A survey of a sample of adult illiterates in an urban area of Canada

A survey of a sample of adult illiterates

in an urban area of Canada William T. Fagan

A high rate of attrition, perhaps as much as 50 per cent, is common in adult literacy programmes in North America (Harman, I984). There are many implications of such a high rate of discontinuance, Perhaps, most obvious are the financial costs, and the resulting diffi- culties for policy-makers in planning for resources and personnel. However, for many of the adult enrolees, it may mean their ~giving up' on their goals for attaining increased literacy skills.

Cross (1983) suggests that reasons why adults drop out of programmes may be grouped into three categories: situational, institutional, and dispositional. He believes that the importance of the latter, especially for low-literate adults may have been underestimated; interest in, and relevancy of, the programme may be significant factors in determining whether adults discontinue a programme. Understanding why adults discontinue programmes, however, may not present an adequate picture of this problem. A complete picture may be more adequately provided by also considering the factors surrounding the adults' decisions to enrol in a programme, which in turn, involves an understanding of the adults themselves.

William T. Fagan (Canada). Professor, University of Alberta, Edmonton. Former professor at the Memorial University of Newfoundland. Author of numerous articles and a recent book entitled The Learning and Teaching of Reading.

i i

Two groups of low-literate adults

The data for this article were provided by two groups of low-literate adults--a group of prisoners in a provincial prison and a group of adults in mainstream society; that is, the latter were not in an institution and had access to various amenities of city life, which of course, varied according to each individual's circumstances. The prisoners were so selected from a population of approximately 3oo that there was appropriate representation of males and females, Native Peoples and Non-Native Peoples within the prison system. The sample was also stratified on the basis of subgroups within the particular prison--general population, active treatment unit (housing prisoners requiring psychological or medical attention), and pro- tective custody. Twenty-four of the mainstream-society adults were chosen from approximately IOO adults attending one of four literacy programmes; two did not attend any programme.

Both groups of adults were similar in terms of mean chronological age (24 for the prisoners as against 26 for the mainstream-society adults); they had attended school for an average of 11 years; they were functioning round about a Grade- 5 level of reading achievement (Rakes et al., 1983), and they were at least of average intelligence (Slosson, 1961).

Prospects, Vol . XVIII~ 1',Io. 3, 1988

396 William T. _Pagan

I I

Procedures

T h e data were obtained through individual open=ended interviews. The data reported here are part of a larger study which also investigated various literacy competencies and strategies. Each session lasted from approximately three hours to a day and a half. The interview was woven around the various tasks and ques- tionnaires. The purpose was to obtain qualitative data from which could be abstracted a sequence of events and insights into the lives of two groups of adults. Frequently, a point raised by a subject was returned to at a later point for clarification and/or elaboration. Also when what appeared to be a significant point was raised by a particular subject, this was checked out with other subjects which often meant talking to subjects already interviewed. A journal was kept throughout t he study to record obser- vations, insights, possible interpretations, and personal beliefs.

All interviews were tape-recorded, tran- scribed and analysed. After the data had been analysed, and descriptive statements formulated, 'member checks' as advocated by Guba and Lincoln (I985) were carried out. This entailed discussing the findings with approximately 2o per cent of the sample (observing the previous stratifications), seeking their comments regarding the validity of the findings or asking questions for clarification. All findings were confirmed and occasionally subiects volunteered additional examples to illustrate various points.

Social networks

The two social network groups (~cosmopolitans' and 'locals') identified by Fingeret (I983) in her study in the United States were also present in this sample. Over half the sample (54 per cent) could be considered locals. These were adults who usually held low-paying jobs, had a small circle of close acquaintances (family and/or co-workers), and whose recreational

pursuits tended to be focused on their immediate community. The number of cosmopolitans was small--actually two. One, although functioning at a very low level of literacy (around Grade I-2 level) held an executive position, was earning over C$6o,ooo a year, had several investments, a number of pro, fessioual friends, was a member of exclusive clubs, and travelled widely for his vacations. At the time of the study he was on his way to Hawaii on a scuba-diving trip. The other cosmopolitan owned several branches of a particular business and was now extending into another business area.

A third subgroup (N----- io) was also identified among the mainstream society adults. These were labelled 'transients'. This label is not intended to mean only temporary physical/ geographical stability, although it was common for members of this group to pack up and leave without notifying a programme instructor, or even a landlord. They were also transient in a mental and emotional sense. They were all single people, although some did live with a companion. They had not established any roots, were often on welfare and used to have, or still had, a drug or drink problem. They were usually referred to a literacy programme by a social welfare or mental health agency.

The prisoners as a group may be referred to as Crestricteds'. They were restricted in the sense that they were generally cut off from mainstream-society contacts, activities and pursuits. For example, unlike the mainstream- society adults, they could not read to their children, become involved in their children's schoolwork (though they talked about their children), shop, or even choose a television programme to watch. Within prison they were restricted in terms of a time-table (getting up, eating, etc.), freedom of movement, their access to various items most individuals normally take for granted, for example, scissors. When one prisoner had to cut out shapes from a sheet of paper, he had to trace it over and over with a pen until it cut through. They were also restricted in their social contacts with others (some never had visitors); they had no choice

A survey of a sample of adult illiterates in an urban area of Canada 397

over cell-mates. Those who had served the longest sentences told of the difficulty in getting used to new cell-mates. They sometimes accepted 'child-values'. For example, stars were awarded for neatness on the 'tiers' or 'ranges' and a tier rep who was interviewed spoke of the great pride he felt when his tier was awarded a star. He made the star out of colonred paper in the manner described above. Prisoners in the active treatment unit told of having family pictures taken from them when it was considered that the presence of such pictures caused too much upset.

The cosmopolitans and the locals of this study were also similar to the corresponding groups identified by Fingeret in that there was usually and individual within the group who fulfilled the function of meeting the literacy needs of those with reduced reading and writing skills. As might be expected, the number of such literate contacts for the cosmopolitans was much greater, and in the case of the two individuals in this study, they both had secretarial assistants to whom they could delegate many of their literacy needs. The prisoners, because of their restrictedness, were forced to engage the help of other prisoners for their reading and writing needs. They were more likely to ask a cell-mate or another inmate, but only if they thought that that person knew more than they did. They were also likely to ask one of the guards (who they always assumed were more literate than they), but only after they had %ounded out' the guard in terms of his or her willingness to help. The transients varied in terms of the nature of their sources for help with their literacy problems. In general, they tended to have very few literacy needs; usually forms, which were completed by a social or healtk-care worker. However, some had friends or relations they could rely on for such help.

None of the four groups possessed the same degree ofhomoeostasis as suggested by l~ingeret. Within each of the groups in this study, there were individuals who were not satisfied to have others assist them with their literacy needs. Many, especially the locals, did not want anyone to know that they had problems with

literacy, and often devised ingenious strategies for coping with the demands of reading- and-writing tasks. Those who had enrolled in literacy programmes, had usually done so for the general purpose of becoming independent in meeting their particular literacy needs.

Attempts at change

Thirteen of the mainstream-society adults and fourteen of the prisoners had been enrolled in literacy/upgrading or trades programmes prior to the study. Only three of the mainstream- society adults who had been enrolled in a trades programme, had actually completed the programme. One was the cosmopolitan who owned several branches of a business, the second was one of the adults not currently enrolled in a programme, and the third, while having completed the trades programme and feeling com- petent in what he had learned, did not take the qualifying exam because, as he said, he was too embarrassed to reveal that the could not read or write well. At the time of the study he worked as a labonrer. The remaining ten had discontinued their programmes for the follow- ing reasons: four situational (health, travel plans, funding), one institutional (could not cope with the formal study environment), and five dispositional (lack of interest).

Of the fourteen prisoners who had partici- pated in a literacy upgrading/trades programme, eleven of them had :enrolled in such a programme inside another prison, a reform- school/youth institution. Only three had enrolled in such a programme on the outside. The reasons for their not completing their programmes were divided in approximately the same proportions as for the mainstream adults: six situational (incarceration, release, transfer to another prison), two institutional (could not function in a structured learning situation), and six dispositional (lost interest, did not see the relevancy of the programme to their needs). These findings confirm Cross's (1983) conten- tion of the importance o f the dispositional factor in understanding why low-literate adults

398 William T. Fagan

discontinued the programmes in which they were enrolled.

Literacy and goals

The ten mainstream-society adults who had dropped out of a literacy/upgrading programme were again enrolled in such a programme at the time of the study; there were fourteen other mainstream-society adults who were part of the sample, also participating in programmes. The fourteen prisoners, who had been pro- gr~mrae drop-outs, were again enrolled; two additional prisoners were also enrolled; one other prisoner was in a trades programme, and t w o others were engaged in self-study. When the adults were asked about their reasons for enrolling in a programme, their initial responses tended i to be work related; a significant number, however, had no particular goals.

Four of the mainstream-society adults hoped to advance in their jobs. Two others aimed for professional jobs (nurse, veterinarian) and nine for trades after completing high school. Three were not sure what they wanted from the programme. These had been Csent' to the programme by a social worker or social-welfare agent. One mainstream-society adult expressed his goal this way, r don't know. Just get a half-ass job--anything that's steady.' When asked how the present programme would help him in achieving his goal, he said he was not sure. Another was content with 'jumping bins' (searching garbage containers) at the weekends. The remaining six said they were not really interested in a job at this point but were attending the programme so that they could 'participate more fully in society'.

Five of the prisoners hoped to finish high school and then eurol in a trades programme while another three were content to set as their goal the finishing of high school and then see 'where the chips fall'. Seven were content to 'get a job' while four said they had no goals and were content to Cdrift along'.

I t seemed as i f a number of the adults

operated on two planes regarding the place of literacy (education) in their lives. As they were probed about their reasons for enrolling in the programme, over half of both groups of adults indicated that getting a job or getting an education in preparation for a job was a short-term goal and, at times, a subordinate goal. They actually saw literacy as more encompassing and more pervasive in their lives. One adult said that the importance of literacy for a job can only be determined when you know the kind of job you are going to get, while another said that being literate did not necessarily give you an Cedge' in getting a job. In many cases, getting a job depended on ~who you knew not what you knew'.

The majority of responses (fourteen for each group) were concerned with: ~gcrdng along in the world, like relating to people and not being embarrassed by not knowing what to do'; ffccling good about myself'; 'to learn about what's going on in the world--to share in all that knowledgc'; qike if you're in a roomful of people and they're talking and discussing and you feel singled out since you don't talk at the same level'. This view of literacy by thc programme participants has been suppol~cd by a number of researchers (Amoroso, 1984; Lyric et al., z986; Pillay, I986).

Not only did some adults have goals for themselves but also for their offspring. Eleven of the mainstream-society adults believed that literacy was essential to provide a better life for their children or grandchildren. These comments usually came from that subgroup of adults termed Ctransients' who were attending an inner-city learning centre. One woman said, CMy little gift is now two. I heard that reading to little kids really helps them when they go to school. I want to be able to read to her and to know the best kind of books to read. I also heard that nutrition is important to learning and I want to know how to choose the best foods.' A man said, ' I had it hard when I went to school and didn't get far. These days you must have an education; there's no way around it. This is the computer age and you're soon out of step ff you can't get on top and


education is that ladder. Now I have a grand- child [living with him] and I want to know how he can best get a good start. I want to do the right things for him.' A third adult had seen figures on what it would cost to send his children to university and he quoted these: a four-year arts degree course cost C$7,ooo in 197% C$I8~OOO in 1984, and would cost C$45,ooo in 1996 and C$8o,ooo in 2oo2. The concerns of a fourth adult were more directed towards her appearing educated in the eyes of her children. She expressed these concerns this way: ' I hated having to quit school myself even though I was just average. I t took a lot to make a move to come back [to the present programme] but I 'm glad I did. I want to learn to write a letter properly and to help my children [Grades 2 and 3]. They don't know about my background and I would like to change it before they do.'

While it is possible to operate on two planes with respect to goals for literacy, there may be conflict between the goals in terms of programme demands. If, for example, the programme is oriented towards pre-work literacy skills, then most of the participants' time is spent in completing the assigned tasks of the programme. In very few cases did mainstream- society adults engage in reading or writing tasks outside their programmes which were not part of the requirements of the programme. Although still minimal, the prisoners were more inclined to read more, but this was mostly due to the restricted nature of their existence, and reading was a way of passing time. Interest- ingly, those prisoners who were not enrolled in a particular programme were more inclined to read for personal satisfaction. Johnson (1985) maintains that when short-term goals get in the way, long-term goals tend to suffer. The low-h'tterate adults of this study had not found a way to strike a balance between meeting both sets of goals.

One of the cosmopolitans provided an interesting example of goal conflict but in the opposit e direction to that of the other subjects and to Johnson's prediction. This adult's (the executive) most immediate goals was to be

accepted for what he was. He did not believe there would be any repercussions i f he divulged to his superiors that he had problems with reading and writing. In fact, he felt they would just tell him to get more secretarial help. However, his long-term goal was to advance within the company and he knew that in order to do this, he would have to develop additional literacy skills. Thus, in this case, the long-term goal got in the way of the more immediate goal. He said he was just too ambitious to accept life as it was at present.

Convictions

While mainstream-society adults and prisoners differed in the nature of their work-related goals, they were similar in terms of the role of literacy in their lives beyond work. However, from further discussion it was apparent that both groups differed considerably in the strength of their convictions. The majority of the mainstream-society adults (especially the cosmopolitans and locals) were rather convincing in their beliefs in their goals and in expending the necessary effort to attain them. One adult said, ' I 've waited to go to school for thirty years but never really had a chance. This was the first winter I got some time off and I 'm doing it.' (He was driving approximately ioo kilo- metres a day to and from classes. He had heard of this opportunity from his wife's sister's nephew who had attended a similar class.) This adult hoped to advance in his job. In discussing his reasons for enrolling, he said:

It [more education] will take a lot of embarrassment out of life for Inc. I haven't been able to get my [trades] certificate although I know I'm qualified. They tell me that my eyesight isn't good enough bat I know that airplane pilots can work with glasses. I know that when I retire~ my previous five years of salary will count for my pension and getting my certificate will increase my salary considerably. As soon as I get my education, r m going to feel com- petent to go and argue my point. Right now the language they use confuses me.

400 William 7". Fagan

Other comments regarding convictions in attaining goals, included:

I had to drop out of school when I was in Grade io. l~low that my two children are in school, I 'm going back. I always wanted to be a nurse and I 'm definitely going to be one.

I want to get married but I don't want to get married and have kids who will have to go through what I went through. Right now I don't feel confident to look after someone. I need to get a job and money and get back into society. Right now let me tell you it's a pretty lonely existence.

In contrast to the mainstream-society adults, as the convictions of the prisoners' goals were probed, the majority of them admitted they really had no definite goals, or actually had one very definite goal-- to get out of prison. Yet all but one were recidivists, some having been in prison off and on for ten years. They had no definite plan for staying out of prison. In fact, several were fatalistic in their thinking and figured their chances of staying out o f gaol would be very slight. Yet their main goal was to get out. One prisoner expressed it this way, 'When I get up in the morning and even the last tiring before I go to sleep at night, I think about getting out of here. I count off the days. I go to class but most of my [mental] energy is taken up with being on the outside. That 's all I can really think of. I t 's a real downer when a guy gets a setback [in reference to someone whose sentence had been increased].' Their real reasons for enrolling in literacy programmes were often to offset the boredom of the prison and/or to be able to associate with the female prisoners.

Circumstances

Hunter and Harman (I979) maintain that those low-literate adults who are already able to avail of a range of benefits within society are in the best position for attaining literacy skills and using them to better their lives. In ac- cordance with this belief, the cosmopolitans should be in the best position to attain literacy skills and use them to better their lives. They

were already enjoying much of what society had to offer, they were financially secure, and were members of an extended circle of family and friends. In addition, the cosmopolitans had very definite literacy goals and indicated a strong commitment to attaining these. They were optimists with regard to the future.

The locals in this study may be considered pragmatists or in some cases guarded optimists. One local, for example, told how she had to leave high school but now 'things were right in my life' for her to go back to school. She had financial and family support. She expressed the feelings of many when she said, 'There is nothing wrong with having dreams.' However, many of them said that their dreams were more likely to come true for others than for themselves. They were very much aware of forces (economic, social, political) that were greater than literacy and would be more significant in determining the nature of their fives. This point has been made by a number of educators. Shor and Freire (i987, p. 35) state, ~We know that it is not education which shapes society, but on the contrary, it is society which shapes education according to t h e interests of those who have power' while Raymond (I982, p. I t ) expresses it this way:

The sociology of literacy is almost exactly analogous to the sociology of wealth. Success depends upon a fortuitous combination of circumstance and effort. Given extremely favorable circumstances, success is almost inevitable; given extremely unfavorable circumstances, failure is virtually certain. And in both realms--literacy and economics--success, failure, and even mediocrity each have an inertia that spans generations.

One subject said, 'Literacy is not something you just store up--like, it's there to use when the occasion arises. I t is more important for the occasion to arise. Like, I never had much occasion to use it on the streets.'

The transients were more likely to be pessimists in terms of their own futures, but pragmatists in terms of the futures of their children and grandchildren. They did have a sense of ' freedom' not enjoyed by the prisoners although in many cases they suffered from


the confinement of poverty. The adult who expressed her goals in terms of helping her two-year-old, also related her present living conditions. She told of the apartment in which she lived, of the number of times that the police had to be called because of trouble among the tenants, and how she was so terrified that when she took a bath, she double-bolted the door, and pushed a couch against it. She was unable to move because she was on welfare. Another adult (transient) told of her son, now in Grade 3 who was in a gifted programme, and how he helped her with her reading. However, she also told of how she did not have the money to give him for various aspects of the prograrmne such as joining a computer club, or going on field-trips. One transient perhaps best expressed the feelings of this group. He said he felt trapped, trapped in a particular housing area, trapped in his social environment, trapped into having a past and no future, for often he would lose motivation and become depressed when there was no sense of direction. He summarized his feehngs about the place of literacy in his hfe as follows, 'Will being able to read and write better really help me out o f this mess? Will it really?'

The prisoners may be considered fatahsts with regard to the place of literacy in their lives. They discussed the role of literacy in rehabilitation. One (who was functioning around a Gmde-x reading achievement level) talked about the gap between prison life and life on the outside. He commented:

In gaol you begin to forget you are an individual. You look around and you see 3oo other guys dressed like you and sometimes you begin to wonder if your face is not becoming neutral as weU. There is no individuality. You all move in unison, just like caterpiUars moving up a tree in spring. Even when yo u come up for parole they treat you just like the others--yon're just another con. So when you get out the first thing you have to do is feel as an individual, to search for who you really are. That has to come before literacy and literacy can't help that.

A second prisoner explained:

Well, I really can't say that literacy is going to help me. You see, I've been on my own since I was thirteen,

right? I 'm still on my own. I don't have nothing, nothing really planned, nothing reaUy going for me when I get out. Like, I don't have a permanent address in the first place. I don't have very much clothes and I don't have much money, so I really don't know what the future will bring. If it's better than now it's going to be a matter of luck not literacy.

One other factor beyond the control of programme participants is the nature of the programme itself and its consequent relevancy to the lives of the adults involved. The significance of programme relevancy is emphasized by an adult in India, who having questioned the instructor how well a literacy programme could meet particular needs, concluded (Ramdas,

x987): Then shall we decide whether we should become literate or not. But if we find out that we are being duped again with empty promises, we will stay away from you. We will say, 'For God's sake, leave us alone.'

Discussion and implications

There appear to be three significant variables in the lives of low-literate aduks which are determiners of their decisions to enrol in, and their chances of persevering in, literacy/ upgrading programmes. One of these variables in ideological in nature, a second is psychological, and a third structural or circumstantial.

The ideological variable deals with the literacy goals for the adults which may be considered as either practical or personal, concrete or abstract, short term or long term. Shor and Freire (I987) believe that within the fabric of capitalist societies, the fear of survival tends to make job security a priority in many peoples' minds--a practical, concrete and short-term goal. This was especially true of the locals and of the transients to a lesser extent. However, as Shor and Freire (I987, p. 73) pointed out, 'work-based programmes also have a poor historical record of connecting school training

4o2 William 1". Fagan

with future employment'. The aduks of this study were generally aware of this. Thus while job-related goals are concrete and sometimes more immediate, aduks realized that upgrading their literacy skills was no sure ticket to employment. At a more abstract, personal, long- term level, low-literate adults wanted to feel good about themselves as people, not to be ashamed that they are not as good as others. As Pillay (I986) also found, their self-image is low. Thus even though a job may be more immediate in their minds, they sometimes want more to be recognized as worthwhile people and they envisage literacy as contributing to such an image. Unfortunately, conflicts may arise between an adult's attempt to meet two goals and one may have to take precedence depending on its immediacy.

Interrelated with the nature of the goal is the strength of the conviction/commitment (the psychological variable) to attain that goal. The cosmopolitans and locals seemed to have con- siderable conviction in seeking to attain their expressed goals. In contrast, the transients had no deep commitment to becoming literate. To many of them, the literacy programme was another event in their lives, which might or might not pay off. Many of them were referred to literacy programmes by social or health-care workers, rather than being there on their own initiative. The prisoners tended to have the least degree of commitment. They were less inclined to see literacy as changing their lives. Some prisoners stated that getting a job was more often a matter of whom you knew as opposed to what you knew; most did not connect literacy to their chances of staying out of prison and thus there seemed no reason to pursue a literacy programme in earnest.

The third variable involves the structural/ environmental circumstances--the notion of the time being ripe. There must be a support system available for the adult to enrol in and continue to attend a literacy/upgrading programme. Work, family, and other responsi- bilities must not get in the way of time needed to devote to a literacy programme. The adult who hoped to be a nurse or nurse's aid, for

example, had control over her environment and the support she needed to embark on her career.

When the overall picture is considered through combining the three variables of ideol- ogy, conviction, and structural/environmental support, it seemed that the cosmopolitans were optimists; all three variables were in their favour. The locals might be labelled guarded optimists or pragmatists: While things were in their favour, they realized that these were tenuous; there was no guarantee that their situation would be as positive next month or next week. The transients were pessimists in terms of their own advancement but pragmatists regarding the futures for their children or grandchildren. Their lives were transient through factors often beyond their control and they were very much aware of this. T h e ~risoners were fatalistic. They admitted to spending most of their waking day dreaming about the day of their release. It seemed as if they saw release as a respite, an opportunity to take a breather before they served their next sentence for their next crime. Life was a road to prison which they couldn't get off.

I t must be kept in mind, however, that membership in a group was not necessarily immutable; mobility between groups was possible. For example, one adult who was a local, composed music, had recently withdrawn from a literacy programme to tour Europe, h a d challenged a ruling about his return to the programme~ and had succeeded in gaining re- entry, and was working part-time in his father's company. It is quite possible than if this individual develops enough economic stability, he will become a cosmopolitan, perhaps, even before attaining his literacy goals. Likewise a transient was just planning on getting married; his wife-to-be held a egood job' and he hoped to get work. (He had no definite work goal, and did not see much relationship between the programme he was enrolled in and economic tmprovement in his life.) Provided the relationship lasts, and he does get a job, there is reason to believe that he will move from the transient to the local group.


Mobility may also be seen from another perspective--the mobility of the next gener- ation. The children of cosmopolitans have the best opportunity of becoming literate and suc- cessful within their society since they have many advantages, such as an appreciation of literacy in the home, money, a keen interest on the part of the parents. One cosmopolitan in this study talked about the professional careers of her three grown children. The transients were unlike the prisoners in that the latter expressed goals for their children and a number of them were attending a literacy programme in order to help their children. However, if the children of transients are to become literate, more than an interest on the part of the parents will be necessary. Social and economic forces must become favourable in order to make it possible for individuals to break the transient cycle.

Adult literacy/upgrading programmes are usually very costly in terms of personnel and resources. The high attrition rate for programme enrollees is not encouraging. It is possible that this situation may be improved if policy-makers and programme leaders become aware of three key variables in the lives of low- literate adults--goals, commitments, and circumstances-which are necessary to consider prior to an adult's enrolling in a programme and to monitor during the course of the programme. Based on these data, various types of programmes may need to be provided. For example, in the present study, a number of transients attended an inner city learning centre on a 'drop-in' basis. All were most positive about this experience. It was not just a place where they could acquire literacy skills but also a place where they could socialize, have a cup of coffee, and feel that someone cared about them. It is important that the nature of the programme be made clear to the adult applicant and that the decision for an adult to enrol be evaluated against the adult's goals, commitments and circumstances. In that way, there is greater likelihood there will be a better match between programmes and participants and a more productive situation for the adults involved. �9

References AMOROSO, H. C. I984. Adult Conceptions and Assumptions

about Literacy. Paper presented at the American Edu- cation Research Association Meeting, San Francisco.

CROSS, P. 1983. Adults as Learners. San Francisco, Josscy- Bass.

FINGBRET, A. I983. Socaal Network: A New Perspective on Independent and lllitcmte Adults. Adult Education

Quarterly, Vol. 33, PP. 133-46. GwaA, E.; LINCOLS, Y. x 985. Naturalistic Inquiry, Beverly

Hills, Calif., Sage Publications. I - IAR~, D. I984. Functional Literacy in the United

States: Issues~ Experiences, and Dilemmas. San Francisco, Far West Laboratory/The Network, Inc.

HUNTER, C.; HARMAN, D. I979. Adult Literacy in the United States. New York, McGraw-Hill.

Jom~soN, P. H. 1985. Understanding Reading Disability: A Case Study Approach. Harvard Educational Re~ i~ ,

Vol. 55, PP. I53-77. LY'rLE, S. L.; MAgMOR, T. W.; P~mcm~, F. H. x986.

Literacy Theory in Practice: Assessing Reading and Writing of Low-Literate Adults. Paper presented at the American Education Research Association Meeting, San Francisco.

PILLAY, B. 1986. Motivation and Impact: The Voice of IUiterate Women. Edmonton, University of Alberta. (Unpublished Master's thesis.)

RAGES, T. A.; CHOATE, J. S.; WALLER, G. L. x983. Individual Evaluation Procedures in Reading. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-HalL

RAM~AS, L. 1987. Literacy and Empowerment: A Defi- nition for Literacy. Paper presented at the International Seminar on Literacy in Industrialized Countries, Toronto.

RAYMOND, J. C. x982. Literacy as a Human Problem. University, Ala., The University of Alabama Press.

SHOR, L; FR~IR~, P. I987. A Pedagogy for Liberation. South Hadley, Mass., Bergin & Garvey.

SLOSSON, R. L. 1961. Slosson Intelligence Test for Children and Adults. East Aurora, N.Y., Slosson Educational Publications.

Documents

A survey of a sample of adult illiterates in an urban area of Canada