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The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
1�
�
A�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�ProtoA�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�ProtoA�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�ProtoA�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�Proto----CelticCelticCelticCeltic����
����
Nicholas�Zair�
Faculty�of�Linguistics,�Philology�and�Phonetics�
Oxford�University�
����
����
1.1.1.1.����IntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIntroduction����
����
1.11.11.11.1�It�is�generally�agreed�that�inherited�*CHC�>�*CăC�in�Proto-Celtic:�
�
� PIE�*pH2tēr�>�PC�*φatīr�>�OIr.aithir�(T_T)�
� PIE�*ptH2no-�>�PC�φlitano-�>�OIr.�lethan,�MW.�llydan�(T_RV)�
� PIE.�*H2erH3tro-�>�PC.�*aratro-�>�MIr.�arathar,�MW.�aradar�(VR_T)�
� (examples�from�Schumacher�2004:�135-136)�
�
1.21.21.21.2�Is�this�correct?�It�will�be�argued�that�it�is�not,�and�that�loss�(without�reflex)�or�retention�
(>�*a)�of�laryngeals�in�non-initial�syllables�is�environmentally�conditioned.��
�
�
2.�An�important�Proto2.�An�important�Proto2.�An�important�Proto2.�An�important�Proto----Celtic�ruleCeltic�ruleCeltic�ruleCeltic�rule�
�
2.12.12.12.1�Joseph’s�rule:�*-eRa-�>�*-aRa-�(Joseph�1982;�Schrijver�1995:�73-93)�
�
�
3333....�Retained�laryngealsRetained�laryngealsRetained�laryngealsRetained�laryngeals:�*:�*:�*:�*----CHRCHRCHRCHR----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CăRCăRCăRCăR----����
�
3.13.13.13.1����OIr.�galar�(n.�o-stem)�“sickness,�disease”,�MW.�galar�(m.)�“mourning,�grief,�sorrow”,�MC.�
galar�“grief,�sorrow,�affliction”�<�*galaro-�<�*ĝhelH2-ro-�(Driessen�2003:�301-302;�Hitt.�
kallar-�“baleful,�destructive”,�ON.�galli�“blemish,�fault”,�Lith.�žalà�“hurt,�damage”).��
�
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
2�
�
3.23.23.23.2����OIr.�samail�(f.�i-stem)�“likeness,�similarity;�like�of,�such�a”,�MW.�hafal,�MC.�haval,�B.�
haval�“like”�<�*samali-�<�*semH2-li-�(Joseph�1982:�38-39,�Schrijver�1995:�81;�Lat.�similis�
“like,�similar”,�Gk.�TµαλXς�“equal,�alike”,�Skt.�samá-�“same”).��
�
3.3.3.3.3333�OIr.��talam�(m.�n-stem)�“earth,�world,�ground”�<�*talamō�<�*telH2-mon-�(Joseph�1982:�
38;�Schrijver�1995:�84-85;�*telH2-�“lift,�take�up”:�Gk.�τελαµ_ν�“strap�for�bearing�anything”,�
LIV�622-623)�or�*(s)telH-mon-�(Nussbaum�1997:�192-193;�(s)telH-�“spread�out,�lie�flat”:�Lat.�
lātus�“broad,�wide”,�Lith.�pl.�tìlės�“floorboards”,�IEW�1061).�
�
����
4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*----CHTCCHTCCHTCCHTC----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CăTCCăTCCăTCCăTC----����
�
4.4.4.4.1111�MIr.�arathar�(n.�o-stem)�“plough”,�W.�aradr,�OC.�aradar,�MB.�arazr,�B.�arar�<�*aratro-��
<�*H2erH3-tro-�(Gk.�dροτρον�“plough”,�LIV�272-273).�
�
4.24.24.24.2����MIr.�tarathar�(o-stem)�“auger,�drill”,�OW.�tarater,�MW.�taradyr�(m.),�MC.�tardar,�MB.�
tarazr,�talazr�and�(Latinised)�Gaul.�taratrum�<�*taratro-�<�*terH1-tro-�(Joseph�1982:�41-42;�
*terH1-�“bore”:�Gk.�τgρετρον�“borer,�gimlet”,�τρητXς�“bored�through”,�LIV�632-633).�
�
�
5.�Laryngeal�loss�*5.�Laryngeal�loss�*5.�Laryngeal�loss�*5.�Laryngeal�loss�*----CHTCHTCHTCHT----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CTCTCTCT----?�?�?�?�����
����
5.1�5.1�5.1�5.1�OIr.�do·cer�“fell”�traditionally�reconstructed�as�*-kerat�<�*erH2-t�(Schumacher�2004:�
399-401;�Skt.�aśarīt�“broke”,�LIV�327-328).�But�problematic�in�light�of�Joseph’s�law:�expect�
*kerat�>�*karat�>�xdo·car.�Answer:�*erH2-t�>�PC�*kert�>�*ker.�
�
� Despite�Watkins�(1962:�16�fn.�22,�160),�*kert�would�almost�certainly�give�*ker:��
� a)�final�*-t�after�vowels�falls�together�with�*-d�in�Proto-Celtic�(-Italic,�-Indo-European?),�but�not�after�
� *-s-,�cf.�OIr.�t-preterite�·bert�<�*ber-s-t.�Final�*-d�lost�in�Insular�Celtic�(McCone�2006a:�102,�,�172-
� 174).�*-t�>�*-d�probably�also�after�(voiced)�*-r-�and�therefore�lost.�����
� b)�if�final�*-t�did�survive,�*kert�>�*kers�>�*kerh�>�*ker�(h-)�in�Irish:�pre-apocope�final�*-t�>�*-s,�cf.�
� MIr.�fri�h-�<�*rit�<�*riti��<�*t-i�(Schrijver�1994,�esp.�165-166).�
�
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
3�
�
5.2�5.2�5.2�5.2�OIr.�elc�“mischievous,�bad?”�<�*elko-,�apparently�from�*H1elHk-o-�(IEW�307;�ON.�illr�
“bad,�evil”,�Lith.�álkti,�Latv.�akt,�SCr.�álkati�“hunger”).��
�
� Rasmussen�(1999:�199):�Baltic�and�Slavic�words�from�old�perfect�*H1e-H1olk-�>�*eolk-�>�ōlk-.�Should�
� this�give�Lith.�xúolkti,�Latv.�xuokt?�
�
5.3�5.3�5.3�5.3�MIr.�ferb�(f.�ā-stem)�“blister”�<�*erbā�<�*erH-b(h)ā�(Lat.�uarus�“pimple”,�Lith.�vìras�
“pimple�in�pork”�<�*H-o-).�
��
5.4�5.4�5.4�5.4�OIr.�ferc�(f.�ā-stem)�“anger,�wrath”�<�*ergā�<�*erHĝ-ā�(IEW�1169;�EWAIA�1.�242-
243;��Chantraine�1968-1990:�3.�815-816;��Frisk�1960-1973:�2.�411;�Kloekhorst�2008:�963-964;�
Gk.�qργs�“temper,�temperament,�disposition;�anger”,�Skt.�rj-,�rjā�“strength,�sustenance”,�
YAv.�varəz-�“strength”,�Hitt.�arkanza�(adj.)�“fat”.��
�
� The�connection�between�ferc�and�qργs,�and�rj-�dismissed�by�Szemerenyi�(1964:�219-229):�
� a)�phonological�grounds;�problems�avoided�by�assuming�*-CHT-�>�*-CT-�in�Celtic,�and�Saussure’s�law�
� in�Greek.�
� b)�“while�ūrj-�is�potential�or�actual�strength,�qργs�is�an�attitude,�a�disposition�to�act�in�a�certain�way”�
� (Szemerenyi�1964:�225).�But�cf.�Gk.�µgνος�“might,�force,�strength;�rage,�passion;�intent,�purpose;�life”.�
�
5.6�5.6�5.6�5.6�MIr.�les�(m.�o-stem)�“space�around�houses�surrounded�by�a�rampart”,�MW.�llys�(m.,�f.)�
“court,�palace,�hall”,�MC.�lys�(in�place�names),�OB.�lis,�MB.�les,�B.�lez�(f.)�“court”�<�*lit-to-�
<�*ptH2-to-�(Irslinger�2002:�283-284;�*pletH2-�“be�wide”:�Skt.�pthú-�“wide,�broad”,�Gk.�
πλαταµ_ν�“flat�stone”,�LIV�486-487).��
�
� But�cf.�OIr.�leth�(n.�s-stem)�“side;�half”�<�*pletH2-es-,�MW.�lled�“breadth,�width”�<�*pletH2-o-.�
����
5.75.75.75.7����OIr.�sét�“likeness,�equivalent”�<�*semtu-�<�*semH2-tu-�(LEIA�S-99;�*semH2-�“same”:�
OIr.�samail).�
�
� DIL�(S-202):�metaphorical�usage�of�sét�“object�of�value,�chattel;�unit�of�value”,�but�semantics�make�a�
� connection�with�samail�etc.�far�more�likely.�
�
� NB�*sem-�“one”�aniy�(Gk.�εzς,�{ν�“one”),�so�sét�<�*sem-tu-�a�possibility.�But�meaning�“like,�similar”�
� consistently�has�a�sey-stem�(Joseph�1982:�38-39).�
�
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
4�
�
�
6.�Laryngeal�retention�*6.�Laryngeal�retention�*6.�Laryngeal�retention�*6.�Laryngeal�retention�*----CHTCHTCHTCHT----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CăTCăTCăTCăT----????�
�
6.16.16.16.1�MW.�dauat,�W.�dafad�(f.)�“sheep”,�OC.�dauat�gl.�ouis,�MC.�davas�(f.),�B.�dañvad�(m.)��
<�*damato-�<�*demH2-to-�(Joseph�1982:�35-36;�*demH2-�“tame”:�Gk.�δ~µνηµι�“tame,�
subdue”,�LIV�114-115)?�But�*dH2-eto-�(cf.�Gk.��δ~µατος�“untameable”)�or�*demH2-eto-�
also�plausible�(Schrijver�1995:�77-78;�see�Vine�1998�on�*-eto-�constructions�in�general).��
6.2�6.2�6.2�6.2�Gk.�Γαλ~της�“Galatian”�<�PC�*galati-�<�*gelH-ti-�(Schumacher�2000:�42;�2004:�325;��
*gelH-“be�mighty”:�W.�gallu�“be�able;�take�away,�steal”,�LIV�185)�or�*ĝhelH3-ti-�(McCone�
2006b:�95-103;�Gk.�χλωρXς�“yellow,�green”).�But�*ĝhH2-eto-�also�possible�(Driessen�2003,�
esp.�282-284;�*ĝhelH2-�“be�very�upset�and�to�manifest�according�behaviour”:�galar�etc.),�cf.�
Gaul.�Caleti.�
�
� There�is�no�reason�to�prefer�a�suffix�*-ti-�to�*-eto-�→�*-etā;�ā-stems�are�quite�common�in�Gaulish�tribal�
� names:�Ambiomarcae,�Allobrogae,�Arotrebae,�Baginatiae,�Carnonacae…�
�
� Note�in�general�the�difficulties�of�etymologising�proper�nouns�and�cf.��McCone’s�(2006b:�94-95)�
� derivation�of�Gk.�Κελτο��“Celts”�as�(Celtic)�v�ddhi�from�*-to-�“hidden”�because�a)�according�to�
� Caesar�the�Celts�claimed�descent�from�Dis�Pater�b)�the�Celtic�Dis�Pater�might�have�been�called�“the�
� hidden�one”.�If�*-RHT-�gives�*-RT-,�one�might�instead�think�of�*kelH2-to-�to�the�root�*kelH2-�“strike”,�
� cf.�the�Gaulish�god�Sucellus�“good-striker”�<�*-kelH2-o-.�
�
�
7777.�Conclusion.�Conclusion.�Conclusion.�Conclusion�
�
7.17.17.17.1�Laryngeals�lost�without�reflex�in�Proto-Celtic�in�non-initial�syllables�before�a�stop:�
� H�→�ø/VC_TV��
� H�→�ø/VC_T#�
�
7.27.27.27.2�Proto-Celtic�appears�more�like�Balto-Slavic�and�Germanic�(H→�ø/VC_C),�and�Armenian�
(H�→�ø/VC_CV,�H�→�a/VC_CC;�Beekes�1988:�77),�and�less�like�Italic,�Greek,�Sanskrit�(H�→��
V/C_C).�
�
����
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
5�
�
8888....��������PIE�*PIE�*PIE�*PIE�*CH.CCCH.CCCH.CCCH.CC����>�*>�*>�*>�*C.CCC.CCC.CCC.CC????�
�
8.18.18.18.1�Hackstein�(2002):�*CH.CC�>�*C.CC�in�non-initial�syllables�in�Proto-Indo-European�
� a)��men-stems:�nom-acc.�sg.�*ĝenH1-m�>�Skt.�jánima,�dat.�sg.�*ĝenH1-mn-é��
� >�jánmane;�Gk.�τgρµα,�Lat.�termen�←�*terH2-mn-.��
� b)�univerbations�involving�*dhH1-ske/o-:�Toch.�B.�kätk-�“put�down,�lay�down”��
� <�*ké-�dhske/o-�<�*ké�dhH1-ske/o-;�and�*ske/o-verbs�to�sey�roots:�Toch.�B.�plätk-�
� “step�forward”�<�*pletH2-ske/o-.�
� c)�nouns/verbs�with�suffix�*-dh-�from�nominal�compounds�involving�*-dhH1-o-:�Lat.�
� verbum�<�*erH1-dhH1-;�Lith.�veldéti�“take�possession�of”�<�*elH-dhH1-e/o-.�
� d)�PIE�nom.�sg.�*dhugH-tēr,�gen.�sg.�*dhug-tr-os:�Gk.�θυγατsρ,�Skt.�duhit�vs.�Osc.�
� futírfutírfutírfutír��
�
8.28.28.28.2�But�the�rule�does�not�apply�in�some�environments:�*erH2srom�>�Lat.�cerebrum,�
*temHsreH2es�>�Lat.�tenebrae,�Skt.�támisrā�.�
�
Restoration�of�laryngeal�before�(morphologically�clear)�suffix:�Gk.�dροτρον�←��ρXω,�Lith.�
árklas�←�árti,�cf.�Lat.�arātrum�←�arāre.�
�
8.38.38.38.3�How�does�this�fit�the�Celtic�evidence?�
� a)�restoration�of�laryngeal�(or�*-ă-?)�possible�in�e.g.�MIr.�anál�“breath”�(OIr.�anaid�
� “stays,��remains”).�But�Proto-Celtic�stem�*ar-e/o-�<�*H2erH3-e/o-�(MIr.�airid�
� “ploughs”)�cannot�lead�to�restoration�in�MIr.arathar.�No�verbal�root�retained�in�
� Proto-Celtic�for�MIr.�tarathar.�
� b)�Gaul.�duxtir�<�*dugtīr�vs.�Celtib.�gen.�sg.�tuateros�<�*dugateros.�If�the�rule��
� *-CHT-�>�*-CT-�is�correct,�then�Celtib.�-a-�must�be�due�to�preservation�in�oblique�
� stems�*dhugH2-tr-.�
� c)�OIr.�fo·ceird�“throws”,�MW.�kerddaf,�MB.�querzaff,�MC.�kerthaff�“go,�walk”��
� <�*kerde/o-�<�*kerH-d(h)e/o-�(LIV�353-354;�*kerH-�“scatter,�pour�out”:�Skt.�kiráti�
� “scatters,�pours�out”).�Used�as�evidence�by�Hackstein�for�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-.�But�
� now�can�also�be�Proto-Celtic�*-CHT-�>�*-CT-,�either�because�*-dh-�is�not�from��
� *-dhH1-,�or�because�*-CH1V-�>�*-CV-�before�Proto-Celtic�*-CHT-�>�*-CT-.�
�
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
6�
�
8.48.48.48.4�Possible�conclusions:��
� a)�some�environments�did�not�undergo�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-,�e.g.�*-CHTR-,��
� *-CHsR-.�
� b)�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-�applied�at�some�post-PIE�stage�after�PC�had�split�off.�
� c)�laryngeals�were�restored�after�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-�in�morphologically�
� transparent�categories�(including�in�the�paradigm�of�*dhugH-tēr,�*dhug-tr-)�at�some�
� stage�between�PIE�and�PC.��
� d)�the�rule�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-�needs�to�be�reconsidered�(developments�in�
� individual�languages�after�all?).�
�
�
9.�Post9.�Post9.�Post9.�Post----scriptscriptscriptscript����
�
9.�19.�19.�19.�1�Does�the�rule�proposed�here�explain�forms�like:�
�
MW.�MW.�MW.�MW.�cawrcawrcawrcawr����(m.)“giant;�hero”,�Gaul.�Cavarillos,�Καυαρος,�MIr.�coar�“hero?”�<�*kaaro-��
<�*eH-ro-�(Skt.�śávīra-�“powerful”).��
�
OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�riäthorriäthorriäthorriäthor�(m.�o-stem)�“waterfall,�torrent”,�OW.�reatir,�W.�rhaeadr�(f.)�<�*reatro-��
<�*H3reH-tro-�(*H3reH-;�LIV�305-306).�
�
OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�nianianiania��“warrior,�champion”�(m.�d-stem),�archaic�gen.�sg.�Neth,�Ogam�NETTA-,�-NETAS�<�*ne-t-�<�*neH-
t-,�W.�nwyd�(m.,�f.)�“passionate�emotion”�<�*netV-�<�*neH-tV-�(*neH-:�MIr.�níth�“fighting,�conflict;�anger”,�
LIV�450-451).�
�
MIr.�MIr.�MIr.�MIr.�crúaidcrúaidcrúaidcrúaid�(i-stem�adj.)�“hard(y),�harsh;�stern,�strict”�<*kredi-�<�*kreH-di-�(Lat.�crūdus�“bleeding;�raw;�
hard,�rough,�cruel”�<�*kreH-do-�or�*kruH-do-,�Skt.�krūra-�“bloody,�gruesome”,�IEW�621).�
����
����
9.29.29.29.2�Some�problems…�
�
OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�díandíandíandían�(o-,�ā-stem�adj.)�“swift,�rapid”,�nom.�pl.�déin�<�*deno-�<�*deH1-no-�(LEIA�D-68;�*deH1-:�Skt.�
dyanti�(3pl.)�“fly”,�Gk.�δ�εµαι�“flee,�hasten”,�δ�νος�“whirling,�rotation”,�LIV�107).��
�
OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�ríanríanríanrían�(m.�o-stem),�gen.�sg.�réin�“Rhine;�sea,�ocean”,�Gaul.�Rhenus�“Rhine”�<�*reno-�<�*H3reH-no-.�
�
�
����
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
7�
�
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�
Beekes,�Robert.�S.�P.�(1988).�“Laryngeal�Developments:�A�Survey”�in�Bammesberger,�Alfred�(ed.),�Die�
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�
Chantraine,�Pierre�(1968-1990).�Dictionnaire�étymologique�de�la�langue�grecque:�histoire�des�mots.�
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�
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�
Driessen,�C.�Michiel�(2003).�“Evidence�for�*ĝhelh2-,�a�New�Indo-European�Root”,�Journal�of�Indo-
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�
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�
Frisk,�Hjalmar�(1960-1973).�Griechisches�etymologisches�Wörterbuch.�Heidelberg:�Winter.�
�
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�
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�
Joseph,�Lionel�S.�(1980).�Problems�in�the�DevelopFment�of�the�Indo-European�Laryngeals�in�Celtic.�PhD.�
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�
Kloekhorst,�Alwin�(2008).�Etymological�Dictionary�of�the�Hittite�Inherited�Lexicon.�Leiden;�Boston:�Brill.���
�
LEIA:�Vendryes,�Joseph,�Bachellery,�E�and�Lambert,�Pierre-Yves�(1959-1996).�Lexique�etymologique�de�
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�
The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�
�
8�
�
LIV:�Rix,�Helmut�and�Kümmel,�Martin�(2001).�Lexikon�der�indogermanischen�Verben2.�Wiesbaden:�Dr.�
� Ludwig�Reichert.�
�
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