary control, tothe restrictions imposed on spendthrifts, to slavery, to theencouragement of population, and the like, they give us much

clearer insight than we should otherwise possess into influences longpotent in the history of Rome and of the Western world at large. But,as it is with the more limited field of systematic thought on political


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economy that we are here occupied, we cannot enter into thesesubjects. One matter, however, ought to be adverted to, because itwas not only repeatedly dealt with by legislation, but is treated more

or less fully by all Roman writers of note, namely, the interest onmoney loans. The rate was fixed by the laws of the Twelve Tables;but lending on interest was afterwards (b.c. 341) entirely prohibitedby the Genucian Law. In the legislation of Justinian, rates weresanctioned varying from four to eight per cent, according to thenature of the case, the latter being fixed as the ordinary mercantilerate, whilst compound interest was forbidden. The Roman theorists,almost without exception, disapprove of lending on interest

altogether. Cato, as Cicero tells us, thought it as bad as murder(Quid fenerari? Quid hominem occidere? De Off. ii. 25); andCicero, Seneca, Pliny, Columella all join in condemning it. It is notdifficult to see how in early states of society the trade of money-lending becomes, and not unjustly, the object of popular odium; butthat these writers, at a period when commercial enterprise had madeconsiderable progress, should continue to reprobate it argues veryimperfect or confused ideas on the nature and functions of capital. It

is probable that practice took little heed either of these speculativeideas or of legislation on the subject, which experience shows canalways be easily evaded. The traffic in money seems to have gone onall through Roman history, and the rate to have fluctuated accordingto the condition of the market.

Looking back on the history of ancient economic speculation, we seethat, as might be anticipated a priori, the results attained in that field

by the Greek and Roman writers were very scanty. As Dhring haswell remarked, the questions with which the science has to do wereregarded by the ancient thinkers rather from their political than theirproperly economic side. This we have already pointed out withrespect to their treatment of the subject of population, and the samemay be seen in the case of the doctrine of the division of labour, withwhich Plato and Aristotle are in some degree occupied. They regardthat principle as a basis of social classification, or use it in showing

that society is founded on a spontaneous co-operation of diverseactivities. From the strictly economic point of view, there are threeimportant propositions which can be enunciated respecting that


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division:(1) that its extension within any branch of productionmakes the products cheaper; (2) that it is limited by the extent of themarket; and (3) that it can be carried further in manufactures than in

agriculture. But we shall look in vain for these propositions in theancient writers; the first alone might be inferred from theirdiscussions of the subject. It has been the tendency especially ofGerman scholars to magnify unduly the extent and value of thecontributions of antiquity to economic knowledge. The Greek andRoman authors ought certainly not to be omitted in any account ofthe evolution of this branch of study. But it must be kept steadily inview that we find in them only first hints or rudiments of general

economic truths, and that the science is essentially a modern one. Weshall indeed see hereafter that it could not have attained its definitiveconstitution before our own time.1

Notes

[1] Locis, qu nunc, vix seminario exiguo militum relicto, servitiaRomana ab solitudine vindicant.Liv. vi. 12. Villarum infinita

spatia. Tac.Ann. iii. 53.

[2] Opifices omnes in sordida arte versantur; nee enim quidquamingenuum habere potest officina. Cic. de Off. i. 42. Mercatura, sitenuis est, sordida putanda est: sin magna et copiosa, multa undiqueappertains multisque sine vanitate impertiens, non est admodumvituperanda.Ibid. Qustus omnis Patribus indecorus visus est.Liv. xxi. 63

[1] On the Economic doctrines of the Ancients see Roschers EssayUeber das Verhltniss der Nationalkonomie zum klassischen Alterthumein hisAnsichten der Volkswirthschaft (1861).


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CHAPTER IIITHE MIDDLE AGES

The Middle Ages (4001300 a.d.) form a period of great significancein the economic, as in the general, history of Europe. They representa vast transition, in which the germs of a new world were deposited,but in which little was fully elaborated. There is scarcely anything inthe later movement of European society which we do not find there,though as yet, for the most part, crude and undeveloped. Themediaeval period was the object of contemptuous depreciation on

the part of the liberal schools of the last century, principally becauseit contributed so little to literature. But there are things moreimportant to mankind than literature; and the great men of theMiddle Ages had enough to do in other fields to occupy their utmostenergies. The development of the Catholic institutions and thegradual establishment and maintenance of a settled order after thedissolution of the Western empire absorbed the powers of thethinkers and practical men of several centuries. The first mediaeval

phase, from the commencement of the fifth century to the end of theseventh, was occupied with the painful and stormy struggle towardsthe foundation of the new ecclesiastical and civil system; three morecenturies were filled with the work of its consolidation and defenceagainst the assaults of nomad populations; only in the final phase,during the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, when theunity of the West was founded by the collective action againstimpending Moslem invasion, did it enjoy a sufficiently secure and

stable existence to exhibit its essential character and produce itsnoblest personal types. The elaboration of feudalism was, indeed, inprogress during the whole period, showing itself in thedecomposition of power and the hierarchical subordination of itsseveral grades, the movement being only temporarily suspended inthe second phase by the salutary dictatorship of Charlemagne. Butnot before the first century of the last phase was the feudal systemfully constituted. In like manner, only in the final phase could the

effort of Catholicism after a universal discipline be carried out on thegreat scale an effort for ever admirable, though necessarily on thewhole unsuccessful.


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No large or varied economic activity was possible under the fullascendency of feudalism. That organisation, as has been abundantlyshown by philosophical historians, was indispensable for the

preservation of order and for public defence, and contributedimportant elements to general civilization. But, whilst recognizing itas opportune and relatively beneficent, we must not expect from itadvantages inconsistent with its essential nature and historical office.The class which predominated in it was not sympathetic withindustry, and held the handicrafts in contempt, except thosesubservient to war or rural sports. The whole practical life of thesociety was founded on territorial property; the wealth of the lord

consisted in the produce of his lands and the dues paid to him inkind; this wealth was spent in supporting a body of retainers whoseservices were repaid by their maintenance. There could be little roomfor manufactures, and less for commerce; and agriculture wascarried on with a view to the wants of the family, or at most of theimmediate neighbourhood, not to those of a wider market. Theeconomy of the period was therefore simple, and, in the absence ofspecial motors from without, unprogressive.

In the latter portion of the Middle Ages several circumstances cameinto action which greatly modified these conditions. The Crusadesundoubtedly produced a powerful economic effect by transferring inmany cases the possessions of the feudal chiefs to the industriousclasses, whilst by bringing different nations and races into contact,by enlarging the horizon and widening the conceptions of thepopulations, as well as by affording a special stimulus to navigation,

they tended to give a new activity to international trade. Theindependence of the towns and the rising importance of the burgherclass supplied a counterpoise to the power of the land aristocracy;and the strength of these new social elements was increased by thecorporate constitution given to the urban industries, the police of thetowns being also founded on the trade guilds, as that of the countrydistricts was on the feudal relations. The increasing demand of thetowns for the products of agriculture gave to the prosecution of that

art a more extended and speculative character; and this again led toimproved methods of transport and communication. But the rangeof commercial enterprise continued everywhere narrow, except in


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some favoured centres, such as the Italian republics, in which,however, the growth of the normal habits of industrial life wasimpeded or perverted by military ambition, which was not, in the

case of those communities, checked as it was elsewhere by thepressure of an aristocratic class.

Every great change of opinion on the destinies of man and theguiding principles of conduct must react on the sphere of materialinterests; and the Catholic religion had a powerful influence on theeconomic life of the Middle Ages. Christianity inculcates, perhaps,no more effectively than the older religions the special economic

virtues of industry, thrift, fidelity to engagements, obedience torightful authority; but it brought out more forcibly and presentedmore persistently the higher aims of life, and so produced a moreelevated way of viewing the different social relations. It purifieddomestic life, a reform which has the most important economicresults. It taught the doctrine of fundamental human equality,heightened the dignity of labour, and preached with quite a newemphasis the obligations of love, compassion, and forgiveness, and

the claims of the poor. The constant presentation to the general mindand conscience of these ideas, the dogmatic bases of which werescarcely as yet assailed by scepticism, must have had a powerfuleffect in moralising life. But to the influence of Christianity as amoral doctrine was added that of the Church as an organization,charged with the application of the doctrine to mens dailytransactions. Besides the teachings of the sacred books, there was amass of ecclesiastical legislation providing specific prescriptions for

the conduct of the faithful. And this legislation dealt with theeconomic as with other provinces of social activity. In the CorpusJuris Canonici, which condenses the result of centuries of study andeffort, along with much else is set out what we may call the Catholiceconomic theory, if we understand by theory, not a reasonedexplanation of phenomena, but a body of ideas leading toprescriptions for the guidance of conduct. Life is here looked at fromthe point of view of spiritual well-being; the aim is to establish and

maintain amongst men a true kingdom of God.


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The canonists are friendly to the notion of a community of goodsfrom the side of sentiment (Dulcissima rerum possessio communisest), though they regard the distinction of meum and tuum as an

institution necessitated by the fallen state of man. In cases of needthe public authority is justified in re-establishing pro hac vice theprimitive community. The care of the poor is not a matter of freechoice; the relief of their necessities is debitum legale Avaritia isidolatry; cupiditas, even when it does not grasp at what is anothers,is the root of all evil, and ought to be not merely regulated buteradicated. Agriculture and handiwork are viewed as legitimatemodes of earning food and clothing; but trade is regarded with

disfavour, because it was held almost certainly to lead to fraud: ofagriculture it was said, Deo non displicet; but of the merchant,Deo placere non potest. The seller was bound to fix the price of hiswares, not according to the market rate, as determined by supplyand demand, but according to their real value (justum pretium). Hemust not conceal the faults of his merchandise, nor take advantage ofthe need or ignorance of the buyer to obtain from him more than thefair price. Interest on money is forbidden; the prohibition of usury is,

indeed, as Roscher says, the centre of the whole canonistic system ofeconomy, as well as the foundation of a great part of theecclesiastical jurisdiction. The question whether a transaction was orwas not usurious turning mainly on the intentions of the parties, theinnocence or blameworthiness of dealings in which money was lentbecame rightfully a subject of determination for the Church, eitherby her casuists or in her courts.1

The foregoing principles point towards a noble ideal, but by theirascetic exaggeration they worked in some directions as animpediment to industrial progress. Thus, whilst, with the increase ofproduction, a greater division of labour and a larger employment ofborrowed capital naturally followed, the laws on usury tended tohinder this expansion. Hence they were undermined by variousexceptions, or evaded by fictitious transactions. These laws were infact dictated by, and adapted to, early conditionsto a state of

society in which money loans were commonly sought either with aview to wasteful pleasures or for the relief of such urgent distress asought rather to have been the object of Christian beneficence. But


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they were quite unsuited to a period in which capital was borrowedfor the extension of enterprise and the employment of labour. Theabsolute theological spirit in this, as in other instances, could not

admit the modification in rules of conduct demanded by a newsocial situation; and vulgar good sense better understood what werethe fundamental conditions of industrial life.

When the intellectual activity previously repressed by the moreurgent claims of social preoccupations tended to revive towards theclose of the mediaeval period, the want of a rational appreciation ofthe whole of human affairs was felt, and was temporarily met by the

adoption of the results of the best Greek speculation. Hence we findin the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas the political and economicdoctrines of Aristotle reproduced with a partial infusion of Christianelements. His adherence to his masters point of view is strikinglyshown by the fact that he accepts (at least if he is the author of the DeRegimine Principum)1 the Aristotelian theory of slavery, though bythe action of the forces of his own time the last relics of thatinstitution were being eliminated from European society.

This great changethe enfranchisement of the working classeswasthe most important practical outcome of the Middle Ages. The firststep in this movement was the transformation of slavery, properly socalled, into serfdom. The latter was, by its nature, a transitorycondition. The serf was bound to the soil, had fixed domesticrelations, and participated in the religious life of the society; and thetendency of all his circumstances, as well as of the opinions and

sentiments of the time, was in the direction of liberation. This issuewas, indeed, not so speedily reached by the rural as by the urbanworkman. Already in the second phase serfdom is abolished in thecities and towns, whilst agricultural serfdom does not anywheredisappear before the third. The latter revolution is attributed byAdam Smith to the operation of selfish interests, that of theproprietor on the one hand, who discovered the superiorproductiveness of cultivation by free tenants, and that of the

sovereign on the other, who, jealous of the great lords, encouragedthe encroachments of the villeins on their authority. But that theChurch deserves a share of the merit seems beyond doubtmoral


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impulses, as often happens, conspiring with political and economicmotives. The serfs were treated best on the ecclesiastical estates, andthe members of the priesthood, both by their doctrine and by their

situation since the Northern conquests, were constituted patrons andguardians of the oppressed or subject classes.

Out of the liberation of the serfs rose the first lineaments of thehierarchical constitution of modern industry in the separationbetween the entrepreneurs and the workers. The personalenfranchisement of the latter, stimulating activity and developinginitiative, led to accumulations, which were further promoted by the

establishment of order and good government by the civiccorporations which grew out of the enfranchisement. Thus an activecapitalist class came into existence. It appeared first in commerce, theinhabitants of the trading cities importing expensive luxuries fromforeign countries, or the improved manufactures of richercommunities, for which the great proprietors gladly exchanged theraw produce of their lands. In performing the office of carriers, too,between different countries, these cities had an increasing field for

commercial enterprise. At a later period, as Adam Smith has shown,commerce promoted the growth of manufactures, which were eitherproduced for foreign sale, or made from foreign materials, orimitated from the work of foreign artificers. But the first importantdevelopment of handicrafts in modern Europe belongs to thefourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and the rise of manufacturingentrepreneurs is not conspicuous within the Middle Ages properlyso called. Agriculture, of course, lags behind; though the feudal lords

tend to transform themselves into directors of agricultural enterprise,their habits and prejudices retard such a movement, and the advanceof rural industry proceeds slowly. It does, however, proceed, partlyby the stimulation arising from the desire to procure the finer objectsof manufacture imported from abroad or produced by increased skillat home, partly by the expenditure on the land of capital amassed inthe prosecution of urban industries.

Some of the trade corporations in the cities appear to have been ofgreat antiquity; but it was in the thirteenth century that they rose toimportance by being legally recognised and regulated. These


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corporations have been much too absolutely condemned by most ofthe economists, who insist on applying to the Middle Ages the ideasof the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They were, it is true,

unfitted for modern times, and it was necessary that they shoulddisappear; their existence indeed was

Documents

A History of Political Economy