8

Click here to load reader

A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

1�

A�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�ProtoA�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�ProtoA�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�ProtoA�New�Environment�for�Laryngeal�Loss�in�Proto----CelticCelticCelticCeltic����

����

Nicholas�Zair�

Faculty�of�Linguistics,�Philology�and�Phonetics�

Oxford�University�

[email protected]

����

����

1.1.1.1.����IntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIntroduction����

����

1.11.11.11.1�It�is�generally�agreed�that�inherited�*CHC�>�*CăC�in�Proto-Celtic:�

� PIE�*pH2tēr�>�PC�*φatīr�>�OIr.aithir�(T_T)�

� PIE�*ptH2no-�>�PC�φlitano-�>�OIr.�lethan,�MW.�llydan�(T_RV)�

� PIE.�*H2erH3tro-�>�PC.�*aratro-�>�MIr.�arathar,�MW.�aradar�(VR_T)�

� (examples�from�Schumacher�2004:�135-136)�

1.21.21.21.2�Is�this�correct?�It�will�be�argued�that�it�is�not,�and�that�loss�(without�reflex)�or�retention�

(>�*a)�of�laryngeals�in�non-initial�syllables�is�environmentally�conditioned.��

2.�An�important�Proto2.�An�important�Proto2.�An�important�Proto2.�An�important�Proto----Celtic�ruleCeltic�ruleCeltic�ruleCeltic�rule�

2.12.12.12.1�Joseph’s�rule:�*-eRa-�>�*-aRa-�(Joseph�1982;�Schrijver�1995:�73-93)�

3333....�Retained�laryngealsRetained�laryngealsRetained�laryngealsRetained�laryngeals:�*:�*:�*:�*----CHRCHRCHRCHR----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CăRCăRCăRCăR----����

3.13.13.13.1����OIr.�galar�(n.�o-stem)�“sickness,�disease”,�MW.�galar�(m.)�“mourning,�grief,�sorrow”,�MC.�

galar�“grief,�sorrow,�affliction”�<�*galaro-�<�*ĝhelH2-ro-�(Driessen�2003:�301-302;�Hitt.�

kallar-�“baleful,�destructive”,�ON.�galli�“blemish,�fault”,�Lith.�žalà�“hurt,�damage”).��

Page 2: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

2�

3.23.23.23.2����OIr.�samail�(f.�i-stem)�“likeness,�similarity;�like�of,�such�a”,�MW.�hafal,�MC.�haval,�B.�

haval�“like”�<�*samali-�<�*semH2-li-�(Joseph�1982:�38-39,�Schrijver�1995:�81;�Lat.�similis�

“like,�similar”,�Gk.�TµαλXς�“equal,�alike”,�Skt.�samá-�“same”).��

3.3.3.3.3333�OIr.��talam�(m.�n-stem)�“earth,�world,�ground”�<�*talamō�<�*telH2-mon-�(Joseph�1982:�

38;�Schrijver�1995:�84-85;�*telH2-�“lift,�take�up”:�Gk.�τελαµ_ν�“strap�for�bearing�anything”,�

LIV�622-623)�or�*(s)telH-mon-�(Nussbaum�1997:�192-193;�(s)telH-�“spread�out,�lie�flat”:�Lat.�

lātus�“broad,�wide”,�Lith.�pl.�tìlės�“floorboards”,�IEW�1061).�

����

4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*4.�Retained�Laryngeals:�*----CHTCCHTCCHTCCHTC----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CăTCCăTCCăTCCăTC----����

4.4.4.4.1111�MIr.�arathar�(n.�o-stem)�“plough”,�W.�aradr,�OC.�aradar,�MB.�arazr,�B.�arar�<�*aratro-��

<�*H2erH3-tro-�(Gk.�dροτρον�“plough”,�LIV�272-273).�

4.24.24.24.2����MIr.�tarathar�(o-stem)�“auger,�drill”,�OW.�tarater,�MW.�taradyr�(m.),�MC.�tardar,�MB.�

tarazr,�talazr�and�(Latinised)�Gaul.�taratrum�<�*taratro-�<�*terH1-tro-�(Joseph�1982:�41-42;�

*terH1-�“bore”:�Gk.�τgρετρον�“borer,�gimlet”,�τρητXς�“bored�through”,�LIV�632-633).�

5.�Laryngeal�loss�*5.�Laryngeal�loss�*5.�Laryngeal�loss�*5.�Laryngeal�loss�*----CHTCHTCHTCHT----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CTCTCTCT----?�?�?�?�����

����

5.1�5.1�5.1�5.1�OIr.�do·cer�“fell”�traditionally�reconstructed�as�*-kerat�<�*erH2-t�(Schumacher�2004:�

399-401;�Skt.�aśarīt�“broke”,�LIV�327-328).�But�problematic�in�light�of�Joseph’s�law:�expect�

*kerat�>�*karat�>�xdo·car.�Answer:�*erH2-t�>�PC�*kert�>�*ker.�

� Despite�Watkins�(1962:�16�fn.�22,�160),�*kert�would�almost�certainly�give�*ker:��

� a)�final�*-t�after�vowels�falls�together�with�*-d�in�Proto-Celtic�(-Italic,�-Indo-European?),�but�not�after�

� *-s-,�cf.�OIr.�t-preterite�·bert�<�*ber-s-t.�Final�*-d�lost�in�Insular�Celtic�(McCone�2006a:�102,�,�172-

� 174).�*-t�>�*-d�probably�also�after�(voiced)�*-r-�and�therefore�lost.�����

� b)�if�final�*-t�did�survive,�*kert�>�*kers�>�*kerh�>�*ker�(h-)�in�Irish:�pre-apocope�final�*-t�>�*-s,�cf.�

� MIr.�fri�h-�<�*rit�<�*riti��<�*t-i�(Schrijver�1994,�esp.�165-166).�

Page 3: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

3�

5.2�5.2�5.2�5.2�OIr.�elc�“mischievous,�bad?”�<�*elko-,�apparently�from�*H1elHk-o-�(IEW�307;�ON.�illr�

“bad,�evil”,�Lith.�álkti,�Latv.�akt,�SCr.�álkati�“hunger”).��

� Rasmussen�(1999:�199):�Baltic�and�Slavic�words�from�old�perfect�*H1e-H1olk-�>�*eolk-�>�ōlk-.�Should�

� this�give�Lith.�xúolkti,�Latv.�xuokt?�

5.3�5.3�5.3�5.3�MIr.�ferb�(f.�ā-stem)�“blister”�<�*erbā�<�*erH-b(h)ā�(Lat.�uarus�“pimple”,�Lith.�vìras�

“pimple�in�pork”�<�*H-o-).�

��

5.4�5.4�5.4�5.4�OIr.�ferc�(f.�ā-stem)�“anger,�wrath”�<�*ergā�<�*erHĝ-ā�(IEW�1169;�EWAIA�1.�242-

243;��Chantraine�1968-1990:�3.�815-816;��Frisk�1960-1973:�2.�411;�Kloekhorst�2008:�963-964;�

Gk.�qργs�“temper,�temperament,�disposition;�anger”,�Skt.�rj-,�rjā�“strength,�sustenance”,�

YAv.�varəz-�“strength”,�Hitt.�arkanza�(adj.)�“fat”.��

� The�connection�between�ferc�and�qργs,�and�rj-�dismissed�by�Szemerenyi�(1964:�219-229):�

� a)�phonological�grounds;�problems�avoided�by�assuming�*-CHT-�>�*-CT-�in�Celtic,�and�Saussure’s�law�

� in�Greek.�

� b)�“while�ūrj-�is�potential�or�actual�strength,�qργs�is�an�attitude,�a�disposition�to�act�in�a�certain�way”�

� (Szemerenyi�1964:�225).�But�cf.�Gk.�µgνος�“might,�force,�strength;�rage,�passion;�intent,�purpose;�life”.�

5.6�5.6�5.6�5.6�MIr.�les�(m.�o-stem)�“space�around�houses�surrounded�by�a�rampart”,�MW.�llys�(m.,�f.)�

“court,�palace,�hall”,�MC.�lys�(in�place�names),�OB.�lis,�MB.�les,�B.�lez�(f.)�“court”�<�*lit-to-�

<�*ptH2-to-�(Irslinger�2002:�283-284;�*pletH2-�“be�wide”:�Skt.�pthú-�“wide,�broad”,�Gk.�

πλαταµ_ν�“flat�stone”,�LIV�486-487).��

� But�cf.�OIr.�leth�(n.�s-stem)�“side;�half”�<�*pletH2-es-,�MW.�lled�“breadth,�width”�<�*pletH2-o-.�

����

5.75.75.75.7����OIr.�sét�“likeness,�equivalent”�<�*semtu-�<�*semH2-tu-�(LEIA�S-99;�*semH2-�“same”:�

OIr.�samail).�

� DIL�(S-202):�metaphorical�usage�of�sét�“object�of�value,�chattel;�unit�of�value”,�but�semantics�make�a�

� connection�with�samail�etc.�far�more�likely.�

� NB�*sem-�“one”�aniy�(Gk.�εzς,�{ν�“one”),�so�sét�<�*sem-tu-�a�possibility.�But�meaning�“like,�similar”�

� consistently�has�a�sey-stem�(Joseph�1982:�38-39).�

Page 4: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

4�

6.�Laryngeal�retention�*6.�Laryngeal�retention�*6.�Laryngeal�retention�*6.�Laryngeal�retention�*----CHTCHTCHTCHT----����>�*>�*>�*>�*----CăTCăTCăTCăT----????�

6.16.16.16.1�MW.�dauat,�W.�dafad�(f.)�“sheep”,�OC.�dauat�gl.�ouis,�MC.�davas�(f.),�B.�dañvad�(m.)��

<�*damato-�<�*demH2-to-�(Joseph�1982:�35-36;�*demH2-�“tame”:�Gk.�δ~µνηµι�“tame,�

subdue”,�LIV�114-115)?�But�*dH2-eto-�(cf.�Gk.��δ~µατος�“untameable”)�or�*demH2-eto-�

also�plausible�(Schrijver�1995:�77-78;�see�Vine�1998�on�*-eto-�constructions�in�general).��

6.2�6.2�6.2�6.2�Gk.�Γαλ~της�“Galatian”�<�PC�*galati-�<�*gelH-ti-�(Schumacher�2000:�42;�2004:�325;��

*gelH-“be�mighty”:�W.�gallu�“be�able;�take�away,�steal”,�LIV�185)�or�*ĝhelH3-ti-�(McCone�

2006b:�95-103;�Gk.�χλωρXς�“yellow,�green”).�But�*ĝhH2-eto-�also�possible�(Driessen�2003,�

esp.�282-284;�*ĝhelH2-�“be�very�upset�and�to�manifest�according�behaviour”:�galar�etc.),�cf.�

Gaul.�Caleti.�

� There�is�no�reason�to�prefer�a�suffix�*-ti-�to�*-eto-�→�*-etā;�ā-stems�are�quite�common�in�Gaulish�tribal�

� names:�Ambiomarcae,�Allobrogae,�Arotrebae,�Baginatiae,�Carnonacae…�

� Note�in�general�the�difficulties�of�etymologising�proper�nouns�and�cf.��McCone’s�(2006b:�94-95)�

� derivation�of�Gk.�Κελτο��“Celts”�as�(Celtic)�v�ddhi�from�*-to-�“hidden”�because�a)�according�to�

� Caesar�the�Celts�claimed�descent�from�Dis�Pater�b)�the�Celtic�Dis�Pater�might�have�been�called�“the�

� hidden�one”.�If�*-RHT-�gives�*-RT-,�one�might�instead�think�of�*kelH2-to-�to�the�root�*kelH2-�“strike”,�

� cf.�the�Gaulish�god�Sucellus�“good-striker”�<�*-kelH2-o-.�

7777.�Conclusion.�Conclusion.�Conclusion.�Conclusion�

7.17.17.17.1�Laryngeals�lost�without�reflex�in�Proto-Celtic�in�non-initial�syllables�before�a�stop:�

� H�→�ø/VC_TV��

� H�→�ø/VC_T#�

7.27.27.27.2�Proto-Celtic�appears�more�like�Balto-Slavic�and�Germanic�(H→�ø/VC_C),�and�Armenian�

(H�→�ø/VC_CV,�H�→�a/VC_CC;�Beekes�1988:�77),�and�less�like�Italic,�Greek,�Sanskrit�(H�→��

V/C_C).�

����

Page 5: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

5�

8888....��������PIE�*PIE�*PIE�*PIE�*CH.CCCH.CCCH.CCCH.CC����>�*>�*>�*>�*C.CCC.CCC.CCC.CC????�

8.18.18.18.1�Hackstein�(2002):�*CH.CC�>�*C.CC�in�non-initial�syllables�in�Proto-Indo-European�

� a)��men-stems:�nom-acc.�sg.�*ĝenH1-m�>�Skt.�jánima,�dat.�sg.�*ĝenH1-mn-é��

� >�jánmane;�Gk.�τgρµα,�Lat.�termen�←�*terH2-mn-.��

� b)�univerbations�involving�*dhH1-ske/o-:�Toch.�B.�kätk-�“put�down,�lay�down”��

� <�*ké-�dhske/o-�<�*ké�dhH1-ske/o-;�and�*ske/o-verbs�to�sey�roots:�Toch.�B.�plätk-�

� “step�forward”�<�*pletH2-ske/o-.�

� c)�nouns/verbs�with�suffix�*-dh-�from�nominal�compounds�involving�*-dhH1-o-:�Lat.�

� verbum�<�*erH1-dhH1-;�Lith.�veldéti�“take�possession�of”�<�*elH-dhH1-e/o-.�

� d)�PIE�nom.�sg.�*dhugH-tēr,�gen.�sg.�*dhug-tr-os:�Gk.�θυγατsρ,�Skt.�duhit�vs.�Osc.�

� futírfutírfutírfutír��

8.28.28.28.2�But�the�rule�does�not�apply�in�some�environments:�*erH2srom�>�Lat.�cerebrum,�

*temHsreH2es�>�Lat.�tenebrae,�Skt.�támisrā�.�

Restoration�of�laryngeal�before�(morphologically�clear)�suffix:�Gk.�dροτρον�←��ρXω,�Lith.�

árklas�←�árti,�cf.�Lat.�arātrum�←�arāre.�

8.38.38.38.3�How�does�this�fit�the�Celtic�evidence?�

� a)�restoration�of�laryngeal�(or�*-ă-?)�possible�in�e.g.�MIr.�anál�“breath”�(OIr.�anaid�

� “stays,��remains”).�But�Proto-Celtic�stem�*ar-e/o-�<�*H2erH3-e/o-�(MIr.�airid�

� “ploughs”)�cannot�lead�to�restoration�in�MIr.arathar.�No�verbal�root�retained�in�

� Proto-Celtic�for�MIr.�tarathar.�

� b)�Gaul.�duxtir�<�*dugtīr�vs.�Celtib.�gen.�sg.�tuateros�<�*dugateros.�If�the�rule��

� *-CHT-�>�*-CT-�is�correct,�then�Celtib.�-a-�must�be�due�to�preservation�in�oblique�

� stems�*dhugH2-tr-.�

� c)�OIr.�fo·ceird�“throws”,�MW.�kerddaf,�MB.�querzaff,�MC.�kerthaff�“go,�walk”��

� <�*kerde/o-�<�*kerH-d(h)e/o-�(LIV�353-354;�*kerH-�“scatter,�pour�out”:�Skt.�kiráti�

� “scatters,�pours�out”).�Used�as�evidence�by�Hackstein�for�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-.�But�

� now�can�also�be�Proto-Celtic�*-CHT-�>�*-CT-,�either�because�*-dh-�is�not�from��

� *-dhH1-,�or�because�*-CH1V-�>�*-CV-�before�Proto-Celtic�*-CHT-�>�*-CT-.�

Page 6: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

6�

8.48.48.48.4�Possible�conclusions:��

� a)�some�environments�did�not�undergo�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-,�e.g.�*-CHTR-,��

� *-CHsR-.�

� b)�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-�applied�at�some�post-PIE�stage�after�PC�had�split�off.�

� c)�laryngeals�were�restored�after�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-�in�morphologically�

� transparent�categories�(including�in�the�paradigm�of�*dhugH-tēr,�*dhug-tr-)�at�some�

� stage�between�PIE�and�PC.��

� d)�the�rule�*-CH.CC-�>�*-C.CC-�needs�to�be�reconsidered�(developments�in�

� individual�languages�after�all?).�

9.�Post9.�Post9.�Post9.�Post----scriptscriptscriptscript����

9.�19.�19.�19.�1�Does�the�rule�proposed�here�explain�forms�like:�

MW.�MW.�MW.�MW.�cawrcawrcawrcawr����(m.)“giant;�hero”,�Gaul.�Cavarillos,�Καυαρος,�MIr.�coar�“hero?”�<�*kaaro-��

<�*eH-ro-�(Skt.�śávīra-�“powerful”).��

OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�riäthorriäthorriäthorriäthor�(m.�o-stem)�“waterfall,�torrent”,�OW.�reatir,�W.�rhaeadr�(f.)�<�*reatro-��

<�*H3reH-tro-�(*H3reH-;�LIV�305-306).�

OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�nianianiania��“warrior,�champion”�(m.�d-stem),�archaic�gen.�sg.�Neth,�Ogam�NETTA-,�-NETAS�<�*ne-t-�<�*neH-

t-,�W.�nwyd�(m.,�f.)�“passionate�emotion”�<�*netV-�<�*neH-tV-�(*neH-:�MIr.�níth�“fighting,�conflict;�anger”,�

LIV�450-451).�

MIr.�MIr.�MIr.�MIr.�crúaidcrúaidcrúaidcrúaid�(i-stem�adj.)�“hard(y),�harsh;�stern,�strict”�<*kredi-�<�*kreH-di-�(Lat.�crūdus�“bleeding;�raw;�

hard,�rough,�cruel”�<�*kreH-do-�or�*kruH-do-,�Skt.�krūra-�“bloody,�gruesome”,�IEW�621).�

����

����

9.29.29.29.2�Some�problems…�

OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�díandíandíandían�(o-,�ā-stem�adj.)�“swift,�rapid”,�nom.�pl.�déin�<�*deno-�<�*deH1-no-�(LEIA�D-68;�*deH1-:�Skt.�

dyanti�(3pl.)�“fly”,�Gk.�δ�εµαι�“flee,�hasten”,�δ�νος�“whirling,�rotation”,�LIV�107).��

OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�OIr.�ríanríanríanrían�(m.�o-stem),�gen.�sg.�réin�“Rhine;�sea,�ocean”,�Gaul.�Rhenus�“Rhine”�<�*reno-�<�*H3reH-no-.�

����

Page 7: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

7�

ReferencesReferencesReferencesReferences����

Beekes,�Robert.�S.�P.�(1988).�“Laryngeal�Developments:�A�Survey”�in�Bammesberger,�Alfred�(ed.),�Die�

� Laryngaltheorie�und�die�Rekonstruktion�des�indogermanischen�Laut-�und�Formensystems.�

� Heidelberg:�Winter,�59-105�

Chantraine,�Pierre�(1968-1990).�Dictionnaire�étymologique�de�la�langue�grecque:�histoire�des�mots.�

� Paris:�Klincksieck.�

Delamarre,�Xavier�(2003).�Dictionnaire�de�la�langue�gauloise.�Une�approche�linguistique�du�vieux-

� celtique�continental2.�Paris:�Editions�Errance.�

DIL:�Quin,�E.�G.�(ed.)�(1983�[2007]).�Dictionary�of�the�Irish�language.�Based�Mainly�on�Old�and�Middle�

� Irish�Materials.�Compact�Edition.�Dublin:�Royal�Irish�Academy.�

Driessen,�C.�Michiel�(2003).�“Evidence�for�*ĝhelh2-,�a�New�Indo-European�Root”,�Journal�of�Indo-

� European�Studies�31,�279-305�

EWAIA:�Mayrhofer,�Manfred�(ed.)�(1986-2001).�Etymologisches�Wörterbuch�des�Altindoarischen.�

� Heidelberg:�C.�Winter.�

Frisk,�Hjalmar�(1960-1973).�Griechisches�etymologisches�Wörterbuch.�Heidelberg:�Winter.�

Hackstein,�Olav�(2002).�“Uridg.�*CH.CC�>�*C.CC”,�Historische�Sprachforschung�115,�1-22�

IEW:�Pokorny,�Julius�(1959-1969).�Indogermanisches�Etymologisches�Wörterbuch.�Bern�and�Munich:�

� Franke�

Joseph,�Lionel�S.�(1980).�Problems�in�the�DevelopFment�of�the�Indo-European�Laryngeals�in�Celtic.�PhD.�

� Thesis,�Harvard�University.�

-----�(1982).�“The�treatment�of�*CRH-�and�the�origin�of�CaRa-�in�Celtic”,�Ériu�32,�31-57�

Kloekhorst,�Alwin�(2008).�Etymological�Dictionary�of�the�Hittite�Inherited�Lexicon.�Leiden;�Boston:�Brill.���

LEIA:�Vendryes,�Joseph,�Bachellery,�E�and�Lambert,�Pierre-Yves�(1959-1996).�Lexique�etymologique�de�

� l'irlandais�ancien�[a-d,�m-u].�Dublin;�Paris:�Dublin�Institute�for�Advanced�Studies;�Centre�national�

� de�la�recherche�scientifique.�

Page 8: A New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic

The�Sound�of�Indo-European,�19/04/2009�

8�

LIV:�Rix,�Helmut�and�Kümmel,�Martin�(2001).�Lexikon�der�indogermanischen�Verben2.�Wiesbaden:�Dr.�

� Ludwig�Reichert.�

McCone,�Kim�(2006a).�The�Origins�and�Development�of�the�Insular�Celtic�Verbal�Complex.�Maynooth:�

� The�Department�of�Old�Irish,�National�University�of�Ireland,�Maynooth�

-----�(2006b).�“Greek�ΚελτXς�and�Γαλ~της,�Latin�Gallus�‘Gaul’”,�Die�Sprache�46,�94-111�

Nussbaum,�Alan�J.�(1997).�“The�'Saussure�Effect'�in�Latin�and�Italic'�in�Lubotsky,�Alexander�(ed.)�

� Sound�Law�and�Analogy:�Papers�in�Honor�of�Robert�S.�P.�Beekes�on�the�Occasion�of�his�60th�

� Birthday.�Amsterdam,�Atlanta:�Rodopi,�181-203�

Rasmussen,�Jens�E.�(1999).�“Stray�Indo-European�notes”�in�Selected�Papers�on�Indo-European�

� Linguistics:�With�a�Section�on�Comparative�Eskimo�Linguistics.�Copenhagen:�Museum�

� Tusculanum�Press,�199-205�

Schrijver,�Peter�(1994).�“The�etymology�of�the�Celtic�adverbs�for�‘against’�and�‘with’�and�related�matters”,�

� Ériu�45,�151-189�

-----�(1995).�Studies�in�British�Celtic�Historical�Phonology.�Amsterdam;�Atlanta:�Rodopi.�

Schumacher,�Stefan�(2000).�The�Historical�Morphology�of�the�Welsh�Verbal�Noun.�Maynooth:�

� Department�of�Old�Irish.�National�University�Of�Ireland,�Maynooth.�

-----�(2004).�Die�keltischen�Primärverben:�ein�vergleichendes,�etymologisches�und�morphologisches�

� Lexikon.�Innsbruck:�Innsbrucker�Beiträge�zür�Sprachwissenschaft.�

Szemerenyi,�Oswald�(1964).�Syncope�in�Greek�and�Indo-European�and�the�Nature�of�the�Indo-European�

� Accent.�Naples:�Istituto�Universitario�Orientale�di�Napoli.�

Vine,�Brent�(1998).�Aeolic� ρπετον�and�Deverbative�*-etó-�in�Greek�and�Indo-European.�Innsbruck:�

� Innsbrucker�Beiträge�zür�Sprachwissenschaft.�

Watkins,�Calvert�(1962�[1969]).�Indo-European�Origins�of�the�Celtic�Verb.�I�The�Sigmatic�Aorist.�Dublin:�

� The�Dublin�Institute�for�Advanced�Studies.�

-----�(1963).�“Indo-European�Metrics�and�Archaic�Irish�Verse”,�Celtica�6,�194-249�

Wodtko,�Dagmar�S.�(2000).�Monumenta�Linguarum�Hispanicarum�Band�V.�1.�Wörterbuch�der�

� keltiberischen�Inschriften.�Wiesbaden:�Dr�Ludwig�Reichert.�